THE CONUNDRUM OF

JAINA
ENTANGLEMENT WITH CASTE

BY
S. M. MUKARRAM JAHAN
M.A.C.R. SEM II, ID: 201905072

SUBMITTED TO
CENTRE FOR THE STUDY OF COMPARATIVE RELIGIONS AND CIVILIZATIONS
JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA, OKHLA, NEW DELHI-110025
Dated: May 04, 2020 Professor: Mr. Ahmed Sohaib
 THE CONUNDRUM OF JAINA ENTANGLEMENT WITH CASTE
Prolegomena S.M. Mukarram Jahan1
The metaphysical and doctrinal position of Jainism is that all souls are essentially the same and
the bulk of literature reiterates that the rank of a person depends upon their virtues and moral
qualities rather than purity of birth. This textual locus necessitated to ensure a system of
egalitarianism within Jainism.2 In the early period, in fact, there was strong tendency in Jain
tradition to counter caste system. Jainism was looked as the protest against caste exclusiveness.3
With the passage of time, however, a version of the caste system crept into the Jaina community
and it has been something of a problem for most observers and scholars. Sinclair Stevenson has
noted that there are no people more caste oriented than the Jainas. Since the origin of the caste
system emanates from the Vedas, it is therefore a paradox that the Jainas, who rejected the
authority of the Vedas, are staunch followers of the caste system.4
It is to be mentioned that it is not varṇa (class) that the Jainas are observant of but jāti or caste.
The British took their time to discover in the Indian society first varṇa, then jāti and finally gaccha.
The discovery of each subdivision caused problems of interpretation and fit; for example, the
discovery of jātis and the realization that the majority of Jaina laymen were traders and
businessmen, caused the notion that all four varṇas existed in Jaina community “to be jettisoned.”
However, it is clear that Jainas are socially not that different from their Hindu counterparts. It has
been noted that even for the Jaina ascetics, caste and other forms of social division are just as
important for the configuring of Jain life as the principles of ahimsa and aparigraha.5
Historical Survey
While exploring the south Buchanan in 1807 stated that like the Hindus, Jainas are also divided
into four castes viz. Brahmans, Kṣatriyas, Vaiṣyas and Ṣudras. However, he later modifies his
findings while surveying east India saying that this division being hereditary is totally denied and
these distinctions for them only denote employment or rank. Thus all laity there were considered
Vaiṣyas, but in the west, those who tend the cattle are Ṣudras and those in the army are Kṣatriyas.
Between the lines, Buchanan communicates that although the Jainas did not like the caste system
and rejected it initially, they were forced to accept it eventually. He makes an important
observation that although the varṇa system is of no use to study division in the Jaina community,
there was a jāti system. The Jainas referred to castes as jātis which are subdivided into tribes and
they cannot marry between the tribes nor do they eat with each other. But all these jātis were
admitted to be of the Vaiṣya caste and what had come to be the hereditary Vaiṣya occupation of
trade.6
In the second part of the 19th century, Jaina shravaks were divided into various classes. For
instance, the 1884 Kathiawar Gazetteer reports that in Kathiawar, the Jaina laity was divided into
three classes, Śrimalis, Osvals, and Porvad while the Śrimalis being further divided into Visa and

1
ID 201905072; M.A.C.R., Jamia Millia Islamia, Okhla, New Delhi-110025 (Dated: May 04, 2020).
2
Dundas, Paul; The Jains; p. 147.
3
Sanghavi, Hemali; Jains and the Caste System: Conceptual and Comparative Perspective; Global Research Analysis;
p. 119.
4
Banks, Marcus J.; “Defining Division: An Historical Overview of Jain Social Organization;” Modern Asian Studies;
pp. 448-9.
5
Ibid; pp. 448-9.
6
Ibid; pp. 451.
Dasa. Even though the term jāti was not explicitly used, it is clear that distinct named social groups
were now being recognized among the Jaina laity.7
By the 20th century CE, the Jainas stood as a caste-bound community. There was, therefore, a
gradual progression among the scholars, a refinement of the view which saw Jainas as entirely
parallel to the Hindu society, i.e. with members of every occupation and caste, through the view
that realized that all Jainas were Vaiṣyas or Baniyas, but of many jāti, and down to the point where
gaccha was discovered in the lay community. When referred to in modern sociological works, the
Jainas are classified according to their Vaiṣya status, or its modern equivalent, the Baniya class.8
Originally, the Jainas did not hesitate to marry in between castes and the same was quite prevalent.
But later the ‘Sajatiya’ marriage with members of one’s own caste or sub-caste came to prevail
among the Jainas. By the end of the 19th century, these practices increased caste sentiments and
loyalties and created the cultural gulf between the castes. As a result, there were significant
developments in the form of social reform movements like Antarajatiya Vivaha Andolana or the
“inter-caste marriage movement” which laid stress on inter-caste marriages.9
Features
With this historical background, the caste system of the Jainas conceptually developed. For the
fact that the Jainas as a community originated from different backgrounds, they organised
themselves into differing groups known as Jnati or naat. The caste system in Jainism evolved in
the sense that each individual is regarded as belonging to a social group.
The castes became an inalienable component of the Jaina community. It is important to know that
in the existence of the Jaina castes, all the members of it are Jainas.10 At the same time, the Jainas
have further divided the Hindu castes into further sub-castes. The presence of Agarvals, Srimalis,
Porvadas, etc. among both Hindus and Jainas serve as convenient examples. There are different
regions in which the Jaina castes are mainly concentrated. Śrimalis mainly occupy Gujarat,
Osvalas are focused in Gujarat and Rajasthan.11
That the Jaina caste system stands apart from the Hindu varṇa system can be understood by the
fact that there is an assigned hierarchy in the Hindu caste system. The castes in Hinduism have
been arranged in such a fashion which gives precedence to the Brahmins over other three classes.
Also, the paramount position given to the Brahmin class is its one of the most important features.
Even the Hindu reformist movements that arose in the 19th and 20th centuries aimed at uplifting
the status or the conditions of the lower classes rather than denying the authority and stature of the
Brahmins. In complete contrast, in spite of the existence of the numerous castes in the Jaina
community, we do not find any fundamental position reserved for any caste. All castes are treated
on equal footing and there is no differentiation as regards social prestige.12

7
Banks, Marcus J.; “Defining Division: An Historical Overview of Jain Social Organization;” Modern Asian Studies;
pp. 452.
8
Ibid; pp. 456.
9
Sanghavi, Hemali; Jains and the Caste System: Conceptual and Comparative Perspective; Global Research Analysis;
p. 120.
10
Ibid; p. 119.
11
Cort, John E.; Jains, Caste and Hierarchy in North Gujarat; Caste in Question; pp. 73-112.
12
Sanghavi, Hemali; Jains and the Caste System: Conceptual and Comparative Perspective; Global Research
Analysis; p. 119.
Jainas reject the idea of society being structured around purity and impurity. Implied from this,
there is no ban on dining with any other member of the Jaina community respective of his or her
caste. Theoretically, there is also no room for untouchability in the tradition. However, what the
practical situation is on ground is different.13 What seems to be true is that what determines the
rank of the caste is its economic status with some castes being accepted as manifestly more
prosperous and powerful than others. Purity for Jainas is a matter of religion rather than society,
something to be achieved, unlike Brahmin purity which is perceived as innate and governing all
social relationships.14
The caste system prevalent today in the Jaina society has taken the form of fixed organized bodies
which regulate the private life of their members by their precepts on marriage, food and avoidance
of ritual impurity and this is done to the smallest detail. A special body called the Panchayat
watches over the strict implementation of the cast-laws and offences against the caste-order are
punished by it. It is certain that in the older historical periods of Jainism there was no such division
of the society, as it is now, into a countless number of jātis due to which they cannot eat with one
another nor marry among one another. Recently, efforts are being made by the enlightened Jains
to cut through the rigid barriers of the caste system.15
Exploring the Factors Responsible for Caste System among Jainas
One of the most common views considered to be a potent factor that tries to explain the
phenomenon of the introduction of caste system among the Jainas is the mass conversion of Hindus
to Jainism. The neo-converts imported with them the social customs of their erstwhile religion,
most notably, the caste system. This overwhelming and overriding influence of Hinduism was
adopted by Jainism as it was difficult to escape. As a small number of Jainas had to live among
the non-Jainas, particularly among the Hindus, the acceptance of Hindu practices became natural
and obvious.16
Another factor that seems to have played an important role in the formation of caste system among
the Jainas is the existence of regional variations and traditions. The origin of many of the Jaina
castes can be traced to ‘particular’ place and in most cases these castes originated from the urban
background. They were named after the places of their origin. For example, Śrīmālīs were so called
as they came from Srimala; Osvāls from Osia and so on.17 According to Paul Dundas, many Jaina
castes have their origins in the patronage by particular Rajput families of a particular Jaina teacher.
Such teachers in turn assumed, as did their successors, an exclusive ritual role as family preceptor
for these lay supporters. These castes hence take their names from the town or region in which
legend suggests they arose and this gives a sense of ‘roots’ to the caste members, who have very
often migrated far from their place of origin, which supplements their identity as Jainas.18
As we know that the Jaina community is divided into sadhus, sadhvis, śravaks and śravikas. In
contemporary times, the ascetics and the laity are interdependent upon each other. Ascetics are
dependent upon the laity in terms of their maintenance and their dwelling and crudely speaking,

13
Ibid; p. 119.
14
Dundas, Paul; The Jains; p. 148.
15
Caste System in Jainism; IndiaNetzone; www.indianetzone.com
16
Sanghavi, Hemali; Jains and the Caste System: Conceptual and Comparative Perspective; Global Research
Analysis; p. 119.
17
Ibid; p. 119.
18
Dundas, Paul; The Jains; p. 148.
ascetics carry the spiritual burden of the laity in return for which they receive maintenance by
them. On the other hand, the laity need the ascetics for spiritual guidance and for the legitimation
of their status. Usually, members of a particular jāti invite the ascetics belonging to their jāti (even
though they have renounced their jātis) to legitimize and publicise their status during important
events as they see the diksharti as an emissary on behalf of his or her caste or group. Special
functions are arranged in which the diksharti is honoured by the jāti with speeches, gifts, money
or jewellery. In doing this, the jāti members feel that they are sharing in the merit that the diksharti
is bringing upon him or herself. This entire enterprise only makes the institution of caste system
in Jaina community stronger.19
Apologetic Defence
We find a broad spectrum of scholars coming out in defence of the presence of caste system among
the Jainas. Ancient Jaina literature did not mention the existence of the caste system in the Jaina
community. Jaina religion as such does not recognise the castes within itself. At the same time, it
is pointed out that the Jaina texts do not specifically obstruct the observance of caste rules by the
members of the Jaina community. The texts do not give much importance to them than to consider
them as a social practice.20
Tradition says that metaphysically in the first era, all souls were essentially the same. Ṛṣaba, the
first Tīrthaṅkara, organized society and divided the Jainas into classes which were only three viz.
Kṣatriyas, Vaiṣyas, and Ṣudras. His son, Bhārata chakravartin was responsible to found the
Brahmin class among the Jains. These four classes were intended originally to function as ranks
and belonging to them was conditioned more by profession than by birth. This system had become
rigid by the time Jīna Mahavira arrived in the 6th Century BC, and therefore, welcomed all the
castes to his order and had a large congregation of different castes and classes. This tradition was
carried forward later on by ācāryas. Ācārya Ravisena asserts that, “it is not the birth but activities
that determine one’s class in the society. The actions alone lead to good prosperity.”21
P.S. Jaini’s Observations
Jaini observes that in order to preserve their tradition, the Jaina elders allowed cautious integration
with the Hindu society and to that end reinterpreted the doctrine of the caste system so that the
Jaina society could be organized along the lines similar to those of its neighbours, the Hindus. As
stated earlier, the Jainas deny the theistic creation and Brahminical supremacy in spiritual or
secular realm. To devise the caste system, they conceived a paradigm which did not violate this
basic tenet. This was successfully done by the 9th Century CE Ācārya Jinasena who designated
Ṛṣaba as the “Jaina Brahma” and the one who instituted the division of the castes. We have already
discussed it elsewhere at length. His status as such became that of the Prajapati and acceptable to
Jainas who created the organization of the human society.22
Ācārya Jinasena also gave the idea of a class, called the Jaina Brahmins, among Jainas that would
be exclusive to ordinary laymen on the basis of their great merit or spiritual advancement appointed
to such position. They were to be kept responsible for preserving the true teachings of Jīna

19
Banks, Marcus J.; “Defining Division: An Historical Overview of Jain Social Organization;” Modern Asian Studies;
pp. 449-50.
20
Sanghavi, Hemali; Jains and the Caste System: Conceptual and Comparative Perspective; Global Research
Analysis; p. 119.
21
Caste System in Jainism; IndiaNetzone; www.indianetzone.com
22
Page 289 is missing from my pdf version of the book which forced me to cut short the origin of caste discussion.
Mahāvīra and like their Hindu counterparts, were entrusted with the care of temples and the
performance of elaborate rituals. Though the origin of this class is obscure, the Jaina Brahmins
developed into a caste as rigid as its Hindu counterpart viz. membership became strictly hereditary,
and range of rituals requiring the supervision of the specialists was expanded.23
Jaini states that theoretically, the Jains converted the caste system into what was acceptable and
fitting in the context of their tradition. The role of theistic creation was jettisoned and the existence
of a caste spiritually superior to others was justified on the basis of conduct, rather than of some
irrevocable cosmic, order was justifiably accepted. It allowed the community to have its class of
priests while at the same time rejecting the supposed supremacy of the traditional Brahmin caste.24
Conclusion
In this essay we have taken a survey of the Jaina entanglement with caste and its conundrum in the
light of metaphysical and doctrinal rejection of caste in the religion. We also have come to know
the historical background in the backdrop of which the caste system came to fore, and some of its
important features, most notable, as Paul Dundas lays out, is that the Jainas differ from the
traditional Brahminical position of the varṇa system inasmuch as they completely disregard their
notions of purity/impurity of birth and having some superiority over other castes. The Jainas regard
superiority only in terms of conduct. The apparent sense of superiority among some Jaina castes
was due to their comparatively better economic position, nothing else. The caste system was not
considered a religious institution, rather a social one. This is overtly manifested in the merchant
society in north India wherein some of these predominantly Jaina castes also contain Hindus which
proves that, depending upon context, religious affiliation can at times be subsumed under the
broader caste designation of bania, ‘merchant’.25
We have also studied the attitudes of various apologetics in their attempts to defend the caste
developments within Jainism. P.S. Jaini, for example, has given the historical background of the
emergence of the system into the tradition and highlighted the role of Ācārya Jinasena in giving
textual authority to the same. Jainas are apparently aware that the system was neither in the past
nor in the present sanctioned by the Jaina religion. But the Jainas, as result of their adherence to
the mirror image of Hindu varṇa system, are invariably classified into the Hindu varṇa system.
We may also note that even though the tradition as well as the scriptures impress the student to the
effect that they leave no room for inequality, self-complacency or a feeling of superiority, these
high notions of egalitarianism are on ground among certain castes non-existent. We find instances
of prohibition of marrying outside the caste in order to preserve its “pure blood.” As a result, as
we have mentioned elsewhere, there were reform movements within the Jaina community that
called for cutting across the caste boundaries in order to bring the adherents of Jīna Mahāvīra’s
tradition back to original teachings.

PTO

23
Jaini, P.S.; The Jaina Path of Purification; pp. 290-1.
24
Ibid; p. 291.
25
Dundas, Paul; The Jains; p. 148.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOK AIDS
1. Dundas, Paul; The Jains; Routledge Publishers; New York; ISBN 0415266068; 2002.
2. Jaini, P.S.; The Jaina Path of Purification; Motilal Banarsidass; Delhi; 1977.

PAPERS
1. Banks, Marcus J.; “Defining Division: An Historical Overview of Jain Social
Organization;” Modern Asian Studies (Vol. 20; No. 03); pp. 447-460; Great Britain; 1986.
2. Cort, John E.; Jains; “Caste and Hierarchy in North Gujarat; Caste in Question; Institute
of Economic Growth; SAGE; New Delhi; pp. 73-112; 2004.
3. Sanghavi, Hemali; “Jains and the Caste System: Conceptual and Comparative
Perspective;” Global Research Analysis; Vol. 02, No. 02; ISSN: 22778160; pp. 119-20;
February 2013.

WEBSITES
1. Caste System in Jainism; IndiaNetzone; www.indianetzone.com

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