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Style and interregional interaction

Ceramics from the Casma capital of El Purgatorio

Melissa Vogel

Over the last decade, investigations into the Casma polity have revealed a coastal power that had previously been over-
looked in discussions of the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Period. New data from the capital city of El Purgato-
rio indicate that this polity had far-reaching ties and interregional interactions with other contemporary polities, especially
as demonstrated by stylistic variation in ceramics. The Casma polity incorporated some foreign influences into their mate-
rial culture while continuing to assert its own cultural identity. This article presents a sample of both Casma-style ceram-
ics and vessels which combine Casma attributes with elements from other styles and interprets these stylistic influences as
evidence for interregional interaction.

En los últimos diez años, investigaciones sobre la entidad política Casma revelan un poder costeño que habían sido ignorados en las
discusiones del Horizonte Medio y del Período Intermedio Tardío. Nueva evidencia sobre la ciudad capital de El Purgatorio indica
que este sistema de gobierno alegó vínculos de largo alcance y interacciones interregionales con otros sistemas políticos contemporáneos,
primariamente demostrado por variación estilística de la cerámica. La cultura Casma incorporó influencias extranjeras en su cultura
material sin dejar de afirmar su propia identidad cultural. Este trabajo presenta una muestra ambos de cerámica del estilo Casma
y vasijas que combinan características Casma con elementos de otros estilos y, interpreta el significado de estas múltiples influencias
culturales para la organización Casma políticos, así como la dinámica política más amplia de este período en la prehistoria peruana.

R ecent research on the north-central coast of Peru

has revealed a prehispanic power that had previ-
ously been overlooked in descriptions of the Middle
Horizon and Late Intermediate Period, the Casma pol-
ity. Although several scholars identified this polity’s
material culture early on, and remarked on its strong
coastal presence during the Middle Horizon and Late
Intermediate Period (e.g., Carrión 2009; Collier 1962;
Kroeber 1944; Tello 1956; Thompson 1966), studies
of the Casma polity have languished. With few excep-
tions (e.g., Conlee et al. 2004: 209-211; Covey 2008:
304-308; Davies 1997: 86; Mackey 2009: 326), most
overviews of coastal prehistory tend to skip straight
from the Moche era to the Chimú Empire, without

M. Vogel, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, 132 Brackett Hall, Clemson, SC 29634; mvogel@clemson.edu

Ñawpa Pacha, Journal of Andean Archaeology, Volume 31, Number 2, pp. 201–224. Copyright © 2011 Institute of Andean Studies. All rights reserved.

201
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Figure 1.  Map of Peru’s North

Coast showing the locations of
Cerro la Cruz and El Purgatorio
and the approximate extent of
coastal polities around AD 1000
(after Mathieu and Vogel 2005).

reference to the centuries in between (e.g., Dulanto
2008; Keatinge 1988; Moseley 2001). These oversights
reflect a lack of focused research on the Casma polity,
one of the archaeological cultures that dominated the
north coast during this interlude (Figure 1). An exami-
nation of previous research combined with new inves-
tigations at Casma sites shows that Casma was a sig-
nificant polity that fills a void in our understanding of
coastal prehistory, and an important player in the po-
litical and economic developments of the Middle Ho-
rizon–Late Intermediate Period transition.
Evidence from the capital city of El Purgatorio
suggests that the Casma polity had far-reaching ties with
other contemporary polities: first the Wari, Lambayeque,
and Central Coast cultures (e.g., Chancay and Ychsma),
and later the Chimú who eventually conquered them.
These external relations included long-distance exchange
of ideas, information, and possibly goods as well. The
Casma incorporated “foreign” influences into their ma-
terial culture while continuing to assert their own cul-
tural identity. The study presents new data from El
Purgatorio, with the goal of elaborating and clarifying
archaeological understanding of Casma ceramic style,
while eliciting some preliminary insights into the inter-
cultural dynamics of the times. I provide examples of
Casma style vessels as well as those which show foreign
influence, and interpret these vessels as evidence for the
Casma polity’s participation in interregional interaction
during this pivotal period in Peruvian prehistory. These
data suggest that despite their strong local coastal roots,
the Casma were also interacting with and being influ-
enced by their neighbors to the east, south and far north.
The Casma Polity
Before describing Casma style ceramics and the sample
from El Purgatorio, a brief overview of the Casma pol-

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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction

Table 1. Previous Names for Variations on Casma Polity Ceramic Styles

Ceramic Huarmey Casma, Santa, Casma Incised, Sechín Huari Norteño B; Tanguche, Corral Incised, San Nicolas
Style Incised Huaylas Casma Modeled, Serpentine Appliqué, Black-white- Molded, San Juan Molded,
Yunga Black-white-red Black-white-red red Black-white-red, Guañape
Provenience Huarmey Casma Valley Casma Valley Sechín Nepeña Valley Santa Valley Virú Valley
by valley Valley Valley
Author(s) Thompson Tello Collier 1962 Kroeber Proulx 1973; Daggett Wilson 1988 Collier 1955
1964 1956 1944 1983

Table 2. Sources for Information on the Casma Polity and/or Casma Style

Subject of Architectural Site Settlement Political

Author Publication Ceramic Style style Maps Patterns Organization Notes
Tello 1956 Survey of Photographs, Brief description NA NA NA Only published photograph
Casma Valley drawings & of El Purgatorio, of El Purgatorio
description no drawings/maps
Collier 1962 Survey of Drawings & NA NA NA NA Divides Casma Incised &
Casma V. description Molded
Fung and Chankillo site Brief description NA NA NA NA links “Casma culture” with
Pimentel 1973 in Casma V. ceramic style
Fung and Survey of Photographs & Brief 3 site Map of sites Secular state
Williams 1977 Sechín Valley description description, maps on Sechín
no drawings branch
Cárdenas Survey of No drawings or NA NA Map of all NA Radiocarbon dates for site
1976/1978 (ill. Chao Valley description here, sites in valley of Cerro la Cruz
in 1979 & 1998) but a few in 1998
Daggett 1983 Survey of Drawings & NA NA NA NA Does not list sites surveyed,
Nepeña Valley description only map
Wilson 1988 Survey of Drawings & Brief 3 site Maps and State, El Calls it “Black-White-Red
Santa Valley description— description, maps description Purgatorio state”
name differs no drawings as capital
Wilson 1995 Survey of Named but no NA NA Maps and El Purgatorio No name given to state
Casma V. illustrations description as capital
Mackey & Chimú Empire Brief mention, NA NA Mention 7 Unified Suggest extent is from Chao
Klymyshyn in Casma V. no illustrations sites/no map polity, El to Huarmey Valleys
1990 or names Purgatorio as
capital

ity and its capital city is necessary. El Purgatorio was
an important urban center of a large coastal polity that
occupied approximately 300 km of contiguous valleys
on the north-central coast and that endured for at least
500 years. Until recently, the Casma polity has received
relatively little archaeological attention, but knowledge
of this culture is growing rapidly and complements the
contributions of previous scholars. Prior to this inves-
tigation of El Purgatorio and the author’s research at
Cerro la Cruz in the Chao Valley (Vogel 2003, 2012),
only surface survey and test excavations had been com-
pleted at any Casma polity site (e.g., Cárdenas 1976,
1978; Collier 1962; Przadka and Giersz 2003; Silva
1992; Tello 1956; Thompson 1966, 1974). Because
surveys of the north coast valleys produced local rather
than regional sequences, the Casma have actually been
referred to by various names, usually with reference
only to their ceramic style (Tables 1 and 2). But a few
publications do refer to Casma as a polity or culture,
rather than just a style (e.g., Collier 1962: 416; Conlee

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Table 3: AMS Dates from El Purgatorio 2006–2009 (University of Arizona AMS Laboratory*)

Lab Sample ID Sample Location Material 14C Age BP Calibrated 1–sigma Calibrated 2–sigma
AA71728 A2R33U1 charcoal 630 ± 34 1320–1351 AD 1301–1365 AD
AA71729 A3R14U1Bu1 charcoal 691 ± 34 1274–1300 AD 1263–1316 AD
AA71730 A3R37U1–SW wood 657 ± 34 1360–1386 AD 1343–1394 AD
AA80772 A1PZ2TH1–CS1 plant (reed) 582 ± 41 1391–1435 AD 1318–1446 AD
AA80773 CCM1U2L16–CS1 charcoal 2,160 ± 43 180–54 BC 352 BC–2 AD
AA80774 CCM1U2F6–CS3 charcoal 869 ± 41 1183–1265 AD 1054–1279 AD
AA80775 CCM1U3F1–CS1 charcoal 2,113 ± 43 158–1 BC 194 BC–50 AD
AA82287 A1PZ2TH3–17 charcoal 708 ± 36 1290–1383 AD 1280–1391 AD
AA82288 A1PL7TH6–49 maize 696 ± 36 1294–1385 AD 1286–1391 AD
AA82289 A1PL7TH7–91 charcoal 822 ± 36 1227–1272 AD 1189–1289 AD
AA82290 A1PL7TH8–30 charcoal 1,322 ± 37 683–776 AD 665–866 AD
AA82291 A1PL7TH10–20 maize 745 ± 36 1274–1378 AD 1230–1388 AD
AA82292 A1PL7U1L4–34 charcoal 678 ± 37 1300–1390 AD 1291–1396 AD
AA82293 CCM1U6F2–4 charcoal 1,019 ± 37 1024–1140 AD 995–1154 AD
AA82294 CCM2AU3F1–4 charcoal 6,996 ± 48 5878–5749 BC 5976–5723 BC
AA82295 CCM2AU3F2–4 charcoal 3,755 ± 47 2195–1985 BC 2275–1941 BC
AA86653 A1PL2TH2–CA1 wood 584 ± 31 1395–1425 AD 1323–1439 AD
AA86654 A1PL2TH3–CA1 maize 645 ± 36 1316–1399 AD 1299–1407 AD
AA86655 CCM1U8F1–CA2 charcoal 1,023 ± 34 1023–1136 AD 995–1152 AD
AA86656 CCM1U8XIFI–CA1 charcoal 942 ± 32 1049–1201 AD 1043–1214 AD
AA86657 A6PL2U1L6–CA3 maize 692 ± 36 1296–1386 AD 1287–1392 AD
AA86658 A6PL2U1L7–CA5 charcoal 682 ± 37 1299–1388 AD 1290–1395 AD
AA86659 A6R13U1L1–CA1 maize 443 ± 31 1447–1496 AD 1435–1621 AD
AA86660 A6R13U1L2–CA3 maize 514 ± 36 1421–1449 AD 1400–1463 AD
AA86661 A6R13U1L2–CA4 charcoal 460 ± 36 1439–1489 AD 1420–1619 AD
AA86662 A6R48U1L1–CA1 charcoal 683 ± 36 1299–1388 AD 1290–1394 AD
AA86663 A6R48U1L2–CAS3 charcoal 675 ± 35 1301–1390 AD 1293–1396 AD
AA86664 A6R48U1L4–CA4 charcoal 595 ± 35 1328–1424 AD 1318–1438 AD
AA86665 A6R56TH1F1–CA2 maize 377 ± 35 1491–1624 AD 1463–1631 AD
AA86666 A6R68U1L2–CA3 maize 452 ± 35 1443–1495 AD 1426–1621 AD
AA86667 A6R68U1L5–CA5 maize 660 ± 35 1312–1394 AD 1297–1400 AD
AA86668 CCM1U7F1–CA2 charcoal 2,206 ± 38 351–112 BC 359–54 BC
AA86669 CCM1U7F2–CA1 charcoal 2,242 ± 37 357–191 BC 383–115 BC
*Dates were calibrated with the program CALIB REV6.0.0 in conjunction with Stuvier and Reimer (1993) and the South American dataset (McCormac
et al. 2004). More AMS dates will be processed.

et al. 2004: 209-211; Fung and Pimentel 1973: 77-78;
Fung and Williams 1977; Mackey 2009; Tello 1956;
Vogel 2003, 2012; Vogel and Vilcherrez 2007; Wilson
1988, 1995). Elsewhere I have synthesized the previous
research on the Casma polity and also described exca-
vations at the Casma frontier site of Cerro la Cruz in
the Chao Valley (Vogel 2003, see also Vogel 2012), but
a concise summary is provided below.1
Geographically the Casma polity appears to have
been a coastal society, occupying only the chala2 and
low-altitude yungas.3 Mackey and Klymyshyn (1990:
198) suggested that the Casma territory extended a dis-

204
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction
tance of at least 300km from the Chao Valley south to
the Huarmey Valley (Figure 1), an inference based on
the multi-valley distribution of Casma style ceramics
(e.g., Collier 1962: 416; Daggett 1983; Proulx 1973;
Thompson 1966; Wilson 1988: 334-335, 1995: 205).
Wilson included the Chicama, Moche and Virú Valleys
as part of an eight-valley Casma territory (1988: 334).
Additional architectural and ceramic evidence suggest
that the Casma polity may have extended as far south as
Pativilca (Bria 2009) or even the Huaura Valley (Brown
2008: 54-56, 299-311, Appendix A).
Researchers have generally considered the Cas-
ma polity to be a Middle Horizon (ca. AD 600–1000)
culture that persisted into the Late Intermediate Peri-
od (ca. AD 1000–1470) until being conquered by the
Chimú Empire at circa AD 1350 (Daggett 1983; Fung
and Williams 1977; Mackey 2009; Mackey and Kly-
myshyn 1990; Proulx 1973; Tello 1956; Wilson 1988).
So far research at El Purgatorio and Cerro la Cruz has
produced radiocarbon dates of approximately cal AD
700–1400 (see Table 3 and Vogel 2003: Table 6.11,
2012: Table 2.2), suggesting that the Casma polity en-
dured despite centuries of sociopolitical change in the
region. Based on this geographic and temporal context,
the Casma polity appears to have come to power after
the collapse of the southern Moche and was contempo-
raneous with the Wari state and the Lambayeque pol-
ity, as well as with the nascent Chimú state prior to
their imperial expansion. Of course, they also would
have been the northern neighbors of several central
coast polities such as the Chancay and Ychsma. The ce-
ramics described here display influences from nearly all
of these cultures, and help place the Casma within the
regional interaction sphere of their time.
During his survey of the Casma Valley, Julio C.
Tello (1956) was the first to coin the term “Casma
style” and to describe the site of El Purgatorio. His clas-
sifications of ceramic styles have since been revised and
refined, but his pioneering survey provided the foun-
dation for further research. Collier subsequently divid-
ed the Casma style into two types, Casma Incised and
Casma Modeled (Collier 1962: 415-416), and equated
them with Kroeber’s (1944) “Sechín style.” Collier also
related Tello’s Santa and Huaylas Yunga styles to the
Black-White-Red style (1962: 415), which he consid-
205
ered to be Tiahuanaco-derived. Later, Fung and Wil-
liams (1977: 137) linked the Casma style to Thomp-
son’s (1966: 5) Huarmey Incised style, as well as to a
style described by Proulx in the Nepeña Valley, which
Proulx referred to as Huari Norteño B (1968: 40,
1973: 58-62).4
In addition, Fung and Williams associated several
architectural elements with Casma style, such as care-
fully planned compounds with internal subdivisions,
various platforms, and rectangular patios connected by
a system of terraces (Fung and Williams 1977: 138).
They noted several construction techniques at Casma
sites, including thick stone walls, and adobe walls built
on stone foundations (1977: 126). Of course, several
other survey projects have also contributed to archae-
ological knowledge of the Casma Valley (e.g., Collier
1962; Fung and Williams 1977; Mackey and Kly-
myshyn 1990; Pozorski 1992; Pozorski and Pozorski
1998, 1999, 2002; Tello 1956; Wilson 1995). Wilson
(1995) was the only author to discuss Casma polity set-
tlement patterns, although he referred to them as the
“Black–White–Red state.” According to his survey, the
periods dominated by the Casma polity (the Cholo-
que and Casma periods) were the most populous peri-
ods in the prehistory of the Casma Valley. He estimat-
ed 245 occupations for the Choloque Period (ca. AD
650–900) and 387 occupations for the Casma Period
(ca. AD 900–1100). Wilson suggests that these periods
show a “distinct hierarchy of site size and function,”
with the site of El Purgatorio as the first tier settlement
in the Casma Valley (1995: 204).5
Further research relevant for the study of El Pur-
gatorio came from the previous work at the Casma
site of Cerro la Cruz in the Chao Valley (Vogel 2003,
2012; see also Cárdenas 1976, 1978; Silva 1992). The
Cerro la Cruz project focused on the site’s architec-
ture and spatial organization, which is dominated by
large, walled, agglutinated compounds clustered on a
terraced hillside. (At both Cerro la Cruz and El Pur-
gatorio I defined a “compound” as a group of rooms,
patios and/or plazas enclosed by a large exterior wall. In
contrast, “agglutinated room clusters” are distinguished
by the lack of an obvious perimeter wall.) Radiocar-
bon dates place the occupation of Cerro la Cruz at ap-
proximately cal AD 890–1290 (see Vogel 2003: Table
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Figure 2.  2007 georeferenced

Google Earth photograph of the
Casma site of El Purgatorio in
the Casma Valley, showing the
division of the site into three
sectors. (QuickBird/Digital Globe,
Inc. Image 07MAY26155810-
S2AS-005726208010_01_P001.
Courtesy of Digital Globe, Inc.
and the Center for Ancient Middle
Eastern Landscapes, Oriental
Institute, University of Chicago.)

6.11, 2012: Table 2.2), thus prior to the Chimú Em-
pire’s southward expansion. The research at Cerro la
Cruz demonstrated that the Chao Valley constituted a
northern frontier of the Casma polity, which later be-
came a border zone between the Casma polity and the
emerging Chimú state.
Since 2004 I have been investigating the Casma
polity’s heartland at the urban center of El Purgatorio
in the Casma Valley.6 The results of these two projects
(at Cerro la Cruz and El Purgatorio), in addition to the
previous work mentioned above, support the idea that
El Purgatorio was either the capital city of the polity,
or at least one of the largest, wealthiest Casma sites.
There is some regional variation in architecture and ce-
ramic styles across the valleys from Huarmey to Chao,
and evidence of localized production at both Cerro la
Cruz and El Purgatorio, which suggests that this pol-
ity was not as highly centralized as its conquerors, the
Chimú. Nevertheless there is sufficient uniformity in
style and settlement patterns to suggest a common cul-
tural identity and probably a common political organi-
zation. Based on current knowledge, the Casma polity
apparently consisted of a heterarchical confederation
of semi-autonomous regional elites united by common
cultural practices. Data from Cerro la Cruz, in con-
junction with the ongoing research at El Purgatorio,

206
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction
have expanded our knowledge of the Casma polity and
helped to create a baseline for future studies of the Cas-
ma polity, while changing our understanding of events
that transpired on the north-central coast during the
Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Period.
The Site of El Purgatorio
El Purgatorio (Figure 2) is a monumental urban site
and the proposed capital of the Casma polity (Collier
1962: 416; Conlee et al. 2004: 211; Mackey and Kly-
myshyn 1990: 198; Tello 1956; Thompson 1974: 19;
Wilson 1988: 334, 1995: 204). It is located in the low-
er Casma Valley, towards the southern end of the north
coast of Peru at an altitude of approximately 180m
above sea level on the northeast side of the Casma Riv-
er. Situated between the Nepeña Valley to the north
and the Culebras Valley to the south, the Casma Valley
is the most extensive of the three valleys. Covering ap-
proximately five square kilometers, El Purgatorio is the
largest site in the Casma Valley. Given the paucity of
archaeological research on the Casma polity, and con-
sidering that Casma political organization is still un-
der investigation, it is difficult to state with certainty
El Purgatorio’s precise function for the Casma polity.
Based on its immense size and complexity, monumen-
tal architecture, and clear cultural affiliation, I concur
with earlier researchers who named El Purgatorio as the
Casma capital city. While it is possible that this inter-
pretation will require future modifications, at this time
the preponderance of the evidence points to El Purga-
torio’s primary role within the Casma polity.
El Purgatorio consists of four contiguous sec-
tors, stretching across the base and up the western and
southern slopes of Cerro Mucho Malo (also known as
Cerro Purgatorio). When approaching the site, one is
confronted by an almost labyrinthine conglomeration
of walls, but no major mounds are present—only a
few small platforms are located within the compounds.
These platforms are often fronted by a rectangular plaza
in a pattern I call the platform/plaza complex. Although
there are at least eight of these complexes, the relative-
ly small size of the platforms is remarkable in a valley
known for some of the earliest large mounds in Peru,
207
such as Sechín Alto. The construction technique utilized
a mixture of adobe and uncut stone, with an important
distinguishing feature—layers of organic material (com-
posed of maize stalks and cobs, reeds, leaves, etc.) as con-
struction fill. The majority of the monumental archi-
tecture, which consists of several large compounds with
complex internal structures, is located on the western
side of the mountain in Sector A (Figure 2). Although
the compounds at El Purgatorio are freestanding, some
have annexes (attached rooms or patios) or other asso-
ciated structures in the spaces between compounds. In
Sector B, numerous habitational terraces extend a con-
siderable distance up the slopes and on top of Cerro
Mucho Malo, which is crowded with densely packed
smaller structures and at least one small cemetery. South
of Sector B is a third zone, Sector C, which consists of
three looted cemeteries, a few additional compounds,
several agglutinated room clusters and smaller associated
structures (Figure 2). Finally, Sector D is on the hilltop
above the southern end of Sector C, filled with small-
er stone structures resembling those in Sector B and lit-
tered with Casma style ceramics. Based on the site’s ar-
chitectural variations, El Purgatorio may have housed a
large and socially stratified population consisting of two
or three social divisions (e.g., elites, intermediates, com-
moners) (Vogel 2003: 333-338).
Analysis of thirty-three radiocarbon samples pro-
vide the basis of a preliminary chronology for the site’s
occupation (Table 3). So far most of the AMS dates
from Sector A belong to the Late Intermediate Pe-
riod and range from approximately AD 1150–1400
(Samples A2R33U1, A3R14U1Bu1, A3R37U1-SW,
A1PZ2TH1-CS1, A1PZ2TH3-17, A1PL7TH6-49,
A1PL7TH7-91, A1PL7TH10-20, A1PL7U1L4-34,
A1PL2TH2-CA1, A1PL2TH3-CA1, A6PL2U1L6-CA3,
A6PL2U1L7-CA5, A6R48U1L1-CA1, A6R48U1L2-
CAS3, A6R48U1L4-CA4, A6R68U1L5-CA5), with
one exception (from an earlier phase of construction)
dating to the Middle Horizon (AD 665–866, Sample
A1PL7TH8-30). The results from the cemeteries have
been less consistent. The highly looted nature of the cem-
eteries makes it much more difficult to find organic ma-
terial clearly associated with an intact burial and therefore
suitable for dating. In Cemetery 1 only four dates come
from the Middle Horizon–Late Intermediate Period
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Figure 3.  Casma Incised olla found at El Purgatorio in Sector C, Figure 5.  Casma Incised jar found at El Purgatorio in Sector C,
Cemetery 1, Unit 2, Burial 6 in association with other ollas and Cemetery 1, Unit 2, Burial 6 in association with ollas, including
the jar shown in Figure 5. (Photo by Sandra Elias.) the one shown in Figure 3. (Photo by Sandra Elias.)

Figure 4.  Black-White-Red pedestal bowl found at El Purgatorio
in Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit 2, Burial 1. (Photo by Sandra
Elias.)
Figure 6.  Casma Molded face–neck jar found at El Purgatorio
in Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit 7, Burial 1 in association with a
Black-White-Red tripod bowl, a partial Casma Molded jar, and
two broken plain ollas. The motif on this vessel is described by
Carrión as depicting sacrificial agents, who are associated with
paired male and female maize deities (2005[1959]: 141-144).
(Photo by Sandra Elias.)

208
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction

Figure 8.  Rim fragment from a Casma Incised tinaja with

appliquéd nubbins found at El Purgatorio in Sector C, Associated
Structure 5, Room 18, Unit 1, Level 3. (Photo by author.)

Patterns and Variations in the

Figure 7.  Broken stirrup spout bottle found at El Purgatorio in
Sector C, Cemetery 2A, Unit 2 in looted levels. (Photo by Sandra
Elias.)
transition (ca. AD 900–1200). Three other samples actu-
ally date to the Early Horizon (ca. 200 BC– AD 50) and
may indicate the occasional use of this area during earlier
times. One unit in Cemetery 2A produced extremely ear-
ly dates that are considered unreliable.
Unlike the Casma frontier site of Cerro la Cruz,
El Purgatorio is not surrounded by perimeter walls,
or any other obvious traces of fortifications. However,
the two sites share many architectural similarities with
each other and with Fung and Williams’ characteriza-
tion of Casma architecture in the form of large walled
compounds and terraced slopes crowded with residen-
tial structures. Both sites manifest a spatial division
between the areas dominated by the compounds and
the zones of small residential terraces. There are similar
construction techniques at both sites: a combination
of adobe and uncut stone construction and the use of
the case-and-fill technique, where two opposing walls
of stone or adobe are filled in with layers of dirt, rock
and compacted organic matter. Of course, the density
and monumentality of construction is far greater at El
Purgatorio, given that this site is approximately four to
five times the size of Cerro la Cruz.
Ceramic Assemblage
As Tello noted and my excavations have confirmed,
there is an abundance of Casma style ceramics cover-
ing the entire site of El Purgatorio, in all four sectors
(1956: 290-294). Similar vessel forms were found at El
Purgatorio and Cerro la Cruz, including ollas (Figure
3), bowls (Figure 4), ovoid, spherical, and flask-shaped
jars (Figure 5), face-neck jars (Figure 6), stirrup spout
bottles (Figure 7), tinajas (Figure 8), keros, graters,
etc. But the variants of the Casma Incised and Casma
Molded styles at El Purgatorio tend to be more ornate
in their decoration than those found at Cerro la Cruz.
The Casma style includes four decorated types
already known in the archaeological literature: Casma
Incised, Casma Molded, Black-White-Red, and Ser-
pentine Appliqué (Carrión 2005; Collier 1955, 1962;
Daggett 1983; Kroeber 1944; Proulx 1973; Te-llo
1956; Thompson 1966; Vogel 2003, 2012; Wagner
1977; Wilson 1988). Casma Incised ceramics, origi-
nally identified by Tello (1956: 304-316) and Collier
(1962: 415) and further defined by Daggett (1983),
employ such decorative techniques as incision, puncta-
tion, stamping, appliqué bumps, serpentine ridges and
small adornos on the rim, neck shoulders, and handles
of the vessel (Collier 1962:416). Daggett’s description
of the Nepeña sample is quite similar to vessels found
at both El Purgatorio and Cerro la Cruz, except that
we differ somewhat in our definitions of vessel forms
(e.g., her “large bowl” form is what I refer to as a tina-

209
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Figure 9.  Fragment of a Casma Molded

pedestal bowl found at El Purgatorio in
Sector C, Associated Structure 5, Room
18, Unit 1, Level 4. (Photo by author.)

ja.) Casma Molded ceramics—known as “modeled” in
Collier’s terms (1962: 416)—and part of Tello’s Casma
style (1956: 304-316), also included face–neck “bot-
tles” (which I call jars) featuring nubbin handles and
molded designs of people and animals (Collier 1962:
416, see also Carrión 2005 for more examples). How-
ever, while Collier specifies Casma Molded as a redware,
we have many fine examples of Casma Molded black-
ware (Figures 6, 9) and many molded geometric designs
as well as figurative designs (Figure 9).
Black-White-Red painted ceramics were not
found at Cerro la Cruz; however this may be because
they are often (although not exclusively) associated with
funerary contexts, as at El Purgatorio. Unfortunately
at Cerro la Cruz there were no cemeteries to excavate
and therefore no ceramics from mortuary contexts.7 It
is these contexts at El Purgatorio that have provided the
richest dataset for the investigation of Casma foreign re-
lations, in the form of whole or nearly whole vessels dis-
playing multiple stylistic influences (described below).
Elsewhere I have also argued that Serpentine Appli-
qué, which in my sample includes snakes, lizards, frogs
and turtles, belongs to the Casma style, since numer-
ous examples of these styles were found at El Purgatorio
and Cerro la Cruz in context with Casma Incised and
Molded vessels (Vogel 2003: 87-88). Casma vessels were
produced in redware and blackware, in both utilitarian
and fineware variations. For example, Black-White-Red
painted ware could be considered Casma fineware. But
there are also highly polished blackware vessels, includ-
ing stirrup spouts (Figure 7), which would also fall into
the fineware category.
There are several hallmarks of the Casma style,
such as incised circles or circles and dots in rows or a
“rope” design around the necks of vessels (Figures 3,
6, 8, and 10). Other common elements include small
handles on the neck or shoulders of jars and ollas
(which can be tubular, flattened, twisted like a rope, or
serrated like a rooster comb), small bird appliqués, low
pedestal bases on some jars, and pedestals or tripods
on some bowls. Molded designs are often simple and
geometric (raised lines, dots, triangles, and spirals, see
Figures 9 and 11) but also include some zoomorphic
and anthropomorphic figures (Figures 6 and 12). At El
Purgatorio there are also molds for some designs, such
as the circle-and-dot motif, that had been considered
incised (Figure 13). So the determination of which ves-
sels are incised and which are molded may not be as
simple as previously believed. Some vessels also mix or
combine techniques, for example using both incised
and molded elements or layering Black-White-Red
painting over Casma Molded designs (Figure 14).
There is clear evidence of ceramic production at
both Cerro la Cruz and El Purgatorio, including molds
(Figures 13, 15 and 16), polishing stones, wooden tools,
and “platos de alfarero.” There are molds to produce jars,
face–necks, ollas, stirrup spouts, and possibly bowls as
well. Both sites have some molds that are decorated on

210
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction

Figure 10.  Fragment of a Casma style tinaja with the rope design
found at Cerro la Cruz in Sector B, Compound 3, Room 10, Unit
1. (Photo by author.)
Figure 13.  Interior of a mold fragment showing the circle-and-
dot design found at El Purgatorio in Sector A, Compound 6,
Room 13, Unit 1. The exterior of this mold is decorated with a
stippled design which is entirely different from the interior design.
(Photo by author.)

Figure 11.  Partial Casma Molded bowl found at El Purgatorio in

Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit 9 in the looted levels. (Photo by author.)

Figure 14.  Jar showing both Casma Molded and Black-White-

Red styles found at El Purgatorio in Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit
7, Burial 2 in association with the jar shown in Figure 12. (Photo
by Sandra Elias.)

Figure 12.  Casma Molded jar found at El Purgatorio in Sector C,

Cemetery 1, Unit 7, Burial 2 in association with the jar shown in
Figure 14.  (Photo by Sandra Elias.)

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Figure 15.  Fragment of a mold for a face–neck jar found at
El Purgatorio in the ceramic workshop (Sector A, Associated
Structure 3, Patio 1, surface level). (Photo by author.)
212
the exterior, a rather uncommon practice, and yet exhib-
iting Casma style designs (Figure 16). Ceramic work-
shops with evidence of open pit firing were excavated
in Sector D at Cerro La Cruz and in Sector A at El Pur-
gatorio. A small sample of the ceramics from both sites
has what appear to be maker’s marks (Figures 17 and
18, see also Vogel 2003: 239, 2012) that may indicate
economic specialization and possibly a form of taxation
(Bawden 1996: 100–1; Castillo et al. 2008; Donnan
1973: 93–5; Jackson 2000). The possible maker’s marks
appear in different forms at each site. These marks are
generally found low on the interior of olla rims, in the
form of incised lines or squiggles, or appliquéd birds,
bean-like shapes, or shapes that resemble maize cobs. At
both El Purgatorio and Cerro la Cruz none of the ceram-
ics with maker’s marks were found in the ceramic work-
shops. This could imply that ceramics made on site were
used locally, while those with maker’s marks had been
brought in from other locations.
In addition to the wealth of ceramic data, other
material indicators suggest the Casma polity’s participa-
tion in long-term coastal traditions. For example, the ar-
chitecture at both El Purgatorio and Cerro la Cruz is a
combination of stone and adobe, forming rectangular
compounds and agglutinated room complexes. As Pills-
bury and Leonard have shown, the walled compound as
an architectural form has a long tradition on the north
coast, from at least the Early Intermediate Period Moche
through the Late Intermediate Period Chimú and into
Late Horizon Inca (Pillsbury and Leonard 2004). The
Figure 16.  Drawing of
decorated mold found at
Cerro la Cruz in the Sector D
ceramic workshop, showing the
exterior design on the left and
the interior design on the right.
Presumably only the interior
surface would have been used to
mold vessels. (Drawn by Jorge
Gamboa.)
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction
Figure 17.  Interior of a large olla rim fragment showing a possible
maker’s mark found at El Purgatorio in Sector A, Associated
Structure 10, surface level. (Photo by author.)
compounds at Cerro la Cruz and El Purgatorio belong
to this long coastal tradition, sharing similarities with
their precursors in the Moche architectural tradition as
well as with contemporaneous or subsequent Chimú
compounds (Vogel 2003, 2012). Yet the Casma polity
still expressed its unique cultural style within this archi-
tectural genre, such as the plaza/platform complex de-
scribed above, as well as the geometric friezes found on
some inner compound walls.
Human skeletal remains also suggest a coastal or-
igin for the Casma polity. Isotopic analysis of seventeen
individuals shows the sample to be a coastal popula-
tion, with no clear evidence of immigrants from iso-
topically distinct regions (Turner 2009). Twenty indi-
viduals (of the twenty-four crania that were sufficiently
preserved for analysis) also feature cranial modifica-
tion typical of the north coast, which can be classified
as “occipital” (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994), “fronto-
occipital erguida” (Imbelloni 1925) or “fronto-verti-
co-occipital” Newman 1947) and are typically found
among coastal populations (Mowery 2009). To date,
no individuals with highland style modification have
been found. Thus the Casma appear to be a coastal pol-
ity both culturally and biologically.
Evidence for Interregional
Interaction
Although the Casma polity produced abundant ceram-
ics in their own style, foreign ceramic styles were also
present at El Purgatorio. Multiple lines of evidence point
213
Figure 18.  Interior of an olla rim fragment showing a possible
maker’s mark found at El Purgatorio in Sector A, Compound 3,
Platform 1, Unit 1. (Photo by author.)
to Casma cultural exchange with neighboring polities,
but by far the most intriguing data come from the ce-
ramic assemblage. While the majority of ceramics found
in the monumental architecture of Sector A belong to
one of the Casma ceramic traditions (Casma Molded,
Casma Incised, Black-White-Red or Serpentine Appli-
qué), a number of ceramics recovered from the Sector
C cemeteries show a range of cultural influences, some-
times even combining elements from multiple styles on
one vessel. I refer to these cases as “hybrid” vessels, de-
noting a co-occurrence of stylistic elements from two
or more distinct cultural traditions (i.e., Wari/Casma,
Lambayeque/Casma, Chancay/Casma, etc.)8
The sample of hybrid vessels is biased towards
the ceramics recovered from the cemeteries because
they are far more likely to be whole or nearly whole,
and therefore the vessel forms and designs are more
complete. The intact burials, along with a great deal
of disturbed material from the looted zones recovered
from Sector C Cemeteries 1 and 2, have provided ex-
cellent new data and an unprecedented view into Cas-
ma culture. Unfortunately the upper 1-1.5 meters of
each cemetery have been severely affected by looting.
Also, there are several burials in Sector C, Cemetery
1 that appear to have disturbed earlier burials, which
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Figure 19.  Reconstructed polychrome jar found at El Purgatorio Figure 20.  Polychrome flask-shaped jar found at El Purgatorio in
in Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit 2. (Photo by Sandra Elias.) Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit 2. (Photo by Sandra Elias.)

were cut through in order to deposit the newer buri-
als below. Thus the stratigraphic relationships between
features in the cemeteries are not very useful for rela-
tive dating. However, all the styles referenced on ce-
ramics in this sample (e.g., Wari, Casma, Lambayeque,
Chancay, Chimú) date stylistically to either the Mid-
dle Horizon or the Late Intermediate Period. In addi-
tion, those vessels found directly associated with intact
burials that also have AMS dates (see Table 3, samples
from CCM1U2F6, CCM1U6F2, CCM1U8F1, CC-
M1U8X1F1) suggest a potential date range between
AD 900–1250.
The vessel in Figure 19 provides an outstanding
example of the blending of iconographic styles found
at El Purgatorio. This small polychrome jar combines
a crude imitation of Wari feline profile heads on its
body with a black-and-white checkerboard pattern,
also found in Wari style, on its neck, but with typi-
cal Casma serrated handles on the shoulders. Unlike
the fine polychromes produced at such Wari sites as
Conchopata (e.g., Cook 1987, 2004; Isbell and Cook
2002), the somewhat sloppy painting on this vessel
may attest to the artist’s lack of skill, or perhaps un-
familiarity with the technique and style. Another ex-
ample of this blending of stylistic elements is a flask-
shaped polychrome jar, again with feline profile heads
in the Wari style, but with modeled feline appliqués
(one has broken off) on the shoulders reminiscent of
Lambayeque style (Figure 20). The presence of both
highland/Wari and far north coast/Lambayeque stylis-
tic traits on a Casma style vessel form may be a testa-
ment to the wide geographic range of the Casma pol-
ity’s network.
Both the El Purgatorio and Cerro la Cruz sam-
ples have numerous face–neck jars in various styles
(Figures 6 and 21, see Vogel 2003: 296-298 and 2012
for examples from Cerro la Cruz). Some of these may
have been imported, while others are clearly manufac-

214
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction

Figure 22.  Fragment of a face–neck jar reflecting Wari style found

at El Purgatorio in Sector C Cemetery 2B, surface level. (Photo by
author.)

Figure 21.  Broken blackware face–neck jar found at El Purgatorio

in Sector C Cemetery 1, Unit 2, Burial 5. (Photo by Sandra Elias.)

tured on site, since the El Purgatorio sample includes

several face–neck molds (Figure 15). The vessel shown
in Figure 21 was found inside an intact burial in Sector
C, Cemetery 1, and has been tentatively identified as
a “provincial” Middle Sicán jar, leaving its origin open
to question (Izumi Shimada 2009, personal commu-
nication). The face, twisted handle and stepped later-
al elements point to Lambayeque style, but they are
placed on a typical Casma vessel shape (see Figure 5),
the oblong pedestal jar with pierced lug handles at the
neck. Other face–neck jars show more Wari character-
istics and may have been imported or copies9 (Figures
22 and 23), while still others adhere more closely to the
Casma style (Figures 6 and 24). In fact, so far no two Figure 23.  Fragment of a face–neck jar reflecting Wari style found
of the face–neck jars are identical, which may indicate at El Purgatorio in Sector C Cemetery 2B, surface level. (Photo by
author.)

215
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Figure 24.  Fragment of a Casma style face–neck jar found at

El Purgatorio in Sector C Cemetery 2B, surface level. (Photo by
author.)

that they represent specific individuals, in a manner

similar to the Moche portrait vessels, or, alternatively,
these distinctions may indicate different ethnicities or
social statuses.
The Casma polity apparently had their own ver-
sion of the Andean anthropomorphic bird, similar to
those found in Wari style and the Central Coast pol-
ities (for a description of the Pachacamac griffin, see
Shimada 1991: xxvi; for a Wari version see Donnan
1992: 82, Fig. 148). This bird is depicted on highly-
polished blackware and in typical Casma redware, both
molded and incised (Figures 25-27). This may be the
same anthropomorphic bird described by Carrión as a
sacrificial agent found in the Casma, Pativilca and An-
con styles and which is associated with the paired male
and female maize deities (Carrión 2005: 145-158). She
also links this bird to earlier Moche depictions of an-
thropomorphic bird sacrificial agents (2005: 145). An-
other variation on a Pan-Andean iconographic theme
can be found on a molded jar, which illustrates the
Casma version of the front-facing staff god on one side
(Figure 28) and paired animals on the other (Figure
29), in a somewhat Chimú-like manner. Carri������ ó�����
n in-
terprets these figures as the maize god and his zoomor-
phic companions (2005: 113-140). In these examples,
Casma potters seem to be expressing a regional version
of personages and motifs that have a long history in
several Andean cultures.
In my investigation of Cerro la Cruz, I argued for
Figure 25.  Broken Casma Molded jar depicting an
anthropomorphic bird, found at El Purgatorio in Sector C
Cemetery 2B, Unit 2, Level 6. (Photo by author.)
interaction between the Casma polity and the Chimú
state even before the Chimú imperial expansion (Vo-
gel 2003: 231-238, 342-351). Several potential exam-
ples of Chimú influence were found at El Purgatorio as
well, such as the redware monkey adorno shown in Fig-
ure 30 and a broken but highly polished blackware bird
adorno that formed the base of a bridge or handle (Fig-
ure 31). Unfortunately the bird was found in the loot-
ed levels of Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit 2, and there-
fore not associated with an absolute date. However,
the monkey adorno was found in the monumental ar-
chitecture of Sector A, along with many other Chimú
or Chimú-influenced ceramics. The trench where the
monkey adorno was found also produced an AMS date
of cal AD 1280-1391 (see Table 3). Nevertheless, in-
terpreting the Chimú stylistic influence at El Purgato-
rio as pre- or post-conquest is more complicated than
at Cerro la Cruz. Although there was no evidence for
a Chimú occupation at Cerro la Cruz, El Purgatorio
clearly experienced some form of Chimú occupation
after their conquest of the valley. Although there was
probably Chimú stylistic influence at El Purgatorio

216
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction

Figure 26.  Fragment of a Casma Molded vessel depicting an

anthropomorphic bird, found at El Purgatorio in Sector C
Cemetery 2B, surface level. (Photo by author.)

Figure 28.  One side of a broken Casma Molded jar depicting a

front-facing deity (either the staff god or the maize god) found at
El Purgatorio in Sector C Cemetery 1, Unit 2, Level 2. (Photo by
author.)

Figure 27.  Fragment of a Casma Molded bowl depicting an

anthropomorphic bird, found at El Purgatorio in Sector C
Cemetery 2B, surface level. (Photo by author.)

prior to the Chimú conquest (ca. AD 1350), the exact

timing of this influence remains uncertain.
Finally, several other examples point to connec-
tions between the Casma and their southern neigh-
bors on the Central Coast. The hybrid jar shown in
Figure 32 is a typical Casma oblong shape, but with
nubbin adornos and painted in a black-and-white geo-
metric design reminiscent of Chancay style, as well as
a black-and-white checkerboard neck that may reflect
Wari influence (see also, Figure 19). Figure 33 shows
another potential Casma/Chancay/Wari hybrid, with
Figure 29.  Other side of the broken Casma Molded jar shown in
black-and-white painted geometric design, checker- Figure 28, depicting a front-facing deity (either the staff god or
board neck, and typical Casma serrated handles on a the maize god) found at El Purgatorio in Sector C Cemetery 1,
flask-shaped jar. These jars were both found in close Unit 2, Level 2. (Photo by author.)

217
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Figure 30.  Redware monkey adorno found at El Purgatorio in
Sector A, Compound 1, Plaza 2, Trench 3. (Photo by author.)
proximity to Burial 2 in Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit 6,
so the fact that both jars mix elements from the same
three styles is probably not coincidental. While cultural
exchange and interaction between the Casma and the
Central Coast polities seems quite likely, the combina-
tions of various stylistic elements together to produce
these unique designs on each vessel seems particularly
noteworthy; I believe this relationship warrants further
investigation.
Interpreting Ceramic Styles
at El Purgatorio
So how does one interpret multiple stylistic influences
in ceramics, considering these examples are primarily
non-utilitarian vessels and frequently found in mortu-
ary contexts? There is an extensive literature regarding
the archaeological interpretation of style, and ceramic
style has been used to address a multitude of questions
(e.g., Carr and Neitzel 1995; Conkey and Hastorf
1990; DeBoer and Moore 1982; Earle 1990; Hod-
der 1979, 1982; Weissner 1983, 1984, 1985; Whallon
1968). Design element analysis that attempts to use co-
occurrence of stylistic elements as a measure of social
interaction has proved to be notoriously problematic,
defying a single explanatory mechanism as evidenced
by various archaeological and ethnoarchaeological
studies (for a concise summary and critique, see Rice
2005: 249-272). Since this is a qualitative study I have
not applied statistical analyses to estimate the degree
of interaction between each of the styles discussed here
and the cultures they represent. Nevertheless, I pro-
218
Figure 31.  Blackware bird adorno that formed the base of a bridge
or handle, found at El Purgatorio in Sector C, Cemetery 1, Unit
2, surface level. (Photo by author.)
pose that these vessels from El Purgatorio show con-
siderable stylistic variation, and that this heterogeneity
reflects a high degree of cross-cultural interaction be-
tween the Casma and their contemporaries, along with
experimentation and innovation in technique and de-
sign. The hybrid vessels appear to be copies and experi-
ments, while other vessels may be imports.
This type of cross-cultural influence on ceramics
has already been remarked upon for the Middle Hori-
zon–Late Intermediate Period transition farther north
(e.g., Rucabado 2008; Rucabado and Castillo 2003).
For example, the mixing of stylistic elements from
various neighboring polities is found among ceramics
from the “Transitional Period” at the Moche site of San
José de Moro (Rucabado 2008; Rucabado and Castillo
2003). In contrast to the more restricted artistic can-
ons of their Moche predecessors and Chimú successors
(Mackey 2001, Moore and Mackey 2008: 798-799),
the wide variety of stylistic influences at El Purgato-
rio suggests that potters were either allowed substantial
latitude in their designs by their patrons, or practiced
some degree of design autonomy by incorporating sty-
listic elements from other cultures. The stylistic diversi-
ty found in hybrid vessels at El Purgatorio also implies
a higher degree of cultural interaction; in other words,
Casma artisans had access to foreign images and ideas.
Moreover, as mentioned above, there is abundant evi-
dence to indicate ceramic production at Casma sites.
The molds indicate that potters at El Purgatorio and
Cerro la Cruz were producing face-neck jars, stirrup
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction

Figure 32.  Jar showing Casma, Wari, and Central Coast

characteristics found at El Purgatorio in Sector C Cemetery 1,
Unit 6, Burial 2. (Photo by author.)

spout bottles, bowls, and ollas, among other possible

vessel forms. Overall, the range of variation in the qual-
ity of execution and diversity of styles found at El Pur-
gatorio is quite remarkable.
Although the coastal connections are certainly
important, the frequency of Wari influence in mortu-
ary contexts is especially interesting. The hybrid and
potentially foreign vessels have been found more fre-
quently in mortuary contexts, while the majority of ce-
ramics found within structures are Casma in style. The
mortuary contexts and their Late Intermediate Period
dates may indicate that Wari religion or ideological in-
fluences lingered after the polity had collapsed. While
there is no evidence of an actual Wari presence at El
Purgatorio, the Casma polity clearly had some form of
contact with the Wari state at some point in their histo-
ry, exchanging information at a minimum and perhaps
some goods as well. The data suggest at least two pos-
sibilities: 1) that perhaps the Casma connection with
Wari allowed them to participate in the extensive ex-
change that occurred during their reign, and/or 2) that
the collapse of Wari allowed the Casma to temporarily
expand their participation in this exchange network.
Indeed, clarifying the relationship between the fall of
Wari and the rise of the Casma polity remains an ongo-
ing research goal of the Project El Purgatorio.
Figure 33.  Jar showing Casma, Wari, and Central Coast
characteristics found at El Purgatorio in Sector C Cemetery 1,
Unit 6, near Burial 2. (Photo by author.)
In addition to the Wari connections, the presence
of Lambayeque, Chimú, and Central Coast stylistic el-
ements demonstrates the Casma polity’s participation
in the wider interaction network during the Middle
Horizon and into the Late Intermediate Period. Due
to the Moche invention of press–molded pottery, mass
production of ceramics was common by the Middle
Horizon (Donnan 1992). Mass production of Cas-
ma pottery may have created vessels for exchange as
well as for local use. In fact, recent work at sites in the
Callejón de Huaylas hints at a possible connection to
the Casma during the Warmi phase (AD 850–950),
in the form of coastal style press-molded redware (Lau
2005: 88-96, see especially Figure 6). Based on a pro-
liferation of maker’s marks (which in Lau’s case include
marks on handles and appliquéd adornos) and a lack of

219
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evidence for ceramic manufacture in his investigations,
Lau argued that the Warmi phase ceramics at Chincha-
wasi were unlikely to have been produced locally (2005:
90-93). He credits the widening of exchange networks
during the Middle Horizon for the increased ceram-
ic frequency and diversity in his sample. There is also
evidence for Casma style ceramics found at least as
far north as the Moche Valley (Donnan and Mackey
1978: 215-289), and perhaps as far south as the Huau-
ra Valley (Brown 2008: 54-56, 299-311, Appendix A).
Casma pottery may have been a medium of exchange,
both along the coast and into the central highlands.
Casma ceramics seem to have been fairly ubiquitous
at this time, which may reflect the prominence of this
polity during its florescence.
The Middle Horizon on the north coast of Peru
has been characterized as a time of shifting alliances
and instability, with greater competition among low-
er-level elites and independent polities (Bawden 1996;
Bawden and Conrad 1982; Moseley 2001). This pe-
riod is currently the subject of exciting new research
that is revising our understanding of the events that
transpired and their significance for the Andean world.
At this point, archaeologists have largely rejected previ-
ous models that posited Wari imperial control over the
north-central coast during the Middle Horizon (Jen-
nings 2006; Nelson et al. 2010), but often the only
alternative explanation offered for coastal sites in this
period is for control by local lords (as described by Ros-
tworowski 1977). Instead I suggest that many of these
north coast sites belonged, at least culturally, and per-
haps politically, to the Casma polity. The Casma polity
was united by common cultural elements as represent-
ed in architectural style, ceramic style, settlement pat-
terns, and a typical coastal subsistence pattern. A review
of previous work on Casma material culture combined
with my own investigations at Cerro la Cruz and El
Purgatorio support the existence of a widespread, long-
term Casma cultural tradition (Vogel 2003, 2012). In
addition, surveys of settlement patterns have already
noted a population explosion in the Casma, Nepeña,
and Santa Valleys during the Middle Horizon (Proulx
1973; Wilson 1988, 1995). New evidence suggests the
Casma polity maintained external relations with for-
eign polities. In general the data suggest that the Cas-
220
ma polity, though long overlooked and understudied,
played a significant role in coastal Andean develop-
ments at this time.
In summary, the mixing of styles in the ceram-
ics found at El Purgatorio provides indications of the
Casma polity’s interactions with neighboring polities
during the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Pe-
riod. While still maintaining their own cultural iden-
tity, the Casma integrated foreign influences into some
aspects of their material culture. Recent and ongoing
investigations are furthering understanding of late An-
dean sociopolitical developments, leading to new mod-
els that may substantially change our interpretation of
this period in Andean prehistory. The Middle Hori-
zon-Late Intermediate Period transition in Peru ap-
pears to have been a time of active engagement in long-
distance trade and cultural interaction from Ecuador to
Nasca (e.g., Jennings 2006; Lau 2005; Moseley 2001),
from the coast to the sierra and the Eastern lowlands,
and the degree to which any site or polity was able to
engage in that interaction is significant for understand-
ing its role in the sociopolitical events of the period.
Also, the presence of experimentation, innovation, and
a less standardized style that nonetheless maintains a
distinct cultural identity is important for understand-
ing Casma social and political organization. The data
described here suggest that the Casma polity was a ma-
jor participant in regional interaction networks during
the Middle Horizon-Late Intermediate Period transi-
tion. As research continues on the Casma polity and
its neighbors, a new picture of this period in coastal
prehistory is emerging.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the sponsors of Proyecto Arque-
ológico El Purgatorio for their support, including the
Curtis T. and Mary Brennan Foundation, Clemson
University and the National Science Foundation. The
2008, 2009 and 2010 field seasons at El Purgatorio
were supported by the National Science Foundation
under Grant No. 0814338. I also thank my Co-Di-
rectors: Percy Vilcherrez, Ana Sofia Linares and Victor
Falcón, my graduate student David Pacifico, and the
 This article is copyright protected and may not be used for commerical purposes without
the written consent of the publisher. No forwarding, web posting, or further
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Vogel: Style and interregional interaction

field crews of seasons 2004–2011 for all of their hard 9 For two more examples of what I suspect may be Cas-
work. Special thanks are due to Katharina Schreiber, ma/Wari face–neck jars, see Donnan 1992: 87, Figs.
Carol Mackey and Kit Nelson for their comments on 160 and 161.
earlier versions of this manuscript.

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