CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Participation in politics is a symbol of democracy and

modernity. Earlier, governance and politics were concerted in the

hands of a small group of people. On the other hand, modern society

has embraced the idea of widespread and active involvement by

everyone. However, in recent years, there has been concern over the

marginalization of women in politics. The issues have been expressed

via international forums on the one hand, and women’s organizations

and academics at the national and regional levels on the other.

Women’s participation in politics is now widely recognized as a

critical component of a functioning democracy. If half of the people

do not engage in the political process, no democracy can be

considered healthy. Women’s ideas and inspiration, methods of life,

standards of behavior, and effective involvement in all areas of life

have all changed dramatically since the turn of the twentieth century.

Women’s equality with men has become a worldwide phenomenon.

Women are now active in politics, developments, social movements,

and other fields. The Indian constitution, the world’s biggest

democracy, provides equal rights and opportunities to its entire

people, regardless of caste, creed, religion, or gender. The

constitution outlaws all forms of gender discrimination. However,

1
almost half of our population (Indian women account for one-sixth of

the world’s female population) has been unable to engage effectively

in many aspects of life, including the country’s political life, after

more than 71 years after the constitution’s inception.1 We must

acknowledge that political involvement is a defining feature of every

democratic system. Women must engage equally with males to start

a fresh life in such a situation. Even the character, success, and

affectivity of democracy are mainly determined by the degree to which

the system provides equitable, effective, and real involvement to all

of its people. Because women account for about half of the

population, they cannot be overlooked and need particular care. We

need to understand the nature and extent of their involvement to

obtain a realistic picture of women’s participation and formulate

appropriate policies and strategies.

Political Participation

Political participation has been defined in various ways.

Political participation means not only exercising the right to vote, but

also active involvement in the decision-making process at all levels of

governance.2 It is an essential ingredient of human development. It

refers to the people’s active involvement in particular projects or

programs that are adopted for the benefit of society. Active

participation enables people to access a much broader range of

opportunities. It also refers to the voluntary involvement of all the

2
people in the formulation as well as the implementation of various

governments’ policies and programs for the benefit of society.3

Political participation does not only mean casting votes during the

election rather it includes a wider range of activities like participating

in the election campaign, having membership in various political

parties, contesting elections, etc. Participation helps the individual to

be effective and associates him with the political system. It is an

essential element for the success of a democratic form of governance.

It provides the people with ample opportunities to take an active part

in the functioning of governance and also make the government

responsible for their acts of omission and commission.

Statement of the Problem

In the state of Assam, women’s political engagement is

extremely limited. Even though the government of India and the

government of Assam have taken different steps to increase women’s

participation in decision-making, a review of the literature shows that

women’s representation in the State Legislative Assembly and

Assam’s party politics remains quite low. They have always remained

outside of the political mainstream. It has also been shown that the

number of female candidates in Assam’s Legislative Assembly and

Lok Sabha elections has been much lower than that of male

candidates since 1951.4 There is a significant disparity between the

number of elected males and women. Even if some women strive to

3
get involved in politics, they are unable to do so due to male control

of political parties. When they enter politics, they are confronted with

a slew of issues and criticisms. In the state of Assam, less powerful

women are seen in crucial political roles. Because they have

traditionally limited themselves to domestic duties, the majority of

them are unaware of all of the government’s actions. Their

participation and decisions are governed by the male members of

their family. Aside from political parties, women in Assam are

significantly underrepresented in other aspects of the decision-

making process.5

The patriarchal setting, the current cultural value system, the

private-public gap in terms of domain identity, and male

preponderance in political institutions are all factors that impede

women’s engagement in Assam politics.6 Furthermore, women do not

receive appropriate financial backing from political parties to run for

office. They do not hold a significant role in politics and are unable

to obtain enough political training due to unequal distribution of

resources. Similarly, poverty impedes women’s participation in

politics.

The absence of a political will has also been identified as one

of the major causes for women’s lower political participation,

according to a review of the literature. Women’s health is also a key

barrier to their engagement. According to Mamata Narzary’s study

4
“Women’s Marginal Role in Politics with Special Reference to Assam,”

the cause of women’s low representation in politics is the good

tradition of nature of their household responsibility and workload.7

It was incredibly difficult for them to devote more time to politics. As

a result, women are unable to obtain all of the knowledge that men

may easily obtain from casual gossip with a wide range of people. The

same situation exists in Assam’s Hojai District, where patriarchal

culture, low literacy, poverty, and a lack of political awareness are all

prevalent. As a result, women in Assam’s politics, particularly

mainstream politics, have a low level of engagement and representation.

In the Assam Assembly Elections of 1962, only one woman member

won a single seat in the Jamunamukh constituency in the Hojai

district.8

Political Participation of Women in the World

Among varied challenges, political movements frequently saw

the participation of women all over the globe. However, once the crisis

is over, they are relegated again to the domestic arena.9 New Zealand

was the first self-governing country in the world where women had

the right to vote, but they could not contest in the election in 1893,

followed closely by the colony of South Australia in 1894, where they

permitted the women to contest for Parliament’s Election. The

Women’s Parliamentary Rights Act (WPRA) was passed in New

Zealand in October 1919, and women were allowed to contest for

5
Parliamentary election.10 Theodore Roosevelt’s Progressive Party

supported the Women’s Suffrage Movement in 1912, and in 1916,

the Republican and Democratic parties, America’s two major political

parties, fully supported the women’s suffrage movement, and finally,

in 1920, American women were granted voting rights, which they

exercised in the 1920 presidential election.11 Women in the United

Kingdom (UK) gained political rights as a result of laws passed in

1918 and 1928. In 1918, men were allowed to vote at the age of 21

and women at the age of 30, but in 1928, the ‘Representation of

People’s Act changed their voting age to 21. In 1790, the French

women’s movement began.12

In today’s modern world, most countries have a significant

underrepresentation of women in government. Women in many of

these countries had limited chances for social participation,

particularly when it came to pursuing political rights and authority

in government and other institutions.13This historical trend

continues, even though women are increasingly being elected to

positions of power in state and government.14

The global participation rate of women in national-level

parliaments was 24.10 per cent in December 2018, as per data.15 In

2013, women held 8 per cent of all national leadership positions and

2 per cent of all presidential positions. Furthermore, in the last two

decades, 75 per cent of all female prime leaders and presidents have

6
gained office.16 Several countries are looking into ways to boost

women’s involvement in governance at all levels, from regional to

national. In today’s world, however, a growing number of women are

pursuing leadership positions. The global average of women in

National Assemblies is 24.30 per cent as of 1st April, 2019.17 At the

same time, there are significant variances between nations; for

example, Sri Lanka has low female participation rates in parliament,

compared to Rwanda, Cuba, and Bolivia, which have the highest

female representation rates. Three of the top 10 countries (Bolivia,

Cuba, and Mexico) are from Latin America, and the Americas have

seen the most change in the last 20 years.18 The global share of

women in national legislatures is 25.50 per cent as of 1st January,

2021, up from 24.90 per cent the previous year.19

Political Participation of Women in India

In 1921, Madras became the first Indian province to provide

women’s suffrage, but only to men and women who owned land,

according to records kept by the British administration.20 The

privileges granted in reaction to the suffrage movement were confined

to literacy criteria and property ownership, including property

ownership of husband.21 This excluded the vast majority of Indian

women and men from voting since they were poor. This changed in

1950 when universal suffrage was granted to all adult Indian citizens.

In 1950, universal suffrage granted voting rights and the right to

contest in elections to all women. This is enshrined in Article 326 in

7
the Indian Constitution. In India, women participate in voting,

decision-making, political activism, and political consciousness at a

much lower rate than men. Women’s political participation is mostly

focused on political activism and voting. The Indian government has

implemented reservations for seats in local governments to

counteract gender disparity in politics. In the 2014 Lok Sabha

election, the total voters were 834,082,814, and the total vote was

554,175,255 (except NRIs and service) having 66.44 per cent. Where

women voted 65.54 per cent (260,192,272 out of 397,018,915) except

NRIs and service votes; while men voted 67 per cent (292,826,408

out of 437,035,372) except NRIs and service votes.22 Here the voting

gap is 1.46 per cent. In terms of women’s representation in the Indian

parliament, India is ranked 146th.23 As of 2019, the total voted 67.4

per cent; while as male voted 67.02 per cent, female 67.18 per cent,

and third gender 14. 64 per cent (except postal vote). The difference

in voting participation between men and women in the 2019 Lok

Sabha Election was only 0.16 per cent female votes are more than

male voters.24 There are 81 women MPs in the Lok Sabha,

representing 14.92 per cent of the 543 seats,25 and 29 women

members in the Rajya Sabha out of 237 members as of Saturday,

January 29, 2022 that representing 12.24 per cent.26 The Indian

Constitution aims to eliminate gender inequities by prohibiting sex

and class discrimination, prohibiting human trafficking and forced

labour, and reserving elected positions for women.

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Political Participation of Women in Assam

Women’s political participation in Assam, like everywhere in

India, began in limited ways during the independence movement. The

invasion of the Burmese, the impact of Brahmanism, and the

emergence of Bengali culture drove Assamese women to confine

themselves to the four walls of the home throughout the first hundred

years of the British period, according to the history and literature of

Assam. There was no way for women to contribute to the larger

community, nation, or even their own country.

Their task consisted solely of ensuring the well-being of their

husbands and children. Mahatma Gandhi visited Assam in 1921 and

gave talks around the state. He also addressed Assamese women at

special meetings planned for them, where Gandhi encouraged them

to actively participate in the freedom movement’s programs.

Assamese women were fascinated by Gandhi’s visit to Assam, and

they stepped forward to join the freedom cause. Since 1947, women’s

participation in Assam politics has been separated into two

categories: engagement in mass movements and participating in

electoral politics.27After independence, women’s participation in

Assam’s electoral politics was minimal and unsatisfactory.

Even though the constitution provides equal opportunities for

women to engage in politics, it was still seen as a male-dominated

domain. However, the role of women in mass movements was seen to

9
be the same throughout the liberation movement. Only one woman

was elected to the inaugural Legislative Assembly Election held on

1952, which percentage was 0.93. Women voted 42.05 per cent of the

time in the 1962 election, while males voted 58.39 per cent of the

time. In the 2006 election for the 12th Legislative Assembly, male

voters accounted for 76.49 per cent of the vote, while female voters

accounted for 74.89 per cent of the vote, just 1.60 per cent fewer than

male voters. In the 13th Legislative Assembly Election (2011), 76.85

per cent electoral male casted their votes and female percentage were

74.94, which was just 1.91 per cent less. But only 15 women elected

out of 126 assembly seats which was 11.90 percentage that has never

exceeded from the first Assembly to the fifteenth Assembly. In the

fourteenth Assembly Election, the total number of male voters was

10341506, out of which 8721307 (84.33%) were cast their votes

(except postal votes). And the total number of female voters was

9649238, out of which 8169835 (84.67%) were cast their votes

(except postal votes). It was highest till date. In the 2021 election, the

total number of male voters was 11884877, out of which 9698076

(81.60%) were cast their votes (expect postal and third gender votes).

And the total number of female voters was 11551590, out of which

9473426 (82%) were cast their votes (except postal and third gender

votes).28

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Rational of the Study

A state’s march towards advancement and success remains a

daydream, its ambition unsatisfied and unrealized unless women

vigorously contributed to all progressive actions of that country.

Political power, in this view, is the most powerful tool for empowering

women to participate in society. Women’s participation in

mainstream political activities strengthens a country’s democratic

system and broadens its governing horizons. As a democracy, the

system in which the government acts as the voice of the voiceless,

which is often regarded as the best form of representation.29 Women’s

massive turnout on election day, despite fewer women competing for

those seats, illustrates their political awareness and intelligence, but

no proactive action has been taken to encourage their full

participation, limiting their contestation rate.30 Although Assam has

a long and storied history, women have been unable to assume a key

position in decision-making. Women’s political participation

remained modest in the post-independence period while playing a

key role in pre-independence politics.31 Since the beginning, women

have only been allowed to hold a few seats in parliament and state

legislatures.32As a result, in order to achieve women’s empowerment,

it is necessary to provide chances for women to participate in

decision-making processes at all levels. The research has looked into

a variety of topics relating to women’s political participation in the

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study area. The insights have allowed service providers to take a more

targeted approach to solve their difficulties. Understanding the

findings of this study also provides unique information on their

demands, which aids planners and policymakers in developing

policies and plans to increase women’s political engagement. With

this in mind, the current study on political participation in the Hojai

District of Assam was done.

Review of Literature

The study includes a brief review of the selected literature

related to political participation among women, both in the regional,

national and international scenario. The general idea of the relevant

literature has helped the researcher to determine the research

objectives, outline the research design, and also to decide the overall

methodological parameters.

Sanjay Kumar (2021)33 in his book “Women Voter’s in

Indian Elections” examines key issues such as Indian women’s

voting behaviour and political activities; individual and motivational

factors affecting participation; domestic political socialization of

women; the role of internalized patriarchy and political opinions; and

the challenges women face in achieving representation in Indian

politics, using empirical data from 11 Indian states. This book will be

invaluable to scholars and researchers of political studies, women’s

12
studies, gender studies, sociology, Indian politics, political sociology,

voting behaviour, and South Asian studies since it will make a

significant contribution to the study of voting patterns. Journalists

and activists will find it beneficial as well.

Rosalind Shorrock (2021)34 in the book “Women, Men, and

Elections” has described that women and men react to party policy

views in different ways depending on their gender and socioeconomic

status, resulting in gendered political behaviour that varies among

elections, countries, and subgroups in society. Women, Men, and

Elections provide a much-needed new viewpoint on how we think

about politics, representation, and party competition. It’s a great

supplement for students and academics interested in comparative

politics, gender and politics, and political behaviour.

Hasmin Ahmed (2020)35 in his article “Gender Divide in the

Political Representation in North East India” denotes that the

Indian Constitution ensures equality in every field between men and

women through Article 14 and other provisions such as 15 (3), 16,

39 (d), 42, 243 D, and 243 T, according to the Global Gender Gap

Index 2020 Report. Women, on the other hand, are underrepresented

in India, with only 14.4 per cent of legislators and 23 per cent of

cabinet members being female. In North-East India, women suffer

gender inequality in a variety of ways, including access to school,

13
career prospects, health care, political engagement, and so on. The

purpose of this article is to examine the gender gap in women’s

representation in legislative bodies in North East India.

Dr. Biswabijoy Bhattacharjee (2020)36 in his article

“Political Participation and Women: A Study of Assam”

describes that though the government’s grassroots reservation

facilities have enhanced women’s participation, it is not voluntary,

and most female elected members are considered as stand-ins for

their male counterparts. Low literacy and income levels, on the other

hand, contribute to their exclusion.

Sandhya Goswami (2020)37 in her book “Assam Politics in

Post-Congress Era: 1985 and Beyond” analyses the shifting

political dynamics in Assam in light of the state’s history and socio-

economic situation, using the unique data sets of National Election

Studies. It also explains the state’s complex political dynamics, which

began with Congress’s defeat and culminated in the BJP’s current

dominance.

Dr. Mahan Borah and Hemanta Rabha (2020)38 in their

article “Women’s Participation in the Village level Politics of

Bodoland Territorial Area Districts (BTAD) of Assam” discusses

that it is almost obvious that development in our state, particularly

in BTAD, is not gender-neutral, and rural women have a lower

14
position in grass-root politics than average Indian women. We are

one of the first democratic countries to grant men and women equal

voting and participation rights. However, prejudice against women

continues to exist in our country. There is still a significant number

of women who fall under the ‘Below Poverty Line’ category, which may

be found in both urban and rural development organisations.

Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty (2019)39 in her book “Assam:

The Accord, The Discord” talks about the Assam Accord, which

intended to put an end to a six-year struggle in Assam against illegal

immigrants, was struck just hours before Rajiv Gandhi was to deliver

the Independence Day address in 1985. The student leaders were

immediately launched from their dormitory rooms into the corridors

of power. In the same year, their party, the Asom Gana Parishad

(AGP), was elected to power, with Prafulla Kumar Mahanta becoming

India’s youngest chief minister. During that time, students took main

leadership along with the female students and gradually involved in

the Assam politics.

Juri Baruah (2019)40 in her article “Tribal Politics in

Assam: From Line System to Language Problem” explains the

significance of the line system and how it was originally used to offer

space for organised tribal politics in terms of land rights. Tribal

politics has gone through numerous stages of difficulties and

15
opportunities, including appeals for autonomy and the concept of

homeland, from the line system to landlessness. Ethnic identity is

strongly linked to the region's unique linguistic characteristics,

which makes it subject to identity issues.

Yannis Theocharis & Jen W. Van Deth (2019)41 in the book

“Political Participation in a Changing World: Conceptual and

Empirical Challenges in the Study of Citizen Engagement”

propose a cohesive and systematic strategy to analyzing political

participation, as well as new conceptual and empirical instruments

for doing so. This book is essential for specialists and students of

political behaviour who want to investigate new forms of political

engagement systematically while keeping the possibility of more

traditional political actions alive.

Mittal V and Dutta J (2019)42 in their article “Important

Aspects of Women Empowerment in Assam and India” mentions

that despite the fact that women play an important role in the home

and society, women do not have equal rights in the household

economy, and they do not have equal rights in social situations. Both

in the political and economic spheres. The importance of

improvement women’s position has now been recognized around the

world as a critical component of national success and development.

16
 Dr. Kabita Deka (2019)43 in her article “Status of Women

in Assamese Proverbs: An Analytical Study” seeks to study that

the Assamese society has a long history of oral literature. Proverbs,

like other myth items, can serve as a medium for societal

representation. Proverbs were utilized by elders and parents in

almost all communities to share information and guide new

generations. Through the use of proverbs, this paper attempts to

analyze the status of women in Assamese society in the past. Many

proverbs like "Giri jai porot, tiri thake gharat" (the-man/husband

work in outside and the women/ wife work in inside) it also reflects

the illiterate condition of women and unawareness towards their

rights and opportunities.

Kanta Katariya and Mahesh Pariyar (2019)44 in their book

“Women’s Political Participation in India” presents that in the

modern era, especially in the last four decades or so, the topic of

women's empowerment has taken on enormous importance all over

the world. It is gaining traction or rising every day. The rise of liberal

philosophy, the collapse of totalitarianism, the advancement of

technology, the birth of a new idea of human rights, people’s concern

about a borderless world, and other reasons have all contributed to

its development. Women’s empowerment has become a fashionable

buzzword in every part of the globe today.

17
 Yvette Peters (2018)45 in the book “Political Participation,

Diffused Governance, and the Transformation of Democracy

(Patterns of Change)” re-examines political participation patterns in

contemporary democracies, giving an in-depth time-series cross-

sectional analysis that aids in the development of a better

understanding of how variance in political involvement can be

explained, both between nations and through time. As a result, it

creates an institutional theoretical framework that can assist explain

levels of involvement and reveals that citizens have relocated or

displaced their activities to a wider range of modes of participation,

rather than demonstrating more political apathy.

Khanday Arsheed Aziz (2018)46 “Political Participation of

Women in India-a Historical Approach” presents that new types of

enslavement and denial of women’s true place have emerged in the

contemporary era, such as equal effort but unequal compensation,

sexual harassment in the workplace, exclusion from country

administration, and so on. However, with the support of then-

emerging feminist movements and emancipation campaigns, reforms

began to emerge, with women asserting their rights more and more.

Societal reformers in India, such as Rajaram Mohan Roy and Ishwar

Chandra Vidyasagar, spoke out against the current norms and social

customs that oppress women. Their activities centered on issues that

18
harmed women’s lives, such as sati, child marriage, female

infanticide, polygamy, the misery of widows, and so on.

Sanjay Mili (2018)47 in his thesis “Political Participation

and Representation of Missing Women in Assam: A study of

Dhemaji and Johrat Districts of Assam” has broadly analyzed the

socio-economic status of missing women in Assam and how they are

represented in the Assembly and Lok Sabha elections. Apart from

that, a study has been made regarding their political awareness and

education for the same.

Nabajyoti Borah (2018)48 in his thesis “Electoral Politics

and Political Participation in Assam- a Study of Jorhat

District” discusses that despite all of the severe issues, one of India’s

greatest strengths is the increased public participation, notably in

the political process. Though people’s participation in the democratic

process has gradually increased, recent elections have shown highly

encouraging turnouts. It is, nevertheless, a democratic procedural

front. The majority of the time, Indian democracy is based on

electoral politics, in which democracy is only revived and celebrated

in multi-dimensional ways during elections.

Surbhi Agarwal (2017)49 in her book “Women and Law in

India” analyses that in the Indian Constitution’s preamble,

fundamental rights, fundamental duties, and directive Principles, the

19
principle of gender equality is incorporated. The Constitution not

only guarantees women’s equality but also empowers the government

to take positive discrimination measures in their favour.

Binita Nath (2016)50 in her article “Political Participation

of Assamese Women: An Extensive Study from Mid-Eighteen

Onwards” discusses that various worldwide conferences and

symposiums have focused on women’s political participation. Several

suggestions were given to improve women’s participation in political

decision-making. Women’s equitable participation in political life is

critical to the overall process of women’s growth. According to the

2011 census, women account for half of the overall population of our

country (49.5 %). Women, on the other hand, have been politically

marginalised in our country, and the majority of them live in poverty.

Most governments around the world have failed to provide women

with adequate political space and representation.

Dr. Dhaneswar Baishya (2016)51 in his article “Political

Participation of Women of Assam with Special Reference to

Nalbari District” looked at women’s political participation in Assam

in general and in the Nalbari district in particular from two

perspectives - participation in various mass movements and electoral

politics. It is discovered that, since the period of the fight for freedom,

Women have played an important role in a variety of social

20
movements. Various general and special issues have sparked

movements. Now, Women’s voting engagement in politics is also

impressive. According to the record of women voters, they are nearly

equal to the rate of men voters and electoral participation in the past.

However, the number of women who vote is decreasing. Male

candidates in politics are significantly fewer than female candidates.

Parismita Borah (2015)52 in her article “Political

Participation of Women in North-East India with Special Reference

to Assam after Independence” attempts to compare women’s

participation in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Elections in

Assam to that of men. In terms of political participation, women

continue to fall behind men in the country. In India, women have a

low level of political participation. Despite their long and storied

history, Assamese women have never held a prominent position in

governmental decision-making or played a substantial role in party

politics.

Nipan Haloi (2015)53 in his article “Women Empowerment:

A brief overview in the context of Assam” has discussed that in

Assam, women’s employment for self-sufficiency is quite limited. The

performance of most upper Assam districts in terms of employment

is comparable to that of lower and central Assam districts. In general,

we have seen a link between employment status and literacy rate. As

21
a result, Assam’s low literacy areas have performed poorly in the

labour market. The ratio of women working in state government

functions is extremely low. Women who work in government services

are typically found in urban areas. Rural women are still behind the

times when it comes to government services.

Pamela Paxton, Melanie M. Hughes (2014)54 in their book

“Women, Politics, and Power – A Global Perspectives” offers a

comprehensive overview of women’s political engagement and

representation in a variety of countries and areas. Authors Pamela

Paxton and Melanie Hughes use wide statistical overviews and

comprehensive case-study descriptions to illustrate both historical

patterns and the current situation of women’s political strength in a

variety of countries. The book emphasizes distinctions among women

by paying attention to inter-sectionality and heterogeneity among

women, in addition to discussing global issues. Dedicated chapters

on six geographic locations illustrate the various paths to political

power that women can take in various parts of the world. No other

book provides such a comprehensive and diverse overview of studies

on women’s political influence around the world.

Paramita Dey (2014)55 in her book “Critical Mass: Women

Leadership in Rural Assam” provides that for a country to flourish

sustainably and economically, individuals must be able to freely

22
engage in the political process, both men and women. They should

play an active role in policy development and social change.

Participation is a complicated process, and it’s not always clear what

constitutes total inclusion. As a result, it is impossible to presume

that all sectors of the people, regardless of caste or gender, will

participate successfully in the country’s political and democratic

processes.

Dr. M. Tineshowri Devi (2013)56 in the article “Women

Status in Assam” shows even though the government has made

various initiatives, many gaps remain. It's critical to cultivate a

positive attitude toward women. While government initiatives and

steps are required to address gender disparities and injustices and

empower women, they can only be effective if society’s views and

perspectives on women change. Women’s empowerment will only be

achieved when men, women, and society’s attitudes toward women

change to be congenial and positive, so that she is respected as a

person with her own identity, to be treated as an equally worthy

human being, rather than being abused, exploited, discriminated

against, and ill-treated as a commodity and primarily as a sex object.

R. Letha Kumari (2013)57 in her book “Women in Politics:

Participation and Governance” describes women have been kept

out of the socio-political realm as a marginalised element of society

throughout the world. They are still marginalised from society and

23
subjected to many forms of prejudice. They are exploited

economically, politically, and socially, and they are left out of the

nation’s governance.

Manas Chakrabarty (2012)58 in his article “Women

Empowerment in Assam: A Study” shows that economic status,

educational background, and political knowledge are all important

factors in the development of women’s empowerment. Assam is one

of India’s eight northeastern states. Assam is the region’s most

populous state and the second-largest in terms of land area. As a

result, women’s standing in Assam is poor. Because the position of

women in education, economic strength, and political awareness in

Assam are weaker and less than in other states of the country. As a

result, women’s empowerment in Assam can succeed politically,

economically, and educationally.

Praveen Rai (2011)59 in his article “Electoral Participation

of Women in India: Key Determinants and Barriers” focuses that

in India, women’s participation in formal politics displays a

significant growth in voting turnout and election campaigning.

Despite tremendous progress in these two areas, women remain

underrepresented in legislative bodies at both the national and state

levels, as well as in political parties. Women’s participation in

elections as voters and campaigners differs, according to a review of

the factors influencing participation.

24
 Madhu Bala (2011)60 in her thesis “Political Participation

of Women in Panchayats- A Case Study of Gurdaspur District in

Punjab” discussed the history of women’s political participation in

India’s PRIs. Women’s political engagement is measured by the

degree of equality and freedom they have in influencing and sharing

power, as well as the societal value placed on their role. The woman’s

participation in many countries around the world suggests that it

has varied, i.e. she was admired by Greeks, Chinese, Romans,

Europeans, and others. Women benefited greatly from the wave of

democracy, equality, socialism, and justice that swept the 18th and

19th centuries. Despite this, women were not permitted to engage in

the country’s political process.

Tapan Das (2011)61 in his thesis “Political participation

and democracy with special reference to Arunachal Pradesh”

tries to determine the extent to which people participate in various

forms of political activity that are available under a democratic

political organisation. Through people’s participation in political

activities in the state of Arunachal Pradesh, it seeks to portray the

picture of democracy in action. Democracy, as defined in the

preceding pages, refers to a form of governance in which the people

rule. Different political provisions set in the structure of democratic

institutions for sharing their role in the management of state affairs

ensure the rule of the people.

25
 Lalneihzovi (2009)62 in his book “Changing Status of

Women in the North-Eastern States” talks about the evolution of

Indian women’s status may be traced back to the early Vedic period

when women were treated equally in practically all aspects of life.

However, due to some circumstances, women’s status deteriorated

significantly, and the situation worsened during the middle Ages.

Following independence, there was a modest improvement due to the

introduction of the Indian Constitution, which included specific

measures for citizen equality that benefited women. Furthermore, the

UN and other international organisations have undertaken attempts

to promote women's status in countries around the world.

Nayak, Purusottam, and Mahanta, Bidisha (2009)63 in their

article “Women Empowerment in Assam” discusses about that by

using secondary data obtained from various sources, the current

paper attempts to analyse the status of women and their

empowerment in the state of Assam in terms of various indicators

such as access to education, employment, household decision-

making power, financial autonomy, freedom of movement, media

exposure, political participation, the experience of domestic violence,

and so on. According to the study, the state's development process is

not gender-neutral, and women in the state have a worse status than

average Indian women. The percentage of women employed by the

government and their political participation is both low and shows

26
no signs of improvement. Though still not in favour of women, the

sex ratio is improving over time. In the state, women have a higher

status.

Sujata D. Hazarika (2006)64 in her article “Political

Participation of Women and The Dialectics of 73rd

Amendment” tries to focus that from February to December 2004, a

study was conducted in three Assam districts: Sonitpur, Cachar, and

Nalbari, involving 16 villages and 12 panchayats (including some of

Assam’s worst flood-affected blocks) to determine women’s self-

governance participation) to learn more about women’s participation

in local self-government in Assam. Through an empirical study of

rural Assam, the study highlights widespread ignorance and

misconceptions about the Panchayati raj institution and the 73rd

amendment and strongly recommends sensitization, training, and

capacity building of both men and women as the first step in any

attempt to implement these democratic measures. Here, women from

three categories were sampled: elected women, general women, and

women from Panchayats.

Dipti Sharma (2004)65 in her book “Assamese Women in

the Freedom Struggle” talks about the glorious contribution of the

women of the Brahmaputra Valley of Assam to India’s independence

through their participation. In all phases of the freedom struggle from

1921 to 1947 is highlighted in this book.

27
 Meredith Rolf (2002)66 in the book “Voter Turnout: A

Social Theory of Political Participation”, elaborates the

challenges of long-held beliefs about why certain people vote more

frequently than others (for example, college graduates, churchgoers,

and citizens voting in national rather than local elections). The book

demonstrates that typical demographic characteristics are proxies

for systematic variation in the patterns of social links between

potential voters, not for variance in individual costs and rewards of

involvement. Potential voters who are part of larger social circles,

particularly those that include politicians and other mobilising

actors, have more access to the flurry of electoral activity that

encourages citizens to vote and increases political conversation.

Margaret Conwat (2001)67 in the book “Women and

Political Participation: Cultural Change in the Political Arena,

Second Edition” analyzes the changing terrain of the country’s

cultural past that has affected women’s participation in the United

States. The authors provide students with a compelling tool to

comprehend the gender gap in political beliefs, patterns of women’s

political participation, and women as members of the political elite

through an examination of women’s political socialisation.

Sonia Bathla (1998)68 in her book “Women, Democracy,

and Media” denotes that the gendered implications of political

28
communication, as well as the way the news media covers problems

that affect women, is a more recent concern. As media is a powerful

channel of information, sometimes it can be seen that women

politicians may be under-represented in news pre and post elections.

The author examines the workings of what she refers to as

‘Brahmanical hegemony,’ or the Indian urban elite’s deeply

established cultural orientation. As a result, women’s issues have

been relegated to the private realm, making them irrelevant to

democratic debates. This book emphasises the importance of

confronting this mindset for dialogues on women’s issues in India to

take place in the future.

Research Gap

Although many researchers have worked on the status of

women, empowerment of women, and political participation of

women in other districts of Assam; after assessing the literature, one

can find that very less or no literature regarding the political

participation of women in the selected research area. Therefore

keeping this point, it has been chosen as a research gap to be focused

on. To fill the gap in the existing field of literature, the present study

attempts to analyze the political participation of women in the Hojai

district of Assam.

29
Objectives of the Study

• To discuss the nature of women’s political participation in

Assam.

• To study the socio-economic profile of women in the Hojai

district of Assam.

• To gauge the level of political participation among the women

in the General Assembly Elections of the Hojai district of

Assam.

• To analyze the political affiliation and awareness among

women in the Hojai district of Assam.

• To suggest possible solutions for the benefits of political

participation among women in the study area.

Research Methods

The survey method is utilized to get the right type of

information from the respondents about the political participation of

women regarding General Assembly Elections in Assam.

Research Variables

• Dependent Variables: Political awareness, political participation.

• Independent Variables: Age groups, marital status,

education, caste, religion, occupational status, locality,

monthly family income, place of living, family type, type of

house, number of family members.

30
Research Hypotheses

Given the objectives of the present study, the following

hypotheses are framed and have been tested with the help of

appropriate statistical tools and techniques.

Based on the above objectives, the following research

hypotheses have been framed for the study:

1. H0: There is no significant difference in the level of political

participation among women regarding the General Assembly

Elections based on the

1.1 : Age groups

1.2 : Marital Status

1.3 : Educational Status

1.4 : Caste

1.5 : Religion

1.6 : Occupational Status

2. H1: There is a significant difference in the level of political

participation among women regarding the General Assembly

Elections based on the

2.1 : Monthly Family Income

2.2 : Place of Living

31
 2.3 : Family Type

2.4 : Type of House

2.5 : Number of Family Members

3. H0: There is no significant difference in the level of political

awareness among women regarding the General Assembly

Election based on the

3.1 : Age Groups

3.2 : Marital Status

3.3 : Educational Status

3.4 : Caste

3.5 : Place of Living

4. H1: There is a significant difference in the level of political

awareness among women regarding the General Assembly

Election based on the

4.1 : Religion

4.2 : Occupational Status

4.3 : Monthly Family Income

4.4 : Family Type

4.5 : Type of House

4.6 : Number of Family Members

32
Operational Definitions

Political Affiliation: Political Affiliation means any form of

association or any consistent support for a political party, politician,

or any other political cause.

Political Participation: Political Participation refers to the civic

activities, such as voting, that citizens use to take part in the political

process and express their opinions and preferences.

Political Awareness: Political Awareness refers to how much factual

information voters have about politics.

Selection of the Study Area

The area that has been selected for the research is the Hojai

district (once was a subdivision of Nagaon) was formally declared a

district on the 15th of August, 2015. Hojai district consists of three

tehsils that are Lanka, Hojai, and Doboka. The researcher has

selected the Doboka and Hojai because both the tehsils are located

in distinct geographical areas in which all the categories of people

will fall after finalizing the data. The selected study mainly focused

on women’s political participation which is approximately equal as

compared to men but very less in mainstream politics.

Sources of Data

Primary Data: The primary data for the study consist of information

obtained from 781 women with the help of a self-prepared interview

schedule.

33
Secondary Data: The information collected through books, journals,

government documents, blogs, internet, published and unpublished

sources were used in this research

Research Design

The design used in the present study is descriptive research

design which is related to describing the characteristics of a

particular individual, group, or situation. Through the research

design, the researcher selects the proper procedures for selecting

variables, samples, and data collection to apply appropriate research

tools and statistical methods for their research work.

The study examines the political participation of women in

Assam. The researcher has developed a self-structured interview

schedule to gather specific data from the study participants by using

a simple random sampling technique. This is a part of the formalized

schedule for data collection in the study. The type of interview

schedule for interviews is mostly determined by the type of survey

method implored.

Reliability and Validity

Reliability refers to testing the consistency of the measurement

of an instrumental tool for data collection. A measurement is

considered to be highly reliable when the results are consistent. It is

the characteristics of a set of test scores that are related to the

34
amount of random error from the measurement process that might

be embedded in the scores. Highly reliable scores are reproducible,

consistent, and precise from one test to other tests. Therefore, to

check the reliability of the research tool, Cornbach’s Alpha has been

used and it had shown that alpha greater than 0.80 (in general the

cut-off reliability is 0.70) which implied good and reliable internal

consistency among the items. If the test is repeated the results are

more or less the same which means it is highly reliable. In the present

study, the scales adopted for the study are subjected to a reliability

test. The reliability test scores reveal that political awareness scale

had a reliability score of 0.831 and political participation scale had a

reliability score of 0.740. Thus, both the scales have satisfied the

reliability score of 0.7 which is considered as a good reliability. The

scales were also subjected to face validity and validity using person

correlation. Both the validity tests shows that the items used in the

scales are valid. Validity of an instrumental tool for data collection

i.e. interview schedule was achieved by developing the items with

reference to the objectives of the study. Further, the validity was

obtained by considering the opinion of the experts in the field of

political science

Pre-Study and Pilot Study

Pre-test was conducted before administering the interview

schedule for data collection. The pre-test was conducted among 50

women were selected from Kopahbari village and ward no 14 (town area).

35
Based on the results of the pre-test, some of the questions were

restructured and modified to ensure the validity and reliability of the

data collection tool. The pre-test was conducted from 1.06.2021 to

5.07.2021.

A pilot study was conducted before the actual study to check

the feasibility of the study. For this purpose, various stakeholders

related to the research study were contacted and discussions were

made with them. The researcher met common women, women

politicians and discussed about the study. Apart from this, the

researcher has also met academic experts and discussed the

research work. Based on the inputs from various stakeholders, the

interview schedule was found to be appropriate for the study.

Sampling Design

For selecting the sample, the Multi-stage sampling technique

was adopted. The Hojai district in Assam state consists of three

circles/ taluks. To give equal representation to rural and urban

areas, among three circles, Hojai and Doboka circles were selected

respectively. Among these two circles, the Hojai circle consists of 105

villages and 20 wards in the town area. Among these villages, 2

villages and 1 ward from the urban area were selected randomly. The

selected 2 villages from Hojai circle are Fakira Basti and Rajbari.

Besides the Doboko circle consisting of 114 villages, 2 villages were

36
selected randomly. The selected 2 villages from Doboko circle are

Kapahbari and Tarapur. From both tehsils, 20 per cent of women

voters were selected randomly from each of these four villages.

Further, the town of Hojai circle consists of 20 wards. Among

these wards, ward no. 14 was selected randomly and 20 per cent of

women voters of it were selected randomly. Similarly, ward no. 1 was

selected out of 10 wards from Doboko. Also, 20 per cent of women

voters were selected by using a simple random technique. The data

was collected from 20.09.2021 to 30.11.2021.

The details regarding the total villages, total male voter, and

women voter population in the age range of above 18 years were

gathered from the circle office and office of the District Election

Officer. Besides, the details of the total wards, total voter population,

total voters male population, and voter female population in the age

range of above 18 years from these 2 wards were collected from the

concerned Municipal Board, Town Committee and Circle Office.

The details regarding selected circles/taluks for this study,

their total voter population, total male voter population, and total

voter women population above 18 years and the samples selected are

given below table.

37
 Table 1.1: Population and Sample from Hojai District

Hojai Circle/Taluk

Total
Name of Male Female Selected
Voters Percentage
Villages Voters Voters Samples
Population

Fakira Basti 1278 703 575 115 20%

Rajbari 1721 906 815 163 20%

Total 2999 1609 1390 278 100%

Town Areas

Ward No. 14 1467 772 695 139 20%

Total 1467 772 695 139 100%

Doboka Circle/Taluk

Total
Name of Male Female Selected
Voters Percentage
Villages Voters Voters Samples
Population

Kapahbari 1303 658 645 129 20%

Tarapur 1373 693 680 136 20%

Total 2676 1351 1325 265 100%

Town Areas

Ward No. 1 994 499 495 99 20%

Total 994 499 495 99 100%

38
Tools and Techniques of Data Collection

The self-structured interview schedule related to political

participation and political awareness of women regarding Assembly

Elections in Assam was administered to collect empirical data from

September to November 2021. The interview schedule was

considered the most appropriate technique because the respondents

were educated as well as uneducated. This proved to be highly

relevant and accurate.

Analysis of Data

All the 781 response sheets were first checked and numbered

one by one. Each question and response in the questionnaire were

codified for easy tabulation; coded data were entered in the excel

software and then analyzed with the SPSS -20 (Statistical Package

for Social Scientists) of the computer. Frequencies and percentages

of different variables were calculated. Statistical techniques like

Descriptive Analysis, K-mean Cluster Analysis, T-test, and One-Way

ANOVA were used to check the statistical difference between different

variables.

Problems Encountered by the Researcher

The empirical nature of this research is the most challenging

part, as it depends mostly on the fieldwork. The researcher made

villages and wards visit to collect the information from them one by

39
one. At the time of data collection, every day the researcher had to

take some assistance from some family members or friends for

accompanying him to the industries where the data had to be

collected. But the information was gathered from 20 to 25

respondents per day because it was too much difficult to reach their

working places during the Covid-19 restrictions.

As the sample only female respondents were selected for data

collection, the schedules had to be filled by the researcher himself.

This exercise consumed a lot of time and effect. The frustrating part

of the study was when respondents used to consume much time

unnecessarily by flooding extra information, which includes their

stories of sufferings and woes which were not required, thus

converting the task of minutes to hours and hence to make the

respondents answer to the point was a difficult task. Moreover, some

respondents were not willing to spare much time, showed disinterest,

and many others looked upon the researcher with suspicion and

misconception and hence were not in a cooperative manner. But all

these anomalies and difficulties were finally resolved by elucidating

and persuading them to understand the significance and purpose of

the study.

40
Delimitations of the Study

1. Among 34 districts of Assam, the study has mainly confined

to the Hojai district.

2. The total sample consists of 781 women belong to above 18

years were taken from the Hojai district only.

3. Only political participation and political awareness among

women regarding General Assembly Elections have been

analyzed.

Plan of the Study

1. Introduction

2. Political Participation: A Theoretical Framework

3. Profile of Assam and Selected Study Area

4. Electoral Politics and Trends of Women’s Participation in

Assam: Historical Perspectives

5. Analysis of Data and Interpretation

6. Summary of Findings, Suggestions and Conclusion

The chapter highlighted the basic concepts of political

participation included review of literature. Besides, the full

methodology was framed for this study such as research gap,

research methods and research tools and techniques and statistical

methods. Finally, the plan for the study.

41
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