MMS 2 (1) pp.

57–68 Intellect Limited 2016

Metal Music Studies

Volume 2 Number 1
© 2016 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/mms.2.1.57_1

GARETH HERITAGE
Leeds Beckett University

Accept(ing) the other

(Metallic[a]) hypermasculine
image: Case studies towards
an alternative understanding
of hypermasculinity in the
aesthetics of 1980s heavy KEYWORDS
Accept
aesthetics
metal alternative
hypermasculinity
homoerotic
hypermasculinity
Metallica
ABSTRACT misogyny
Machismo and other thematic representations of masculinity have informed much of
the scholarly research into 1980s heavy metal’s aesthetics. Although some studies have
provided more substantial insights than others, the discourse has largely been shaped
by scholars who criticize 1980s heavy metal because of its (hypermasculine) thema-
tization of sexism and misogyny. However, on closer inspection hypermasculinity
manifests itself in 1980s heavy metal’s aesthetics in more ways than simply through
sexist and misogynist themes, but these have largely been ignored by the discourse. As
a way of bringing 1980s heavy metal’s hypermasculine aesthetic into sharper focus,

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 Gareth Heritage

1. All references to heavy this article garners a closer look at how hypermasculinity was used as an important
metal from the 1980s
will be referred to
idiomatic hallmark. It provides examples of bands, songs and albums with ‘alternative
as ‘80s heavy metal’ hypermasculine’ aesthetics, and elucidates how other macho themed subtexts were just
forthwith. as important as sexism and misogyny in defining the genre. It also argues for a para-
2. Mosher’s use of the digm shift in how scholars evaluate 1980s heavy metal’s hypermasculine aesthetics in
term ‘manly’ is used as general. This article will be of interest to scholars of critical musicology, cultural stud-
a conjunct of macho,
described by Gilmore ies, decade studies, gender studies, historiography and metal music studies.
as ‘a masculine display
complex involving
culturally sanctioned MISREPRESENTING 1980S HEAVY METAL’S HYPERMASCULINITY:
demonstrations of HIGHLIGHTING IMBALANCES IN THE DISCOURSE
hypermasculinity in…
the sense of… physical It has been noted that heavy metal from the 1980s was characterized by
aggressiveness strong macho themes (Denski and Scholl 1991; Walser 1993; Weinstein [1991]
(Gilmore 1987 – quoted
by Mosher and Zaitchik 2000).1 From thrash to glam, 80s heavy metal bands thematized machismo in
1993: 227–28), and a variety of different ways. One of the most common was through represen-
closely related to what
Denski and Scholl
tations of ‘sexism and misogyny’, which Wilton (2015: n.p.) notes dominated
(1991: 50) say about song lyrics. Sloat takes a considered look at sexism and misogyny in 80s heavy
representations of metal song lyrics. Providing an evaluation of nineteen songs from a cross-
maleness as ‘badass’ in
80s heavy metal. section of mainstream and commercially less-significant bands, Sloat deter-
mines that sexist and misogynist lyrics were used as a means of reassuring
3. Most notably how
bands represented male audiences of ‘their place within the male-dominated power structure’
hypermasculinity of heavy metal culture (1998: 296). Coates (1997: 56) gives credence to Sloat’s
via themes relating theory that sexist and misogynist song lyrics empowered male heavy metal
to Mosher’s sub-
classifications (1) audiences, noting that bands asserted power over women, using established
and (2). tropes and signifiers, to ensure the genre’s male exclusivity.
4. The term ‘alternative Endemic machismo, sexist and misogynist aesthetics themes, and male
hypermasculinity’ will cultural exclusivity have contributed to the perception that 80s heavy metal
be used throughout
this article as means
was a hypermasculine-rich genre (Doolin 2003; Walser 1993). Walser (1993:
of conjoining Mosher’s 109) notes that hypermasculinity facilitated ‘enactments of spectacular trans-
hypermasculine gression’ within 80s heavy metal’s visual aesthetics, and hypermasculine
sub-classifications (1)
and (2) into a useful displays of ‘swaggering males, leaping and strutting about the stage… punc-
locution. tuating their performances with phallic thrusts of guitars and microphone
stands’… brutal stage shows… [and] forthrightly misogynist lyrics’ were
partially responsible for the genre’s condemnation (Gore 1987). However,
the term ‘hypermasculinity’ has a broader meaning than how it has been
used to describe the sexist and misogynist aura of 80s heavy metal. Mosher
and Zaitchik (1993: 232) note that hypermasculinity is determined by three
specific sub-classifications: ‘(1) the view of violence as “manly”, (2) the
perception of danger as exciting and sensational, and (3) callous behaviour
towards women’.2 Given that Mosher’s definition has been encyclopaedically
validated as definitive (Craig 2009), it is logical to assume that scholars have
based their critique of 80s heavy metal’s hypermasculine aesthetic using all
three of Mosher’s sub-classifications. However, by focusing her critique of
80s heavy metal on sexist and misogynist song lyrics that closely relate only
to Mosher’s sub-classification (3), Sloat has overlooked how 80s heavy metal
bands represented hypermasculinity in other ways.3 If closer attention were to
be given to all three of Mosher’s sub-classifications, bands who are not gener-
ally thought of as hypermasculine (e.g. Iron Maiden, Motörhead and Saxon)
would be included alongside bands who are widely regarded as hypermascu-
line (e.g. Guns N’ Roses, Mötley Crüe and W.A.S.P), not because they thema-
tized sexism or misogyny, but because of how their aesthetics were defined by
the use of ‘alternative hypermasculine’ themes.4

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 Accept(ing) the other (Metallic[a]) hypermasculine image

As a means of documenting 80s heavy metal’s alternative hypermascu- 5. This article is only
concerned with heavy
line aesthetics, this article suggests a different mode of study with two key metal. References
aims. First: to provide examples of alternative hypermasculine themes in 80s to gangsta rap have,
heavy metal’s aesthetics. Second: to initiate a paradigm shift towards an alter- therefore, been
omitted.
native understanding of hypermasculinity. By employing both musicological
and iconographical methodologies as part of a semiotic analysis of song lyrics, 6. Schippers (2002)
and Whiteley (2000)
album art and music videos – as a way of evidencing alternative hypermas- condemn the
culine themes in the oeuvre of two 80s heavy metal bands – this article brings hypermasculine
80s heavy metal’s alternative hypermasculine themed aesthetic narratives into characteristics of 80s
heavy metal’s macho
sharper focus. In order to encourage others to discourse on this matter, I will aesthetics. Whiteley
frame my analysis on the alternative hypermasculine aesthetics used by the notes that bands were
more concerned with
American 1980s thrash metal band Metallica, in their song ‘Seek and Destroy’ ‘represent[ing] women
([1983] 1989), and the German 80s heavy metal band Accept, in their song as dehumanised and
‘Balls to the Wall’ (1983). degraded, fulfilling
simply their role
to gratify the male
Bring(ing) the noise… to the fore: Evaluating Judith Grant’s sexuality’ than they
were with creating
contribution to the discourse artistically motivated
aesthetics (2000: 39).
In her article ‘Bring the noise: Hypermasculinity in heavy metal and rap’ Shippers simply states
(1996) Grant examines ways in which hypermasculinity was expressed in that groups were less
gangsta rap and thrash metal.5 Although it is apparent that Grant has consid- concerned with being
credible musicians
ered the aesthetics of heavy metal subgenres from the early 1990s, she than they were to ‘play
notes that 1980s thrash metal was more important to her study because it the part of… groupie
monger[s]’ (2002: 2).
represented a type of music that ‘retained a clear metal esthetic’ (1996: 11).
Agreeing with Weinstein, who notes that 1980s thrash metal bands ‘focus[ed] 7. Grant gives Fordism
as an example of a
on the bleak but concrete horrors of the real or possibly real words… the hypermasculine/
corruption of those in power, and the horrors done by people to one another’ hypercapitalist mode of
(Weinstein – quoted by Grant 1996: 14), Grant determines that 1980s thrash production. However,
given its resemblance
metal’s hypermasculine aesthetics were shaped by themes integral to Classical of hypermasculinity
Realism – i.e. ‘chaos, death, anarchy, fear, hate, violence and escape’ (Grant in wider 1980s society,
1996: 10) – as opposed to sexism and/or misogyny. The emphasis Grant puts it may be more
useful to think of 80s
on these themes differentiates her study from that of Sloat, Coates and other yuppie culture – as
like-minded contributors (Doolin 2003; Schippers 2002; Whiteley 2000) to the epitomized by Bret
Easton Ellis in his
mainstream discourse.6 novel American Psycho
The evidential use of song lyrics is integral to Grant’s methodology. We (1991), and/or the type
are able to see how Grant uses song lyrics to substantiate her epistemology of hypermasculine
behaviour exhibited
by examining her theory that postmodern modes of capitalist production by financial traders as
(hypercapitalism) were mirrored alongside representations of hypermasculin- portrayed by Leonardo
ity in thrash metal songs.7 Using Metallica’s song ‘Master of Puppets’ (1985) DiCaprio in the movie
The Wolf of Wall Street
as the basis for her theory, Grant (1996: 21) notes that the lyrics to ‘Master of (2013) – as an example
Puppets’ can be interpreted as a critique of space/time compression in modern of the hypermasculine/
hypercapitalist
life. To prove this Grant quotes a selection of lyrics that illustrate how speed symbiosis.
was used as a medium through which thrash metal bands thematized the sort
8. Grant alludes to the
of fear that fast paced change instils in people. However, Grant’s use of song fact that ‘Master of
lyrics as evidence in support of this theory is rudimentary. By relying heavily Puppets’ is a song
on a selection of lyrics that, given ‘Master of Puppets’ was actually written about drugs, but she
does not expand upon
about drug addiction, are taken out of context (Ingham [2003] 2009),8 Grant why this is significant.
insufficiently explains how lyrics alone relate to a musical representation of
hypercapitalism/hypermasculinity in this song. Furthermore, her analysis of
‘Master of Puppets’ does not include important musicological factors, such
as: how does timbre impact lyrical sonority? What is the relationship between
the music and the lyrics? How are the lyrics set to music? Grant’s failure to

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 Gareth Heritage

9. The album art can be examine the lyrics in the context of how they are performed inhibits her argu-
found by following this
web link: http://www.
ment that 1980s thrash metal musically represented a hypercapitalist/hyper-
megadeth.com/release/ masculine symbiosis. Although my review of Grant’s paper is focused on just
peace-sells-whos- one theory, it is microcosmically indicative of how she fails to substantiate the
buying.
majority of her findings with sufficient musical evidence. Her paper is none-
10. From 0:01 to 3:09 the theless significant because it aids in the garnering of a broader critique of 80s
tempo is allegro (140
beats per minute). At heavy metal’s alternative hypermasculine aesthetics.
3:10 to 4:12 the tempo
increases to presto (208
bpm) before returning Representations of alternative hypermasculinity in Metallica’s
to 140 bpm at 4:13 to ‘Seek and Destroy’
fin.
Berelian (2005: 359) notes that ‘aggression’ and ‘violence’ were thematically
11. At the 2015 Reading
Festival, Metallica’s integral to 1980s thrash metal’s aesthetics. However, as thrash metal devel-
most recent live oped from a niche subgenre into a mainstream heavy metal powerhouse
concert performance between the early to mid-1980s, political themes became increasingly popular
at the point of writing,
‘Seek and Destroy’ was with bands. Megadeth, for example, almost exclusively wrote about political
performed as the final corruption, the politics of nuclear weapons and peace as folly, epitomizing
number in their pre-
encore set.
these themes in the cover art of their album Peace Sells… but Who’s Buying?
(1986).9 Political subject matter provided thrash metal bands with a topical
12. Such as the main motif
heard throughout the
framework they would use to construct their thematization of (alternative
first five minutes of hypermasculinity) aggression and violence. Metallica’s ‘Seek and Destroy’,
Black Sabbath’s ‘Black however, is an example of a popular, early thrash metal song, that has no
Sabbath’ (1970).
political context and, therefore, represents thrash metal’s (alternative hyper-
13. Although the riff is masculine) ‘machismo-as-violent-and-aggressive’ aura in its most distilled
model, the piece’s key
is A minor. The Aeolian form.
mode is, therefore, ‘Seek and Destroy’ first appeared on Metallica’s demo tape No Life ‘til
used to establish tonal Leather (1982) and featured on their debut album Kill ‘Em All (1983). It was
centrality.
composed with quintessential thrash metal musical devices including thrash-
ing guitars, bass and drum rhythms played at allegro and presto tempi,10 catchy
guitar riffs, high levels of distortion, and fortissimo dynamics, and is regularly
performed as the final song in their live set.11 It was inspired by the film The
Warriors (Hill, [1979] 2005), from the point of view of the predatory gangs,
and has overtones of the sociopathic ‘ultra violence’ undertaken by Alex and
his Droogs in Anthony Burgess’ novel A Clockwork Orange (1962). Reflections
of the lyrical thematization of these ‘teenage kills for thrills’ themes are noted
by Ingham ([2003] 2009: 46) to be one of the main reasons why the song was
popular with fans. The other is attributable to the feeling of rage the opening
guitar riff instils in listeners.
Comprising sixteen notes played over two bars the song’s opening guitar
riff is modal, composed using both the A Locrian and A Aeolian modes (see
Figure 1). From the transcription of the opening guitar riff below, we are able
to see how the song’s thematization of violence and aggression is musically
realized. The A to E! (second and fourth quavers of the first bar) are notes
from the Locrian mode and form a tritone. This is significant because tritons
have long been associated with anti-socialism and irreligiousness (Rohrer
2006: n.p.). However, Metallica have used the tritone in a horizontal, as
opposed to vertical, way to reduce the diminished tonality of the interval. This
suggests that unlike other heavy metal songs that fully (vertically) exploited
the sound of the tritone,12 Metallica wished only to hint it, thereby giving the
first bar of the main guitar riff a partial tritone tonality. The Aeolian mode
is used in the second bar to resolve the tritone and attain harmonic stabil-
ity.13 In layman terms, Metallica have used the demonic sound of the tritone

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 Accept(ing) the other (Metallic[a]) hypermasculine image

14. Evidence attesting to

the fact that Metallica
have composed a riff
that exudes macho
themes as the basis
of their alternative
Figure 1: The opening guitar riff to ‘Seek and Destroy’. The first bar contains a flat hypermasculine
5th and flat 2nd, indicating that the notes derive from the A Locrian mode. The A aesthetic can be found
to E! is a melodic tritone. The second bar has a natural 5th, flat 6th and flat 7th, by scanning wider
popular culture. During
indicating that the notes derive from the A Aeolian mode. the late 1990s and early
noughties, the popular
in the first bar before resorting back to the familiarity of a minor tonality in American wrestling
champion (Sting) used
the second bar, thereby establishing an alternative hypermasculine aesthetic the ‘Seek and Destroy’
encoded into a catchy guitar riff.14 guitar riff as his live
Another way Metallica evidenced an alternative hypermasculine aesthetic entrance music.
in ‘Seek and Destroy’ is achieved through the use of overdubbing and accent-
ing of certain lyrics. In the song’s pre-choruses Metallica have used overdubs
and accents to stress the words: ‘running’, ‘hiding’, ‘dying’ and ‘destroy’. The
emphasis put on these words signifies that, like the gangs from The Warriors,
Metallica are the predatory protagonists, taunting their victims to run and hide
before going in for the kill. The sense of foreboding reaches its climax at 5:49
where Metallica’s lead singer (James Hetfield) elongates the word ‘destroy’,
holding the note as if he is revelling in the act of destroying/killing, before
proceeding to laughing in a sadistic sounding way. Musical articulations such
as these reaffirm that ‘Seek and Destroy’ has a violent and aggressive themed
alternative hypermasculine aesthetic.
Later Metallica songs disregarded the type of alternative hypermascu-
line themes we see in ‘Seek and Destroy’. Songs such as ‘…and Justice For
All’ (1988) and ‘One’ (1988) are more politically charged, thematizing the
horrors of war and corruption of politicians that Weinstein ([1991] 2000: 50)
notes to be thematically integral to 1980s thrash metal. In the music video to
Metallica’s ‘One’ (MetallicaTV 2009: n.p.), the viewer is exposed to a visceral
sonic and visual image of human suffering and pain. The song’s narrative is
that of a man who, as a consequence of being blown apart by landmines, lives
in a perpetual state of misery and pleads to die. The anti-violence narrative of
‘One’, which is in contrast to the pro-violence narrative of ‘Seek and Destroy’,
is reinforced by the inclusion of dialogue and scenes from the anti-war movie
Johnny Got His Gun (1971) that depict the protagonist alive, but trapped in his
own mind. The thematic power of war as a means of negatively conveying evil
and horror is reaffirmed in live performances of ‘One’. In Metallica’s Cunning
Stunts (1998) concert (Metallicalars 2006: n.p.), the horror of war is sonically
and visually conveyed through the use of strobe lightning, synchronized to
the machine gun sounding double kick action of the bass drum, to depict the
flashing lights of war in a way that is both aesthetically beautiful and horrify-
ing. Although ‘One’ is an example of an 1980s thrash metal song with politi-
cally charged themes, it downplays Mosher’s hypermasculinity (1) and (2),
rather than espousing human wickedness as the basis for its aesthetic power,
as ‘Seek and Destroy’ does.

Introducing Accept: Aggression as a conjunct of an alternative

hypermasculine themed, politically motivated aesthetic
Formed in the late 1960s under the name Band X, Accept experienced main-
stream success from the early to mid-1980s. They used dual heavy riffing

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 Gareth Heritage

15. We can see how Accept guitars, similar to Judas Priest, and had a singer (Udo Dirkschneider) whose
aped Judas Priest’s
visuality from the way
vocal timbre is broadly comparable to that of Bon Scott and Brian Johnson.15
16
their guitarists (Wolf Although Accept’s sonic and visual aesthetics can be likened to other 80s
Hoffman and Herman heavy metal bands, their aesthetic individuality derives from the way they
Frank) emulated
the synchronized thematized aggression. In an interview for Kerrang magazine, and in the liner
performance practice notes of a reissued edition of their 1981 album Breaker, Dirkschneider (quoted
of Judas Priest’s by Johnson 1984: 6; [1981] 2005: 1) notes that Accept sought to compose
guitarists (Glen Tipton
and K. K. Downing). music that evoked ‘pure aggression’. The effectiveness of Accept’s ability to
Bashe ([1985] 1986: successfully compose in this idiom is documented in another Kerrang article
52) notes that when
performing, Judas
in which Dome (1986: 24) describes Accept’s aesthetics as having ‘a degree of
Priest’s two guitarists severity and aggression that… bring[s] to mind sadism’.
and singer interlocked Accept’s ability to epitomize the musical manifestation of ‘aggression’
with each other to form
the shape of a ‘skewed and ‘cruelty’ (Dome 1986) explains why aspects of their aesthetic were copied
crucifix’. Similarly, by some thrash metal bands. Phillips and Cogan (2009: 258) notes that the
albeit without drumming to their song ‘Fast as a Shark’ (1982) is widely heralded as one
the sacramental
iconography, Accept’s of the first thrash metal performances, and a piece that inspired the perfor-
guitarists adopted a mance practice of – amongst others – Lars Ulrich (Metallica) and Charlie
position of symmetry
when performing
Benante (Anthrax), who, as drummers for two of the Big Four 1980s thrash
onstage and in music metal bands,17 pioneered thrash metal’s aesthetics throughout the 1980s. Yet,
videos. In the ‘Balls despite playing a role in influencing thrash metal drumming, Accept thema-
to the Wall’ music
video we see all three tized aggression and violence in ways that were different to most early 1980s
guitarists – Wolf thrash metal bands. Whereas thrash metal songs with a similar sentiment to
Hoffman and Herman Metallica’s ‘Seek and Destroy’ (e.g. Slayer’s ‘Piece By Piece’, 1986) thema-
Frank are standing
either side of the tized alternative hypermasculinity as a means of innovating thrash metal’s
band’s bassist (Peter aggressive and violent aesthetics,18 Accept used alternative hypermasculinity
Baltes) – banging their
heads and guitar necks
for political purposes.
in synchronization with In interviews with both Schlared.com and Enfer magazine, Accept’s
the music. manager (Gaby Hoffman) and drummer (Stefan Kaufmann) testify that
16. Dirkschneider’s singing Accept’s music was a medium through which they voiced their concerns on
is also comparable matters of global injustice (Hoffman – quoted by Schlared 2004; Kaufmann
to Rob Halford (lead
singer of Judas Priest) – quoted by Touchard 1983). However, it is not always apparent how Accept
because passages of achieved this, given that the few music videos they made lacked the transpar-
screaming, such as ent political narrative of some 1980s thrash metal music videos (e.g. Metallica’s
those heard in the
introduction of ‘Fast as ‘One’), and that their lyrics were more enigmatic than those used in politically
a Shark’ (1982), can be motivated 1980s thrash metal songs, such as Megadeth’s ‘Peace Sells’ (1986).
likened to those, such
as the introduction
Therefore, as a way of elucidating the political dimension of Accept’s alter-
of Judas Priest’s native hypermasculine aesthetic, the following section reveals how Accept,
song ‘Screaming for through their popular song ‘Balls to the Wall’, used alternative hypermascu-
Vengeance’ (1982),
screamed by Halford. line themes to protest on matters of societal subjugation.
17. The Big Four are:
Anthrax, Megadeth, Misperceiving the visuality of Accept’s ‘Balls…’: Alternative hyper-
Metallica and Slayer.
masculinity in the cover art of Accept’s ‘Balls to the Wall’
18. Before their music
became politically
Praised by Kerrang magazine as having ‘[m]etallic muscle’ (Johnson 1984: 5),
motivated. ‘Balls to the Wall’ uses sadomasochistic imagery to reinforce the aggressive
19. The Nazi pastiche is
alternative hypermasculine tone of the album’s title track. The album cover
used here as a means art depicts a faceless male model dressed in a leather jacket, emblazoned with
of mocking fascism. cuff insignia similar to that of a Nazi officer’s uniform,19 and a leather dipping
As Wolf Hoffman
notes in an interview belt fitted with a metal loop to which chains could be attached.20 The photog-
with Dome (1986: rapher (Dieter Eikelpoth) authenticates the alternative hypermasculine qual-
26), Accept mocked ity of the image by photographing the male model’s leg close-up. In doing
authoritarianism
by wearing militiria so, Eikelpoth captures the detail of both the model’s skin and hair, and the

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 Accept(ing) the other (Metallic[a]) hypermasculine image

furrowed texture of the leather jacket. This, combined with Eikelpoth’s strate- (especially uniforms) in
their performances.
gic use of lighting to illuminate the male model’s bulging veins and opponens
pollicise, as he tightly clenches a steel ball, intimates a familiar, leather-clad 20. The album art can be
found by following
alternative hypermasculine identity – synonymous with certain 80s heavy this web link: http://
metal bands and musicians21 – that Walser (2015: n.p.) notes was widely www.emp-online.com/
accepted by 80s heavy metal’s mainly male audiences to embody ‘straight art_227663/.
hypermasculinity’. Yet, it has been noted that even by these standards, the 21. Most notably
album art overplayed its alternative hypermasculine narrative to a point Rob Halford, who
surreptitiously
whereby the album pushed Accept’s aesthetics beyond the realm of ‘hyper- proclaimed his closeted
masculine’ into homoerotic. homosexuality
Described simply as ‘homoerotic’ (Sharpe-Young 2003: 2) and as ‘possibly by wearing gay
subcultural fashions,
the most homoerotic cover art in the history of heavy metal’ (Aldis and Sherry adorned with whips
2006: 18), the cover exudes an alternative hypermasculine image in a homo- and chains, when
performing.
erotic guise.22 In addition to the homoerotic cover, the LP edition includes a
sleeve art photograph that depicts the band posing topless,23 with interlock- 22. Given that
Gaby Hoffman
ing arms, in a way that is reminiscent of the homoerotic photographic art of conceptualized the
the Ritter Brothers24 and/or Boris Mikhailov’s (1938–) series of pieces Men’s album cover, it is
Talk (2011).25 26 When viewed alongside the cover, as would have invariably possible Hoffman was
oblivious to the cover’s
happened when listeners removed the record from its sleeve, we can see why homoerotic tone.
people thought Accept were a ‘gay metal band’ (Dirkschneider – quoted by
23. A copy of which can
Prato 2013: n.p.). 27 However, Accept were not a gay band,28 and although be found by following
the album cover and sleeve photo give the impression that they were, there is this web link: http://
no evidence to suggest that their alternative hypermasculine aesthetics were www.talkclassical.
com/34564-question-
in any way indicative of closeted homosexual fetishizations as they were for about-rock-music-3.
other gay 80s heavy metal musicians, such as Rob Halford, who enacted his html.
own personal homoerotic fantasy by whipping concert audiences with his 24. Some examples of
trademark whip and riding crop (Medina 2012: 80). which can be found by
following this web link:
Evidence attesting to the political subtext of ‘Balls to the Wall’ is apparent http://www.bigkugels.
when one looks beyond the album cover and sleeve art photo. In the small com/content/
print at the bottom of the LP sleeve notes, Accept have included a sentence RitterBros.html.
that dedicates ‘Balls to the Wall’ to the world’s ‘oppressed masses’. This, 25. Some of which can be
along with the fact that Wolf Hoffman (quoted by Johnson 1984: 6) notes that found by following
this web link: http://
‘Balls to the Wall’ was written to bring the ‘situation of the world’s oppressed www.art-agenda.
people’ to the attention of the heavy metal community, indicates that ‘Balls to com/reviews/boris-
the Wall’ does not represent a queer culture narrative, as is perceived by Aldis mikhailov’s-’men’s-
talk’/.
and Sherry (2006), Berelian (2005) Kronz (2008) and Sharpe-Young (2003),
but can instead be interpreted as a piece that uses music video clips and lyrics 26. Although other 80s
heavy metal artists –
as a means of protesting against totalitarianism. most notably Axl Rose,
David Lee Roth, Gene
Simmons, Joey DeMaio
Analysing the alternative hypermasculine code in video and and Paul Stanley – were
lyrical excerpts from ‘Balls to the Wall’ keen to show off their
unclothed torsos, the
In the music video for ‘Balls to the Wall’ a line of young men are shown stand- image of semi-naked
men embracing
ing shoulder-to-shoulder facing a wall. The wall represents the Berlin Wall, a one another was
potent symbol of separation between East and West Germany since its erec- relatively uncommon
tion in 1961, and the young men represent the ‘oppressed masses’, depicted in 80s heavy metal
iconography.
as metal heads because of their battle jackets. When we first see the men at
1:43 they appear with their heads bent forward looking downwards. Although 27. In the Internet forum
‘Gay songs written
it is not entirely clear what the men are doing or why they are standing facing by heterosexual
a wall to begin with, by 1:54 the men are shown collectively banging their musicians’, Kronz
heads against the wall. The ferocity of the headbanging intensifies until 2:32, contributes a post
attesting to Accept’s use
at which point the wall begins to crack, eventually falling spectacularly at 2:40 of, what he perceives to

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 Gareth Heritage

be, homosexual themes: and 2:43. At 3:04 the men are shown emerging out of the darkness and dust
‘Have you seen the
album art on Ball to the
like wasteland warriors in a post-apocalyptic vision of the future, walking
Wall? Honestly, I always through the rubble of the fallen wall towards freedom.
assumed there was no There are essentially three themes being conveyed in the music video that
question they were a
gay metal band’ (2008: identifies ‘Balls to the Wall’ as an aggressive political statement about how the
n.p.). world’s subjugated people will one day violently rise up against their subju-
28. This is confirmed by gators. The first theme is incarceration. The young men signify the incarcer-
Gaby Hoffman who, ated East German people, imprisoned behind the Berlin Wall in an Orwellian
in an interview for image of what life in the Soviet Union may have been like. The second theme
Schlared.com, notes
that ‘[t]he sexual is of insurgency by way of demolition. The act of headbanging signifies the
question about the presumed notion that the East German youth wanted to escape the oppres-
context of certain lyrics
are mind games and
sion of Soviet totalitarianism.29 The act of headbanging as a means of demo-
pure interpretation lition signifies the desire of people from both East and West Germany to
from outsider’ knock down the Berlin Wall; a dream made real when the Mauerspechte began
(Schlared 2004: n.p.).
smashing the Berlin Wall with sledgehammers and pickaxes on 9 November
29. Given that people 1989. The final theme is of reunification. The resurrection of the men out of
escaped East Berlin in
increasingly creative the rubble signifies both the reunification of Germans and the unification of a
but desperate ways, country that, in 1983, had experienced 44 years of both cold and hot conflict.30
such as clinging to the When contextualized with Germany’s World War II and Cold War history,
bottom of ministerial
cars as they passed the ‘Balls to the Wall’ music video can be interpreted as an unconventionally
through Checkpoint aggressive, alternative hypermasculine themed, lament for subordinate East
Charlie from East to
West, it is not incorrect
Germans living behind the Iron Curtain.
to assume that In addition to the music video, Accept convey their alternative hyper-
many East Berliners, masculine aesthetic through the song’s lyrics. The lyrics of ‘Balls to the Wall’
especially the youth,
were unwilling to live cleverly utilize sadomasochistic cultural code as a means of describing the
under the authoritarian injustices imposed on people living under totalitarian regimes. In the song’s
East German regime, first verse, Dirkschneider sings the word ‘slave’ as part of a wider lyrical
which was in itself a
satellite state to the passage.31 A surface reading of the word ‘slave’ can be interpreted simply as
Soviet Union. a colloquial reference to a submissive person in a sadomasochistic relation-
30. It could be argued ship. Given the sadomasochistic aura of the song, it is easy to understand
that Germans first how people could misinterpret the meaning of this word. However, when
experienced pre-World
War II conflict as early
viewed in context of the song’s ideologically liberal message, it is appar-
as 1923, where the ent that the word ‘slave’ is code for the world’s ‘oppressed masses’. In the
Munich Putsch marked case of East Germany, and the reality that people who spoke out against
the beginning of Hitler’s
rise to power. However, the East German authorities would have either disappeared from society or
for the purpose of died under Stasi and/or KGB interrogation, the word ‘slave’ has a notable
general historic clarity, poignancy about it.
I have calculated this
number based on the Another example of a lyric with a dual meaning occurs towards the end of
historic declaration the song’s first verse. Here Dirkschneider uses the word ‘bondage’ in a lyrical
of war between Nazi
Germany and Great
passage that alludes to how those living behind the Berlin Wall, and within the
Britain in 1939, and have Soviet sphere, are oppressed and controlled by undemocratic regimes under-
continued counting pinned by Soviet ideological totalitarianism. As before, this word can be inter-
the years based on the
widely held view that preted in one of two ways. On the one hand, it connotes sadomasochism, as
World War II morphed bondage and voluntary imprisonment are integral acts of sexual submission.
into the Cold War in On the other hand, it is used as a way of describing the iron-fisted control of
1945, eventually ending
with the unification of dictators the world over. In the case of East Germany, this would have been
Germany in 1989. the SED, the single ruling party (die sozialistische Einheitspartei), which bound
31. A complete lyric sheet people to one place and one way of life.
can be found by From my interpretation of the music video and selection of lyrical excerpts,
following this web link:
http://www.azlyrics.
combined with testimonial evidence given by both Accept’s band members
com/lyrics/accept/ and their manager, we are able to say with a good degree of certainty that
ballstothewall.html. ‘Balls to the Wall’ used alternative hypermasculinity as a way of disseminating

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 Accept(ing) the other (Metallic[a]) hypermasculine image

an anti-totalitarian message. It could be argued, however, that Accept only 32. It would have
be commercially
said that ‘Balls to the Wall’ was written to highlight human rights abuses in imprudent for Accept
order to win favour with their record label, enabling them to hoodwink their to release a gay
way into releasing a niched style of gay-themed porn rock that directly refer- themed record into a
homophobic market.
ences the male genitalia. Yet, in view of the reality that the average 80s heavy
metal fan was ‘notoriously homophobic’ (Bashe [1985] 1986: 7), this theory 33. ‘Balls to the Wall’ is
played during a scene
seems unlikely.32 that shows Randy ‘The
Ram’ Robinson doing
his pre-fight ablutions.
NOTES ON THE LEGACY OF ACCEPT’S ‘BALLS…’
34. The David Hasselhoff
Assuming that Accept’s claim that they were creating music to raise aware- version.
ness of human rights violations is true, and ‘Balls to the Wall’ is the product
35. The Scorpions song
of their protestation on this matter, its meaning has been almost entirely lost ‘Wind of Change’ (1990)
on pundits, Hollywood executives and satirists. Not only is it heard in the is a notable example
of a German heavy
movie The Wrestler (2008), in a scene that has nothing to do with oppression metal song that deals
or human rights issues,33 it also featured in an episode (‘Tornado’, 1993) of with the consequences
MTV’s Beavis and Butthead (azmi, 2012), where its core message is completely of perestroika and
glasnost. ‘Wind of
lost on Mike Judge as he struggles to find anything ‘cool’ about the mean- Change’ was released
ing of the song or its music video. This being said, Balls to the Wall remains after the Berlin Wall
Accept’s most commercially successful album and single. It was responsible had fallen, but before
the Soviet Union
for the band breaking through into the American market, and continues to be collapsed.
viewed as one of the few musically enduring heavy metal albums/singles of
36. Such as ‘Blood of the
the 1980s (Kirsch 2013: n.p.). Nations’ (2010) and
In sum, the punitive partition of Germany, characterized by the ultimate ‘Teutonic Terror’ (2010).
symbol of division, the Berlin Wall, have been the topic of many songs over
the years (e.g. ‘Holiday in the Sun’, 1977; ‘Looking for Freedom’,34 1989).
‘Balls to the Wall’, however, is arguably the most significant German contri-
bution to this sensitive subject.35 Today Accept continue to compose melodi-
cally rich heavy metal that persists in its addressing of human rights issues,
using aggressive alternative hypermasculine aesthetics as a means of power-
fully asserting this message.36

CONCLUSION
The fact that 80s heavy metal had a macho image that was proliferated by
bands thematizing sexism and misogyny in their aesthetics is indisput-
able. Sloat confirms this through her analysis of 80s heavy metal song
lyrics. However, Sloat is reluctant to apply the hypermasculine label. Grant,
however, is less reluctant to label 80s heavy metal as hypermasculine. Her
study of hypermasculinity in 1980s thrash metal is important because it illus-
trates how 1980s thrash metal bands represented hypermasculinity in a way
that was neither sexist nor misogynist. Yet, the usefulness of Grant’s paper is
limited due to the fact that her core arguments are insufficiently substantiated
by wider contextual evidence.
It is incorrect to refer to 80s heavy metal’s macho themed aesthetics as
hypermasculine based on sexist and/or misogynist themes alone. Alternative
hypermasculine subject matter, including representations of sub-classifi-
cation (1) and (2) of Mosher’s definition, illustrates how the aesthetics of
some 80s heavy metal bands were authentically hypermasculine even when
it is not initially obvious. This evaluation of ‘Seek and Destroy’ and ‘Balls to
the Wall’ proves that there is concealed alternative hypermasculine code in
the aesthetics of 80s heavy metal that is yet to be discovered. Yet, further
research is needed to comprehensively excavate the aesthetics of individual

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 Gareth Heritage

80s heavy metal bands, albums and songs in order to bring these alternative
hypermasculine themes to the surface. I would, therefore, encourage others
to take up the task of bringing these themes to the attention of the metal
music studies fraternity, in order to establish a scholastic canon confirming
that 80s heavy metal’s alternative hypermasculine aesthetics are more wide-
spread than is presently understood, thereby giving much needed balance to
the existing discourse.

DEDICATION
This article is dedicated to the late Professor Sheila Whiteley (1941–2015) who
introduced me to the wondrous world of popular musicology.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to acknowledge Heather Savigny and Sam Sleight for their
engagement with my work, Karl Spracklen and Samantha Holland for their
ongoing support, and Anisa Heritage and Natalie Marié for their translations.

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 Gareth Heritage

SUGGESTED CITATION
Heritage, G. (2016), ‘Accept(ing) the other (Metallic[a]) hypermasculine
image: Case studies towards an alternative understanding of hypermas-
culinity in the aesthetics of 1980s heavy metal’, Metal Music Studies, 2: 1,
pp. 57–68, doi: 10.1386/mms.2.1.57_1

CONTRIBUTOR DETAILS
Fascinated by heavy metal music and culture of the 1980s, Gareth is complet-
ing his Ph.D. at Leeds Beckett University, United Kingdom. Gareth is actively
involved in music education, teaching guitar, bass, drums and music theory
to students of all ages, whilst working as an examiner, examining music for
Trinity College (London) and the International Baccalaureate, and A-Level
sociology for OCR. Gareth holds a Masters of Music, a postgraduate diploma,
two postgraduate certificates, qualified teacher status (QTS) and is a Fellow of
the London College of Music. Gareth has also published research regarding
80s heavy metal’s neo-classical aesthetic.

Contact: Leeds Beckett University, Headingley Campus, Headingley, Leeds,

West Yorkshire, LS6 3QS, United Kingdom.
E-mail: G.Heritage@leedsbeckett.ac.uk

Gareth Heritage has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work in the format that
was submitted to Intellect Ltd.

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