Latin America
sive in light of his later assertion that "class culture lay
at the basis of bureaucratic administration" and mid-
dle-class ideas of expertise dominated the educational
domain (p. 195). Indeed, according to Curtis, the
technology of rule justified "through ideological and
material means the unjustifiable" (p. 10). The study
does not escape the insinuation of social control
because the use of "panopticism" is another version of
it, despite the author's insistence that the structuring
of "historical sociology" separates it from social-con-
trol history (p. 9). Curtis fails to demonstrates this
despite his attempts to illustrate that struggle and
conflict imply limits to the wills of social classes and
groups. Not even his stress on the "double dynamic"
of struggle between democratic trends and the inter-
ests of entrenched elites substantiates the claims he
makes about the history he writes (pp. 172, l92).
The third problem is less crucial. In light of his
emphasis on transatlantic influences (including an
excellent discussion of the Irish model), I was be-
mused at what amounted to a dismissal of American
influences. Given the liveliness and seriousness of the
educational debates on public schooling in the repub-
lic, this was surprising.
This might seem a dense book if one is not a
specialist in preconfederation politics and/or educa-
tional history. It is nevertheless an invaluable one,
adding to an area ·Of Canadian educational history
that has been neglected. Curtis is a thorough histo-
rian who has reconstructed the collective personae of
a group of men who might otherwise remain con-
.fined to the obscurity of Canada's past.
PATRICIA T. ROOKE
University of Alberta
LATIN AMERICA
NANCY LEYS STEPAN. "The Hour of Eugenics": Race,
Gender, and Nation in Latin America. Ithaca: Cornell
University Press. 1991. Pp. viii, 210. $31.50.
Nancy Leys Stepan's social constructivist approach
lends itself nicely to an examination of how societies
vary in their acceptance and application of a scientific
idea. In this instance, the idea is eugenics, the notion
that humankind could vastly improve the intellectual
and moral capabilities of its members through the
practice of a science of human heredity. Although
such a notion is probably at least as old as domesti-
cated plants and animals, its elevation to a "science"
was only accomplished in the wake of the new evolu-
tionism of the 1860s, which seemed to many to
suggest the desirability of promoting the reproduc-
tion of the "fit" while preventing it among the "unfit."
Landmarks in the growth of the eugenics movement
include Francis Galton's Hereditary Genius (1869), his
coining of the term "eugenics" in 1883, August Weis-
mann's theory (advanced in the 1890s) of "hard
heritability" as opposed to the "soft heritability" of
Lamarck, and the rediscovery in 1900 of Gregor
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW·
611
Mendel's laws of heredity, which gave birth to the
field of genetics. The extraordinarily sinister possibil-
ities of the rigorous application of eugenics were only
fully grasped in the wake of the Nazi attempts to
exterminate races.
Yet such a description of the eugenics movement is
essentially that of the movement in much of northern
Europe and the United States, where there existed
considerable concern over the prospect of social de-
generation created by industrialization and its con-
comitants, immigration, migration, urbanization, and
working women. This was also where eugenics was
politically conservative and pessimistic, with the focus
on "hard" immutable heritability, and negative in
orientation, as evidenced by the sterilization of some
70,000 individuals in the United States and fully 1
percent of the population in Germany.
But as Stepan demonstrates, for a variety of rea-
sons eugenics was generally held in a different con-
text and had a different meaning in Latin America, at
least as represented by Argentina, Brazil, and Mex-
ico. Indeed, in European eyes, "Brazilian eugenics
may have seemed an example of misunderstanding
or sloppy scientific thinking" (p. 84). It is not that
negative eugenics did not have its adherents in Latin
America. It did, but the laws that proposed to regu-
late marriage and reproduction were rarely imple-
mented, the br\d experiment with forced sterilization
in Vera Cruz being a notable exception.
An important reason was the influence of French
science, which kept alive Lamarckian ideas of the
inheritance of acquired characteristics in the face of
Darwinism and infused Latin American eugenics with
a neo-Lamarckism that was much more flexible than
Mendelism. Thus, instead of the negative eugenics
inspired by the latter, much of the focus in Latin
America was on preventive eugenics aimed at elimi-
nating "racial poisons" such as alcohol, drugs, to-
bacco, and venereal diseases that could contaminate
future generations and the quality of the race. Pre-
ventive eugenics was also at work in the linkage of
pronatalism and medicine into puericulture, which
focused on the health of the mother and on the
scientific cultivation of the child from the womb until
adulthood. And, of course, in Latin America there
was also the opposition of the Catholic church to
trifling with "God's will."
One final factor was that neo-Lamarckian theories
of heredity were sufficiently flexible to permit a good
bit of latitude in diagnosing the duality of the human
condition, which served the interests of the medical
profession by arranging its profitable place in the
eugenics movement. But finally, in Brazil, the high
death rates of the poor and the low fertility rates
managed by the working classes did not seem to call
for a policy of intervention to reduce population,
and, in Mexico, the great loss of life during the
revolution meant a policy of propopulation. In view
of the differing receptions given to the eugenics
movement in Latin America in contrast to the North
APRIL 1993
612 Reviews of Books
Atlantic world, Stepan's warning regarding the poli-
tics of scientific interpretation in the future seems
most appropriate.
This work was researched in the libraries and
archives of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico as well as in
many in the United States. It is an important book,
meticulously done, and will be of significant value to
Latin Americanists (especially Brazilianists), to histo-
rians of science and medicine, and to those concerned
with the history of ideas as well as those interested in
the rise (and fall?) of eugenics.
KENNETH F. KIPLE
Bowling Green State University
FRANCESCA MILLER. Latin American Women and the
Search for Social justice. Hanover, N.H.: University
Press of New England. 1991. Pp. xv, 324. Cloth
$40.00, paper $16.95.
Latin American feminism has often been questioned
by Anglo feminists who wondered whether female
self-determination was extant in a reputedly macho
society. The centrality of motherhood and emphasis
on health, literacy, human rights, and peace consis-
tently present in Latin American feminist movements
seemed to miss the fact of male domination and
exploitation so central to the U.S. perception of
women's rights. Yet Latin American women have
been front and center of movements for political,
economic, cultural, and gender reform. For them
gender issues cannot be separated from systems of
repression that begin with, but are not limited to,
male domination. Latin American women fight bat-
tles on many fronts, and their campaigns must be
understood within regional contexts. ·Francesca
Miller offers an elegant panorama of Latin American
women's movements from the late nineteenth cen-
tury to the present with all these complexities in
mind.
Until now the history of Latin American women's
movements have focused on national campaigns for
women's rights characteristic of the 1910s through
the 1950s, and political scientists and sociologists have
written about more current revolutionary and now
reformist democratic demands for change. A critical
mass of information has emerged so that a synthesis
of Latin American feminism and women's move-
ments can be written. Miller's book draws on second-
ary works and an enormous amount of original
research to place women's search for social justice in
its proper perspective.
This book contributes in many ways to Latin Amer-
ican women's history. Miller establishes a periodiza-
tion for the Latin American women's movements. She
shows how each phase, each event, was interactive
with national, hemispheric, and global events while
also originating from local circumstances. In a hemi-
sphere of twenty-one nations, women's movements
had to be distinct. Miller differentiates between na-
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
tional movements, urban and rural issues, conceptu-
alizations of women's education, reproductive rights,
and political participation. In a word, she decon-
structs women's movements for an enormously com-
plex area. Women's strategies to tie their campaigns
to transnational organizations and ideals explains
their need to escape their repressive conditions and
exert leverage through an international arena. Pan-
Americanism and the United Nations International
Women's Year have given not only credibility to the
Latin American movements, but also global discourse
has allowed the Latin Americans to evolve unique and
inclusive components to their ideals. Theirs is a more
global feminism than the North American version.
The discussion of major feminist journals and forums
exposes how feminist ideology has emerged, and it
serves as a fine resource guide for future scholarship.
In addition to these analytical breakthroughs, there
is magic here. Miller is able to capture the passion,
drive, beliefs, and commitments of upper-class re-
formers, revolutionaries, and global democrats alike.
One hears the reverberation of their voices, and
finally one understands that these are real militants,
not flirts who cajole limited reforms from truculent
men. They also are not derivatives of North Ameri-
can activists.
The niggling flaws, such as incorrect dates, are
offset by up-to-date lis~s of women's organizations
( and their agenda. The conclusions drawn from this
comprehensive study are both accurate and insight-
ful. This book can and should be used in history
courses about Latin American women, women in
general, U.S.-Latin American diplomatic relations,
and the national period surveys. Researchers inter-
ested in Latin American women should consult this
book for information on current affairs. Miller has
made a significant contribution to Latin American
history.
K. LYNN STONER
Arizona State University
DANIEL T. REFF. Disease, Depopulation, and Culture
Change in Northwestern New Spain, 1518-1764. Salt
Lake City: University of Utah Press. 1991. Pp. xiii,
330. $30.00.
To the ongoing debate about the size of Native
American populations at the time of European con-
tact, and to the related issue of the role Old World
disease played in fueling Indian demise, Daniel T.
Reff has added a timely and substantive contribution.
Working with an impressive array of archival and
publisheq sources, the former consulted in reposito-
ries in Mexico and the United States, but not in Spain,
Reff examines the demographic and cultural impact
of sixteen disease outbreaks which, between 1530 and
1653, lashed the "Greater Southwest," a vast region
embracing Sonora, Sinaloa, Durango, and Chihua-
APRIL 1993
 Latin America 613

hua in Mexico and parts of Arizona, New Mexico, was he who had infected their commumties took
and Texas in what is now the United States. revenge during a pastoral visit to Tovoropa on July
The watershed year in Reff's chronology is 1591, 11, 1594. After setting fire to the church, they stuck
when Jesuit fathers first wandered into this daunting Father Gonzalo's head on a pole and paraded it on a
territory. The coming of the "Black Robes," charged circuit of neighboring settlements.
by their superiors to keep records and write annual Anyone tackling seriously such a controversial sub-
reports, means that post-Jesuit epidemics can be ject deserves to be applauded, more so given the
pieced together with greater attention to detail than enormous extent of the area under investigation.
pre-Jesuit ones. Reff considers that "native exchange Reff's work is also a creative example of the insights
networks" (p. 102) were not sufficiently advanced to to be gained by diligent and persistent application,
facilitate diffusion into northwestern New Spain of especially not accepting what other scholars say about
the smallpox epidemic that, between 1518 and 1525, a source but instead consulting that source first-hand
caused so much destruction farther south. He does, in order to judge, interpret, accept, or reject infor-
however, contend that at least four outbreaks of mation for oneself. We all cut corners, relying on
sickness (1530-31, 1530-34, 1545-48, and 1576-81) someone else's analysis for whatever reasons we feel
occurred before Father Gonzalo de Tapia and Father compelled to justify, but the fact remains that there is
Martin Perez arrived to establish Villa San Felipe in no substitute for engaging with a text directly. Reff's
1591. Reff's contention leads him to conclude that scrutiny of the history written in the mid-seventeenth
"the Jesuits found only vestiges of once populous and century by the Jesuit father Andres Perez de Ribas
developed cultures." Reff attributes the glaring dis- bears this out, for it "abounds with references to
crepancies between accounts written by early explor- disease" (p. 281) that previous researchers apparently
ers and those penned decades later by Jesuit mission- overlooked. If Reff is able to glean so effectively a
aries to "significant disease-induced changes" (p. 15) standard, published source, there is no telling what
between the time of penetration by the first contin- might come to light should he ever get to Seville and
gent and arrival on the scene by the second. try his hand in the Archivo General de Indias.
Here, as elsewhere, quantification is tricky, but Reff W. GEORGE LOVELL
ventures that "most native populations were reduced Queen's University
by 30 percent to over 50 percent prior to sustained Kingston, Canada
contact with the Jesuits." In the wake of missioniza-
tion, which sought to gather formerly scattered, mo-
PILAR GoNZALBO AIZPURU. Historia de f,a educaci6n en f,a
bile groups in a single, fixed location, "native popu-
epoca colonial: La educaci6n de los criollos y f,a vida urbana.
lations were reduced by upwards of 90 percent."
(Centro de Estudios Historicos, Serie historia de la
Depopulation on such a massive scale, which parallels
educaci6n.) Mexico City: Colegio de Mexico. 1990.
that calculated by Woodrow Borah and Sherburne F.
Pp. 395.
Cook for central Mexico and that estimated by Noble
(not "Nobel," as Reff seems to think) David Cook for PILAR GONZALBO AIZPURU. H istoria de f,a educaci6n en la
Peru, is viewed as the result of "a complex mix of epoca colonial: El mundo indigena. (Centro de Estudios
demographic factors, but particularly an exceedingly Hist6ricos, Serie historia de la educaci6n.) Mexico
high infant mortality rate" (p. 16). Reff highlights City: Colegio de Mexico. 1990. Pp. 274.
death by disease throughout, but this focus does not
blind him to the tragic part assumed by decidedly Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru has successfully assumed the
nonepidemiological factors. Certain goals and poli- task of writing about the education of the indigenous
cies favored by Spain in the pursuit of empire helped and the elite populations in New Spain throughout
accelerate the process of decline, as the geographers three centuries of colonial history. A fundamental
Carl 0. Sauer and Donald Brand observed for the difference between the settlement and colonization of
region in question in the first volume of Ibero-Ameri- North America by northern Europeans and the col-
cana published sixty years ago. Reff, for example, onies established by Spain was the attitude adopted by
argues that mining activity in Durango and Chihua- the latter toward the indigenous populations. The
hua forged "routes of contagion" (p. 119) south to assumption that they were to form an integral part of
north from about 1546 on. Similarly, by nucleating society as tribute-paying subjects and the basis of the
Indians and thereby increasing the likelihood of work force depended for its success on their Chris-
greater mortality when disease broke out, missioniza- tianization and their education in the ways of Europe.
tion in fact killed the very Indians whose souls the Education was an essential tool in the proposed
Christian assembly was designed to save. The latter process of assimilation.
scenario, not surprisingly, resulted in widespread The jolting history of Spanish efforts to define and
mission abandonment and the terrifying correlation execute an educational policy to uproot the indige-
of sickness with foreign presence. When the backlash nous way of life and replace it with its own is the
came, it was inevitably violent. Father Gonzalo de subject of the first volume. Gonzalbo Aizpuru ap-
Tapia died a martyr's death (his head was severed, proaches the topic of educ.ation assuming that formal
and an arm was cut off) when Indians who believed it education, Christianization, the teaching of a master

AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW APRIL 1993

614 Reviews of Books
language, the adoption of new agricultural tech-
niques, and concepts of trade and land ownership
were part of the educational undertaking. Given the
availability of data on educational institutions and the
process of religious conversion, the strength of this
work lies in the thorough coverage of these aspects of
education. Her deep knowledge of the subject allows
Gonzalbo Aizpuru to conclude that there never was a
coherent and sustained policy of education for the
Indians. She underlines the contradictions of a ratio-
nalized sixteenth-century Christian educational appa-
ratus guided by the most enlightened humanism and
the reality of anachronistic legislation throughout
most of the colonial period, the prevalence of inter-
ests contrary to the acceptance of a fully educated
Indian citizen, the faltering will of the crown to fight
them, and the conservative position of the episcopal
church after the Council of Trent. Only in the mis-
sionary territories under the control of friars who
lived in a reality alien to the urban canons of the
colonial cities was it possible to develop a full process
of Westernization through edm;ation. The initial illu-
sion of educated communities was slowly replaced by
the need to control a diversified population that
defied the utopian hopes of the early educators. The
collapse of the Indian population after the mid-
sixteenth century was a considerable blow to the plans
laid out for them.
Through her revisionist interpretation, Gonzalbo
Aizpuru has planted significant doubts in our percep-
tion of indigenous education without denying the
positive elements of an educational plan that never
fulfilled its promises after an auspicious beginning.
This pessimistic conclusion may surprise some histo-
rians brought up in the traditional acceptance of the
good intentions of educational schemes for the Indi-
ans. But Gonzalbo Aizpuru is entitled to her conclu-
sion. She knows her sources well and has read the
literature critically.
There is little surprise in the information on elite
education. Beginning with the ephemeral Erasmian
influence, the edifice of colonial education rested on
firm Thomistic foundations that found their best
media in the ecclesiastically controlled centers of
higher education. Colleges and universities abounded
in the cities, but the bulk of evidence and information
rests with the royal pontifical University of Mexico,
the Jesuit colleges, and the seminaries for the forma-
tion of the clergy. Gonzalbo Aizpuru underlines the
traditionality of these centers, which persisted
throughout most of the colonial period. They were
molded on Spanish patterns in an effort to make the
overseas possessions a real part of the motherland,
and few attempts were made for renewing these
institutions until the end of the eighteenth century.
The colonial elite was generous in the foundation and
maintenance of higher education. Endowments never
failed to materialize to sustain an education that
became the gate to the bureaucratic and ecclesiastical
posts coveted by the local upper crust. The coverage
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
of the Jesuit colleges is a strong point in this work.
Gonzalbo Aizpuru has specialized in the Jesuit's edu-
cational policies, and much of that material has been
published elsewhere. Here she follows the more con-
ventional historical tradition and adheres to the story
of the rise and eventual fall of their institutions. The
contrast between the successful Jesuit enterprise and
the foundering course of the indigenous education
could not be greater, and the gap between the two
was the result of the church's own decision not to
open the ranks of the clergy to the indigenous people.
Depriving their schools and mentors of one of the two
main objectives for higher education cut the stem of
intellectual growth for them.
This is an institutional history based on printed as
well as archival sources, with a narrative and linear
development of topics. A brief chapter on colonial
readings and the spread of popular forms of culture
points to a topic that should be better and more
thoroughly explored in the future to add texture to
our knowledge of colonial mentality. Unquestionably,
this balanced objective synthesis of the. history of
formal education in an accessible paperback format
will be much used in the future by those searching for
reliable information in a trustworthy work.
ASUNCI6N LAVRIN
Howard University
GUADALUPE JIMENEZ CoDINACH. La Gran Bretana y la
Independencia de Mexico 1808-1821. Translated from
English by MERCEDES PIZARRO SUAREZ and ISMAEL
PIZARRO SUAREZ. (Secci6n de Obras de Historia.)
Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica. 1991. Pp.
392.
Although there are a number of earlier workers
concerning Britain's role in the independence of
Latin America, this book by Guadalupe Jimenez
Codinach is significant on many counts. It is the first
study of Britain's role in the independence process
specifically of Mexico, and the first one by a Mexican
author. As such, it has quite a different focus than the
existing standard works and is concerned primarily to
uncover secret networks of influence and contact,
both public and private, between Great Britain and
Mexico before 1821. Appropriately for a subject that
is genuinely multinational, Jimenez has employed a
truly astonishing array of archives in England, Spain,
Mexico, Cuba, the United States, France, and Scot-
land, as well as a wide variety of published works. The
product of many years labor, influenced by her time
at the University of London, the book contains a great
deal of new material and delves into many issues not
previously known. Although this Spanish translation
is its first edition, the manuscript was originally writ-
ten in English.
Jimenez argues that the role Britain played in
Mexican independence was always indirect. But Brit-
ish interest in Mexico was very real because of the
APRIL 1993
 Latin America
government's desperate need for Mexican silver in
the period of the Napoleonic wars. After 1814 the
driving force was the desire of British merchants to
regularize trade and commerce in the large Mexican
market. British policy was always undeclared, driven
by the influence of various special interest groups.
During the entire period, Britain and Spain were
linked in a shaky but critical alliance that prevented
the British government from openly siding with the
independence cause in America. But while the Tory
government remained tight-lipped, the Whig oppoc
sition, and many other elements in British society,
were profoundly supportive of the Mexican insur-
gency.
The entire story is based on networks of personal
contacts and countless knowing oversights on the part
of the British government, which by definition re-
quire historical detective work of the first order to
unearth. Jimenez concludes that Britain's objective
was always to extend its control over new markets and
materials. There is no absent-minded imperialism
here. Her treatment of unofficial involvement by
private citizens makes up most of the book and
culminates in impressive new material on the finan-
cial supporters of the ill-fated attempt of Spanish
freedom fighter Xavier Mina to liberate Mexico in
1817. She shows that the Mina expedition was not a
lunatic undertaking but a genuine potential threat to
Spanish control, partly because it had among its
major supporters the leader of the British Whigs
Lord Holland, the visiting United States Army gen-
eral Winfield Scott, and, in a quite startling new
argument that she is not able to prove entirely, the
visiting dean of the Mexican creole aristocracy the
marques de! Apartado and his family, the Fagoagas.
Slightly marred by occasional excessive detail, the
book nonetheless weaves a multitude of bits and
pieces into a cohesive image that, from the point of
view of Mexican historiography, should have consid-
erable impact. Although Jimenez allows herself a
number of iconoclastic comments along the way,
essentially aimed at the ethnocentrism of the existing
Anglo-Saxon historiography, she does not overstate
and she does not ignore the obvious fact that Britain
had decisive power. Some readers may be startled at
the sharp undercurrent of Mexican attitudes about
big power politics and neocolonialism that appears in
many of Jimenez's asides, but she quite correctly
refuses to assume the superiority of British or U.S.
conduct. The whole book has a fine polycentric sense
to it and provides a well-balanced critical treatment of
the motives of the Mexican insurgents, their friends
in Britain and the United States (who were surpris-
ingly many and highly placed), and even the Spanish
imperial government. While Jimenez points out puz-
zles that require further research, she also solves a
truly impressive number of them herself.
TIMOTHY E. ANNA
University of Manitoba
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
615
JosIAH McC. HEYMAN. Life and Labor on the Border:
Working People of Northeastern Sonora, Mexico, 1886-
1986. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 1991. Pp.
xiii, 247. $40.00.
Whereas the workingdass has usually been studied at
the workplace, anthropologist Josiah McC. Heyman
uses the family as the unit of analysis of working-class
evolution. He studies the life histories of three gen-
erations of working-class families in Sonora on the
U.S. border and describes complex successive per-
sonal and family decisions made within a changing
political, economic, and border-control reality that
led to the transformation of a mostly Indian peas-
antry into an urban binational working class.
An international, cross-border working class came
into being before the Mexican Revolution. The labor
force in the American-owned and managed copper
mines in northern Sonora was composed of men
from rural areas who originally integrated patron/
client webs. The open American border and its de-
mand for labor had permitted young men to flee
from these personalized relations, and the mines
were only able to recruit them back into Mexico by
offering competitive wages that supported a family
and by allowing strong unionization. The copper
workers were the fathers or grandfathers of the
present-day maquiladora workers.
Heyman uses the oral histories of both men and
women in each generation to paint a picture of the
evolution of the entire working class, not only of wage
earners but also of unpaid family workers and the
self-employed. He demonstrates the impact of new
technology on women's work, mainly sewing ma-
chines, cast-iron stoves, and hand mills to grind corn
in the nineteenth century, and washing machines in
the early twentieth century. These objects of material
culture became necessary items of consumption to-
gether with automobiles and light trucks for the male
members of the family, who started up repair shops
or small trucking businesses. The family histories
illustrate how the growth of consumption needs re-
inforced the growth of wage labor or self-employ-
ment to provide the income necessary to buy such
commodities.
By looking at the family, Heyman touches on issues
that are connected to but fall outside of the work-
place. Dangerous labor conditions and silicosis can
result in early death, and Heyman picks up on the
importance of premature widowhood to the life his-
tory of a family. Instead of moving back to the rural
areas, widows tended to move to urban centers where
there was a cash economy and customers for the
goods and services they could produce with the
technology they had purchased during their hus-
band's lifetime. Thus, widowhood also contributed to
the long-term transformation from the peasantry to
an urban working class.
The Depression of the 1930s led many families to
return to their rural relatives, for the mines closed
APRIL 1993
 616 Reviews of Books
down and the United States started a vigorous pro-
gram of repatriation of Mexican workers. Once the
U.S. entered World War II, the U.S. demand for
labor was institutionalized by way of the bracero and
commuter programs, while legal immigration was
made difficult, leading to the creation of a "border
balance family" in which a man would take a job in
the Upited States at low standing to maintain a life of
better standing across the border (p. 125). Because of
the instability of this kind of wage work, wives came to
use the coping strategies previously described for
widows, and because of their husbands' long ab-
~ences, they .took on management roles such as buy-
mg lots, havmg houses built, coordinating children's
education, and so on.
The unitary structure of the working class in the
old mine company towns contrasts with the complex
relationships families developed during this period
with two nations, creditors on both sides of the
border, employers, and municipality or ejido on the
Mexican side, and the U.S. Immigration Service on
the ~ther. Heyman describes the heterogeneity of
workmg careers and of the working classes them-
selves and discovers male and female life patterns.
Since working people who have accumulated a few
resources, such as a truck or a workshop, cannot
easily transmit them t0 all their children, young sons
must enter the U.S. labor market in order to acquire
their own. Most young men therefore started out
their working life in the United States, even after the
~nd .of t~e brace~o program and the tightening of
1mm1grat1on requirements made it illegal and dan-
gerous.
The maquiladora period after 1967 reflected a real-
ity of low real wages in Mexico and the border
~xposure to American consumer products, combined
m th.e 1~8~s with s~ccessive devaluations of the peso,
makmg 1t imperative to have several workers in the
family. The working class had changed from an
adult-male mine-worker family economy to a multi-
ple-worker border family economy to a working-child
family economy.
This excellent book is of interest to historians of the
b?rderland~ and al~o to those who do labor or family
history. It 1s especially successful in its depiction of
the role of consumerism in the transformation of the
peasantry to a life of waged labor. Heyman describes
an intricate picture of individuals and families of the
working class who adjust and alter their ways in order
to cope with new opportunities or restrictions
brou.ght a~~ut by capit.al investment policies or by the
pubhc pohc1es of Mexico or the United States.
MURIEL NAZZARI
Indiana University,
Bloomington
CHARLES STANISH. Ancient Andean Political Economy.
Austin: University of Texas Press. 1992. Pp. xi, 195.
$35.00.
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
Andean history is understood in Ecuadorean, Peru-
vian, Chilean, and Bolivian scholarship to include
both pre-Columbian data, retrieved mostly through
archaeology, and also colonial events after 1532, the
date of Inca defeat. The earlier separation of the two
time periods is perceived in those countries today as
artificial and Eurocentric. While the authority of
Cu~co as t~e seat of royal Inca power did collapse at
CaJamarca m 1532, fundamental Andean institutions,
which had long preceded the rise of that overlord-
ship, continued for decades if not centuries after
Francisco Pizarro's military success.
The sources documenting such continuities are
both written and archaeological. At its best, Andean
history moves competently between the two tactics.
1_"his does .invol~e mastering an intellectual equilib-
rium that 1s plamly a chore for many since the two
require not only different scholarly training but also
distinct temperamental dispositions.
Charles Stanish's work reports on his excavations,
most of them in coastal southern Peru, near the
Chilean border. It also inquires into the relevance of
this provincial Moquegua data for the wider, south
Andean experience. Many desert settlements have
long been connected to polities flourishing on the
shores of Lake Titicaca. This inland sea, located at
some 13,000 feet up in the Andes, happens to be the
nucleus of the most densely populated landscape in
the whole Andean world. On foot, accompanying the
slow moving llama caravans, highlanders routinely
connected lakeside with the Pacific ocean. The trip
may have taken ten days or more across the desert;
the caravans were liable to pirate attacks; they may
easily have turned to pirating themselves.
The contrast between these two extremes is so
dramatic that it takes an effort for the newcomer to
discern that for centuries the high Andean plateau
and the irrigated seaboard formed a single agricul-
tural and power continuum.
Here I should declare an interest: the version of
Andean achievement that Ramiro Condarco Morales
and I had independently thought we had discerned
some decades ago is declared fantasy in Stanish's
work. Worse yet, those "discoveries" were not only
unscientific but had been cribbed from Karl Polanyi.
Archaeological techniques, used to the latest excava-
tion refinements, are asserted to deny our preten-
sions that direct ethnic control by highland polities of
their own or anyone else's outliers was ahistorical.
According to Stanish such denial would encompass
not only the desert coast but also the tropical timber
and coca leaf colonies.
The excavations by Stanish and his associates seem
unobjectionable, but his site selection apparently took
place without use of the documentary evidence. I
thought such records could be of interest to readers
of the AHR.
I have· space here for only two relevant testimonies.
The first comes from a memorandum addressed to
the crown by a former governor of the silver mines at
APRIL 1993
 Latin America 617

Potosi, Juan Polo de Ondegardo, who chose to settle of the Revolutionary Left, or MIR) to establish a
in the highlands instead of returning to Europe. guerrilla foco in the central region in 1965. Although
Repeatedly during the early colonial period, he was the guerrillas established their initial camps farther
appointed governor of Cuzco, the Inca capital. Famil- up in the highlands, around the Comas-Andamarca
iar with the Andean order, he located and burned the area, pressure from the Peruvian military soon made
hidden mummies of earlier Inca kings. As part of his Ashaninka territory in the jungle a more attractive
job at Cuzco, he wrote to the current viceroy: "thus location. The movement lasted only six months. But
they [the colonial authorities] took away from the the authors demonstrate that the MIR did have
Indians the lands which they had at the seacoast significant-if temporary-support among sectors of
which were then granted to particular [European] the Ashaninka; that a mere 100 guerrillas forced the
settlers ... since the governors did not understand Peruvian military to spend approximately ten million
the order prevailing among the Indians. dollars and field around 3,000 military and police;
"And thus during the reign of the marquis of and that the actions and ensuing brutal repression
Canete we took up the matter; since the information left deep wounds among the Ashaninka themselves.
The narrative about the guerrilla movement is exem-
I provided turned out to be accurate ... The prov-
plary in its deep empathy for both miristas and As-
ince of Chucuito [at the lakeside, 13,000 feet high]
haninkas, and in its honesty about the limitations of
was given back to the Indians and the coastal lands
sources.
which they had owned since lnka times ... while
There is bittersweet irony in the attempt to recover
Juan de San Juan who had been their master, was
the history of the Ashaninka collaboration with the
given some other Indians who had become vacant
guerrillas at the moment when a new and militarily
near Arequipa" (Juan Polo de Ondegardo "Relacion
much more successful insurgency is enveloping Peru.
del notable dafio que resulta de no guardar a los
The authors recount attempts to find informants or
indios sus fueros," in Colecci6n de libros y documentos
survivors from 1965, only to discover that they have
referentes a la historia del Peril, first series, no. 3 n.d.).
disappeared in the present conflict. They point out
A final testimony is from the bishop of the Lake
that the Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru
Titicaca region of what today is Bolivia, the Domini-
(MRT A), competitor of the Shining Path and heir to
can friar Domingo de Santo Tomas. Author of the
the mirista movement of the 1960s, has assassinated
first grammar and dictionary of an Andean language
Ashaninka leaders allegedly in reprisal for treacher-
(1560), he informed Philip II in 1566 about the
ies committed earlier. Throughout the book, the
dispersed settlement pattern of the ethnic groups
need for confidentiality or protection of informants
"belonging" to his see, according to pre-European
makes the narrative just a bit vague: villages are not
patterns. He requested the right to appoint his mis-
entirely identified, and individual leaders or infor-
sionaries wherever "his" parishioners had been set-
mants are referred to hazily. The final effect is to
tled as far as "thirty and forty and fifty leagues away"
weave, around the narrative itself, a similar veil of
(Jose Maria Vargas, Fray Domingo de Santo Tomas.
myth to what Ashaninka oral history has woven
Defensor y apostol de los indios del Peru [1937], 118).
around Guillermo Lobaton and the MIR.
JOHN v. MURRA
The cost of this deliberate vagueness, and of the
Institute of Andean Research
need to use pseudonyms, comes in historical specific-
New York
ity. Shamanic prophecies of millennial rebirth meld
into one another: Juan Santos Atahuallpa and his
MICHAEL F. BROWN and EDUARDO FERNANDEZ. War of black lieutenant connect to Guillermo Lobaton, him-
Shadows: The Struggle for Utopia in the Peruvian Amazon. self an African Peruvian from the coast; the belief in
Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Itomi Pava, the returning messianic god-spirit, is
Press. 1991. Pp. xv, 280. $29.95. reproduced in Juan Santos, in Lobaton, even in the
elusive figure of rebellious fundamentalist David
This sensitive and humanistic book reconstructs the Pent, a North American adventurer and confidence
colonial and postcolonial history of the Ashaninka man who was reputed to have gained the trust of
(often known as Campa) people's utopian and millen- some Ashaninka and who kept company with the
nial traditions in what is today Peru's central jungle. MIR. Yet in the end, little emerges from the narrative
Such traditions, Michael F. Brown and Eduardo that would help us differentiate historically among
Fernandez suggest, could well have had precolonial these different moments in the reconstructed, myth-
roots. Over subsequent centuries, however, they were ical "ethnographic present."
articulated to, and constantly transformed in dia- There are some clues. We are told, for example,
logue with, the visions and projects of missionaries, that Ashaninka shamans are visionaries who make
messianic or charismatic leaders, and even utopian sense of signs, and then convince their people they
Marxist guerrillas. are right. Conflict of interpretation seems almost built
The bulk of the book focuses on the effort by into the process of prophecy; yet the doubters tend to
Guillermo Lobaton and other militants from the disappear from the analysis. We are also told that
Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (Movement some Ashaninka headmen made deals with particular

AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW APRIL 1993

618 Reviews of Books
white and mestizo landlords to deliver laborers in
exchange for trade goods. What did these headmen
think of the MIR, which promised trade goods writ
large-the revolutionary transformation of property
rights? Did they hasten to attempt control of these
transactions as well, to offset competition, or were
they among the Ashaninka who opposed the guerril-
las, or even informed on them? That painful, violent,
deep divisions existed among the Ashaninka regard-
ing the MIR becomes clear toward the end of the
book, when Fernandez recounts asking a leader fa-
mous for his connections outside the community, as
well as for his willingness to kill, what his role had
been in 1965. Fernandez and his escort barely made it
out alive.
In the end, the book has the flavor of a journey
along jungle trails, where myth and mist cohabit the
dense underbrush and make it hard to see down to
the roots. The inevitable secrecy, fear, and danger of
the present guerrilla war-both to authors and infor-
mants-only add to the excitement, and to the impos-
sibility of ever knowing for sure. Perhaps, for political
as well as intellectual reasons, the authors are unable
or unwilling to read their Ashaninka sources as much
"against the grain" as they read Peruvian military
reports and U.S. government documents. Such a
reading, however, might have helped us out of the
jungle mist, at least partially into the sun.
FLORENCIA E. MALLON
University of Wisconsin,
Madison
RONALD C. NEWTON. The "Nazi Menace" in Argentina,
1931-1947. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
1992. Pp. xx, 520. $49.50.
Ronald C. Newton, a fascinating raconteur, estab-
lishes the barely tenable thesis that the Nazi threat in
Argentina was dealt with too heavy-handedly. But he
pays scant attention to more thoroughgoing consid-
erations of potentially ominous disruptions, including
the indirect repercussions in Argentina and else-
where, that unhindered Nazi or pro-Nazi activities
could have entailed. His observations, in effect, are of
a conscientious and scholarly quality at their best, yet
bewilderingly chatty at their worst. The author's main
plot line begins to unfold with an incipient Nazi
movement among German elements in Argentina
and ends abruptly with its somewhat illusory demise
in an ironic "defeat" by an increasingly phemeral
Pan-American movement.
Newton pursues three aims. The first, which he
achieves impressively, is to present sociopolitical mi-
crostudies of Argentina's German. population under
Nazi pressures. His second goal, a definitive discus-
sion of the Nazi Reich's intentions and capabilities in
respect to Argentina, suffers from his overly narrow
and biased focus, as he deals here, by necessity, with
complex involvements of the United States and Great
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
l
l
Britain. In his third basic aim, Newton becomes so
engrossed with real and seeming inadequacies in U.S.
policy making as to be carried away with denuncia-
tions.
In his microstudies, however, Newton offers vividly
convincing group and individual portrayals. Included
are descriptions of the plodding and plotting German
ambassador and of Jewish refugees, who were
doomed frequently to a heart-rending fate. The
sketch of a somewhat fictitiously interned crew of a
German battleship constitutes an insightful lesson in
processes of assimilation. For instance, during their
adventures and misadventures, the sailors contrib-
uted impressively to an increase in both Argentina's
marriage and birth rates.
Newton involves himself intermittently in his other
two, weaker, key enterprises. Standing out episodi-
cally are accounts concerning influential Americans
who are supposedly imbued with hysteria, ignorance,
confusion, petty conspiracy, and naivete. The Amer-
icans also appear to be strikingly vulnerable to the
manipulations of British and other vested interests.
But qualifying facts and analyses are repeatedly omit-
ted or difficult to extract. Newton could have pointed
out traditional as well as more recent germane for-
eign policy intricacies and dilemmas that chronically
and inescapably catalyze controversial stances among
American leaders. Notably, these apply to matters of
not only national concern but also collective security,
human rights, political and economic freedom, curbs
on atomic weaponry, and defenses against various
tendencies toward totalitarianism, including those of
Juan Peron's Argentina. Instead, Newton marshals
his often persuasive findings toward his rather rigid
championship of policies of global or hemispheric
nonintervention. While these ideals have great merit,
they are not infallible, unfortunately.
Some historical analogies are ill-chosen. Policies of
U.S. "national self-righteousness" (p. xix) date back at
least to the age of Henry Clay and the Era of Good
Feelings, not to the epoch of the Mexican War.
Comparisons between American policies vis-a-vis Ar-
gentina during the 1940s and those toward Saddam
Hussain's Iraq, Manuel Noriega's Panama, and the
Sandinistas' Nicaragua are of dubious merit. Source
materials of impressive quality abound, including
memoirs, interrogations, and depositions, and the
bibliographical essay is quite informative.
WARREN SCHIFF
College of the Holy Cross
AMADO.Lurz CERVO and CLODOALDO BUENO. Hist6ria
da politica exterior do Brasil. (Serie Fundamentos, num-
ber 81.) Sao Paulo: Editora Atica. 1992. Pp. 432.
As Brazil moves in the direction of becoming the first
industrial power of the southern hemisphere, a com-
prehensive history of its international relations is
certainly needed. Amado Luiz Cervo and Clodoaldo
APRIL 1993
 Latin America
Bueno have gone a long way toward filling this
vacuum. Owing to their efforts, a competent survey
of Brazilian foreign policy is now accessible to readers
of Portuguese. Although their volume sheds rela-
tively little light on developments since the mid-
l 980s, it does provide a quite helpful background for
comprehending present-day Brazilian diplomacy.
The authors set out to relate circumstances, policy
objectives, and the state decision-making process. At
the heart of their coherent interpretation of Brazil's
international affairs is "the supplemental character of
the external sector in a country such as Brazil, in light
of objective conditions and political will, in promoting
or retarding the process of economic and social
development resulting from insertion in the expan-
sion and changes of the capitalist system" (p. 11). To
this end, Cervo devotes some 120 pages to examining
the period from independence in 1822 to the mon-
archy's end some sixty-seven years later. Beginning
with English hegemony over Portugal, he portrays
the British pursuit of the perceived objectives of the
country's dominant elites. After 1844, Brazil achieved
somewhat greater autonomy owing to the expiration
of highly upequal trade treaties, but eventually it
accommodated to "a convenient dependency, neither
necessary nor inevitable" (p. 133).
Bueno picks up the story from the establishment of
the republic in 1889 to the installation of military rule
in 1964. He clarifies Brazil's withdrawal from the
League of Nations in 1926, it having become in
Brazil's view "The League of Nearly Exclusively Eu-
ropean Great Powers" (p. 205), and he demonstrates
the importance of the post-1938 reorientation of
trade away from Germany to Brazil's decision to align
with the United States in World War II. Adaptation
of Brazil's foreign policy to the changing postwar
international situation, as well as the country's eco-
nomic development, serves as the backdrop for a
sound analysis of the dramatically more independent
stance adopted in the early 1960s. Escape from an
ideological strait jacket and Brazil's more global ori-
entation are themes especially well treated. Unfortu-
nately, this "involved a rhetoric that pleased the left,
a fact that principally alarmed conservative groups in
a world situation ofreemergent bipolarism" (p. 314).
This orientation underwent significant change with
the military takeover in 1964. Cervo examines Bra-
zilian diplomacy since that time and sees a reasonably
successful and pragmatic pursuit of national interests
between 1967 and 1979, followed by a floundering in
the 1980s. He is particularly critical of the economic
technocrats who conducted "foreign debt negotia-
tions by themselves in accord with the creditors'
impositions in a permanent, bookkeeping, empirical,
and depoliticized form, without articulation with con-
gress or the foreign ministry" (p. 386).
In addition to a bibliography of some 335 items, all
books or chapters of books, the authors have made
good use of archives, document collections, and spe-
cialized journals. Citations to U.S. sources are gener-
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
619
ally both accurate and appropriate, with the excep-
tion of misidentifying the distinguished historian
Stanley J. Stein and leaving out his coauthor, Barbara
H. Stein. Like most Brazilian books, this work lacks an
index, complicating the task of readers interested in
pursuing a particular theme without having to at least
skim the entire volume.
RONALD M. SCHNEIDER
Queens College
City University of New York
JOHN D. FRENCH. The Brazilian Workers' ABC: Class
Conflict and Alliances in Modern Sao Paulo. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press. 1992. Pp. xvi,
378. Cloth $47.50, paper $18.95.
The world's eyes turned to Brazil in 1989 when the
labor leader and head of the Worker's Party, Lula,
polled thirty-one million votes yet was narrowly de-
feated in his campaign for the presidency. How had a
socialist attracted so much support in this poor coun-
try that had only recently escaped a twenty-one year
military dictatorship? The outcome was particularly
surprising given the conventional wisdom that the
Brazilian labor movement, which was robust and
militant the first decades of this century, was coopted
after 1930 by Getulio Vargas and "pelego" (sell-out)
labor leaders. Most students of trade unions contend
that around 1979 trade unions were born anew from
the ashes of authoritarianism. They have prospered
because of their lateness, their pragmatism, and their
independence from international movements on the
Left, that is, because of their rejection of their past.
John D. French's study forces us to question the
received notion of the cooptation and quiescence of
labor during Vargas's era of corporatist populism
from 1930 until 1950. The title leads one to expect a
local study of the ABC, the industrial suburbs of Sao
Paulo. In fact, this is a sophisticated and well-articu-
lated study of the interaction of politics on the local,
state, and national level and the struggles between
workers and bosses.
The era of populism has been discredited for
supposedly crippling labor by incorporating it into a
hierarchical, authoritarian state system only con-
cerned with neutralizing workers. French focuses on
the revealing conjunctures of 1935, 1945, and
1946-4 7 to demonstrate that the relationship of the
state and labor waxed and waned, but never were
laborers fully coopted nor did the state really atten'd
to their interests. There was continuity after 1930 and
many communist organizers continued strong under
Vargas, especially until 1935. But most workers had
syndicalist bread-and-butter goals, not political ones.
As one put it, "the social question among us is purely
a question of the stomach" (p. 270). As the number of
factory workers and the size of factories in the ABC
grew, and as Vargas passed labor legislation and
created more political space, workers turned from
APRIL 1993
620 Reviews of Books
direct action in the plant to indirect action through
the state and the ballot. Consequently, French argues,
Vargas increased rather than decreased the space for
unions to maneuver. Courts sometimes enforced la-
bor laws, and when proletarians, essentially pre-
vented from gaining office in the ABC after 1948,
were replaced by middle-class candidates, their elec-
toral clout remained so strong that any local candi-
date had to at least partially represent their interests
in order to win office.
French's achievement is that he has shown the
tensions and struggles in populist labor politics and
demonstrated the power of the workers, although
they seem to mostly react to the opportunities or to
the repression created by the state. Lula's rise in the
ABC becomes much more understandable and his-
torically rooted. This is an important contribution to
the study of populism, a topic that has fallen into
disfavor but that nevertheless is of compelling rele-
vance in these days of redemocratization.
Unfortunately, French's reach sometimes exceeds
his grasp. He claims that it is necessary "to examine
the workers' material conditions and explore the
contours of working-class consciousness" (p. 132).
But this is really a political study. We do not feel, see,
or hear the actual workers of the ABC. The oral
interviews he conducted are not in evidence and the
study relies overly on one communist newspaper.
Little is said of the importance of workers' gender,
age, origins, or race in dividing or uniting the work-
ing class. And, except for political gains, there are no
other measures of workers' progress such as real
wages, work security, work hours, or housing. French
has pointed to the critical importance of this period
and made important conceptual advances that I hope
will spur ever further work in this crucial area.
STEVEN C. TOPIK
University of California,
Irvine
MARGARETE. KECK. The Workers' Party and Democrati-
z.ation in Brazil. New Haven: Yale University Press.
1992. Pp. xv, 315. $35.00.
This scholarly study of the formative years of the
Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) from the late 1970s
into the early 1980s is based on research for a
dissertation undertaken in 1982 and 1983. Margaret
E. Keck characterizes her study as "historical-institu-
tional." She argues that most scholarship on democ-
racy in Brazil has emphasized process and dynamics
rather than structures and institutions; a focus on
institutions helps in understanding the democratic
transition. Her study examines an "anomaly" in
which the PT and its labor organization Central
Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) were "the most
coherent and institutionalized new political actors to
emerge during the Brazilian transition" (p. 3) and its
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
leader, Luis Inacio "Lula" da Silva, became renowned
for nearly winning the presidency in 1989.
The study is organized into a theoretical introduc-
tion that offers comparative perspectives, a second
chapter that gives an overview of the transition in its
institutional and historical context, a third chapter
that looks at oppositional organization during the
1970s, and a fourth that turns to the founding of the
PT. The fifth chapter reviews the evolving institu-
tional form that was associated with the party's at-
tempt to be democratic and participatory; the sixth
chapter examines its electoral involvement, and the
seventh explores party influence in labor and the
social movements. The eighth chapter looks at the
relationship between the party organization and
elected representatives, and the ninth provides a
summary and conclusion.
This narrative of the PT reflects a number of
findings: the emergence of a new party, based largely
on a working-class and white-collar constituency uni-
fied by exclusion from the political agenda, to chal-
lenge dominant conceptions of politics; the con-
straints on party formation and the need to maintain
internal democracy while expanding a grass-roots
constituency outside the party in order to confront
both the authoritarian legacy as well as historical
traditions in the search for political space; the forma-
tion of "the new unionism" based on an alliance of
labor leaders with the opposition elites; a mass base
with experience in strikes and social struggles, and an
organized Left, including a faction of the opposition
party in congress; regional disparities, especially in
Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo; the need to concen-
trate on institutionalization while contending with
those who envisaged the party as a vanguard for the
working class; electoral campaigns that e.mphasized
the themes of empowerment and working-class in-
volvement in political life; the informal and compli-
cated relationship of the party to the labor movement
despite an overlapping leadership; the increasing
tendency of candidates to be liberal professionals and
the characterization of party members as wage-earn-
ing middle class, especially intellectuals; the observa-
tion that white-collar unionism may be changing the
conception of the labor movement within the PT; the
success of its municipal administration, especially Sao
Paulo; and the lessons learned from earlier mixed
and failed experiences.
Among Keck's conclusions are that an anomalous
party position was turned into an advantage, internal
rules mitigated tensions among the organized Left
"parties within the party," the willingness to function
democratically gave the party later visibility in the
country's transition to democracy, and party identifi-
cation with the most militant sectors of the labor
movement was maintained despite labor's shift to a
multiclass appeal. She explains how the PT has always
defined itself as a socialist party yet resisted sectari-
anism and narrow doctrines. The party, she believes,
APRIL 1993
 Latin America 621

has not lost its character as a movement, and its
institutionalization has been embedded in survival as
a goal in what she describes as the highly conservative
transition to democracy in Brazil.
This monograph is a valuable contribution to our
knowledge of Brazilian labor and party politics. It
also captures, from its particular angle, the history of
the democratic transition from dictatorship. Keck
suggests the need for further study of the party's
relationship to the Catholic church and related social
movements and left-wing organizations, as well as the
influence of the party outside Sao Paulo and in the
rural unions in the countryside.
RONALD H. CHILCOTE
University of California,
Riverside
 LATIN AMERICA
AVENI, ANTHONY F., editor. The Sltf in Mayan Literature. New
York: Oxford University Press. 1992. Pp. x, 297. $39.95.
HALL, NEVILLE A. T. Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St.
Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix. Edited by B. W. HIGMAN.
(Johns Hopkins Studies in Atlantic History and Culture.)
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 1992. Pp.
xxiv, 287. $45.00.
LANCASTER, ROGER N. Life is Hard: Machismo, Danger, and the
Intimacy of Power in Nicaragua. (A Centennial Book.)
Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
1992. Pp. xxiii, 340. $25.00.
LLORENTE, FRANCISCO OLMEDO. La filosofia critica de Miguel
Reale: Con una breva antologia filosofico-juridica del pensador
brasilefto. Cuenca, Ecuador: Departamento de Difusion
Cultural de la Universidad de Cuenca. 1989. Pp. 236.
LowY, MICHAEL, editor. Marxism in Latin America from 1909 to
the Present: An Anthology. Translated by MICHAEL PEARL-
MAN. (Revolutionary Studies.) Atlantic Highlands, N.J.:
Humanities. 1992. Pp. !xix, 296. $49.95.
REYES, REYNALDO, and]. K. WILSON. Rafaga: The Life Story of
a Nicaraguan Miskito Comandante. Edited by Ton SLOAN.
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1992. Pp. xxxii,
192. $27.95.
SKIDMORE, THOMAS E., and PETER H. SMITH. Modern Latin
America. 3d ed. New York: Oxford University Press.
1992. Pp. xii, 449. Cloth $39.95, paper $19.95.
WIARDA, HOWARD J., and MICHAEL]. KRYZANEK. The Domin-
ican Republic: A Caribbean Crucible. (Westview Profiles,
Nations of Contemporary Latin America.) 2d ed. Boul-
der, Colo.: Westview. 1992. Pp. xx, 167. Cloth $44.95,
paper $15.95.