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Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology (1996), 69, 183-198
0 1996 The British Psychological Society
Printed in Great Britain 183

Gender and equal opportunities in public sector

Organizations

John Kremer," Adrian Hallmark, Jennifer Cleland and Vilinda Ross

school of Psychology, The Queen's University of Bevast, Bevast BT7 1N N , Northern Ireland

Jan Duncan
School of Design and Management, De Montfrd University, Leicester

Bill Lindsay and Sinead Berwick

Research and Evaluation Services, BeIfast

Findings from six qualitative research projects were combined to construct an evaluation
of gender and equality of opportunity in public sector organizations in Northern Ireland.
Through interviews and focus groups, these projects targeted equal opportunities
officers, chief executives, general staff and trade unionists. In addition, a computer
database containing all documentation relating to equal opportunities was developed.
The evaluation addressed four primary areas, namely policy development and imple-
mentation; resources, channels of communication and organizational structures; where
women figure and barriers to progress; and practical steps and positive action. The
research found large differences in organizational responses to equal opportunities, with
related activities often on the periphery of day-to-day management of the organization.
Perceptions of the organizations' commitment to equality also varied considerably, with
managers describing the proximity between the organization's value system and equal
opportunities but employees and trade unionists being more sceptical of these claims.
The implications for policy, structures and training needs are discussed in the light of
these findings.

Over recent years there has been a growing recognition that while both women's attitudes
and aspirations (Hakim, 1991; Kirrane & Kremer, 1994; Kremer, 1993), and employment
legislation (Collinson, Knights & Collinson, 1990; Morris & Nott, 1991) have had a con-
siderable bearing on the sexual division of the labour market in the 1990s, in a far more
general sense it is the gendered nature of work organizations which continues to be the
most pressing concern (Cockburn, 1991). For the advancement of equal opportunities at
work, attention must focus on the barriers, both structural and cultural, which impede
women's progress within such organizations (Maddock & Parkin, 1993; Reskin &
Padavic, 1994). These barriers include traditional stereotypes of women, and indeed of
managers, which hinder women's vertical progress within organizations, general attitudes
towards the rights and roles of women in society, the lack of adequate child-care facilities
*Requesrs for reprints
184 zyxwvutsrq
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for working women, and the various structural devices which contrive to make organiz-
ations women unfriendly and create the often cited glass ceilings and glass walls (see
Davidson & Burke, 1994;Reskin & Padavic, 1994).
This paper is based on an evaluation of such gender issues, and in particular in organ-
izations which operate within the public sector in Northern Ireland. Sponsored by
the Equal Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland (EOCCNI]) and the Chief
Executives’ Forum (CEF), the research encompassed public service organizations in
Northern Ireland which were represented by their chief executives on the CEF at that
time ( N = lob),thereby including the overwhelming majority of public sector bodies in
the province.
Quite deliberately, this research focused on gender but not religion, the latter being a
dimension of equal opportunities which is so immediately newsworthy in Northern

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Ireland and which may interact with gender to create a ‘double disadvantage’ for Catholic
women in the workplace (Davies, Heaton, Robinson & McWilliams, 1995). Recent

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research would suggest that the problems which women face in the province, as elsewhere,
may correlate and interact with other forms of social stratification, and in this case
religous discrimination. However, the nature of this interaction is likely to be complex
and while not being disregarded, was seen as beyond the scope of this project. (As an aside,
it was noteworthy that many participants saw gender as presenting more difficult prob-
lems to resolve than religion, for example with respect to harassment, and there was
little evidence that these problems were more or less common within one religious com-
munity.)
In Northern Ireland, separate statutory bodies deal with gendedmarital status and reli-
gion/political affiliation. The Fair Employment legislation, concerned with religion
and/or political affiliation, is unique to Northern Ireland and is overseen by the Fair
Employment Commission. The Fair Employment (NI) Acts of 1976 and 1989 place a
responsibility on all public and private sector employers to monitor the religious compo-
sition of the workforce and to put in place procedures which will promote fair and equal
treatment for members of both communities at work. Gender in Northern Ireland is dealt
with by legislation which is almost identical to that operating in Great Britain. The Equal
Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland deals with gender and marital status
and generally mirrors its larger sister organization in terms of areas of responsibility in
Great Britain.
It is important to recognize that both sets of legislation are underpinned by the merit
principle, that is although affirmative (religion) and positive (gender) action may be taken
to encourage greater representation by underrepresented groups in the workforce (for
example, through recruitment campaigns), selection and promotion must be based on
merit and job-related criteria.

Method

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Of the 106 potential contact organizations, 89 (84 per cent) were subsequently involved at some stage of the
evaluation. These were broken down into five broad categories, as shown in Table 1 .
The four primary issues which the research addressed aimed to encompass those dimensions of organiz-
ational life which have been shown to impact on gender relations in various ways. First, the extent to which
equal opportunities policies had been developed, the length of time they had been in existence and the
origin, availability and scope of policy statements (policy development a n d implwrrentution). Second, the level of
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Gender and equal opportunities in public sector organizations 185

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Table 1. The sample
Northern Ireland Civil Service (NICS) and associated bodies 18"
DistrictKity Councils 20
Other large organizations ( > 2 5 0 employees) 17
Other medium organizations (249-25 employees) 24
Other small organizations (<25 employees) 10

This category included the seven core Northern Ireland Civil Service (NICS) Departments, together with 1 1 bodies which

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were associated with the NICS at the time of survey and which relied exclusively upon NICS equal opportunities
documentation.

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resources committed by organizations to the promotion of equality of opportunity between men and women,
and including organizational arrangements such as number of staff, scope of responsibility, location in
organizational structure and reporting relationships (resources, channeh ofcommunication and organizational struc-
tures). Third, the extent to which the organizations had examined the position of women employees and bar-
riers, both to and in employment (where womenfigure and barriers to progress), and fourth, the range of practical
steps taken to promote equality of opportunity and planned actions (pructical steps andpo.ritive action).
The research was made up of six concurrent strands, and the main findings from each strand are summar-
ized briefly below. The first stage involved the construction of a computer database containing summaries of
all equal opportunities documentation as supplied by cooperating organizations. Stage 2 comprised struc-
tured interviews with officers who had been designated responsibility for equal opportunities. Stage 3 entailed
semi-structured interviews with a sample of chiefexecutives and Stage 4 involved interviews with local trade
union representatives in the same sample of organizations. Focus groups were then held with selected staff
from certain organizations, and finally Stage 6 was based on structured interviews with full-time officers for
all those trade unions representing employees in the public service in Northern Ireland.

Summary of results
Stage 1 : The computer database
The database was constructed to accommodate information pertaining to all aspects of
equal opportunities policies and procedures. It included a synopsis of policy documents
and mission statements to selection and recruitment guidelines, annual reports, positive
action programmes, disciplinary procedures, plus any literature relating to appraisal, pro-
motion, sexual harassment and conditions of employment. A detailed request for written
information relating to equal opportunities was sent to each CEF organization, and
subsequently replies were received from 86 of the 106 organizations (81 per cent).
Submissions varied considerably and ranged in quantity from 127 000 words to 92 words
and in quality from haphazard collections which were vaguely related to equal oppor-
tunities to extensive and well catalogued materials, sometimes including reference to
policies under review or active renewal.
The majority of organizations (77;90 per cent) referenced an equal opportunities pol-
icy and these policies were normally highly detailed. Almost all had some form of
recruitment and selection guidelines (63; 7 3 per cent), including details of advertising,
shortlisting and interviewing procedures. However, information relating to staff appraisal
schemes was less common (42; 49 per cent), and while grievance procedures and dis-
ciplinary actions were often clearly delineated (78;90 per cent), policy on sexual harass-
ment was not. Perhaps surprisingly, only a minority of organizations (42; 49 per cent)
appeared to have explicit policy relating to sexual harassment.
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186 John Kremer et al.
With reference to positive action measures, a great many organizations (82; 95 per
cent) made mention of some form of initiative, either in relation to advertising, training,
special leave arrangements, job sharing, career breaks or monitoring. However, overall the
approach to positive action did not appear to be systematic. For example, information on
targets and timetables as part of a positive action programme was rarely mentioned.

Stage 2: Equal opp0rtunitie.r offers

Face-to-face interviews were carried out with 81 individuals who were the most senior
staff member responsible for equal opportunities in a total of 89 of the organizations
included in the sample. Prior to the interview, these individuals were asked to make avail-
able at the time of interview a wide range of information relating both to the composi-
tion of the workforce (by gender, marital status and occupational grade) and further
information on equal opportunities structures, policies and procedures. The inter-
views themselves covered a series of questions which dealt with the officers’ role and the
location of equal opportunities in their organizations, available resources, perceptions of
problems and priorities, channels of communication, monitoring information, man-
agerial support and positive action programmes.
According to the interviewees, organizations across the public sector were at quite dif-
ferent stages in the implementation and development of policy. In order of priority, reli-
gion, gender and (to a much lesser degree) disability had been afforded attention but age,
race and sexual orientation were rarely mentioned. The current gender breakdown of orga-
nizations by grade also showed considerable variation. A gender breakdown by standard
occupational classification (SOC) grades is shown in Table 2, and confirms the imbalances
b y gender in particular grades and most especially senior grades.
The driving force behind equal opportunities was identified primarily as the legal
imperative, and perhaps with this in mind, officers reported high levels of support from
local agencies, including the EOC(NI), the Local Government Staff Commission (LGSC),
the Northern Ireland Civil Service (NICS) Equal Opportunities Unit and the Fair
Employment Commission (FEC), and especially when developing and implementing
policy. Indeed, much of the data which had to be made available by law for annual FEC

Table 2. Gender breakdown by Standard Occupational Classification (SOC) grades

Male (76) Female (%)
-~

SOCl (Managers and administrators) 62.2 37.8

SOC2 (Professionaloccupations) 67.2 32.8
SOC3 (Assoc. professional/technical) 54.4 45.6
SOC4 (Clerical/secretariaI) 26.6 73.4

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SOC5 (Craft, including construction) 76.4 23.6
SOC6 (Protective/personneIservice) 48.2 51.8
SOC7 (Sales) 39.4 60.6
SOC8 (Plandmachine operative) 94.3 5.7
SOC9 (Other occupations) 62.7 37.3
Total 49.1 51.2
 Gender and equal opportunities in pnblic sector orgunizations

this material used other than to meet the statutory legal monitoring requirement.
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monitoring returns afforded the opportunity for analyses by gender. However, rarely was

Many officers believed that often the difficulties associated with the appointment and
promotion of women to senior positions existed beyond the workplace, including social
structures, domestic arrangements and bias in the education system. At the same time, i t
was felt that considerable steps had been taken towards achieving equality of opportunity
in their own organization, although a large number referenced planned action rather than
current practice.
The perception of the support offered to equal opportunities by senior management

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was variable. Generally it was felt that equal opportunities did not rank high in a list of
management’s priorities, and, as a consequence, equal opportunities work was often
marginalized. Officers in larger organizations were often those whose role was most

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restricted to monitoring, with little input to other human resource management func-
tions such as selection and training, functions which subsume so many equal oppor-
tunities concerns.

Stage 3: Chief executives

Interviews were conducted with 24 chief executives, selected to represent a cross-section
of organizations by size, location, function and stage of equal opportunities development
(as determined by information contained in the database). Three themes were used to
frame initial discussion, namely the practice and delivery of equal opportunities, equal
opportunities and the environment, and equal Opportunities policy. Content analysis of
interview notes subsequently yielded eight substantive themes, namely issues surround-

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ing equal opportunities; equal opportunities policies and the business of the organization;
the social and cultural context of the organization; cultural and core values of the organ-
ization; the image of the organization; practical measures to encourage equal oppor-
tunities; recruitment and advancement; and the role of external agencies.
Overall, chief executives’ perception of equal opportunities was positive but it was
noteworthy that often their perception did not tally with how others saw problems and
priorities. The introduction of a well-formulated policy was identified as an important
first step towards the attainment of equality of opportunity within the workplace, and all
emphasized progress made in relation to recruitment, assessment, promotion and work-
ing conditions. At the same time they described the need to do more in practical terms
within their organization but this statement was heavily qualified with reference to the
wider difficulties associated with advancing gender issues.
Given the changing environment in the public sector in Northern Ireland (similar to,
although sometimes a little behind, that occurring in the rest of the United Kingdom,
activities to improve equality of opportunity were generally seen as helping to
create an organizational culture consistent with the needs of a modern business environ-
ment. All chief executives were well able to articulate benefits accruing from the effort
put into equal opportunities activity, and in particular how sound policy was able to help
maximize available talent. Others saw cultural changes within the organization as the
most important benefit, but it was the legal imperative which still provided the major
impetus to equal opportunities programmes in their eyes.
The perceived ‘lack of straightforwardness’, or simply problems, associated with deal-
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188 John Kremer et al.
ing with gender issues was a recurring theme, and many felt, with a mixture of regret and
resignation, that the rate of change would necessarily be slow given the number of inter-

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acting structural, cultural and personal impediments. On occasion these factors were used
as an excuse or explanation for lack of tangible progress in key areas, as was reference to
wider social and cultural values and attitudes.

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Stage 4: Local trade union representatives
Face-to-face interviews were subsequently carried out with trade union representatives in
each of the organizations surveyed in the previous strand of the research (N= 24), repre-
senting four unions in total (UNISON; NIPSA; MSF; NUCPS) but with the majority
(N= 20) coming from only one, the Northern Ireland Public Service Alliance (NIPSA).
Questions were directed towards representatives’ perception of the development of equal
opportunities in these organizations and the role which the trade unions had played in this
development. The majority felt that their union had played a significant role in policy
development, although there was also some concem that uncooperative management
could, and sometimes did, thwart the best intentions of trade unionists.
The trade unions and/or legislation were seen as the main driving force behind change,
and the role played by management was seen as being less significant in the eyes of most
interviewees. Many argued that for an equal opportunities programme to be successful it
had to have the genuine support of management, in deed as well as word, and whilst the
past had been disappointing, there were more encouraging signs that management were
now prepared to listen.
A minority (38 per cent) reported that trade union representatives attended com-
mittees or meetings dealing with equal opportunities, this being the case primarily in the
NICS and associated bodies, together with large organizations. In terms of involvement
in procedures, it was generally felt that once a procedure was established then involve-
ment ceased, the one exception being formal disciplinary cases. In terms of inquiries,
those concerning selectiodrecruitment (184), maternity arrangements (143), job sharing
(282) and child care (259) were the most prevalent, with a considerable number of each
being recorded in the previous 12 months. A total of 82 complaints had been forwarded
to full-time trade union officers in the previous year, along with 19 complaints to the
EOC(N1).
In general, it was felt that progress would be made if employees were given more infor-
mation about equal opportunities and if there was greater coordination of activity

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between management and unions. The majority of these trade unionists felt that
insufficient resources were being made available by employers and until this situation
changed then the most serious gender problem facing organizations, the shortage of
women in senior positions, could not be tackled effectively.

Stage 5 : Employeefocus groups

A series of 15 focus groups was run with a cross-section of staff from a total of eight organ-
izations. Groups were both single and mixed-sex, and organizations were distributed
across the sample. Discussion was originally framed around the four themes which under-
pinned the evaluation, but from discussion a series of eight major themes was identifiable.
 Gender and equal opportunities in public sector organizations zyx
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These were the perceived necessity for equal opportunities policies; perception of the
189

issues dealt with by policy; awareness of policies; experience of initiatives; structural bar-
riers to progress; personal experience of equal opportunities; the organization’s commit-
ment to equal opportunities; and general organizational climate.
Amongst these staff, it would appear that there was a general lack of knowledge of
equal opportunities policies, structures and initiatives, and little support for the philoso-
phy of equal opportunities as currently presented within the workplace. For example, cer-
tain groups did not know for certain if their organizations had designated officers or units,
documents were rarely read and general awareness was poor. In addition, it was felt that
employees had little ownership of, or commitment to, equal opportunities, that is until
it affected them personally.
Dissatisfaction was expressed about appraisal schemes and in particular a lack of con-
sistency within organizations. It was felt this inconsistency could have an adverse impact
on women’s careers, particularly as most appraisers were men. This feeling extended to

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promotion boards, where a number of factors militating against women’s progress were

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identified. Working arrangements which gave women greater flexibility were welcomed
and it was felt that schemes should be extended upwards through organizations (for
example, job sharing). Lack of workplace child care facilities was still seen as a major
obstacle to progress.
Sexual harassment (as commonly defined and understood; Kremer tk Marks, 1992) was
not identified as a significant problem at work, although in a more general sense, men’s
attitudes towards women were seen to present day-to-day difficulties for most working
women. The perception of unlawful positive discrimination in favour of women (that is,
the operation of quotas and preferences at the point of selection and promotion), though
ill defined, was an issue in the eyes of all-male groups. Female groups were more inclined
to see men’s concern about alleged positive discrimination as merely symptomatic of the
current maleness of many organizations. Very few groups thought that their organization

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had a genuine commitment to equality of opportunity. Terms such as ‘lip service’ and
‘window dressing’ were often used to convey this sentiment.

Stage 6: Full-time trade union oj$5cers

Structured face-to-face interviews (N = 8) were carried out with full-time officials asso-
ciated with all unions active in the public service, namely the Amalgamated Transport
and General Workers Union, the Association of First Division Civil Servants, the
Northern Ireland Public Service Alliance, the Royal College of Nursing, the Scientific,
Industrial, Professional and Technical Union, Unison, and the Manufacturing, Science
and Finance Union. Four of the interviewees were women.
The interviews focused on the perception of the unions’ role in policy development, the
nature of their work on equal opportunities issues, and the obstacles to progress as per-
ceived by the trade union movement. Most interviewees described a good network of con-
tacts within their own union, and cited a wide range of gender issues which formed a
natural part of their everyday work. In contrast with designated equal opportunities
officers, gender was seen as being the single most important equal opportunities dimen-
sion with religion ranked second in importance, a rank ordering which also was reflected
in the relative time they thought they spent on each.
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All interviewees had received training in equal opportunities issues through the trade
union movement and maintained contact with equivalent representatives in other unions,
often through conferences and courses. In the estimated number of inquiries over the pre-
vious 12 months, the most prevalent issues raised were equal pay issues or equal pay for
work of equal value (1674),childcare (367)and paternity arrangements (225). The vast
majority of officers had initiated direct action on gender issues and had referred com-
plainants to the EOC(N1).
All respondents believed that their trade unions were very proactive regarding equal
opportunities and also felt that management and unions should work together in formu-
lating and implementing equal opportunities policy. They believed that equal opportu-
nities awareness would be increased if management and unions collaborated on more joint
ventures such as general awareness seminars. However, all respondents stated that the
main impetus for change in terms of equal opportunities had come primarily from the
trade unions over the years.

Discussion
One of the most striking findings to emerge was the diversity of response across the sam-
ple. In turn, this makes the task of teasing out key themes and generalities difficult.
However, with reference to the four primary themes cited earlier, it was still possible to
identify issues which have a bearing not only on policy development within the Northern
Ireland public service but also in a more general sense on how work organizations must
accommodate and embrace equal opportunities in order to effect genuine cultural change
for the good of both women and men.

( a ) Policy development and implementation

The overwhelming majority of organizations (90 per cent) were able to reference written
equal opportunities policy statements, statements which were well founded and which
adhered to carefully constructed guidelines, for example as provided by bodies such as the
EOC(N1). Typically, statements would include a statement of good intent, a description
of the legislative framework, details of selection and recruitment guidelines and the staff

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appraisal policy, together with subsidiary elements referring to the organization, moni-
toring, training, positive action, equal opportunities responsibility and the policy review
process.
Unfortunately, and as so many participants themselves acknowledged, a policy state-
ment has to be seen as merely the first stage in the development of equality of oppor-
tunity (Maddock & Parkin, 1993),and it was beyond this primary stage that problems so
often emerge (Cockburn, 1991). A great many policy statements appeared to disregard
implementation strategies, codes of practice or how best to adopt procedures which will
prevent inequality. Here, many of those interviewed spoke of the shortage of examples of
good practice in their organizations, examples which would enable the policy statement
genuinely to breathe life.
In terms of the translation of policy statements into action, paradoxically the high
levels of satisfaction expressed with progress to date by both equal oportunities officers
and chief executives may register concern. In many organizations, this level of satisfaction
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Gender and equul opportunities in public sector organizations
certainly sits uneasily alongside positive evidence of what had been achieved along the
191

road to equality of opportunity, for example in terms of gender imbalances in particular

grades, or the sentiments expressed by trade unionists working in and with these organ-
izations, or indeed the perceptions of employees themselves, as revealed in the focus
groups.

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Often the procedures were well documented but the impact of these documents on
working practices was less obvious. One example was appraisal schemes, schemes which
were cited in policy statements, and which can be useful for identifying personnel prob-
lems and for establishing equal opportunities targets and timetables (Corby, 1983).
However, despite being mentioned in statements, far fewer organizations appeared to be
running appraisal schemes at the time of the survey. This was one example among many
where equal opportunities officers were able to describe equal opportunities measures
which were currently in the pipeline, or were to be introduced at some time in the future.
Unfortunately, concrete evidence of schemes which were already in operation was less
plentiful.
Of the various aspects of gender imbalance and sex discrimination at work, one area
which was often notable by its absence from policy documentation was sexual harassment.
Traditionally, it has been the case that sexual harassment has been regarded as an issue
apart, as a problem which certain women may have to face but which is divorced from
structural equal opportunities concerns such as underrepresentation in higher grades,

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selection and promotion biases and pay differentials based on gender. In reality, organiza-
tions which have addressed the issue directly have come to realize that this is far from the
truth, for sexual harassment merely represents one obvious manifestation of sex discrim-
ination, and measures which are taken to tackle sexual harassment are likely to help an
organization move towards the creation of an equal opportunities culture (Livingston,
1982; Kremer & Marks, 1992).
Evidence from strands of this research would suggest that policy statements in them-
selves had not always acted as a spur to action but may have produced the opposite effect,
actually fostering a sense of complacency. It was noteworthy that senior managers and
other employees appeared to have a major difference of opinion as to the role which
management had played in implementing policy and developing good practice. Chief
executives were inclined to cite policy statements as hard evidence of good intent and as
a sign of the commitment shown from the top. Other staff were more likely to suggest
that management’s lack of genuine commitment to equal opportunities was revealed by
inertia or lack of support subsequent to the launch of a policy statement.
The reasons why it was thought that policy had been developed in the first place also
became significant in this discussion but here there was a greater consensus. To virtually
all those surveyed, it was external pressure and primarily the legal imperative which was
seen as providing the driving force for change. Chief executives, and some equal oppor-
tunities officers, also expounded the argument that the promotion of equal opportunities
is synonymous with good business sense, and highlighted the significance of the business
imperative. However, others were overtly cynical of this explanation; it was generally felt
that things happened and that policy developed not in response to market forces but as a
reaction to complaints and tribunal decisions. Hence while chief executives referenced
both ‘carrots’ and ‘sticks’ as driving policy, others in the organizations were inclined to
side primarily with the ‘sticks’explanation. With this in mind‘, it was generally true that
192 zyxwvu
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it was not the large organizations, those most often in the public eye, which had the most
ground to cover in terms of developing policy but the medium sized organizations (25 to
250 employees). Here the public and media pressure to comply may have been less
intense, although this explanation must remain speculative.
Whichever explanation is the more accurate, it was true that there were very different
perceptions of where equal opportunities policies reside in organizations, and why they
were there at all. On the one hand managers felt that the policy was an integral part of the
culture of the organization but on the other hand employees generally did not. This
was revealed at many points in the research, for example during focus group discussions
where staff argued that equal opportunities was of little concern or interest to general
employees in their day-to-day work, a situation which only changed when a problem of
personal concern arose.
Here the role of management may be very significant, for having attended meetings
which approved policy, senior managers may well feel their involvement in rubber stamp-
ing policy automatically demonstrates concrete evidence of support. However, according
to subordinates, and especially those who were removed from the mechanisms of policy
making, this connection was not so obvious. In the eyes of staff, there appeared to be a
need for more tangible, day-to-day evidence of support.
At the same time, when dealing with the delivery of equal opportunities and the cre-
ation of an equal opportunities culture it may be impossible, and unrealistic, to disen-
tangle one dimension and afford it exclusive attention. It was noteworthy that disability,
sexual orientation, race and age were less frequently noted in policy statements than gen-
der or religion/political affiliation. Possibly this is a natural consequence of the slow
development of an equal opportunities culture, or possibly it is a reflection on the
significance of legislative compliance. Whatever is the case, the emphasis of policy would
appear to be concentrated on two dimensions, gender and religion, with disability begin-
ning to come further to the fore.
At the present time, there is no domestic race relations legislation in Northern Ireland,
and the lack of activity of this front, together with less emphasis on disability, would give
strong credence to the suggestion that policy was driven most powerfully by legislative
pressure rather than social, cultural or business imperatives.
In terms of informing employees about policies, new applicants and recruits were often
provided with documentation on equal opportunities in booklets or staff handbooks, and
were then given further information in training courses and through circulars, job adver-
tisements, etc. However, despite these considerable efforts, some employees still felt that
equal opportunities began and ended with the selection process, and they had been adroit
in carefully avoiding all the information on equal opportunities which must have come
their way at some time. This was true to the extent that a considerable number of em-
ployees were not aware of policies, procedures or even possible sources of information,
most notably the existence of equal opportunities units or officers.
This lack of awareness may reflect on poor communication channels but equally i t may
reflect a feeling of distance from, or lack of ownership of, equal opportunities. Whether
or not employees personally believed in the abstract concept of equal opportunities, they
appeared resistant to the way in which equal opportunities was being presented within
their organization. With this in mind, i t is interesting to note that while equal opportu-
nities officers, and to some extent chief executives, believed that employees were firmly
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Gender and equal opportunities in public sector organizations 193

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behind equal opportunities, the message coming from employees themselves was at best
lukewarm.

(6) Resources, channels of communication and organizational structures

A large proportion of equal opportunities officers, and especially those in larger organiz-
ations, felt that sufficient resources were made available on a day-to-day basis for them to
carry out their routine responsibilities. However, contingency funding for new initiatives
and special projects was identified as a more significant problem. Those who were most
satisfied with current arrangements (officers in larger organizations) also tended to have
more narrowly defined roles (i.e. dealing with monitoring and the processing of com-
plaints), and their work rarely encompassed other personnel functions or extended to staff
training. Hence the resources were sufficient for their role as currently defined, which then
raises a more significant issue about the nature of this role and the management functions
performed by equal opportunities officers or designated staff. Existing officers appeared to
manage within material and human constraints but too often their success may have
depended on personal prowess rather than a sound structural base. A role had been carved
out by individual officers but the role was constrained by the organization and the impact
which they had made depended very much on the strengths and weaknesses of the par-
ticular incumbent. Taken as a whole, this picture suggests a structural position for these
officers which was often far from central to the organization, and confirms the image of
organizational peripherality already sketched.
Within the trade union movement itself, the majority of representatives and officers
believed that sufficient resources were made available for dealing with equal opportun-
ities in their union. Most unions could name a designated officer and money was made
available for the production of literature and the organization of seminars and conferences
dealing with equality of opportunity. This level of resourcing in the unions appeared to
reflect the high priority afforded equal opportunities and particularly in larger unions.
The support network within the trade union was seen to be strong but this produced a
contrast effect when attention turned to trade union relations with public service em-
ployers. These same trade unionists then described difficulties in coordinating their
activities with those of the employer. While many had been involved in the setting up of
policy, and had sat on special structures such as women’s committees, involvement with
the development and review of policy had tended to be more sporadic. In general, there
was a perception that unions and management could work much closer together in this
area, for example with regard to training initiatives.
This distance perhaps reflected in a somewhat cynical view of management’s role in
equal opportunities, where it was felt that unions had been proactive but management’s
response was generally seen as reactive and superficial.

(c) Where women figure and barriers to progress

In terms of perceptions of barriers to progress, one disturbing finding to emerge from
across the research was that so many people seemed to ‘know’ why there were gender prob-
lems in their organization, and most often, blame was attributed to factors outside the
control of management. That there were problems was never in dispute; indeed a great
194 zyxwvu
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John Kremer et al.
many participants, whether managers, staff or trade unionists, acknowledged that the

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single largest equal opportunities issue confronting public service employers in Northern
Ireland was the shortfall of women in senior posts. Unfortunately, the foundation of this
knowledge, and as a consequence the sorts of explanations offered as to why the situation
was as it was, were rarely rooted in systematic research of gender in relation to the organ-
ization, or the labour market as a whole. Instead the more common basis for discussion
was ’accepted wisdom’ tinged with a good measure of personal opinion. As a consequence,
across the public sector there was a landscape made up of a great many accepted wisdoms
or common sense explanations for gender imbalances at work.
To some, the greatest emphasis was placed on socio-cultural barriers to progress,

zyxwvut
specifically women’s role in Northern Irish society (seen primarily as the homemaker), and
attitudes in that society (perceived as more traditional than elsewhere). To others, the
focus was on structural impediments, normally within the organization (for example,
working conditions which were not women-friendly) but sometimes without (for
example, the general shortage of child-care facilities in Northern Ireland (Turner, 1993;
Turner, Kremer & Ward, 1994)). Others attached much greater significance to personal
factors, either to male chauvinism and its impact on the culture of organizations, or to
women’s motivations, attitudes and priorities (Hakim, 1991) which were regarded as act-
ing as a brake to progress.
Put bluntly, many of these explanations are pessimistic because the problem, gender
imbalance, is seen as either so great or so complex that almost any initiative is doomed to
fiailure before it stai ts. It was noteworthy that both chief executives and to a less extent
equal opportunities officers were inclined to advance these arguments. Perhaps this was
to excuse lack of progress, perhaps as the result of previous negative experiences, or
perhaps as part of a personal belief system. Whichever is the case, if an attitude of help-
lessness pervades an organization then a self-fulfilling prophesy looms large, as the moti-
vation and the support for action will be less fulsome and the outcome will inevitably be
less positive.
There were fewer examples of organizations which had conducted systematic research
in order to identify the local factors which create barriers to progress. In addition, exist-
ing sources of data were rarely used for this purpose. For example, all organizations in
Northem Ireland have a statutory requirement to complete monitoring returns for the
FEC and gender-based information is immediately available in these returns and could be
used to consider where women figure in the organization, and where change has taken
place over time, Whilst there were examples (in particular from large organizations)
which already used this type of information to prepare annual reports and to inform pol-
icy, data collection was more often seen as a mechanical task meeting a specific reporting
need, rather than a way of facilitating performance measurement or as the second logical
step in the systematic design of an equal opportunities programme, coming after the pre-
sentation of a policy statement.
Successive surveys have revealed that Northern Ireland is no more traditional than
other Western cultures in terms of attitudes towards the rights and roles of women in
society, nor does religion appear to impact on these attitudes significantly (Kremer, 1993;
Kremer & Curry, 1986; Montgomery & Davies, 1991). However, beliefs about Ulster tra-
ditionalism were widespread and were often used to excuse lack of progress. In a more
general sense, looking at employees as a whole and including management, the variabil-
 z
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Gender and equal opportwities in pziblic sector organizations 195
i t y in knowledge, attitudes and beliefs about equal opportunities was striking. There Was

zyxwvu
zyxwv
little evidence of overt, conscious discrimination but the potential for mistakes and for
discrimination, whether direct or indirect, because of a lack of familiarity with terms,
concepts and the law was considerable. O n the one hand, chief executives and equal
opportunities officers felt that difficulties associated with the advancement of women gen-
erally existed beyond the workplace, in terms of attitudes and motivations (Campbell,
Campbell t(r Kennard, 1994; Hakim, 1991), or were deeply embedded in the overarch-
ing male culture of the organization. O n the other hand women themselves were more
likely to identify specific structural constraints. Very high on this list was the provision
of child-care facilities (Turner, 1993), and indeed the shortage of child-care facilities (as
noted for the UK as a whole; Brannen, Meszaros, Moss C(r Poland, 1994), was regarded
by many as the single greatest barrier to gender equality. Similar discussions centred
around topics such as the composition of promotion boards, the availability of Aexitime,
job sharing and part-time work at senior levels, the use of technology to facilitate home-
based working, and even the problems associated with ‘acting up’.
A heuristic device for interpreting these messages could be adapted from social
exchange theory. For example, if women do not perceive the benefits which accrue from
promotion (however those benefits or rewards are personally valued and defined) as out-
weighing the costs (for example, added responsibility, long office hours, social isolation)
then women will not put themselves forward for promotion. Therefore a deeper under-
standing of the value systems and perceptions of the organization by employees, and

zyxwvutsrqpo
potential employees, will be central to the diagnostic process and beyond that, making
the prospect of advancement and promotion that much more attractive.

(d) Prai.tiiill steps Lind positive action

When asked about the implementation of positive action programmes as a means of
increasing equality of opportunity, responses were varied. Indeed, attitudes towards the
term positive action itself became an issue in its own right. In many organizations, posi-
tive action was confined to advertising and notes accompanying application forms.
Statements associated with positive action such as, ‘Applications are especially encour-
aged from (wo)men’ were seen as sufficient, and even then there was concern about the
reaction which such measures may provoke among staff, and particularly men. The argu-
ment frequently presented by both equal opportunities officers and chief executives was
that movement too far along the positive action spectrum would be seen to negate the
merit principle, and would run counter to the achievement of an organizational culture
based on ‘fairness’, although the evidence suggested that the goal of fairness (i.e. equality
of opportunity for men and women) was still a very distant one.
Patterns of response regarding affirmative action (that is in relation to religion/politi-
cal affiliation), were very similar but more had taken place iit the recruitment stage (for
example, visiting particular schools to elicit applications) and these measures evoked less
disquiet. Similar positive action schemes (that is, i n relation to gender ) were few and far
between although one large employer mentioned ‘Taking Your Daughter to Work’, a UK-
wide programme which is designed to encourage parents to bring their daughters to work
to see their organization in action.
Why organizations have difficulty with the concept of positive action may become
196 zyxwvu
zyxwvutsrq John Kremer et al.
more transparent when the term is looked at closely. According to the working definition
used by the EOC(N1) (1991), ’Positive action refers to a variety of lawful measures to
counteract the effects of past discrimination and help eliminate sex-stereotyping and job
segregation in employment’. Hence, positive action is not narrowly defined but can be
seen as a broad yet lawful set of measures which move policy forwards. The definition
offered by the leading equal opportunities lawyer Christopher McCrudden (1993) is also
relevant here, ‘Positive action land affirmative action] are practical approaches to deal
with pressing social and economic problems of exclusion and injustice’ (p. 1). Using this
broad definition, positive action may include the introduction of fair recruitment, selec-
tion, pay, appraisal, promotion and retirement procedures, training (whether single or
mixed-sex), monitoring, anti-harassment policies, and in general, actions which will
promote the development of a respectful and gender-friendly working environment
(EOCENII, 1989).
At this level of debate few problems arise. However, and unfortunately, many concen-
trate their attention exclusively on two articles included in the relevant domestic legisla-
tion (Northern Ireland legislation which is directly equivalent to that operating in Great
Britain), the Northem Ireland Sex Discrimination Order, Articles 48 and 49. These spec-
ify two types of action; special measures to encourage (wo)men to apply for posts where
few or no (wo)men had been employed in the past, and special training courses to allow
women to compete on an equal footing with men (or vice versa). Suffice it to say, progress
on a broadly defined positive action front was not always facilitated by this narrow con-
cern with, and definition of, positive action, and in particular misgivings which managers
may have about certain aspects of the legislation including the advantages and disadvan-
tages of single-sex training.
In some organizations, such training is already in place, often dealing with manage-
ment or assertiveness training for women. Where training was already accepted practice,
this action rarely appeared to be contentious. Indeed, although many employees reacted
negatively to the prospect of single-sex training, those with experience of such courses
held far more positive attitudes. The research would also indicate that a similar trend
holds for designated officers and senior managers, with those with the most experience
once more raising the fewest concerns and doubts.
Under the guise of dealing with sexual harassment, a small number of public service
organizations had established informal counselling or advisory services which were made
available to all employees. Those organizations which already have counsellors or, perhaps
more correctly, advisors in place tend to find first, that if the service is working efficiently
then there was normally no shortage of inquiries (and particularly in the early stages of

zyxwvu
operation), second that the existence of the service has a very positive impact on the pro-
motion of an equal opportunities environment, and third, that despite the label of ‘sexual
harassment’, inquiries covering a wide range of gender issues were being brought forward
for informal mediation and resolution. This is entirely understandable given that sexual
harassment is now regarded, legally and practically, as no more than one manifestation
of sex discrimination (Kremer & Marks, 1992). While nor devaluing the con-
siderable hurt caused by harassment motivated by sexual intent, certainly the significance
of sexual interest or intent has been considerably downgraded in the eyes of the tribunal
system.
As regards other forms of positive action, overall, there did appear to be considerable
 Gender and equal opportunities in puhlic sector organizations
demand for improved child-care facilities and for a range of schemes which would allow
mothers either to continue in work or to return to work.
In terms of perceived training needs, overall, it was noteworthy that levels of aware-
zyx 197

ness, outside designated staff and trade union officials, was poor. While equal opportun-
ities officers and chief executives felt that employees at all levels were familiar with both
their statutory employment rights and what they were required to know to comply with
the organization’s policy, only half of the trade union representatives shared this belief.
Similarly, the focus groups revealed apathy and ignorance amongst employees who took
scant regard of equal opportunities policies until they were affected personally. Hence it
would seem that there is a need for general training aimed at raising awareness among all
employees, supplemented by management training aimed at increasing specific knowl-
edge of existing legislation and its impact on working practices.

zyxwvu
Given the focus of interest on Northern Ireland and its ‘troubles’, and the economic
consequences associated with compliance with equal opportunities legislation, business
and industry in Northern Ireland regard equal opportunities as a priority issue, and an

zyxwvut
zyxwvu
issue which is never Far from the minds of personnel officers or managers in the public and
private sectors alike. This evaluation did not offer comparisons either with the rest of the
United Kingdom or Europe as comparative data from elsewhere does not yet exist.
However, evidence may suggest that levels of awareness and sophistication of debate sur-
rounding equal opportunities policies and procedures may in fact be less well advanced
elsewhere (Davidson & Burke, 1994),and although mistakes have been made, at the very
least equal opportunities remains a matter for contention and is high on a list of person-
nel priorities.
All these public sector organizations are best described as making progress along an
evolutionary curve towards the achievement of an equal opportunities environment. Some
are finding the going difficult, others may feel the worst is behind, others may still be
trying to avoid facing the problems ahead. Whichever is the case, whether those in the
organization feel themselves driven primarily by social, moral, business, economic or
legal imperatives, equal opportunities in Northern Ireland is likely to remain high on

zyxwvutsr
the personnel agenda for the foreseeable future.

Acknowledgements
The research was funded by the Equal Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland and the Chief
Exccurives 1:orum. Copics of the full report on which this paper is based can be obtained from The Equal

zy
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Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland, 22 Great Victoria Street, Belfast RT2 7RA.

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