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The Construction of Ethics in
Mediation
We live in a paradoxical time, when conflicts and differences are defined as the
"failures to communicate" of individuals in a competitive and litigious society
that emphasizes winning as opposed to simply maintaining harmony in rela-
tionships. Frustrations with the antagonistic nature of the legal system and the
expense involved in taking a case to court have led many people to try medi-
ation as an alternative form of dispute resolution. Through mediation, those
involved in a dispute can find a constructive and mutually satisfactory
approach to managing their disagreements. The practice of mediation empha-
sizes employment of problem-solving skills and, in most instances, preserva-
tion of the disputants' relationship, rather than the "defeat" of an "opponent."
The flexibility of the mediation process, differences in the types of medi-
ation services available, and variations in requirements and credentials for
mediators have led many to call for increased regulation and codes of conduct
Note: For the study reported here, we gratefully acknowledge the contributions of the par-
ticipants, organizers, and faculty involved with the Hewlett Socio-Legal Institute on Dis-
pute Resolution, sponsored by the Center for Socio-Legal Studies at the Ohio State
University College of Law. Their graciousness in allowing us to draw from class discussions
for the purposes of this article as well as the valuable role that the seminar played in stim-
ulating our own thinking on a variety of mediation-related issues are deeply appreciated.
for mediators (for example, Bush, 1992). Indeed, ethical concerns about the
form, content, and process of mediation have increased proportionately to the
growing popularity of mediation and to the variety of services that volunteer,
court-appointed, and professional mediators are capable of offering.
Bearing these concerns in mind, we argue that recognition of the discur-
sive construction of mediation should be at the center of any attempt to define
a set of ethics or, at the very least, central to the explication of the ethical
dilemmas extant in mediation. The term discursive construction refers here to
the interactions and communicative challenges that define and describe the
process of mediation for the parties (disputants and mediators alike). These
interactions and communicative challenges constitute the reality of the medi-
ation process, at least for the participants, and thus define the ethical accom-
plishment of a mediation.
Although previous research (for example, Cue, 1987; Donohue and Bres-
nahan, 1994) has applied communication codes to a generalized picture of
mediation, we posit that adoption of a true communication perspective
involves taking a closer look at how the qualities of ethics, justice, and fairness
are created within situated discourse. In this article, we examine the ways in
which these concepts were (re)constructed at the Hewlett Socio-Legal Institute
on Dispute Resolution, a seminar that brought lawyers and academics together
in a search for an integrated perspective on the nature of alternative dispute
resolution. The purpose of the seminar, held June 13 through July 2, 1993,
was to examine, from legal and social science perspectives, current issues
affecting dispute mediation. Our primary concerns in this analysis are the ways
in which the discussions about fairness and ethical considerations of the medi-
ation process proceeded and the knowledge (stories) that preceded these dis-
cussions. With the perspectives of Habermas (1983) and Pearce (1989; Pearce
and Cronen, 1980) as critical foundations, we examine how a group of pro-
fessionals from differing fields made sense out of what were or were not
described as ethical dilemmas. What defined the questions that were, or were
not, asked about justice in the situations examined?
for individuals to discover the "correct" way of interpreting one another's state-
ments and actions. Nor should mediation be examined only as a means for
achieving mutual understanding and respect. Such an approach is problematic
in that the emphasis is on the end product with little or no acknowledgment
of the ongoing nature of negotiated understandings. Rather, mediation should
be examined as a process with possibilities for coordinating the various mean-
ings that humans give to their lives.
creating and interpreting the stories of their lives. Pearce (1989, p. 59) stated
that "coordination is inherently difficult in human communication because the
meaning of messages is determined by their enmeshment in various moral
orders whose content cannot be assumed to be either constant or commensu-
rate with each other."
From this perspective, disagreements emerge when two people become
enmeshed within divergent ethical stories. The role of the mediator is to help
the disputants coordinate their meanings: to assist in creating a story com-
mensurate with each person's goals and to help each party make sense of the
other person's story. For mediators, the objective is to restore a moral and eth-
ical order apart from the disputants' experiences of their particular set of mean-
ings. The ethical dilemma becomes one of "professional" obligations ("Am I
ensuring the rights and living up to the obligations of the standards of media-
tion?") exercised in the context of attempting to make sense of individual sto-
ries while looking for joint (common) vocabularies and possibilities.
The ongoing dialectic between coordinators is, for Pearce (1989), part
of the larger attempt to match communication with the belief system of each
disputant. Pearce defined coherence as the process of making the world
"readable" through the stories that we tell. Coherence is part of the sense
making of social construction. Pearce emphasized the forms that the stories
take rather than the content of those stories. This focus on forms highlights
the options available to the storyteller, and the degree to which the story and
the storyteller are enmeshed in a particular telling of an old (familiar) story
or a new story is created from remnants of the old. For disputants within a
mediation, coherence means that the communication makes sense within
their own particular systems of beliefs. For mediators, coherence involves
the suspension of their own sense making in an attempt to appreciate the
sense making of the disputants and assist them in coordinating their story-
telling with each other.
This application of the notions of coordination and coherence borrows
heavily from the coordinated management of meaning (CMM) theory of com-
munication (Cronen, Johnson, and Lannamann, 1982; Cronen, Pearce, and
Snavely, 1979; Pearce and Cronen, 1980). The research in this area has focused
on the speech acts defining a communication episode as desirable or undesir-
able and the behaviors that reinforce these interpretations. Our analysis uses
the idea that communicators, in their efforts to coordinate the stories they are
telling with the stories already told (about conflict, ethics, and mediation), con-
struct paradoxical interpretations. A paradox, according to CMM, occurs when
an interactant contradicts his or her sense of coherence and must make adjust-
ments because of those contradictions. Thus, our analysis focuses both on the
stories told (coherence) and on the storytelling (coordination). Our interest is
in the kinds of discursive moves that lead discussions about ethics and ethical
dilemmas toward an assertion of power (in the best interests of the disputants
and in marking the territory of the mediation field).
60 Cooks, Hale
Procedures
Our project began with an examination of five codes of conduct for media-
tors. While not the subject of analysis and discussion by members of the
Hewlett seminar, these codes nonetheless represent formalized efforts by
various segments of the mediation community to describe and dictate appro-
priate behaviors for community members (that is, dispute mediators). As such,
they serve as a fitting (and important) starting point in our attempt to describe
the themes of the stories told about the ethical practice of mediation. In our
attempt to identify those themes, we employed, as criteria, the particular situ-
ations (dilemmas) that are common across these documents and the language
(such as "informed consent") brought from other fields to the context of medi-
ation. Our thematic analysis of these documents is an attempt to situate the
seminar discourse as part of an ongoing conversation among those who have
an interest in mediation. In situating the seminar conversation as a discussion
where the various belief systems of the participants converge into a new sense
making at a particular point in history, we attempt to (re)create the commu-
nicative ethics coordinated in this speech situation.
The second stage of our analysis centers on two tape-recorded, transcribed
sessions of the Hewlett seminar. These sessions dealt specifically with the con-
cepts of fairness, ethical considerations for mediators, and social and proce-
dural justice and responsibilities inherent to the mediation process. Our
interest is in the coherent sets of beliefs concerning conflict, justice, fairness,
and mediation that were revealed within the stories that were told and the par-
ticipants' reactions to these stories. We are interested in the ways in which
mediators defined these terms (conflict, justice, fairness, and mediation), apart
from the context of mediation. How do the seminar participants' stories about
the meanings of justice and fairness speak to their responsibilities as profes-
sionals and their responsibilities, as mediators, to a profession? To what extent
do their stories reflect the communication situation of mediation, that is, the
process of negotiating meanings among multiple parties engaged in a particu-
lar speech act?
other. The concept of impartiality appears to have garnered the greatest level
of agreement and support. The Colorado Council of Mediation Organizations
(CCMO, 1992), SPIDR (1987), National Association of Social Workers
(NASW, 1991), and Academy of Family Mediators (AFM, 1985) standards all
define impartiality as involving "freedom from favoritism and bias in either
word or action." With some minor variations in phrasing, the definitions con-
tinue from that point to insist that "impartiality implies a commitment to aid
all parties, as opposed to a single party, in reaching a mutually satisfactory
agreement." In order to subscribe to the dictate of impartiality, a mediator must
refrain from acting as an advocate or assuming an adversarial role.
The exception, assuming there is one within the scope of the various ethics
statements, might lie within the notion of advocating the mediation process
itself. Virtually all of the documents speak to the need for the mediator to clar-
ify what is involved in the process of mediation and to determine whether
mediation is the correct approach for the disputes presented. Given the
increasing probability that the parties will arrive at mediation through a court
mandate (see, for example, Cohen, 1991; Goldberg, Sander, and Rogers, 1992;
McEwen and Milburn, 1993), the door would seem to be open for a mediator
who is capable of serving as an advocate of the process. The question that
arises here is whether any advocacy, even if in support of the process, risks vio-
lation of the dictates of impartiality
The concept of neutrality is more problematic. The SPIDR (1987) stan-
dards do not specifically define neutrality; instead, mediators are simply
referred to as "third-party neutrals." With respect to the CCMO (1992), NASW
(1991), and AFM (1985) standards, neutrality involves the relationship of the
mediator to the disputants or the issues, or both, involved in mediation. These
documents advise mediators that they should "have no relationship with par-
ties or vested interests in the substantive outcome that might interfere or
appear to interfere with the ability to function in a fair, unbiased, and impar-
tial manner" (NASW, 1991).
Problems with the concept of neutrality emerge in two ways. First, in com-
parison to the pronouncements of other groups, the ABA (1984, p. 457) stan-
dards assert that "impartiality is not the same as neutrality While the mediator
must be impartial as between the mediation participants, the mediator should
be concerned with fairness [emphasis added.] The mediator has an obligation
to avoid an unreasonable result." So, for the ABA, while a mediator has an
obligation to be impartial, a mediator is also responsible for ensuring that the
final agreement is fair, even if nonneutrality is necessary in order to accomplish
that goal. This position is in obvious contradiction with the positions espoused
in other standards documents.
Second, as described by Rifkin, Millen, and Cobb (1991, p. 151), there is
almost no research concerning "how neutrality can be 'practiced' for the facil-
itation of agreements." The paradox facing any mediator is how to maintain
impartiality while simultaneously assisting the parties (whose relationship
64 Cooks, Hale
tenant responded that the apartment was in need of significant repairs and that
she should not have to pay the rent until those repairs had been made and,
moreover, could not pay at that time. As the videotape progressed, it appeared
that the tenant was concerned for her safety given the possibility of a physical
confrontation with the landlord. The landlord, who expressed a great deal of
hostility, had allowed this tenant to go several months without paying rent and
was not demanding full payment or else the tenant would be evicted. The
situation was complicated by the level of emotionality (fear of the tenant, anger
of the landlord) that each disputant brought to the mediation. An additional
complication was that the court-appointed mediator had previously mediated
another dispute involving this landlord.
Given this scenario, our analysis of the seminar discussion is four times
removed from the actual context of the disagreement. That is, the participants
in the videotape (produced by the American Arbitration Association) first expe-
rienced the conflict in their real-life relationship and then recreated their sto-
ries for the mediator, who, in turn, provided his own interpretation. The class
attending the seminar then relocated the story in terms of their hypothetical
participation in this "ethical dilemma" and constructed a discourse around how
this dilemma could be dealt with both procedurally and systematically. Our
analysis of this discussion attempts to identify both the primary concerns that
emerged as the seminar participants discussed their assessments of the video-
taped mediation and the "framing" of those concerns that emerged in the ques-
tions, comments, and summaries provided by the seminar moderators.
Framing Procedural Fairness: Informed Choice. In the initial moments of
the videotaped mediation, the mediator introduced himself and acknowledged
that he had served as mediator for the landlord in a previous dispute. After
acknowledging this fact, the mediator turned to the tenant and asked whether
she would be more comfortable with someone else serving in the role of medi-
ator. At this point, the moderator for the seminar discussion stopped the video-
tape and allowed seminar participants to react to what they had just witnessed.
Several concerns were immediately voiced. Primary among the concerns
noted were issues involving the amount of information provided so that each
disputant could make a "reasoned" decision (that is, exercise informed con-
sent) concerning the fairness of the mediation process and, specifically, the
involvement of the particular individual serving as mediator. A male law school
professor (P1) stated that "[my concern] is that [the mediator] didn't tell the
woman enough [about the previous mediation] for her to have made a good
decision as to whether [engaging in the mediation] was okay or not." The mod-
erator (M), a law school professor and researcher in mediation, framed this
concern in terms of a necessary and sufficient proof of fairness.
Other participants then expressed their concerns that the procedure should
be fair to both disputants. As one labor-management arbitrator (P2) observed,
P2: I'm concerned about what Pl said, but in addition to that, [the media-
tor] gave the option [of requesting a different mediator] to the woman.
He did not ask the gentleman if there were any problems with his per-
spective, because of the previous mediation....
M: So it's a balanced procedure that all options be offered to both.
Here, concerns about the power of information, the need for equality in pro-
cedure, and the need for the mediator to maintain a position of neutrality (with
respect to his symbolic positioning between the disputants) are all raised as
legitimate problems. The moderator frames the dilemmas as fairness issues,
either explaining the participants' comments as being about fair procedure or
asking the participants to state a fairness concern. There is an implied recog-
nition of a power imbalance, with the initial comments pointing to the tenant
as the less powerful participant and the second set of observations entertain-
ing the possibility that the mediator's actions in not offering the same options
to the landlord serve to disempower the landlord.
A further complication in determining the "standard" mode of operation
in this situation was presented by a lawyer-mediator (P3):
P3: Well, another thing that goes back to P1's case, if [the mediator] is an
attorney, for instance, he's got some confidential information potentially
[from the previous mediation] and if he's not given consent to disclose
it, which he needs to do in order to be able to give the information that
I want the woman to have to make her decision about whether to go
through this.
M: It could even be more complicated than it appears.
P4: Yes, yes . . . they should have warned her in some sort of communica-
tion beforehand.
M: And so the concern is that you put her in an awkward spot in the mid-
dle. So your definition of fairness would be one of a balance of power
rather than a power imbalance.
on the mediator-therapist dual role) Dworkin, Jacob, and Scott (1991) are
among those who raise questions concerning the practicality and appropriate-
ness of such a response.
A female law school professor and mediator (P5) built on the procedure
used to address this issue in the videotaped mediation. Her concern was less
with the existence of a prior relationship than with the manner in which that
relationship and the mediator's involvement in both mediations were revealed:
"[The mediator] asked her in front of [the landlord], so that puts a different
kind of pressure on her, in terms of how she responds, and what does he think
about her saying no. So maybe there would be a better way to do it, one-on-
one perhaps instead of one in front of the other." Again, the moderator framed
her concern in terms of fairness: "So your definition of fairness is a lack of pres-
sure to settle."
At this point, the discussion came back to the definition of mediation as a
voluntary process when the reality of the videotaped mediation was that the
participants had been coerced into attending as part of a court procedure. Even
though that order did not (and court orders in general do not) extend so far as
to dictate full cooperation, let alone agreement with or commitment to any
proposals that might emerge, the psychological reality of mandatory partici-
pation was not treated as problematic. The contradiction between the concerns
addressed in the coercive situation of court-ordered mediation and the pro-
fessional discourse of mediation ethics did not become part of the seminar dis-
cussion (at lest not at the point in time examined here). The moderator did not
address the implication that the process (defined as coercive) is somehow not
subject to the same fairness concerns as voluntary contexts. Instead, in com-
menting on who the mediator was, the moderator simply observed that "well,
a court mediator is just someone on a list."
Who Tells the Story? Power Relations and Procedural Fairness. As more
of the videotaped mediation was examined, several of the seminar participants
discussed the problems that needed to be addressed in a situation where there
seems to be an imbalance of power between disputants. For the seminar partic-
ipants, these concerns centered around questions of procedure and balance (who
should speak when and why) as well as the need for the mediator to support a
disputant who might be powerless at any point in time. Among the issues raised
were (1) the responsibility of the mediator to address threats voiced by the dis-
puting parties, (2) the need to allow the disputants to be themselves during the
mediation, and (3) the appropriate time and place (within the mediation process)
for caucusing. After viewing one segment of the mediation, a female participant
(P6), who is a lawyer-mediator, commented as follows:
P6: I didn't like the way [the mediatorl turned the attention to [the female
disputant]. She was asked, "Is there anything you would like to add?"
rather than asking what her side of the situation is or asking her to
explain her perspective on the problem.
68 Cooks, Hale
P2: I'm troubled by [the tenant's] fear of [the landlord], and whether the
mediator is able to give her a safe haven. I guess my definition of fairness
is, well, one party is on equal level with the other.
P5: Yes, and she doesn't really have a chance to speak, whereas he's been
going on for a while, interrupting.
M: So, the importance of following procedure.
P5: The mediator's letting the [landlord] dictate the situation. [The landlord is]
threatening to take [the tenant] to criminal court, and this is supposed to be
her time to tell her side of the story, so he is not at all following procedure.
P4: I think you should stop the whole mediation and address that particular
threat and put an end to that, because [the landlord] has disrupted the
whole mediation process.
M: And give some words as to why this is unfair.
P4: We need to have an equal balance of power here.
P2: I think what he's doing here, the mediator, is giving us sort of a reality
check. He's giving the [landlord] an ultimatum, that if he can't settle here
he'll have to go to criminal court and that's the hard truth.
M: So, gratuitous legal advice. And what's the definition of unfairness?
P6: The definition of unfairness is that it's unfair to bring people in when
it's supposed to be an equal process and, then, start beating on them.
P2: So, pressure by the mediator here.
P4: It's interesting the difference in perspective here. I didn't hear any legal
advice. I thought it was important for [the landlord] to understand the
question about whether a judge would put this woman in jail in any sit-
uation, and if that's the question that was put to him, no answer was
given to him. And to say that when you file a criminal charge one of your
options is to go to court, when you're suing for damages,... then that's
information, but the problem here was that the third option wasn't
stated, that is, to walk through the mediation process. His point here
about being cooperative doesn't seem to me to deny this man who he is
unless we assume that all he can be is uncooperative.
P5: I hear her expressing some very real fears for her safety, the children, if
not physical safety then certainly mental safety in that environment.
M: And tell us what fairness concern is there.
P7: Well the fairness concern is one for due consideration. [The mediator]
gave [the tenanti the opportunity to voice, but he's not showing that he
actually heard what she's expressed.
P3: And the mediator is trying to convince her not to be so accommodating.
P4: I've been in situations like that before where I've really got myself into
trouble by saying "Well, if that's really what you want to do" and it
becomes a real turning point. If their option isn't acceptable to you, the
natural reaction is to look to the authority figure and say, "Well, what
do you advise?" and on the other side they think they've thought out
this great option. Then you come along and say, "Well that's not great"
and you're in the position of either having to put something great on
the table or wait, like he's saying, "Well, what about this?" I mean,
there's nothing concrete for her to get into. The complainant, all he did
was dismiss her.
"sense" of the differing realities for each disputant (and, thus, no one person's
story should be privileged above all others). The mediator can attempt to rec-
oncile this dilemma by allowing each disputant ample time to tell his or her story,
but the opportunity for new stories to emerge is not part of the discourse of
rebuttal. Although the mediator is obligated to be an impartial listener, rational-
ity for the mediator ultimately lies in making sense of the stories told. Making
sense means establishing (personal) coherence between the stories told and other
stories about what is fair or ethical treatment in human relationships.
Inconsistencies in addressing ethical concerns in mediation are perhaps
most evident in discussions of power that displace the emotional context of
moral decision making in favor of content decisions (expressed as property)
and procedural decisions (expressed in terms of how stories may be told). Yet
much of the seminar participants' discussions about power revolved around
deciding who holds power, how to maintain an equal balance of power, and
what to do when imbalances occur. P5's comments illustrate these concerns:
It has something to do with the mediator making the empowered choice. This
person, the woman in the tape, makes choices but the mediator does nothing
to empower her to make those choices. He doesn't listen to her feelings; he
doesn't let her get past her fear. She has a lot of fear. It seems to me that the
mediator could talk to her about her fears and options instead of saying, "Well,
you're not making the right choices and I'm not going to help you make any
choices because I don't want to tell you what to do." There's a difference in
mediation between letting people do what they want and not letting them mess
themselves up by doing that, and I try to come out in the middle by empow-
ering them to make good choices.
The extent to which the stories told were about powerful versus power-
less behavior was expressed in concerns about the mediator's competence.
Specifically, the competence of the mediator was defined by his ability to bal-
ance the power dynamic. What stories about power emerged from this con-
ceptualization?
First, the narratives were less about the number of stories available to dis-
putants at a given point in time and more about the mediator's ability to bal-
ance the expression of needs and emotions while remaining neutral and
impartial. The meta-analysis of the videotaped mediation suggests the inter-
dependence of mediator and disputants in coordinating the meanings that they
gave to the stories told. Mediator competence cannot be studied in isolation
from the stories told by the disputants, nor can disputants' stories be exam-
ined apart from the competencies of the mediator. This reality points to dilem-
mas (concerning the meaning and enactment of neutrality and impartiality)
created in ethical codes intended to stand apart from the content of mediation
itself.
The second issue builds on the first: Ethical considerations raised about
the fairness of the mediation procedure are concerns about the ability of the
72 Cooks, Hale
mediators must contradict their earlier statements about neutrality and impar-
tiality To counterbalance the impact of the earlier assertions, mediators per-
form a variety of discursive acts. They summarize each disputant's story in turn
and then allow for elaboration. After the stories are summarized, mediators
explore the possibilities for resolving or restructuring them. During this stage,
mediators are often called on as allies to assess the case of one or more of the
disputants. At this point, they must again assert impartiality (for an example
of this strange loop, see Rifkin, Millen, and Cobb, 1991). The loop back to the
original statement of neutrality and impartiality allows the mediator to make
"sense" out of the "nonsense" of this process, to achieve coherence between the
discourse of the process and the structures that define it as mediation rather
than arbitration or adjudication.
The participants in the Hewlett seminar were in the midst of a similar
paradoxical loop in making sense of the fairness concerns elaborated in their
discussion. Their meta-analysis of the videotaped mediation began with calls
for the mediator to provide more information so that the disputants could
make informed decisions. The recognition that the mediator might provide
information to one of the disputants and not to the other led to questions
about the mediator's control over a process in which he should remain neutral.
The seminar participants expressed these questions in terms of informed con-
sent, which provided a coherent frame for their discourse within the profes-
sional ethical codes of their fields. The next set of discursive moves in the
discussion reestablished disputants' rights to self-expression as a valid issue.
This shift again aligned the mediator on the videotape, if only temporarily, with
one side of the dispute (first the landlord's anger, then the tenant's fear, then
the landlord's impatience, then the tenant's anger, and so on). Impartiality was
again affirmed as a problem when the language of the settlement was dis-
cussed. (How had the mediator precluded the choices of the tenant?) Although
concern for procedural fairness was voiced throughout the seminar discussion,
this concern was framed and, indeed, made coherent through the language of
the professional ethical codes developed for mediators.
Conclusion
Acknowledgment that the strange loop exists and can perpetuate the existence
of certain types of discursive moves places our analysis in a similar loop. Our
critique must now move beyond "laying out the details" and toward the possi-
bilities for new approaches to studying communicative action. For mediators,
the assumption is often that if two people can only listen to each other's story,
they can coordinate their goals to reach agreement. The story that is recreated
is, of course, not the story that emerges; mediation becomes the forum for
deciding the rules guiding moral choices in the storytelling. Recognition of the
norms that determine the coherence of any discussion can lead to an analysis
of the validity of those norms for the community in which they apply
74 Cooks, Hale
about ethical conduct while leaving other stories out of the discussion. Our
analysis perhaps poses more questions as to what comprises the ethics of med-
ication than it provides answers; it also raises the specter of the community as
a more rational place or location within which to situate the discussion. We
hope that future studies in this area continue to look in greater depth at the
relationship between the professional discourse of ethics in mediation and the
community of discourses within which these and other stories are told.
Notes
1. For a presentation of the views of these individuals, as well as the views of Daniel Dozier, Ron
Kraybill, and Christopher Moore, see SPIDR (1987).
2. The five documents examined were those prepared or subscribed to by the ABA (1984), National
Association of Social Workers (1991), SPIDR (1987), Colorado Council of Mediation Organiza-
tions (1992), and Academy of Family Mediators (1985). This last set of standards is also subscribed
to by, among many other groups, the Association of Family and Conciliation Courts (1989).
3. Our purpose here is not to try to review fully the debates concerning mandatory mediation
but rather merely to point out that the existence and growth of mandatory mediation must be
considered when discussing ethical dilemmas. For commentaries that specifically address the
development of mandatory mediation, see Clark and Orbeton (1986), Cohen (1991), Duryee
(1992a, 1992b), Kelly and Duryee (1992), and Saposnek (1992).
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