A Re-examination of Sign Language Diglossia
James Hawking
‘The study of the sociolinguistic aspects of American Sign Language has been greatly influenced
by Stokoe’s (1969-1970) theory of sign language diglossla, which in turn was influenced by
Ferguson's (1955) general theory of diglossia. Subsequent developments in the meani
of the
term diglossia and further study of sociolinguistic patterns give us cause to re-examine
characterization of signed English a H a
ship. Point-by-point analysis of
Rmsicen Sign Cangunge se Lin's dion rears
Ferguson's article shows a great discrepancy between his Arabic,
French, German, and Greek examples and the American Sign Language situation. Although the
conceptof diglossia remains of some use in understanding sign language communication, it must
be expanded to a theory of bilingualism and diglossia. Consequences of recent developments and
their potential for language change are speculated on.
tokoe (1969-1970) characterized the relation-
ship between signed English and American
Sign Language (ASL) as diglossic with signed
English playing the role of the socially superior
language form (H) and ASL the role of the form
perceived as inferior or colloquial (L). Writers
on the sociolinguistic aspects of sign language
such as Marcowicz (1972) or Woodward (1973b)
have followed Stokoe's lead in this matter. Edu-
cational textbooks such as Moore's (1978) have
presented Stokoe’s theory to potential teachers.
Stokoe (1969-70) borrowed the word diglssia
from Ferguson. a prominent linguist who brought
the term to the attention of Americans. Fergu-
son (1959) used four language situations to define
diglossia: Koranic Arabic (H) as opposed to Col
loquial Arabic (L), Standard French (H) as
opposed to Haitian Creole (L), High Geman
(H) as opposed to Swiss German (L), and Clas-
sical Greek (H) as opposed to modern spoken
Greek (L).
Koranic Arabic is clearly the language of pres-
tige since pious Moslems believe this Arabic to
be the language of Allah himself (Chejne, 1969,
.9). Formal situations and literary productions
require the use of this form of Arabic. Colloquial
Arabic differs from country to country, there
fore, the Arabic of the Koran unifies the Arabic
world spatially as well as temporally
French isthe prestige language in atl largely
because of its identification with a broad lin-
guistic community worldwide. Haitian Creole
has its own folk literature and proud national-
The author is coordinator of programs for the hearing
impaired at the Chicago Urban Skills Institute. He i also a
doctoral student and a Helmes Fein at Nerthern Inois
University
istic defenders, but there is still no doubt that
Parisian French isthe language of prestige toward
which upperclass Haitians aspire.
Swiss German is also a source of nationalistic
pride. Although Swiss speakers of German use
the written forms of High German, theit pro-
nuncation is distinctly Swiss.
The rich literary tradition of ancient Greece
strongly influences the spelling and writing of
modern Greek. A nineteenth-century revival of
Classical Greek accompanying the re-establish-
ment of Greek independence made the older
form of Greek a matter of national pride.
‘The comparison between these language sit-
uations and signed English, as opposed to ASL,
seems relevant. Certainly a bilingual situation
exists. Signed English is a language in reach of
an educational minority only. All sign-language
speakers are familiar with ASL. A majority of
deaf people have no real facility in signed Eng-
lish. It would seem that signed English is eq.
alent to H and American Sign Language is L.
However, a point-by-point examination of
Ferguson's (1959) characteristics of diglossia raises
some serious problems with Stokoe's (1963-70)
interpretation. Ferguson's characteristics are as
follows: function, prestige, literary heritage,
acquisition, standardization, stability, gram-
mar, lexicon, and phonology.
FUNCTION
Using Ferguson's (1959) chart of diglossic sit-
uations, Stckoe assigned sermons, speeches,
lectures, news broadcasts, and poetry to signed
English while ASL was seen as an appropriate
vehicle for giving instructions to servants, hold-
ing family conversations, and communicating
AAD. | February 1983Sign Linguage Dghssia
folk literature. Sermons by deafministers to deat
congregations have long been given in ASL
Sign poetry and most sign language theatre fol.
low a convention that excludes signed English
from their representations (Bragg. 1973). Lec-
tures belong to the educational domain where
signed English is supported by conscious policy
rather than by sociolinguistic choice. American
Sign Language can be used by deaf people in
any of these situations and would be preferred
by many.
PRESTIGE
One of the features of diglossia is that most
speakers must perceive the H form as more
prestigious and more beautiful. Ferguson (1959)
‘generalizes about these attitudes:
Inallthe defining languages the speaker regard
Has superior to Lin 4 number of respects.
Sometimes the feeling ss strong that alone
i regarded as real and L is reperted “nol to
exist” (pp. 329-330)
‘Those who have commented on the beauty of
sign language most often praise the form Stokoe
(1969-70) characterizes as L. Anderson (1938)
decries the tendencies caused by comm
tion in the bilingual mode in the following
passage:
The sign language as my generation inherited
iaaeoemenaoet te
ihe spoken word. In oar school, the fashion
‘ow fs to address assembliee biingvally for
the, benefit of the hardof-hesring_ pa
Undoubtedly, inthis circumstance, the hands
are weed gredgingly. 1 any slicing over of
hought it done, the speaker does it on his
hands. (p. 120)
‘Mann (1836), Peet (1851), and virtually all of
the other nineteenth-century advocates of the
“natural” sign language (ASL) stressed beauty
and expressiveness as points in that language's
favor. Even the authors ofa widely used signed
English textbook referred to ASL as “a rich and
expressive language” (Gustafson, Pletzing, &
‘Zawolkow, 1980, p. xi). Signed English is seen
as an educational language. but these authors
rade no claim to its superior prestige
Inallof the four defining diglossic situations,
the H form of the language gains some of its
prestige from being the older. more established
form. L develops its vocabulary by modifying
criginal lexical items from H. American Sign
Language antedates signed English, and signed
Englishborzowsits vocabulary from ASL. In this
important way one can see the L and H status
As direcly the reverse of Stokoe’s model.
AAD. February 1983
LUTERARY HERITAGE
In the cases of Arabic, French, German, and
Greek, the H form of the language is the repo-
sitory ofa rich literary tradition. In each of these
ceases, L developed froma previous varicty of H
and it may have been the literary tradition of H
that motivated educators to fight a rear-guard
action to maintain the regularity of language.
Allof the signed English systems used in Amer-
ica developed from ASL. The literary tradition
of the language is almost exclusively in ASL. In
this important area, the relationship between H
and Lis diametrically opposite that ofthe defin-
ing language situations.
Stokoe (1969-70) contends that signed Eng-
lish has the literary heritage of English to draw
upon. The essumption here is that the ability to
use and understand signed English translates
directly into the ability to read all English liter-
ature. However, this process stil invoives the
ability to decipher the written word and trans-
late it into signed English. The process of rep-
resenting the works of English literature in signed
English involves translation, Most deaf people
‘would find that a translation into ASL better
‘maintains the spirit of the orginal.
In the defining language situations, His always
‘the original language, and if L is written at all,
itis done as with the use of F's script. The most
commonly used writing for ASL, invented by
Stokoe (1978), does not include phonemes
exclusive to signed English such as the finger
spelled letters “d”” or “3.”
ACQUISITION
Ferguson (1959) tells us that L is always spe-
ken tochildren. The major use of signed English
ith children. Some deaf people that sign ASL.
think signed English is appropriate for children
although not for themselves. This does not really
suggest that signed English is a lower form of
the language, but it docs show that the use of
signed English is highly specialized end appli-
cable largely in the educational domain.
STANDARDIZATION
Ferguson (1959) assesses the relative stan-
dardization of various high and low formsin the
following fashion:
‘Im ll the defining languages there i strong
tradition of grammatical study of the H form
of the language. There are grammars, dict:Sign Lenguage Diglosia
‘aries, treatises on pronunciation, style, and
established norm for pro
fand voesbulary which
certain mits. (pp.
Signed English is sometimes used asa generic
name forall the signed English systemsalthough
it is also the trademark for the Gallaudet pre-
school program's language. Signing Exact Eng-
lish and Seeing Essential English, both using
the acronym SEE, are rival systems that split
apart. Another splinter system is called LOVE
or Linguistics of Visual English. The Washing-
ton School for the Deaf propagates a system
called manval English (Wilbur, 1979) The Paget-
Gorman Sign System, a system invented in Great
Britain, is unrelated to the everyday sign lan-
guage of British deaf people. Jacobs (1856)
invented his own system of signed English in
the nineteenth century that contrasted with oth
ers. Signed English has never been a standard-
ized language. Covington (1977) draws atten-
tion to this in her article advocating a national
sign-language planning commission.
‘American Sign Language has been studied
extensively in the last 10 years. There is no com-
parable tradition of the study of signed English,
which is simply presumed to have the gram-
matical structure of English. Of the two varieties
of sign language, ASL and signed English, ASL.
has been more widely studied and is more stan-
dard in form.
STABILITY
‘One feature of diglossia is that the situation
can remain stable for hundreds of years, e.g,
more than a thousand years in the case of Ara
bic. The nature of signed English has been
‘changed with every new textbook. Educational
systems have gone from English signing to ASL
and back again. The number of hard-of-hearing
people educated with deaf people has varied
from generation to generation. All of these fac-
tors change the diglossic relationship.
American Sign Language has remained stable
since 1918 at least in so far as lexicon is con-
cerned (Woodward, 1978). In defining diglossic
situations, the H forms always remained more
stable than the younger, stillevolving L forms.
GRAMMAR
‘Grammatically H is in general more complex
than L. The higher form of the language con-
tains distinctions not made in the lower form.
AL first glance, this may seom to support the
idea that ASL is the L form, but this may not
necessarily be tr. Signed English systems have
a variety of morphemes to represent English,
bout these are not necessarily used in all forms
of signed English. English itself is not a highly
inflective language especially when compared
with Arabic, German, French, or Attic Greek.
The grammatical aspects of sign language
appear to be more complex than previously sup-
posed. Investigations by Klima and Bellugi (1979)
revealed the practice of modulating signs tomake
cerlain subtie changes of meaning, The sysiem
resembles the infixes used in Arabic and other
Semitic languages. Friedman's work (1978) con-
tains a number of grammatical possitilities con-
‘cerningaspect. Verbs can be modulated toinctude
their subject or object.
LEXICON,
In defining situations, Hand L invariably share
‘much of the lexicon, However, H and L contain
alarge number of paired words that canbe used
to identify which variety is being spoken. Amer-
xn Sign Language and English have few such
pairs.
Stokoe (1969-70) attempts to show that the
fingerspelling of short words in H and the sign-
ing ofthese same words in L constitute a pairing
of sorts. However, fingerspelling appears in ASL
utterances and the equivalent signs appear fre-
‘quently enough in signed English, showing that
these cannot be true pairs. In fact, the rationale
bbehind some signed English inventions is to
reduce the amount of fingorspelling. The inven
torsof signed English systemsare attempting to
‘expand sign language, and they are trying 10
avoidinventing words for which there are already
dear English equivalents (Gustafson eta, 1980).
Signed English signs are frequently invented to
provide differentiation for English synonyms or
near synonyms that are covered by single,
broader ASL signs.
PHONOLOGY
‘The final characteristic enumerated by Fer-
guson (1959) varies between languages and is
therefore somewhat less definite. In all cases
when the phonclogy of H and L differ, most
speakers will use the phonology of L. This is
true of ASL, butitis important toremember thet
AAD. Pebraary 1983Sign Languige Digossia
the phonology of signed English was invented
with Las a model, which is again the reverse of
the defining situations.
The concept of diglossia is relevant to the
American Sign Language-English situation in
spite of these many discrepancies. The concept
of diglossia has utility for the study of sign lan-
‘guage. Fishman (1972) noted that the term dig-
losia has been extended to coversituations where
‘more than one language was involved. Fishman
contended that diglossia proceeded from social
or politcal relationships. Using Fishman's def-
inition of diglossia, it is possible to view the
situation in the deaf community as diglossic with
English in its vocal or writen form playing the
role of H and ASL acting as L.
Within the deaf community, many of the
functions normally ascribed to H are preempted.
by ASL. Meadow (1975) discussed deaf culture
and the pride deaf people take in the aesthet
beauty of their language. Erting (1978) empha-
sized the importance of ASL in maintaining deat
ethnicity. None of this is consistent with a the-
ory that most deaf adults themselvesregard ASL.
asa debased language inferior to signed English.
Even if ASL is perceived as the form of lan-
guage used by a socially oppressed group. this,
is hardly a reason to avoid it or confine it to
informal situations. And even if ASL is per-
ceived as a socially inferior language, it does not
‘mean that signed English is the corresponding,
H form. The real language of the prestige com-
‘munity is spoken or written English. Deaf peo-
ple who wish to share the perceived prestige of
the larger language community are more likely
to speak English vocally than to attempt to sign
it, Written English or fingerspelling are two other
vehicles through which deaf people can partic:
pate in the larger language community. Few
hearing people can distinguish between deaf
people who are signing Englishand deaf people
signing ASL.
Those hearing people who know sign lan-
guage confer no special prestige upon them-
selves by signingin English order. Hearing peo-
ple are expected to know English. As Wood-
ward (1973a) has observed, deaf people tend to
sign English more with hearing people. This is
not necessarily an attempt to gain more prestige;
it may be an effort to improve communication
by simplifying the hearing person's decoding
process. In effect, Pidgin Sign English would be
an ASL native's version of “foreigner” talk (Fer-
guson & DeBose, 1977).
AAD. Febraary 1983
Signed English plays animportant rolein ASL
‘even if it is not the higher register. It is the
preferred language in the educational domain.
‘Most hearing people who use sign language
depend on signed English at least partially to
bridge their transition between languages. The
initialized style of making new words is bor-
rowed by many deaf people for nonce words,
and some of the signed English inventions find
their way into the ASL signer’s everyday
vocabulary,
The number of hearing people learning sign
language isincreasing rapidly. As they mix with,
deaf people and learn ASL, they can act as a
source for learning new wordsand grammatical
structures. If hearing people adhere to an ide-
ology of morpheme-for-morpheme signed Eng-
lish, deaf people are likely to perceive them as
speaking a foreign language.
Languages that are used by societies that are
multibiingual have been known to undergo
‘grammatical convergence over a period of sev-
‘eral hundred years (Gumperz & Wilson, 1971).
Although their lexicons remained separate, their
‘grammars became identical. This is not to pro-
Pose that an increase in the number of bilinguals
would cause this to happen between ASL and
written English, but the development of Pidgin
‘Sign English shows a movement in this direction.
‘A mixing of signed English and ASL without
an ideological preference would be an ideal
solution to the diglossia situation. If hearing
people learn not to correct deaf people's sign
language, they will learn from the subtleties of
a language that can express two separate words
at the same time and create a new concept by
their interaction. Hearing people would leern
that words need not be discrete units but that
they can have infinite shades of meaning. By
turning to deaf people, hearing people can dis
cover a nonlinear language. If deaf people learn
not to correct hearing people's ASL, they will
have a channel for learning the huge vocabulary
of Engiish. Even the grammar of English would
be observable in the mistakes of hearing people.
As the number of bilinguals increases, the
opportunity for languages to influence each other
increases. Any stigma attached to ASL or signed
English creates an artificial barrier between the
languages. Removal of this barrier will allow
ASL and the spoken English of hearing people
to mix more freely. Each language has much to
offer the other; let ushope that these languages
will borrow from each other in the future‘Sign Language Diglossia
REFERENCES
‘Anderson, TL, What ofthe sign language? American
“Aral of the Dea, 1938, #3, 120-190
bragg, 8. Amestat—our American ertage: test
‘mony. Ameren Aanal ofthe De 1973, 18,67
or
CChejne, A. G. Te Antic lnguae: srl nhs.
‘Minneapolis: University of Minnesora ress, 100
Covington ¥, Problems fora sign language panning
agency Lingus 1977, 185, 95-10,
ning € Language poi and‘deaf ethic in the
‘ited Sates Sign Language Sais 1978, 19,13
ie
Ferguson, C. A. Digssia. Nord 1959, 15, 325-340.
Ferguson, C. A. & DeBose,C.E. Simplified registers,
Troken langcages, and pidginizaton. In A. Vad
tan (Ed), Pidgin end Cele inguists. Blooming
ton: Indiana University Press, 1977,
ishinan J. The sxiology of lengua. Newbury. Mase.
fran]. ccelryof egue Newbury. M
Friedman, L.A. On the other hand: New pespctioes on
‘mero Sign Language. New York: Ateric Fre,
78.
Gumpers, J.J. & Wikon, R. Convergence and Creo-
ization: A’ case from the Indo-AryanDravidan
Sordi India. yD. Hymes (Ea) Raton
zaton of languages. Cambridge, Mass.
Cambridge Univenity Pres, I97L,
Gustafson, 6. Pletang, D.,& Zawoikow, B. Signing
‘exact English, Los Alamitos, Cli: Modem Signs
Press, 180.
hh Tmaia snd eed
to be. American Annals of the Deaf, 1856, 8, 185-187.
Klima, E., & Bellugi, U. The signs of language. Cam~
a eae ee,
oS
vat oe nnn
si saat Sp
ne
ses aa day pg
and practic, Boston: Houghton Millan Co, 1978
in geass
ok Re Sic wid
Fe a ttattata
we rb ip
Slide Ua
ng
faa sa a Se
Woodward, J.C. Some observations on sociolinguistic
seca ere etn
Journal of Sociology, 1973, 9, 191-200. (b)
wad Oe arn
ween ante aterm
Ste neh eat
ad
AAD. 1 February 1983