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Effects of Homelessness and Child Maltreatment on the

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Effects of Homelessness and Child

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Maltreatment on the Likelihood of
Engaging in Property and Violent Crime
During Adulthood
a b b a
Courtney Cronley , Seokjin Jeong , Jaya B. Davis & Elissa Madden
a
School of Social Work, University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington,
Texas, USA
b
Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of
Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas, USA
Published online: 03 Mar 2015.

To cite this article: Courtney Cronley, Seokjin Jeong, Jaya B. Davis & Elissa Madden (2015) Effects
of Homelessness and Child Maltreatment on the Likelihood of Engaging in Property and Violent
Crime During Adulthood, Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 25:3, 192-203, DOI:
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 Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 25:192–203, 2015
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1091-1359 print/1540-3556 online
DOI: 10.1080/10911359.2014.966219

Effects of Homelessness and Child Maltreatment on the

Likelihood of Engaging in Property and Violent Crime
During Adulthood
Downloaded by [University of Texas at Arlington] at 08:39 31 August 2015

Courtney Cronley
School of Social Work, University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas, USA

Seokjin Jeong and Jaya B. Davis

Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington,
Texas, USA

Elissa Madden
School of Social Work, University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas, USA

The current study employs data from the U.S. National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health
(N = 10,818; 56% female; 21% African American) to test how experiencing homelessness through
emerging adulthood and child maltreatment predict adult property crime and violent crime. Unlike
many published studies on homelessness, we used propensity score matching to correct for
selection bias between homeless and nonhomeless individuals. Logistic regression models were
run to predict violent and property crime in adulthood, controlling for child maltreatment.
Participants who experienced homelessness by age 26 were 1.6 times more likely to commit
violent crime in adulthood and almost 30% more likely to commit property crime. Those who
were victims of child maltreatment were 15 times more likely to commit property crime, but no
more likely to commit violent crime. Findings show that comparing statistically equivalent groups,
homelessness through emerging adulthood significantly predicted adult criminality while child
maltreatment showed more variable results. Greater prevention efforts aimed at children and
adolescents at high risk of experiencing homelessness, as well as more intensive outreach services
to homeless youth, may moderate exposure and reduce reliance on criminal survival behaviors.

Keywords: Homelessness, child maltreatment, crime, propensity score matching

INTRODUCTION

Child and youth homelessness has been a growing issue within the United States since the 1980s
and has exacerbated since the 2008 recession (Grant, Gracy, Shapiro, & Redlener, 2013); 11 states
reported a 20% increase in homeless families between 2009 and 2010 (National Alliance to End

Address correspondence to Courtney Cronley, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, University of Texas at
Arlington, 211 S. Cooper Street, Arlington, TX 76019, USA. E-mail: cronley@uta.edu

192
 HOMELESSNESS, CHILD MALTREATMENT, PROPERTY CRIME, AND VIOLENT CRIME 193

Homelessness [NAEH], 2012). According to a national count of homelessness, 239,403 individuals

in families with children (38% of the total) were homeless on a single night in 2012 (Cortes, Henry,
de la Cruz, & Brown, 2012), and data on doubling up suggest much higher numbers (Grant et al.,
2013). More than 1.5 million children live in families without a home (National Center on Family
Homelessness [NCFH], 2008), and as many as 1.6 to 1.7 million youth become homeless each year
because of running away from their families, being “kicked out,” or having no identified family
(Burt, 2007). National and community samples often underestimate the prevalence of unaccompa-
nied homeless youth (NAEH, NCFH), however, because of the hidden and transient nature of this
population.
Children and youth who are homeless are highly vulnerable (Thompson et al., 2010; Grant et al.,
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2013), and many have been victimized either prior to (Crawford, Whitbeck, & Hoyt, 2011; Kennedy,
La Fa Agbenyiga, Kasiborski, & Gladden, 2010; van den Bree et al., 2009), or after becoming,
homeless (Aratani, 2009; Whitbeck et al., 2001). In one community sample of homeless and runaway
youth, almost half reported being physically abused, and nearly a third reported sexual abuse (Tyler
& Cauce, 2002). In another large prospective study of children with a history of child maltreatment,
prevalence of maltreatment before age 11 significantly predicted lifetime prevalence of homelessness
in middle adulthood (Wilson & Widom, 2009).
In addition, increasing attention is being paid to homelessness during emerging adulthood, the
period of 18 to 24 years old, because of these youths’ particularly vulnerable status (e.g., Wenzel
et al., 2012). In fact, in the Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to Housing Act
of 2009’s (2010) Final Rule in the Definition of “Homeless” (“Homeless Emergency Assistance,”
2011), the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) expanded its definition of
“youth” from 18 to 25 years of age “to adequately and appropriately address the unique needs of
transition-aged foster youth, including youth existing foster care systems” (p. 75996). Research
suggests that they are the most likely, among homeless youth, to be living alone (Tucker, 2007) and
face high levels of poverty, instability, and lack of familial and/or social networks to successfully
transition from adolescence to adulthood (Wenzel et al., 2006).
Both homelessness and child maltreatment are linked to later criminal behavior. Young people who
are homeless and lack critical resources often resort to such behaviors to meet their basic necessities
(Ferguson et al., 2011; Karabanow, Hughes, Ticknor, Kidd, & Patterson, 2010), including drug dealing,
theft (Whitbeck & Hoyt, 1999), and trading sex for resources (Gaetz & O’Grandy, 2002). Additionally,
many join gangs for protection (Yoder, Whitbeck, & Hoyt, 2003), through which they can access social
networks and mentors, but which also initiate them into further illicit activities. Moreover, more time on
the street seems to increase the likelihood of engaging in deviancy (Baron, 2008; Crawford et al., 2011).
Likewise, prior research has shown a relationship between child maltreatment and adult criminality and
violent behavior. In a longitudinal study of more than 1,500 matched cases, Widom and Maxfield
(2001) found that being abused or neglected as a child increases the likelihood of arrest as a juvenile by
59%, as an adult by 28%, and for a violent crime by 30%. There also appears to be a relationship among
homelessness, victimization, and future criminal behavior. Youth on the street not only are likely to
offend, but are also likely to be victimized (Johnson & Tyler, 2004), and research suggests that those
who have been victimized are more likely to engage in street survival (Ferguson et al., 2011) and
violence (Crawford et al.; Kennedy et al., 2010).
Data consistently show age-crime patterns in delinquent behaviors with a low prevalence in
childhood and early adolescence, peaking in late adolescence, and then dropping off during
emerging adulthood (Loeber, Farrington, Stouthamer-Loeber, & White, 2008). However, for
many youth living on the street these behaviors continue into emerging and early adulthood as
they find that they cannot access formal employment opportunities (Bender, Thompson, McManus,
Lantry, & Flynn, 2007). Moreover, data from a longitudinal community sample showed that child
maltreatment positively predicted engagement in both property and violent crime (Loeber et al.,
2008), and analysis from a national sample found that child physical abuse and neglect positively
 194 C. CRONLEY ET AL.

predicted violent delinquency (Yun, Ball, & Lim, 2011). In addition, a recent systematic review of
the literature concluded that research supports the cycle of violence theory in that child maltreat-
ment begets perpetration of child maltreatment in adulthood (Thornberry, Knight, & Lovegrove,
2012). It seems likely, therefore, that the multiplicative effect of homelessness and child maltreat-
ment may exacerbate and prolong engagement in criminal behaviors. Nevertheless, while the
discrete relationships between (1) homelessness and child maltreatment and (2) homelessness
and delinquency have been established, our understanding of how these three phenomena intersect
over time remains unclear.
Most published studies rely on high-risk, community samples and, thus, cannot compare
differential effects between homeless and nonhomeless youth; nor can they generalize their
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findings to the national population. Furthermore, those that do compare individuals who have
been homeless to those who have not tend to employ nonexperimental observational approaches
and cannot ensure equivalency between groups. The resultant selection bias may introduce con-
founding variables that obfuscate the relationship between homelessness and criminal behavior. In
sum, our understanding of how deviancy over an extended time differs between individuals who
have experienced homelessness, compared to their peers who have not, remains unclear.
The current study sought to explore this relationship using data from two waves of the National
Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) study. Specifically, we examined how lifetime
prevalence of homelessness through emerging adulthood and child maltreatment predicted property
and violent crime in adulthood. We chose to focus on these two forms of delinquency, such that we
could isolate the impact on specific forms of delinquency to the exclusion of others, which have
different patterns of initiation, persistence, and desistance (e.g., drug dealing, gang involvement,
substance use). We hypothesized that individuals who reported a prevalence of homelessness and
maltreatment would show higher rates of engagement in property and violent crime as they progressed
into adulthood compared to their peers who did not report the presence of these risk factors. Moreover,
we minimized the selection bias common in studies with homeless populations by using propensity
score matching to create two statistically equivalent groups (individuals with at least one episode of
homelessness versus individuals who have never been homeless).

METHODS

Sample
The current study used data from Waves 3 and 4 of the Add Health study, representing the largest,
nationally representative survey focusing on health, risk behaviors, and development from adolescence
to adulthood. For a full description of the study, see http://www.cpc.unc.edu/projects/addhealth. Wave 1
data were collected in 1994–1995 (11–18 years old), and three follow-up interviews were conducted:
1996 (Wave 2, 12–19 years old), 2001–2002 (Wave 3, 18–26 years old), and 2007–2008 (Wave 4,
24–34 years old). Data were collected from the youth, other individuals, and existing databases on
neighborhoods and communities. We selected Wave 3 to document lifetime prevalence of home-
lessness to capture the full population of street youth who lack a fixed permanent residence (e.g.,
Karabanow et al., 2010).
A clustered, stratified sampling design was used. At Wave 1, U.S. high schools, with at least 30
students and that included an 11th grade, were selected using stratified, random sampling, in
addition to feeder schools, which included a seventh grade. In total, 79% of schools participated
(134 schools), and 90,118 adolescents ranging in grades 7–12 completed in-school questionnaires.
A core random sample of 27,745 adolescents was selected for in-home interviews. The majority of
adolescents in the Wave 1 in-home sample were sampled again at Wave 2 (71%), Wave 3 (76%),
and Wave 4 (73%).
 HOMELESSNESS, CHILD MALTREATMENT, PROPERTY CRIME, AND VIOLENT CRIME 195

Participants who completed assessments at Waves 3 and 4 were included in the current
study, excluding those for whom there were no data on homelessness status or child maltreat-
ment, and a small percentage because of analytic incompatibility. In the final sample for the
current study, 56% reported to be female, 21% were African American, and 15% Hispanic.
Mean age at Wave 3 was 21.92 (SD = 1.77). All data collection procedures, including
questionnaires and informed consent, were approved by the University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill Institutional Review Board.

Measures
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Covariates were established a priori based on the literature and the items available in the Add
Health Data and were measured at Wave 3. Past-year prevalence of violent crime and property
crime and lifetime prevalence of homelessness before age 26 were measured using composite
scores that were then dichotomized due to low prevalence (0 = none, 1 = any activity/experience).
Violent crime was assessed with four items at Wave 4 (4%): (1) How often did you hurt someone
badly enough in a physical fight that he or she needed care from a doctor or nurse? (2) How often
did you use or threaten to use a weapon to get something from someone? (3) Did you pull a knife
or gun on someone? and (4) Did you shoot or stab someone?
Property crime was measured with seven items from Wave 4 (10%): How often did you (1)
deliberately damage property that didn’t belong to you; (2) steal something worth more than
$50; (3) go into a house or building to steal something; (4) steal something worth less than
$50; (5) buy, sell, or hold stolen property; (6) use someone else’s credit card, bank card, or
automatic teller card without their permission or knowledge; and (7) deliberately write a bad
check?
Lifetime prevalence of homelessness before age 26 was assessed using four items from Wave 3
(13%): (1) Where do you live now? (2) Have you ever been homeless for a week or longer? (3)
Have you ever stayed in a homeless shelter? and (4) Have your parents ever ordered you to move
out of their house?. The last question is important to capture the full range of homelessness. Many
youth who are homeless are because of being kicked of the home (Burt, 2007), but they do not self-
identify as homeless and do not sue traditional homeless services.
Child maltreatment was measured at Wave 3 on a continuous scale using five items (M = 0.89,
SD = 1.07, potential range 0–5). By the time you started sixth grade, how often had (1) your
parents or other adult caregivers left you home alone when an adult should have been with you; (2)
your parents or other adult caregivers not taken care of your basic needs, such as keeping you clean
or providing food or clothing; (3) your parents or other adult caregivers slapped, hit, or kicked you;
(4) one of your parents or other adult caregivers touched you in a sexual way, forced you to touch
him or her in a sexual way, or forced you to have sexual relations; and (5) Social Services
investigated how you were taken care of or tried to take you out of your living situation?
Covariates were measured at Wave 3 and included past year prevalence of engaging in property
(19%) and violent crime (7%), using the same items from Wave 4, gender, race, ethnicity, age, self-
reported self-centered (M = 2.00, SD = 0.93; potential range 1–4, with higher scores indicating less
self-centered), retrospective diagnosis of childhood attention deficit disorder (ADHD) (M = 13.02.
SD = 8.82; potential range 0–54 with higher scores indicating greater presence of ADHD symptoms),
lifetime diagnosis of depression (11%), highest year of school completed (M = 13.28, SD = 1.96), and
currently receiving public assistance (3%).

Analysis
We employed propensity score matching analysis (PSM) to correct for sample selection bias
due to observable differences between homeless and nonhomeless individuals. PSM uses
 196 C. CRONLEY ET AL.

logistic regression to match subjects on their conditional probability of group membership

(Koh & Testa, 2008). PSM is used to minimize selection effects and to allow for a less biased
comparison of groups in terms of their outcomes (Barth et al., 2007; Guo, Barth, & Gibbons,
2008). PSM matches on a single score; therefore, it is possible to control for several covariates
simultaneously (D’Agostino, 1998). Use of PSM should result in subjects in the treatment and
comparison groups having the same, or nearly the same, distributions on the covariates used in
the matching process (Rosenbaum & Rubin, 1983).
The matching process for this study was accomplished with the use of Stata 13 PSMATCH2
(Leuven & Siansei, 2003). First, we examined whether child maltreatment, prevalence of previous
criminal behavior, and other background characteristics were associated with being homeless.
Second, descriptive bivariate analyses were conducted using χ2 tests to compare differences in
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characteristics between the homeless and nonhomeless groups. Third, propensity scores, which
were converted to conditional probabilities, were generated. Fourth, respondents were matched
based on these probabilities using one-to-one nearest neighbor matching with a matching caliper of
0.01, which restricts matches to have differences in the propensity scores within one percentage
point.
Of the 10,818 respondents, 1,401 reported having experienced childhood/adolescent home-
lessness. Among these respondents, 49 cases were dropped during the matching process,
because suitable matches could not be identified. The final matched sample resulted in 1,352
pairs. Last, descriptive bivariate analyses were conducted with the matched sample to identify
any remaining significant differences. Once the matched groups were created, two separate
logistic regression models were run to predict property crime and violent crime in Wave 4,
controlling for lifetime prevalence of homelessness by age 26 and child maltreatment, as well
as covariates.

RESULTS

Without PSM, respondents who were homeless had higher scores in comparison to nonhome-
less respondents on both violent crime and property crime at Wave 4 (see Table 1, Full
Model). After employing PSM, the differences in criminal behaviors indicators between the
groups became nonsignificant for most measures except hurt someone and buy, sell, or hold
stolen property. Therefore, PSM in our data was found to be efficient at making the sample
balanced.
The results of the sample characteristics between the homeless group and nonhomeless
groups are presented in Table 2. Within the full sample, the homeless group respondents were
more likely than the nonhomeless group respondents to report lifetime prevalence of child
maltreatment, having committed a violent crime at Wave 3, and a property crime at Wave 3 (p
< .01). Similarly, the differences between homeless and nonhomeless groups in our study were
significant for ADHD, depression, and having received public assistance (p < .01). The
majority of respondents were female and white for both groups. After applying PSM, no
significant differences were reported between the homeless and nonhomeless groups with
regard to any covariates. In other words, statistically equivalent groups were established after
we employed PSM.
Table 3 shows the results of logistic regression analysis for the effects of homelessness and other
covariates on violent crime at Wave 4. The initial model (full model) indicates that compared to
their peers, persons who were homeless before age 26 were significantly more likely to report
committing violent crime [Exp(β) = 1.41, p < .01]. Respondents who committed violent crime at
Wave 3, compared to those who did not, were approximately 3.2 times more likely to commit
violent crime at Wave 4 [Exp(β) = 3.23, p < .01], and respondents who committed property crime
 HOMELESSNESS, CHILD MALTREATMENT, PROPERTY CRIME, AND VIOLENT CRIME 197

TABLE 1
Descriptive Statistics: Dependent Variables (Full Model vs. Matched Model)

Full Model (n = 10,818) Matched Model (n = 2,704)

Homeless Homeless Homeless Nonhomeless

(n = 1,401) (n = 1,352) (n = 1,352) (n = 1,352)

Variables M SD M SD M SD M SD

Violent crime at Wave 4

Hurt someone .04 .20 .01 .12** .04 .19 .02 .13**
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Use or threaten to use a weapon .02 .13 .01 .08** .01 .11 .01 .11**
Pulled a knife or gun on someone .04 .19 .02 .14** .04 .19 .03 .16**
Shot or stabbed someone .01 .12 .01 .09** .01 .12 .01 .12**
Property crime at Wave 4
Deliberately damage property .07 .26 .03 .18** .07 .25 .05 .23**
Steal something worth more than $50 .02 .15 .02 .12** .02 .14 .02 .15**
Go into a house or building .01 .10 .01 .07** .01 .09 .01 .11**
Steal something worth less than $50 .05 .21 .04 .19** .05 .21 .05 .22**
Buy, sell, or hold stolen property .05 .21 .02 .14** .05 .21 .03 .18**
Deliberately write a bad check .03 .17 .02 .13** .03 .16 .02 .14**
Use someone else’s credit card, bank .01 .10 .01 .07** .01 .10 .01 .11**
card, or automatic teller card without
permission

*p < .05. **p < .01.

at Wave 3 were approximately 1.3 times more likely to do so at Wave 4 [Exp(β) = 1.33, p < .05]
compared to their peers. Moreover, respondents with a lifetime diagnosis of depression were more
likely to report committing violent crime at Wave 4 than their counterparts [Exp(β) = 1.52, p < .01].
In addition, males were almost 3 times more likely to commit violence compared to females [Exp
(β) = 2.96, p < .01]. Black respondents were approximately 93% more likely [Exp(β) = 1.93, p
< .01] than White respondents to commit violent crime at Wave 4. However, the odds of
committing violent crime at Wave 4 was 13% lower for respondents who reported lower education
attainment, compared to their peers [Exp(β) = 0.87, p < .01].
After employing PSM, being homeless remained a significant predictor of committing
violent crime at Wave 4 (see Table 3), and those reporting homelessness before age 26
were 58% more likely to report Wave 4 violent crime [Exp(β) = 1.58, p < .01].
Additionally, Wave 3 criminal behaviors significantly predicted Wave 4 violent crime [Exp
(β) = 2.61, p < .01; Exp(β) = 1.71, p < .01, respectively]. Overall, after adjusting for home-
lessness and other confounders, the odds ratios remained similar except for mental health and
gender variables.
The parameter estimates of property crime at Wave 4 are presented in Table 4. Controlling for
all other covariates, homelessness was a significant predictor, indicating an increased risk of
committing property crime at Wave 4 [Exp(β) = 1.28, p < .05]. In addition, child maltreatment
increased the odds of committing property crime at Wave 4 by 1.16 times [Exp(β) = 1.16, p <
.01]. Moreover, criminal behaviors at Wave 3 [Exp(β) = 1.38 and 3.14, p < .01, respectively],
depression [Exp(β) = 1.49, p < .01], receiving public assistance [Exp(β) = 1.56, p < .05], being
male [Exp(β) = 1.67, p < .01], and being black [Exp(β) = 1.29, p < .01] increased the odds of
committing property crime at Wave 4. Compared to the results from the full sample, the matched
sample results were similar but more conservative.
 198 C. CRONLEY ET AL.

TABLE 2
Descriptive Statistics: Independent and Control Variables (Full Model vs. Matched Model)

Full Model (n = 10,818) Matched Model (n = 2,704)

Homeless Nonhomeless Homeless Nonhomeless

(n = 1,401) (n = 9,417) (n = 1,352) (n = 1,352)

Variables M SD M SD M SD M SD

Maltreatment 1.53 1.32 .80 .99** 1.47 1.27 1.46 1.29**

Violent crime at Wave .16 .37 .06 .23** .15 .36 .15 .36**
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3 (1 = yes)
Property crime at Wave .30 .46 .17 .38** .29 .46 .31 .46**
3 (1 = yes)
Self-centeredness 2.04 .96 1.99 .93** 2.05 .95 2.07 .98**
ADHD 16.93 10.03 12.44 8.51** 16.63 9.85 16.69 9.57**
Lifetime depression .23 .42 .09 .29** .21 .41 .21 .41**
diagnosis (1 = yes)
Highest year of school 12.43 1.85 13.40 1.95** 12.48 1.84 12.48 1.85**
completed
Public assistance (1 = .07 .26 .02 .15** .06 .24 .06 .25**
yes)
Age 21.97 1.77 21.91 1.77** 21.96 1.77 21.94 1.86**
Gender .47 .50 .44 .50** .47 .50 .46 .50**
Hispanic .15 .35 .15 .36** .15 .35 .13 .33**
Race (%)
White 63.03 65.66** 64.09 65.24**
African American 21.70 20.66** 21.12 20.56**
Native American 7.49 4.60** 6.47 5.55**
Asian 6.57 7.68** 7.14 7.47**
Other 1.21 1.40** 1.18 1.18**

*p < .05. **p < .01.

DISCUSSION

The current study hypothesized that individuals, who have been homeless at least once before the
age of 26, and/or victims of child maltreatment, would be more likely to report engaging in
property and/or violent crime during adulthood. Overall, results of two separate logistic regressions
based on matched samples, controlling for other covariates, showed that homelessness was related
to future criminality. Those who were victims of child maltreatment were more likely to commit
property crime, but no more likely to commit violent crime, than their peers.
One distinct advantage of this study was its ability to control for confounding variables when
comparing outcomes between individuals who have been homeless compared to those who have
not. A critical result of this study is that, even when controlling for potential, unmeasured
covariates, our findings are consistent with prior literature using community samples and tradi-
tional observational designs showing a positive correlation between homelessness and criminal
behavior (Baron, 2008; Crawford et al., 2011; Ferguson et al., 2011; Gaetz & O’Grandy, 2002;
Whitbeck et al., 2001; Yoder et al., 2003). In addition, unlike most studies that examine criminal
behavior in late adolescence or emerging adulthood, our crime measures were assessed when the
respondents were between 24 and 34 years old.
 HOMELESSNESS, CHILD MALTREATMENT, PROPERTY CRIME, AND VIOLENT CRIME 199

TABLE 3
Logistic Regression: Violent Offense at Wave 4 (Full Model vs. Matched Model)

Full Model (n = 10,818) Matched Model (n = 2,704)

β SE z Exp(β) β SE z Exp(β)

Homelessness (1 = yes) .34 .13 2.60 1.41** .46 .17 2.66 1.58**
Maltreatment .05 .04 1.21 1.05** .09 .06 1.33 1.09**
Violent crime at Wave 3 1.17 .13 9.11 3.23** .96 .19 5.04 2.61**
(1 = yes)
Property crime at Wave 3 .29 .12 2.40 1.33** .54 .18 2.99 1.71**
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(1 = yes)
Self-centeredness .05 .05 1.02 1.06** −.01 .09 −.14 .99**
ADHD .01 .01 2.27 1.01** .01 .01 1.23 1.01**
Lifetime depression .42 .16 2.63 1.52** .31 .22 1.43 1.36**
diagnosis (1 = yes)
Highest year of school −.14 .03 −4.55 .87** −.12 .05 −2.27 .89**
completed
Public assistance (1 = yes) .28 .29 .98 1.32** .24 .38 .62 1.26**
Age .01 .03 .18 1.01** .06 .05 1.20 1.06**
Gender 1.08 .12 8.78 2.96** .92 .21 4.48 1.03
Hispanic .16 .15 1.09 1.18** −.06 .27 −.22 .94**
Race (1 = white)
Black .66 .12 5.36 1.93** .59 .20 2.96 1.81**
Native American .20 .22 .89 1.22** .04 .35 .13 1.05**
Asian .25 .21 1.21 1.28** −.47 .44 −1.08 .62**
Other −.88 .61 −1.43 .41** −.21 .80 −.26 .81**
−2LL 3,112.71** 1,088.47**
LR χ2(16) 407.53** 132.13**

*p < .05. **p < .01.

In addition, we were able to capture a wider breadth of homelessness by including youth who
had been kicked out of the home and, thus, may not have self-identified as such and youth in
emerging adulthood. Youth aging out of foster care at age 18 are at higher risk of become homeless
compared to their peers, and one community sample found that the prevalence ranged from 31% to
46% (Dworsky, Napolitano, & Courtney, 2013). These youth, lacking family and social networks,
may be particularly vulnerable to relying on survival skills to meet their basic needs as they
continue into adulthood (Zlotnick, Tam, & Soman, 2012). Survival skills often include criminal
behaviors such as property crime and drug dealing, and engagement in such activities may expose
these youth to more violent situations. Indeed, our findings suggest that homelessness has long-
term consequences, and the risk of engaging in property and violent crime persists into adulthood,
far exceeding the normal drop-off in late adolescence.
Findings with regard to child maltreatment were less consistent in that maltreatment predicted
property, but not violent, crime. The lack of relationship between maltreatment and violence
contradicts established conventions (English, Widom, & Branford, 2002). Still, the results are in
agreement with at least one prior study (Guo et al., 2008) using the same data set, which examined
the effects of different types of child maltreatment separately. In this study, sexual abuse, but not
physical abuse, was associated with adolescent violence. In the current study, we collapsed child
neglect, physical abuse, and sexual abuse into a single, cumulative construct, which could have
obscured the unique effects of each type. The impact of child maltreatment may differ depending
on the type, duration, and severity of maltreatment. Prior research indicates that the type of
offending being examined also influences the relationship between child maltreatment and future
 200 C. CRONLEY ET AL.

TABLE 4
Logistic Regression: Property Offense at Wave 4 (Full Model vs. Matched Model)

Full Model (n = 10,818) Matched Model (n = 2,704)

β SE z Exp(β) β SE z Exp(β)

Homelessness (1 = yes) .25 .09 2.67 1.28** .28 .12 2.43 1.31**
Maltreatment .15 .03 4.99 1.16** .14 .04 3.16 1.15**
Violent crime at Wave 3 .32 .11 3.00 1.38** .17 .15 1.10 1.18**
(1 = yes)
Property crime at Wave 3 1.15 .07 15.59 3.14** 1.05 .12 8.61 2.85**
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(1 = yes)
Self-centeredness .01 .04 .29 1.01** −.06 .06 −.93 .94**
ADHD .01 .01 1.22 1.01** −.01 .01 −.63 .99**
Lifetime depression .40 .10 3.93 1.49** .30 .14 2.14 1.36**
diagnosis (1 = yes)
Highest year of school −.01 .02 −.51 .99** .03 .13 2.84 1.03**
completed
Public assistance (1 = yes) .45 .18 2.45 1.56** .31 .24 1.26 1.36**
Age −.07 .02 −3.66 .93** −.05 .03 −1.49 .95**
Gender .52 .07 7.00 1.67** .36 .13 2.84 1.44**
Hispanic .14 .10 1.45 1.15** .28 .17 1.62 1.32**
Race (1 = White)
Black .26 .09 3.00 1.29** .30 .15 2.05 1.35**
Native American .09 .15 .63 1.10** −.14 .25 −.57 .87**
Asian .04 .13 .28 1.04** −.06 .23 −.28 .94**
Other .22 .28 .81 1.25** .46 .45 1.02 1.59**
−2LL 6,267.46** 2,031.86**
LR χ2(16) 585.01** 148.87**

*p < .05. **p < .01.

offending (Reckdenwald, Mancini, & Beauregard, 2013; Widom & Maxfield, 2001). It is also
possible that different types of child maltreatment may have interacted with homelessness to impact
property and violent crime, which we were not able to observe because of collapsing multiple types
of child maltreatment into a single construct. For instance, a recent study of homeless men who
were recently paroled found that experiencing child sexual abuse, specifically, was correlated with
serious violent crime (Nyamathi et al., 2012). Thus, as suggested by our findings, violence and
property crime may be associated with child maltreatment differentially, and as such, a more
nuanced theory of the relationship between child maltreatment and adult deviancy is merited.
Additionally, while prior research (Guo et al., 2008) has examined criminal behavior in adoles-
cence, we assessed property and violent crime in adulthood, suggesting that the effects of child
maltreatment on violent behavior into adulthood may not occur with the same intensity as
homelessness.
Overall, however, our study indicates that experiencing homelessness through emerging adult-
hood places one at high risk for prolonged criminal behavior. Despite their vulnerable status,
attention to child and family homelessness has diminished over time (Grant et al., 2013), and
policy and funding priorities appear to prioritize chronic, adult homelessness leaving fewer
resources and services for youth (Bassuk, 2010). In addition, social and political perspectives on
youth homelessness tend to emphasize these problem behaviors, as reflected in the terminology
frequently used to refer to homeless youth: runaways, throwaways, street youth, and systems youth.
The lack of programs and services, combined with a pejorative social perspective, may lead to
 HOMELESSNESS, CHILD MALTREATMENT, PROPERTY CRIME, AND VIOLENT CRIME 201

further stigmatization of an already highly marginalized group of individuals who, not able to
secure traditional employment and lacking social connections, become increasingly reliant on these
behaviors to survive. Thus, it may be that experiencing homelessness places one at particular acute
risk for long-term adverse life outcomes.

Limitations
First, we may have underestimated homelessness. The youth were recruited in schools, and those at
highest risk of being homeless would be more likely to be absent, and thus, excluded from the
study. However, previously published research (Tyler & Cauce, 2002) using the same data set to
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examine homelessness found consistent results using sample weights. We reduced the likelihood of
confounding variables by employing PSM to model group equivalency. Even with this method, the
homeless sample reported higher rates of hurting someone and buying, selling, or possessing stolen
property. Thus, it was not possible to ensure total group equivalency. Still, the prevalence rates
were so low for these variables that it is unlikely that they influenced the outcomes substantially.
Finally, all variables were based on self-report, possibly producing inaccurate estimates of property
and violent crime. However, studies suggest that self-reports can have high validity (Junger-Tas &
Marshall, 1999; Maxfield, Weiler, & Widom, 2000). Moreover, we measured both constructs using
composite measures of multiple items, thus, we attempted to capture the widest range of behaviors.
In conclusion, our study presents a unique methodological approach and broadens our under-
standing of how homelessness and child or adolescent maltreatment affect engagement in property
and violent crime during adulthood. Results show that homelessness is a significant risk factor for
adult criminal behavior, suggesting a need for greater homeless prevention efforts. In addition,
greater intervention efforts are necessary to help youth who are homeless access services rather
than having to rely on street survival behaviors, with particular attention paid to youth aging out of
foster care. Similarly, more intensive services may reduce the risk of these youth being victimized
while on the street and, thus, entering into the cycle of violence. Furthermore, the relationship
between child maltreatment and property crime in adulthood suggests a need for greater research
into the causal relationship between these two variables. Finally, the effects of the different types of
child maltreatment on violence should be assessed separately to understand their unique effects.

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