ZEITSCHRIFT FUR PAPYROLOGIE UND EPIGRAPHIK begriindet von Reinhold Merkelbach (+) und Ludwig Koenen herausgegeben von Werner Eck, Helmut Engelmann, Dieter Hagedorn, Jiirgen Hammerstaedt, Andrea Jordens, Rudolf Kasset Ludwig Koenen, Wolfgang Dieter Lebek, Klaus Maresch, Georg Petzl und Cornelia Romer RO MICITL. 3 & . epocew BAND 163 2007 DR. RUDOLF HABELT GMBH « BONN131 A New Ser OF S/MULACRA GENTIUM IDENTIFIED BY GREEK INSCRIPTIONS IN THE SO-CALLED “HOUSE OF TERPSICHORE” IN VALENTIA (SPAIN) ‘The objective of this article is to make known a new series of representations of peoples with inscriptions in Greek that has appeared in Valencia, so that experts in the matter can give it the more detailed study it undoubtedly merits! The palace of Benicarl6, current seat of the Regional Assembly of Valencia, stands on a site where archaeological excavations have recovered diverse stratigraphies from the second century B.C., when the city of Valentia was founded, until now. A lange house was built there in the Flavian era and restructured and redecorated in diverse stages during the imperial age, with the most outstanding transformation occur- ring during the Antonine era, in the second half of the second century, as shown by the profuse decoration of the rooms and the layout of the house, which, together with the great area of 470 m* preserved, give evidence to the importance and economic level of its owners. The house was north-south orientated, with one entrance through a street perpendicular to the cardius (what is now Navells street), and another in one parallel to the decumanus. It was beside the river, separated from the forum by just one block whi ingly corresponded to a sacted area, and west of some thermae. Apart from an atrium, or more probably a peristyle, and the rooms around this, the house had an inner hortus, surrounded by a portico supported by wooden pilasters, with mural paintings of plants and spike-pattern brick paving. The corridor around it gave on to a sumptuous room in the south-east of the house, in which a large musive floor and mural paintings representing standing female figures accompanied, possibly in all cases, by attributes symbolis- ing different provinces and peoples of the empire and also identified by Greek inscriptions at their feet? The name of the house of Terpsichore comes from the representation, in the central medallion of the 4.5 m, quadrangular mosaic of the flooring, of a female figure identified as the Muse Terpsichore by the lyre resting on a pedestal (only the upper part of the Muse and the lyre have been conserved). At the foot of the scene, on a strip of white tesserae with blue letters 7.5 em. high is the following inseription L- Sancho, [Tepyrzlopiiov; Pallarés:[ Jopiiov Marin: [---]OPHO(w) JOPH (hedes In the editio princeps the inscription is interpreted as “place of Terpsichore”, referring to a private room devoted to music and the dance by way of cult to Terpsichore 4 Identification of the figure with the Muse ‘Terpsichore is based on the association of this Muse with the lyre in the iconographic parallels 5 However, here we wish to focus attention on the mural paintings representing peoples that adorn the walls of this room. They were divided into panels — with cianabar red background and separated by T This study forms part of the project Eplgrafia griega en la Peninsula Ibérica (Greek Epigraphy in the Iberian Peni sula) (HUM 2004-01806/F1LO) financed by the Spanish Ministry of Education and Science and FEDER funds. I would like to thank Albert Ribera fr the permission to see the pieces, which are inthe Servicio de Investigacisn Arqueolégica Municipal de Valencia (Municipal Service of Achaeological Research in Valencia) and for data onthe situation and characteristics of the house: I also thank Josep Vicent Lerma for his help and for information on the existence of some of the panels and the facili- ties for studying them. | thank him and Javier Marti (Museo de Historia de Valencia) for sendiag photographs of some panels. am grateful to Maria Par Garcia-Bellido for her comments on various aspects ofthe article and especially forthe numismatic parallels. Barbara Knowls (Servicio de idiomas. Universidad de Salamanca) has translated the Spanish version, 2-V«1. Lopez Garcia et a. 1994, pp, 39-276 forthe ancient era. CF. pp. 172-8 onthe house where the mosaics and murals ‘were found, with reconstruction plates. Next to this room there is another in which there were murals of fictitious architec- 31, Lopez. Garcia et al. 1994, pp. 142-156, figs. 31-43, plate 48; 1. Sancho Hurtado 1994, pp, 495-7, fig. 42: J. Gémez Pallarés 1997, pp. 157-9..0.V 1, plates 662-666 (Hisp. Epigr. 6 [1996] no, 982). 4 Cf. against these arguments J. Gémez Pallaés, lo, cit in favour of, Curbera in His. Epi. 5 Ch. 1. Lopez Garefa etal. 1994, J. Gomez Palasés 1997,132 M"P. de Hoz interpanels with candelabras of grapes and flowers — of which only shee with an inscription have been preserved, thanks to which the representations of Egypt, the Thracian people of the Bessi and the Indians can be identified. The emblem of the trunk of the palm tree next to the female figure in another panel has led it to be considered as a representation of Mauritania S |. (Fig. 1) Fragment of a moral painting (max. 2.04 m. high, max. 1.28 m. wide) formed by two panels with cinnabar red background and an interpanel with a candelabra; on the panel atthe right there is an in- scription (14 em. long and with letters of 0.5 em.) painted next to the remains of the lower part ofa female figure with a crocodile whose jaws and front legs can be seen behind on her right. Servicio de Investigacién Arqueolégica Municipal de Valencia (no. 0/590); 2" century A.D. 1, Lopez Garcia etal. 1994, pp. 166-8, fig. 55, plate 54; 1. Sancho Hurtado 1994, p. 495, fig. 55 (Hisp. Epigr. 6 [1996] no. 983). Ieonographic commentary in C. Guiral 2000, p. 32, plate IV. Afyuntos 2. (Fig. 2) Fragment of a mural painting with cisnabar red background and an inscription (9 cm. long, with initial beta 1.7 em.,and the rest ofthe letters 1.2 cm.) painted at the feet of a female figure of which only the lower part has been preserved. An object to the left of the female figure, made of the same gold- bordered white cloth as her clothing, could be a hat (v. infra). Servicio de Investigacién Arqueolégica Municipal de Valencia Unpublished, Béooolv] which we interpret as (é8vos) Béoowy (the Bessi), taking as a basis the parallel of Aphrodisias (v. infra). 3. (Fig, 3) Fragment of mural painting with cinnabar red background and an inscription painted next to the remains of a female figure, behind which, towards her right, the trunk and tusks of an elephant can be seen, The woman has her right hand raised holding something which has been lost and her left hand by her side also holding something by the lower part which must have been resting against her body; only the top right of the face has been preserved, where an elaborate hairstyle with a diadem, perhaps a turban, can be seen decorated with strings of beads of a necklace (pearls), Museo de Historia de Valencia, Kconographic commentary in A. Ribera, Lépez, C. Marin, R. Martinez, C. Matamoros 1995, p. 145; €. Guiral 2000, p. 32s. Unpublished “TyBav which we interpret as (vos) TyBdv (the Indians) (ef. no. 2), 4. Fig, 4) Fragment of a panel in which the female figure has been preserved almost complete, but not the lower part with the feet and the inscription. The woman is wearing a tunic with golden sleeves and lower border, and a white cloak; her hair is put up and adorned with a headdress, the bottom part of which can be seen to be like a grey cap, and her arms are bent with the forearms and hands extended outwards; on her left, in the background, there is the trunk of a palm tree and on her right a straight rod that goes from the floor to the upper part of the panel. Servicio de Investigacién Arqueolgica Municipal de Valencia 1. Lopez Garcfa et al., 1994, p. 166, fig. 54, plate on p. 37; A. Ribera, I. Lopez. C. Marin, R. Martinez, C, Matamoros 1995, p. 146; Guiral 2000, p. 32, plate V. © C£.1. Lopez Garcia et al. 1994, pp. 156-172, for the murals, where oly the one relating to Egypt and the one interpreted as Mauritania are given.A New Set of simulacra gentium 133, ‘The celebration and propaganda of the Roman conquests by means of the representation of Barbarian and ‘captive peoples is well known in the iconography of Roman historical or triumphal monuments. In many cases, the Barbarian people subjugated are symbolised by a female character which over time came to be the one preferred also as an allegory of peoples or provinces in the empire in which emphasis on defeat or submission is not necessarily sought.7 Nevertheless, most of the evidence reflects the victory or subjugation Of specific peoples in certain situations $ and although the sources mention the iconographic representation of series of nations annexed or in some way related to the empire, which symbolised the latter's grandeur, we find few real parallels in art. ‘The most ancient testimony of the imperial age is the most doubtful. Itis a series of small personifica- tions in bas-reliefs, apparently ethnic. in the Ara Pacis, probably belonging to the inner altar, very poorly preserved but identified by the female and Barbarian features on some of the fragments, The next in chronological order is the most interesting for studying the paintings from Valencia. Although about a century earlier than these, it is, nevertheless, the best parallel thanks to its state of pres- cervation and to the coincidences between the two. It isa set of sculptured reliefs that, separated by inter columnar sections, adorned the two lower parts in the long fagade of the north portico which flanked a narrow sanctuary ot processional area in the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias, from the Julio-Claudian era, On ‘a pedestal with a mask and the name of the people, there appeared the representation of the latter in the shape of a woman standing and facing front, the same as in the house in Valencia. all sculpted in relief on panels that gave the sensation of real statues on their pedestals.9 From some fifty peoples, sixteen have been preserved, among which there are names of provinces and also of peoples belonging or not to prov- inces. The Indians we find in Valencia are not among them, but Egypt is (R. R. R. Smith 1988, p. 55, no. 1) and the Bessi (R.R.R. Smith 1988, p. 55, no. 4; 66-7, no. 4) ‘The set of reliefs that decorated Hadrian’s temple in the Field of Mars in Rome are from the 2! century, dedicated by Antoninus Pius in 145. Chronologically it is the closest parallel to the domus of ‘Valencia, but there is no unanimous agreement as to the name of any of the peoples represented. In all, the simulacra of twenty peoples are seen, two of which, now lost, are in the shape of female figures in a peaceful and happy attitude, with the arms of the diverse countries as emblems, representing, according to J. M.C, Toynbee, the defence of civilisation, This author highlights the selection made of countries and provinces situated within, or just on the other side of, the boundaries of the Roman Empire, and inter- prets the whole complex as a commemoration of Hadrian’s pacifist policy and of his success in the con- solidation and security of the empire, According to this author the same policy is revealed in the famous ‘monetary series struck by Hadrian at some time between 134 and 138 A.D. with personifications on the reverse of the coins of at least twenty-five countries.!! The presence of border nations is also prominent in the series of provincial coins of Antoninus Pius, on which peoples outside the Roman boundaries, such as the Parthians and Scythians, appear, thus reflecting one of the most outstanding features of this emperor’ foreign policy, judging by the sources: the good relationship of Rome with the nations on the other side of its fromtiers.!2 7 Cf. in this respect R. Rodgers 2003, pp. 81-9, esp. 85s. The author classifies the representations of peoples by women, in three categories, one expressing the idea of violence exerted by the Romans, another captivity or submission of the people toa ruling power, and third without expressing vitor, subjugation or Roman superiority, illustrate inthe Hadrian complex (cf. infra) Ci. in general for the use of arin imperial policy, N. Hannestad 1988 and more specifically on the personfiations (of countries and cities. P.Biénkowski 1900: M, Jtta 1908; J. M.C. Toynbee 1934, with a presentation dedicated to the era of Hadrian and Antoninus, and the previous one startin from Augustus, pp. 1-23; Ostrowski 1990, Fora theoretical analysis ofthe image ofthe natines inthe Roman era v.F. Salcedo 1996, pp. 1-60. 8 Cf, many examples in the works cited by J. M. C. Toynbee, N. Hannestad (pp. 56-58 for coins from the Augustan era) and R. Rodgers RRR. Smith 1988, p, 50-77 1OCE_J.M.C. Toynbee 1934, pp. 152-9: R.R.R, Smith 1988, p. 76. 1. M.C. Toynbee 1934, with detailed description of the representations by peoples on pp. 24-130 12, M,C. Toynbee 1934, pp. 144-147, For representations of peoples on coins inthe 2 century A.D. ef PL, Strack 1953, 139-66.134 M" Pde Hoz ‘The interest of these parallels is increased by mention in the sources of representations of the same type on monuments or in relation to official ceremonies. 3 These monuments, most of them from the AUu- gustan era, had their origin in a new context of imperial policy fomented by the emperor, in which special importance is given to geography and space as elements representing Roman policy and imperial propa- ganda. Cl. Nicolet (1988) has clearly shown this relationship in different aspects of the Augustan era. R.R.R. Smith supposes that there was an official or semi-official list in Rome of imperial acquis tions, which in the Augustan era was extended and made definitive. This list must have been the basis for the selection of names in the Res Gestae and in the aforementioned simulacra gentium, and would include that of which Augustus was most proud and which is reflected in the Res Gestae (26.1): Omnium provinciarum populi Romani>, quibus finitimae fuerunt gentes, quae non pearerent imperio nosstro, fines auxi (“increased the territories of all the provinces that had neighbouring peoples not subject to the em- pire”). The inclusion in the list of peoples not corresponding to the provinces, some not even belonging to any province, such as the Bessi in the age in which the Aphrodisias complex was conceived, most likely had that objective, to mark the boundaries of the empire. Smith highlights the fact that many of the peoples of Aphrodisias belonged to the furthermost points of the empire (Arabs, Bosporans, Callaeci, Da- cians, Piroustae, Rhaeti, Ethiopians), which he relates to the allegories of the Day and the Ocean on the upper level, certainly counterparts to those of Earth and Night, and interprets as propaganda of the huge area of the empire. The selection of names emphasising the furthermost parts of the empire is also found in Virgil’s description of Aeneas’s shield. The summary given by Appian in the Preface to his work (9) is highly significant in this respect, and seems to express the same view of the Roman world as that which must have been seen in the Aphrodisias complex, where, incidentally, three islands are also included as peoples and there were added reliefs of the Ocean, the Day and very likely of the Night: ‘Posto xd te Bboeav Kai toi rpds éonépay dxeavoo éni td Kerbxaaov Spos Koi Roropiov Edppdemny Ka & i ‘vo Aiyinrov Kai (6r’) ApGBov Eni tov EGov dxeavdy A dpxh SueEkpxeren, Kai pos, fativ abroic 6 dxecvds dvepyoutvon te Koi Svouévou 10d Be0d, Bursaans te xéans hyeuovetovat ig Evtds otlong Kai viiswy éxaadv xai év x dxeavd Bpertavav (“the Romans, whose boundaries ‘extend from the setting of the sun and the western ocean to Mount Caucasus and the river Euphrates, and through Egypt to Ethiopia and through Arabia as far as the eastern ocean, so that the boundary is the ocean both where the sun god rises and where he sinks, while they control the entire inner sea and all its islands, as well as Britain in the ocean’ Egypt ‘The victory of Augustus over Mark Antony in 31 B.C.,and the conversion of Egypt into a Roman province, is a subject dealt with many times in literary sources and in art, and this country is never missing from the lists of conquests or peoples that formed part of the Roman Empire. The representation of a crocodile as the emblem of Egypt is well known in Roman iconography, e.g. in the series struck in 28-7 B.C. to commemorate the annexation of Egypt to the Empire (BMC I 650 ss.), or in the long monetary series of ‘Nemausus (Nimes), struck from 27 to 3 B.C., which commemorated the founding of the colony with men ‘who had taken part in the conquest of Egypt (fig. 5).!4 Although of less importance and from an age prior to the conquest of Rome, the minting by Crassus in the years 40 B.C. of a coin in Cyrene is of great interest sa parallel. The obverse showed a female head allegoric of Libya and the reverse a crocodile, with the inscriptions KYPA and KPAE in Greek on the respective faces (fig. 6; cf. another coin, struck about the same time by Crassus in Ptolemaic Egypt, with a towered head on the obverse and a crocodile on the reverse).!5 ‘Strabo often mentions crocodiles in relation to the Egyptians, especially when speaking of Arsinoe, which he says was formerly called Kpoxo8etAo xéAts where the inhabitants adored this animal and even had a T3.CE.R. RR, Smith, pp. 71-74 on these monuments 4 CF. forthe first H, Mattingly 1965, 680 ss. forthe second, C. H. V. Sutherland - R.A.G. Carson (ed) 1984, pp. 28-27, figs, 154, 155, 158, 159; A, Burnett ~ M. Amandry ~ PP Ripols 1992, no, 522-526. 154, Bumett ~M. Amandry ~ PP. Ripollés 1992, no. 917,916 respectivelyA New Set of simulacra gentium 135 sacred one in a lake, tamed by the priests (17.1.38). Nevertheless, it seems that the crocodile was not the only emblem of Egypt. The woman who represents this province in Aphrodisias (identified by the inscrip- tion €8vlovs] Aiyoixtiov)), of whom only the lower part can be seen, is accompanied by a feline (R. R. R. Smith 1988, plate IX 1: cf. Str. 17.1 40 for the adoration of cats by all Egyptians). The Bessi It's surprising, however, to find the Bessi mentioned in a list of not many more than fifty peoples of the empire. In fact they do not appear in the Res Gestae or in other known lists of peoples annexed, but, on the other hand, they do appear in the Aphrodisias collection (fig. 7). Strabo (7.5.12; frag. 7.47) says that they inhabit the greater part of the Haemus Mountains, on the banks of the River Hebrus, even further afield than the Corpili and the Brenae, bordering on Mount Rhodope in the territory of the Paeonians and of the Illyrian peoples of the Autariatae and the Dardanians, and he relates that they live a poor life in huts and are given to plundering, to the extreme of being called bandits by bandits themselves, Pliny (NH 4.40) says that there were various sections of the Bessi on the left bank of the Sturma to the River Maestus, It was, therefore, one of the tribes furthest away and most extensive, of the famous Thracians, one of the peoples who should not be forgotten when speaking of the Thracians, one of the most powerful nations in Europe (cf. Pliny, loc. cit.), and it seems one of the most uncivilised. The rest of the not very numerous Greek and Latin sources that speak of the Bessi do so to highlight their savage nature (cf. the fierce aspect of the mask representing this people on the relief in Aphrodisias). Cf. Valerius Flaccus, Arg. 2.231: im- manes quos stemere Bessi nec Geticae potuere manus aut aequoris irae (men “who cannot beat either the inhuman troops of the Bessi or those of the Getae”), Ovidius, Tristia 3.10: Sauromatae cingunt, fera gens, Bessique Getaeque, quam non ingenio nomina digna meo! (“S Bessi and Getae, such names are not worthy of my inspiration!”), 4.1: vivere quam miserum est inter Bes- sosque Getasque illum, qui populi semper in ore fuit! (“how wretched itis to live among Bessi and Getae for one used to walking amidst the roar of the crowd”). In the other cases the savage nature is deduced from the emphasis placed by the authors on the victories achieved by the Romans against such warlike people. According to the Breviarium of Eutropius (6.10), the first of the Romans to fight against the Bessi ‘was Lucullus the governor of Macedonia, and he defeated them in @ harsh battle on Mount Haemus in 71 B.C.,during the Macedonian war (cf. in the context of these wars the mention in Polybius 23.8). Octavius, the father of Augustus, who was governor of Macedonia, defeated in a great battle “the Bessi and the ‘Thracians” (Suetonius, De Vita Caes. 3.2). Piso, also governor of Macedonia, beheaded Rabacentus, from the tribe of the Bessi, treacherously, bought by the Thracian King Cotys (Cic. in Pis. 84), although, from another persepetive, Dion Cassius (54.34.5~7) says that the Bessian Vologaesus led an uprising, killing the son of King Cotys, and invaded Quersoneso until Piso forced the Bessi to retreat and pursued them to their territory where, after defeating them, he then sacked their lands and those of the neighbouring tribes, terrorising some and negotiating with others through battles, for which he received triumphal honours Antipater of Thessalonica (AP 9.428) wrote a poem singing the conquest of the “martial Bessi”. Crassus found himself obliged to fight against the Thracians on his return to Moesia but he respected the territory cof the Odrysians, devoted to the service of Dionysus, and granted them the land on which they glorified this god, taking it from the Bessi who occupied it (D.C. 51.25.4). Pompeius must also have dominated this people, since judging by Caesar (BC 3.4.5), he incorporated Bessian soldiers to his legions, partly as mercenaries, parly attracted by his influence. Marcus Lollius subjugated them in 16 B.C. (D.C. 54.21). ‘The success of Augustus is reflected in the words of Appian (Illy. 16), who tells that Augustus subjugated tribes dificult to fight, and after he had conquered many ‘Thracian peoples and made them pay the tributes they had stopped paying, the Ipsanians and Bessians surrendered to him through fear. ‘Thracia was a client kingdom of Rome until 46 A.D. when it became a province, ie.,ata date prior to the painting of the murals in Valencia, although possibly later than the time when the Aphrodisias series ‘was conceived !6 This nation was most likely chosen as an example of an outlying people of a kingdom armatians, fierce nation surrounded by the T6CE RRR. Smith 1988, p58136 M" Pde Hox that was being annexed to the empire.!7 But, it was als its annexation represented an even greater success. ‘The part of the panel where the emblem of this nation most likely was has not been preserved. A frag~ ‘ment of a sculpture in Aphrodisias which represents a woman with a headband of Dionysian aspect (R. R R. Smith 1988, plate IV) has been related to the pedestal with the name of the Bessi (R.R.R. Smith 1988, plate VIII 1), owing to the importance of the Dionysian cult among the Thracians.'8 The tall hat on her tight (fig, 7) must have also been an emblem identifying the people, since itis known in later times as an emblem of figures representing the northern and eastern provinces, although none of them parallel to this one." The object on the floor to the right of the figure that represents this people on the panel in Valencia could also be a hat a specially uncivilised and warlike people; hence ‘The Indians Even more surprising in a catalogue of peoples of the Roman Empire is the mention of the Indians, not attested among those preserved in Aphrodisias. India was not a country subjugated to the Roman Empire, but, in the Res Gestae (31) Augustus prided himself on receiving ambassadors from the kings of India frequently, something never before seen by any Roman governor. The mention of an embassy arriving from the Far East is a propagandistic device of Augustus’s policy in other authors also. Strabo (15.1.4) ‘mentions the sending of presents of honour to Augustus on the part of the Indian kings Pandion and Poros. Speaking about embassies to Augustus, Dion Cassius (54.9.8) tells that the Indians, previously announced by heralds, closed a friendship treaty with Rome and envoyed, with other presents, tigers, never before seen by Romans and probably neither by Greeks. The passage by Florus (2.34) is very revealing: Omni- bus ad occasum et meridiem pacatis gentibus, ad septentrionem quoque, dumtaxat intra Rhenum atque Danuvium, item ad orientem intra Cyrum et Euphraten, illi quoque reliqui, qui inmunes imperii erant, sentiebant tamen magnitudinem et vietorem gentium populum Romanum reverebantur. nam et Seythae misere legatos et Sarmatae amicitiam petentes. Seres etiam habitantesque sub ipso sole Indi, cum gemmis et margaritiselephantosquoque inter munera trahentes, nihil magis quam longinquitatem viae inputabant- {quadriennium inpleverant; et tamen ipse hominum color ab alio venire caelo fatebatur (“Now that all the Races of the West and South were subjugated, and also the races of the north, those at least between the Rhine and the Danube, and of the east between the Cyrus and Euphrates, the other nations too, who were not under the role of the empire, yet felt the greatness of Rome and revered its people as the conquerors Of the world, For the Scythians and the Sarmatians sent ambassadors seeking friendship: the Seres too and the Indians, who live immediately beneath the sun, though they brought elephants amongst their gifts as ‘well as precious stones and pearls, regarded their long journey, in the accomplishment of which they had spent four years, as the greatest tribute which they rendered, and indeed their complexion proved that they came from beneath another sky”. trans, by E. Seymour Forster in the edition by Loeb, 1966).29 This pas- sage also mentions typical objects of trade with the east, which expanded greatly during the Aagustan era ‘The ambassadors from India appear in relation to ambassadors from other faraway countries: Scythians, Sarmatians and Dacians (DVI 79,5) and more often related only to the Scythians: cf. Suet., Aug. 21.6; Eu- tropius 7.10 (Scythae et Indi quibus antea Romanorum nomen incognitum fverat, “Seythians and Indians for whom the name of the Romans was as yet unknown”); Oros. 6.21.19.*1 This same idea of the Indians’ knowledge of Rome as an achievement of Augustus is also expressed by Florus if we compare the passage mentioned with a previous one referring to the time of Pompeius (1.40.31): sic Pompeio duce Romanus 17 CF. Res Gestae 26.1 cited above: R.R.R. Smith 1988, p. 7. 18.8. RR. Smith 1988, p. 60, 67, who cites D.C. $1.28. (v, supra): 54.34 5-7: The Vologaesus who led the rebellion of the Bessi against King Cotys was a priest of Dionysus and had gained many followers thanks to his dvinatory practices, RRR. Smith 1988, p. 67 20/1 would like to thank Isabel Morena for information on this quotation of Florus and the article by L. Bressone 199, hich, although dedicated above all teexplaining the mention ofthe Seres inthe passage by Florus, speaks of the mentioning ‘of ambassadors from India in Rome, with bibliography on the subject. 21 The Indian embassy is also mentioned by other 4" century authors Fest 19: Aur Viet. Caes, 1.6,A New Set of simulacra gentium 137 totam, qua latissima est, Asiam pervagatus, quam extremam imperii habebat provinciam mediam fecit. ex- ceptis quippe Parthis, qui foedus maluerunt, et Indis, qui adhue nos nec noverant, omnis Asia inter rubrum et Caspium et Oceanum Pompeianis domita vel oppressa signis tenebatur (“Thus the Roman people, under the leadership of Pompeius, traversed the whole of Asia in its widest extent and made what had been the furthest province into a central province: for with the exception of the Parthians, who preferred to make treaty, and the Indians, who as yet knew nothing of us. all Asia between the Red and Caspian Seas and the ‘Ocean was in our power, conquered or overrun by the arms of Pompeius”, trans. by E. Seymour Forster in the edition by Loeb, 1966). The text by Orosius (6.21.19), an author born in Hispania at the end of the 4 century, poses a possibility of special interest in the presence of the Indians in this house, since it situates the embassy of Indians and Seythians to Augustus in Tarragona, in the extreme west, where they went t0 present their respects with the representatives of their people 22 This is even more striking when related to the important minting of imperial denarii and aurei in Hispania between 18 and 16 B.C., commanded by Agrippa during his stay in Hispania in the year 19. The issue, with rich iconography, commemorated sev- ral of the successes of Augustus, both in domestic and foreign policy, which took place between 27 B.C. and 20 B.C: his obtaining of the title Augustus, diplomatic agreements with Parthians and Armenians, the recovery of the insignia and prisoners lost in the campaigns of Crassus (54 B.C.) and Antony (40 and 36 B.C). All these events are clearly recognised in the monetary iconography: however, there are some coins that represent Augustus crowned by victory in a biga with elephants over arches, in turn above aqueducts ‘or other representations of roads with the inscription quod viae muntitae) sunt (fig. 8) which have been interpreted as the commemoration of the building of roads, but a convincing explanation of the presence of the elephants has not been given. Would they be referring to the arrival of embassies that had taken place during Augustus’ campaign in Hispania, in 25 B.C. ,and to his decision to make highways that would shorten that long four-year journey (cf. Floro, passage quoted supra) and bring this faraway people closer to Rome? If what Orosius says is true, as well as the interpretation of the mint of coins with elephants, the information of such a special and exotic embassy could perhaps have had an influence in the including of the Indians in simulacra gentium in the territory of Hispania. The desire to make Augustus’ campaigns parallel to those of Alexander the Great could also have played a role in the frequent mentioning of Indian embassies in the sources.2# This dilemma in Roman propaganda in its attempt to mention as part of the empire a remote people that had not really been annexed is reflected in the already mentioned preface by Appian. In chapters |~4, where there isa list of the peoples annexed, when reaching the east he only men- tions “Syria and part of Arabia; in the summary of the grandeur of Rome (9) however, he says that the empire extends “to the eastern ocean through Arabia”, ‘There is constant mention of elephants in the ancient sources when they speak of India. The narra- tions of Alexander's campaigns often speak of the presents of elephants he received from Indian kings (cf. Artian 5.29.4), and Florus (2.34) mentions them among the presents to Augustus.25 Strabo speaks of the elephant quite often and extensively in his description of India: of the possession of elephants as a CC. om the oer hand Dion Cassius, who situates the ambassadors of the Indians in Samos. L. Bessone (1996, p. 94s.) believes that there could have been ambassadors from India in Tarragona during Augustus"s campaiga in Spain, and thinks that there must have been a second embassy five or six years later in Samos. J, Hellegonarc"h takes ths for granted in 25 B.C. ina note to the passage quoted from Eutropius in his edition of BL.(1999, p. 200, n. 10.1), 23 On this imperial mint of Augustus, v. M.P, Garei-Bellide 2006, pp. 260-2. 0 whom Lam grateful for the information bout these coins and the idea of their possible relationship with the Indian embassies, CY, H. Mattingly 1965, p. CX1 sz C HV, Sutherland ~ R.A. G. Carson 1984, p. $0. plate 3. fig. 140; R. Wiegels 2000, pp. 205-225. spec. 207-215 for the res- tence of elephants on coins. This author explains the elephant asa object of special representation ofthe emperor which has its origin in its use asa symbol of the Punic wars and then as a symbol of Africa, It should be mentioned thatthe earliest and most frequent representations of sovereigns in elephant® ‘The study of these mural panels is of great importance as a new testimony of simulacra gentium, of the imperial policy underlying these artistic manifestations and as a parallel to the complex in Aphrodis- jas. But, above all, itis of great interest for the peoples referred to inthe panels that have appeared and the iconography reflected. They provide us with the only identified representation of India with a text, which can be of great help in identifying this country in other allegorical representations and avoiding confu- ions with allegories of Africa, The inclusion of India in a set of simulacra gentium reassesses the men- tions of Indian embassies in the texts, and their presence inValentia could be related to these embassies in Tarraco in the time of Augustus. The panel of the Bessi shows the existence of a catalogue of peoples of the Augustan era which served as a model for these panels and for the complex in Aphrodisias. Bosh the panel of the Indians and that of the Bessi (cf. the texts mentioned about this people) also reflect the Roman means of making propaganda of their empire, not resorting merely to mentioning the provinces already included in it, Also important, if correct, is the identification of Carthage-Africa, since it diverges from all the traditional representations of that province and gathers very old cultural testimonies from the 557 thorough ieonographie study would be necessary to establish model of the representations. CY. Smith, who stresses the similarity of the representation, generally classical, although with loal elements, of the figutes in Aphrisias from the Julic-Claudian age with those ofthe Hadrian age. seeing @ continuity inthe conception that gives rise to ths type of allegory fram the Augustan erat the time of Hadrian, spat 37 This supposition agrees with tha of A. Ribera, who, taking archaeological elements asa basis suspects that iis nota house as has been sad. but possibly an official building (oral information), and also with that of A. Femndez, whom I would like to thank forthe bibliographic references onthe panels subsequent to the ed. pr and for her commentary’ on the possible relationship ofthe owner ofthis domus,if indeed i isa domus, with the imperial house, CF. the cases of private buildings put ‘official uses, albeit lager and more sumptuous villa than this building, in Carangue, Centeelles, Cercadila in Cordoba or tne villa in Piazza Armerina already mentioned (¥. M, Mayer 2004-08, p. 194), 58 CF the case of C.lulus Silvanus Melanio, known from several inscriptions inside and outside Hispania, who was impe- rial procurator, most likely in charge ofthe mines in Astorga and Segsbriga (J. M. Abascet ~G. Alfkdy 1998, pp. 158-164 = M.P.de Hor 1997, 26.2 forthe Greek inscription in Astorga, oF the case ofthe proconsul Arran who dedicated an epigeam 10 Artemis in Cordoba and whom many authors identify with the Famous writer (A. Tovar 1971, 403-12 = M. Pde Hoz 233)A New Set of simulacra gentium 14 times when Carthage was at the height ofits fame in the 3° and 2 centuries B.C. In the future an attempt will have to be made to explain how and ‘why these symbols were chosen in the age in which the panels were painted, and where and who kept alive those sacra and those cult-gestures which seemed to have disappeared after the conquest of Carthage. Finally, the set of panels may provide more data on the owner of the house, if indeed it was a house, an owner as yet unknown but urkloubtedly an important person in Roman administration, or on the functions of the building, if it was a public building Bibliography J.M. Abascal - G. Alfoldy. Zeus Theos Megistos en Segobriga, AEspA 71 (1998). pp. 158-164 A. Berthier ~ A. R. Charlier, Le sanctuaire punique d’El Hofra a Constantine, Patis 1952 AP. Bignkowski, De Simulacris barbarum gentium apud Romanos, Cracow 1900 LL. Bressone, Floro e le legazioni ecumeniche ad Augusto, Athenaeum 84 (1996), pp. 93-100 A. Burnett ~ M. Amandry — P. P. Ripollés, Roman Provincial Coinage 1, London-Paris 1992 ‘A. Carandini, Ricerche sullo stile e la cronologia dei mosaici della villa di Piazza Armerina, Rome 1964 A. Carandini et ai. Filosofiana. La villa de Piazza Armerina, Palermo 1982 ‘A. Garcia y Bellido, Les reiixions orientales dans I’ Espagne romaine, Leiden 1967 M.P.Gareia-Bellido, Corduba y Colonia Patricia: Historia de dos ciudades, in D. Vaquetizo —J. F. Murillo (ed.), Bl concepto de lo provincial en ef mundo antiguo, Cordoba 2006, pp. 251-266 M*P. Garefa-Bellido ~ C. Blazque7, Catdlogo de cecas y pueblos hispdnicos, Madrid 2001 G.V. Genili, La Villa Imperiale di Piazza Armerina, Rome 1956 J. Gomez Pallarés, Edicién y comentario de las inscripciones sobre mosaico de Hispania, Inscripciones no cristianas, 1997 C. Guiral Pelegrin, La pintura romana en Espaiia: aportaciones recientes, in T. Nogales (ed.), Ancient Ro- ‘man Painting. Proceedings of the International Symposium (Mérida 1996), Mérida 2000, pp. 21-36 S. Hales, The Houses of Antioch: A Study of the Domestic Sphere in the Imperial Near East, in H. S. Scott — J. Webster (ed.), Roman Imperialism and Provincial Art, Cambridge 2003, pp. 171-191 N. Hannestad, Roman Art and Imperial Policy, Aarhus 1988 M.P. de Hoz, Epigrafia griega en Hispania, Epigraphica LIX (1997), pp. 29-96 M. Jatta, Le rappresentanze figurate delle provincie romane, Rome 1908 M. Leglay, Saturne africain, Paris 1961 I. Lopez Garcia et al., Hallazgos arqueolégicos en el Palau de les Corts, Nalencia 1994 H. Kabler, Die Vila des Maxentius bei Piazza Armerina, Berlin 1973 D. Kienast, Augustus und Alexander der GroBe, Gymnasium 76 (1969), pp. 448 ss. D. Levi, Ancient Mosaic Pavements, Princeton 1972 L,I Manfredi, Monete Puniche. Repertorio epigrafico e numismatico, Bolletino di Numismatica, Mono- gratia 6, Rome 1995 H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum \, London 1965 M. Mayer, Algunas consideraciones sobre la epigrafia de la villa de Carrangue (Toledo, Spain), Rend. Pont. Acc. Rom. Arch. LXXVII (2004-05), p. 194 G. Nenci, L'imitatio Alexandri nelle Res gestae divi Augusti, in Jntroducione alle guerre persiane e altri saggi di storica antica, Pisa 1958, pp. 258-300 Cl. Nicolet, L'Iinventaire du Monde. Géographie et politique aux origines de Empire romain, Fayard 1988 J. Ostrowski, Les personifcations des provinces dans l’Art Romain, Warsaw 1990 A. Ribera, 1. Lopez, C. Marin, R. Martinez, C. Matamoros, La intervencié arqueoldgica, in VVAA, Palau de les Corts, Valencia 1995, pp. 140-152142 M"P.de Hox R. Rodgers, Female Representation in Roman Art: Feminising the Provincial “Other”, in S. Scott ~ J Webster (ed.), Roman Imperialism and Provincial Art, Cambridge 2003, pp. 69-93 F. Salcedo, Africa. Iconografia de una provincia romana, Rome-Madrid 1996 I. Sancho Hurtado, Estudio filokigico de la inscripcién del mosaico de Terpsfcore, in I. Lépez.et al. 1994, Appendix 3 R.R.R. Smith, Simulacra Gentium: The ethne from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias, JS 78 (1988), pp. 50-77 P.L. Strack, Untersuchungen zur romischen Reichspragung des zweiten Jahrhunderts Il, Stuttgart 1953 C.H. V, Sutherland ~ R. A. G. Carson (ed.), The Roman Imperial Coinage, London 1984 A. Tovar, Un nuevo epigrama griego de Cérdoba: ; Arriano de Nicomedia, procénsul de Bética?, Estudios sobre la obra de Américo Castro, Madrid 1971, pp. 403-12 J.M.C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School. A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. Cambridge 1934 R. Wiegels, Quod viae munitiae sunt ~ Historische Anmerkungen zu einem Aureus aus Kalkriese, in R Wiegels (ed.), Die Fundmiinzen von Kalkriese und die frithkaiserzeitliche Miinzprégung, Mihnesce 2000. pp. 20 Universidad de Salamanca Marfa Paz de Hoz Fig. 1. The ethnos of Egypt in a mural painting from Valencia (Photo MPP. de Hoz)A New Ser of simulacra gentiam 143Pde Hoz 144 Fig. 4. The ethnos of Africa (2) in a mural painting from Valencia (Lépez Gavela, p. 166, fig. 54, plate on p.37) Fig.6 Fig. 11 tan mints with erocodite (Sutherland-Carson 12; a) Nemausus (pl. 3.185) ;b) uncertain mint (pl. 10, 545) Fig. 6. Crasos mints in Ptolemaic Egypt (a) (A. Burnett~ M. Amandry ~ P.P Ripollés 1,916) and Cyrene (b) (op. cit. 917) Fig. 8. Augustan denarius suck in Colonia Patricia (Sutherland-Carsow 12. pl.3 140) Fig. 11. Shekel-ivisor from Alicante, stuck probably in lici (M" P, Garcia Bellide ~ C, Blézquez ol. 1, p. 165) Fig. 8146 MP. de Hox ind XIL ab)INHALT Reinhold Merkelbach — ein Leben fiir die Altertumswissenschaft, 1 ‘Manuwald, B., GruBwort des Vertreters der Fakultit 1 Koenen, L., Papyrologie als Spezialdisziplin der Altertumskunde in Reinhold Merkelbachs Forschung und Lehre 5 Petz1, G., Reinhold Merkelbach und die griechische Epigraphik 13 Henrichs, A. Reinhold Merkelbach dber antike Religion, Literatur und Mysterien 7 Reinhold Merkelbach, Schriftenverzeichnis 1997-2005 25 Ast, R., Two Receipts of Artemidora 183 Bardani, V.— Tracy, St., A New List of Athenian Ephebes and a New Archon of Athens 15 Baz, F., Ein neues Ehrenmonument fir Flavius Arrianus 123 Eine neue Statthalterinschrift aus Kappadokien 128 Bingen, J., Un anthroponyme fantéme: 'Hpdaxhnos 188 Bohm, K. B., Ein neues Dokument zur Erhebung der Geldsteuern im Herakleopolites, 205 Brockliss, W.. A Letter tea Business Associate: P. CtYBR inv. 556 200 Catling, R. W. V. ~ Kanavou, N., The Gravestone of Meniketes Son of Menestheus: [Prusa 1028 and 1054 103 Dionysikles Son of Posideos from Teos 118 Christol, M., Consularis memoriae vir 276 Cowey.J.M.S.—Kah, D., Bemerkungen 2 Texten aus BGU HIV. Teil I: Zensusdeklarationen 147 Eck, W., Zwei lateinische Grabinschriften, wohl aus Ostia und Rom 252 Eck, W.— Pangerl, A., Neue Diplome fiir Flotten in Italien 217 Konstitution fiir die Truppen der Provinz. Dalmatien unter Nerva 233 Titus Flavius Norbanus, praefectus praetorio Domitians, als Statthalter Raitiens in einem neuen Militardiplom 239 Fezzi, L., Una nuova tabula dei privilegi per i soldati e i veterani 269 Giirtner, Th., Elysische Schau oder unteritdische Grabwohnung? Ein neuer Rekonstruktionsversuch 2u Poseidipp (°) epigr. 52 = col. VIII 25-30 3” Hagedorn, D., Beobachtungen zu zwei Texten christlich-literarischen Inhalts aus der Wiener Papyrussammlung, o7 Harvey, F. D., "Help! I'm Dying Here’: A Letter from a Slave 49 de Hoz, M* P., A New Set of simulacra gentium Identified by Greek Inscriptions in the so-called “House of Terpsichore” in Valentia (Spain) 134 Ivantchik, A. ~ Pogorelets, O. - Savvov, R.. A New Roman Military Diploma from the Territory of the Ukraine 255 Jones, C. P., Gladiator Epigrams from Beroea and Stratonikeia (Caria) 45 Jérdens, A., Noch einmal: Norbanus praefectus Aegypti? 195 Kah, D.-Cowey, J. M. S., Bemerkungen zu Texten aus BGU I-IV. Teil I: Zensusdeklarationen 147 Kanavou, N.— Catling, R. W. V.,, The Gravestone of Meniketes Son of Menestheus: 1Prusa 1028 and 1054 103 Dionysikles Son of Posideos from Teos 118Kassel, R.,. Das Opfer des Stratonikos Litinas, N., P.Mich. inv. 1622 (= SB XVI 12589) + inv. 1580 Lupe, W., Wardigung des Polybios in P, Oxy. 4808 MacCoull, L. S. B.,.Kellia Inscription Q. Ereima 142 Revisited Magnelli, E.,.Schema lonicum in Dionisio di Magnesia (GVI 1871)? Pangerl, A.—Eck, W., Neue Diplome fiir Flotten in Italien Eine Konstitution fiir die Truppen der Provinz Dalmatien unter Nerva Titus Flavius Norbanus, praefectus praetorio Domitians, als Statthalter Ratiens in einem veuen Militirdiplom Papathomas, 4 (PG 60, S. 707-712). Identifizierung und Neuedition des Pergaments MPER N.S. IV 58 Parker, R., T& puoi in a Confession Inscription from Saittai Pogorelets, O. — Ivantchik, A.—Savvov, R., A New Roman Military Diploma from the ‘Tertitory of the Ukraine Privitera, I, Platone, Aristotele, Teofrasto ed altre nuove letture ed integrazioni nel PHerc. 1004 (Philod, Rhet. Lib. Inc.) Savvov, R. — Ivantchik, A. —Pogorelets, 0., A New Roman Military Diploma from the ‘Tervitory of the Ukraine Schachter, A., Three Generations of Magistrates from Akraiphia Schachter, A. ~ Slater, W. J., A Proxeny Decree from Koroneia, Boioti Zotion Son of Zotion, of Ephesos Slater, W. J.— Schachter, A., A Proxeny Decree from Koroneia, Boiotia, in Honour of Zotion Son of Zotion, of Ephesos Solin, H.,Zu Inschriften von Ikonion Speidel, M. A.,. Rekruten fiir ferne Provinzen. Der Papyrus ChLA X 422 und die kaiserliche Rekrutierungszentrale AuBerhalb des Reiches? Zu neuen lateinischen Inschriften aus Saudi-Arabien und zur Ausdehnung der rémischen Herrschaft am Roten Meer Sverkos, E., Eine Grabinschrift aus Anthemous Tracy, St. ~ Bardani, V., A New List of Athenian Ephebes and a New Archon of Athens ‘Tsantsanogiou, K., Callimachus Aetia fr. 1.712, Once Again Weis. P., Bin Militirdiplom Hadrians fir Thracia in Honour of . Bin ibersehenes Zeugnis fiir die ps.-chrysostomische Homilie Mepi ékenuocsvng 191 40 215 41 217 233 1 121 255 51 255 96 81 81 266 281 296 101 18 a 263