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Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period
from the Perspective of the Lima Culture

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DOI: 10.1080/00776297.2018.1511312

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Journal of Andean Archaeology

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Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the end of the

early intermediate period from the perspective of
the Lima culture

Ana Cecilia Mauricio

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of the early intermediate period from the perspective of the Lima culture, Ñawpa Pacha, 38:2,
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 REASSESSING THE IMPACT OF EL NIÑO AT THE END OF THE EARLY
INTERMEDIATE PERIOD FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE LIMA CULTURE

Ana Cecilia Mauricio

This paper discusses the social effects that a very strong El Niño event or events that occurred at the end of the Early
Intermediate Period could have had on the Lima culture of the Central Coast of Peru from the perspective of the archae-
ological site of Huaca 20. This site was a component of the Maranga Complex in the lower Rimac Valley during the Late
Lima Period. For this purpose, I use a comprehensive and diachronic approach that takes into account the whole Lima
culture occupation documented at this site. Huaca 20 is one of the very few Lima culture sites that has been extensively
excavated through several years since the 1970s. I compare the El Niño evidence from Huaca 20 with similar information
from several other coastal Early Intermediate Period sites where El Niño impacts have been reported. I use this evidence to
discuss how various contemporary coastal cultures had diverse cultural reactions to the same phenomenon.

Este artículo discute los efectos sociales que uno o más eventos de El Niño de gran intensidad, ocurridos al final del Periodo
Intermedio Temprano, pudieron haber tenido en la cultura Lima de la Costa Central de Perú, desde la perspectiva del sitio
arqueológico Huaca 20. Este sitio fue parte del Complejo Maranga, durante el Período Lima Tardío. Para este fin, se usa
una aproximación comprehensiva y diacrónica que toma en cuenta toda la ocupación lima registrada en este sitio. Huaca
20 es uno de los escasos sitios de la cultura Lima que han sido extensamente investigados desde la década de 1970. Se
compara, además, la evidencia de El Niño de Huaca 20 con información similar proveniente de otros sitios costeros
del Intermedio Temprano donde se han reportado el impacto de eventos de El Niño. Se usa esta evidencia para discutir
como culturas costeras contemporáneas tuvieron respuestas culturales diversas ante un mismo fenómeno.

Introduction the world (including teleconnections), world, impact-

ing the west coast of South America with particular

T he El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) is

perhaps the most important climatic phenom-
enon of the region. It causes significant oceanic and
atmospheric alterations that affect large areas around
intensity (Caviedes 1984, 2001; Maasch 2008).
The Southern Oscillation is a counterbalancing
system of air pressure that exists in the equatorial
Pacific between Indonesia (west) and Tahiti (east),

Ana Cecilia Mauricio, Sección de Arqueología, Departamento de Humanidades, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peeru
(cecilia.mauricio@pucp.edu.pe)

Ñawpa Pacha, Journal of Andean Archaeology, Volume 38, Number 2, pp. 203–231. # 2018 Institute of Andean Studies. All rights reserved.

203
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
where the southwest zone is characterized by warm
waters and low pressure over Indonesia and
Australia; a zone of cool waters and high pressure
exists on the Pacific southeast, over Tahiti (Caviedes
2001; Maasch 2008; Phillander 2004). During a
“normal” year, not an El Niño year, the western
side of the equatorial Pacific manifests trade winds,
slightly elevated sea levels, and low atmospheric
pressure. On the east side, the atmospheric pressure
is high, the sea level is lower than in the west, and
the thermocline is shallow (Maasch 2008). The dis-
ruption of this system (the Southern Oscillation)
causes the phenomena known as El Niño and La
Niña, which are the negative and positive indices of
the Southern Oscillation, respectively.
Among the most characteristic effects of an El Niño
event on the east side of the equatorial Pacific one
may include: a) the weakening or even the shutdown
of the westward flow of cool waters; b) the weakening
effects of the trade winds over the ocean surface; c) the
deepening of the thermocline up to 80 meters; d)
horizontal transport of warm waters from west to
east in the first 100 meters, caused by Kelvin waves
(Caviedes 2001). These oceanic and atmospheric
alterations cause warm waters to replace the cool
waters of the Peruvian Current, the eastward move-
ment of warm air masses, the weakening or stopping
of upwelling, and torrential rainfall over the south
coast of Ecuador and the arid north coast of Peru.
Sea surface temperature increases and trade winds
weaken, causing chemical alterations that deplete
nutrients. Thermo-sensitive marine species die off
or run southward, replaced by tropical or more resist-
ant species. Heavy rain overwhelms the narrow river-
beds of the hyper-arid Peruvian coast, causing floods,
landslides, mudslides, and erosion, destroying houses,
hospitals, schools, reservoirs, bridges, highways, crops,
and so on (CAF 2000; Caviedes 1984; CEPAL
1983).
In recent years, at least two extraordinarily strong
ENSO events — 1982–83 and 1997–1998 —1
have had devastating effects that caused enormous
social and economic losses in several countries of
the Americas. Among them, Peru is particularly sen-
sitive to the effects of strong El Niños. The event of
204
Volume 38, Number 2
1997–1998 left direct and indirect losses on the
order of 3.5 billion dollars (CAF 2000), with the pro-
ductive and infrastructure sectors being the most
affected. The event of 1982–1983 resulted in a loss
of around 3.28 billion dollars in property and infra-
structure (CAF 2000; CEPAL 1983). This event
also caused a long drought in the regions of
Apurimac, Ayacucho, Huancavelica, Arequipa,
Moquegua, Cusco, and Puno, encompassing almost
one fifth of the Peruvian territory (CEPAL 1983,
Mauricio 2014).
If contemporary El Niño events can cause such
serious damage to countries around the world, what
effects could catastrophic phenomena such as El
Niño have had on pre-Hispanic societies? What role
did climatic and environmental phenomena have in
the formation and transformation of past sociopoliti-
cal systems? Could these moments of climatic
instability accelerate the end of societies in ancient
Peru?
Toward the end of the Early Intermediate Period,
in the seventh century AD, the Central Andes seem
to have experienced a period of high precipitation
levels, as identified directly and indirectly in paleo-cli-
matic records from the Quelccaya ice cap
(∼5000 masl, latitude 13°56’ S, longitude 70°50’
W) (Moy et al. 2002; Shimada et al. 1991;
Thompson et al. 1984, 1985; cf. Calaway 2005); in
marine core sediments from the Lima littoral (Rein
2007; Rein et al. 2004, 2005); in sediments from
the Pallcacocha Lake in Ecuador (∼4060 masl, lati-
tude 2°46’S, longitude 79°14’O) (Rodbell et al.
1999); in alluvial deposits from the Moquegua
River basin (Magilligan and Goldstein 2001); and
in sediment cores obtained from Lake Titicaca
(Abbott et al. 1997; Binford et al. 1997) (cf.
Calaway 2005; Erickson 1999). These paleoclimatic
records of strong coastal precipitation in the seventh
century coincide with data from several archaeological
sites located along the Peruvian coast such as Alto
Piura (Kaulicke 1993), Pampa Grande (Shimada
1994), the Jequetepeque Valley (Dillehay 2001),
Huaca de la Luna (Uceda 2001; Uceda and
Canziani 1993), Galindo (Bawden 1996),
Cajamarquilla (Mogrovejo and Makowski 1999;
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
Mogrovejo and Segura 2000), Pachacamac (Franco
and Paredes 2000), and the lower Ica Valley
(Beresford-Jones et al. 2009).
The Peruvian coast is one of the driest deserts in the
world, due in part to the action of the Peruvian
Current that cools the wind over the ocean, keeping
evaporation to a minimum, preventing precipitation,
and creating a temperate climate. This regime is
altered during El Niño events, which raise sea
surface temperatures, alter the coastal wind pattern,
and elevate considerably the levels of precipitation
on the Pacific southeast (Caviedes 2001; Maasch
2008). Evidence of strong precipitation and flooding
on the Peruvian coast during the Early Intermediate
Period corresponds to the presence of at least one
very strong El Niño event. This period of climatic
stress coincides with a series of important social trans-
formations, evidence of which has led some archaeol-
ogists to prematurely propose that this climatic
phenomenon forced the abandonment of major
coastal settlements and contributed to the fall of the
main societies of the Early Intermediate Period
during the seventh century (Moseley and
Richardson 1992; Shimada et al. 1991).
The site of Huaca 20 is a Lima culture site located
on the lower Rímac Valley on the central coast of
Peru, which was part of the Maranga Complex
during the second half of the Early Intermediate
Period. The Lima culture occupation of this site has
been dated to between approximately AD 550 and
7892. In this paper I present evidence of a climatic
alteration caused by one or more very strong El
Niño events around AD 600, during the Late Lima
occupation of this site. Using an historical ecology
perspective (a holistic anthropological approach that
employs analysis of complete cycles in historical
context, incorporating information on how environ-
mental change altered human activity [Balée 1998,
2006; Crumley 1994]), I analyze the social impact
of a natural phenomenon of catastrophic scale, study-
ing the social dynamics that transpired before, during,
and after of this period of climatic stress. I evaluate the
role that a wet period like this could have had on
coastal pre-Hispanic societies, particularly on the
Lima culture.
205
The Pre-Hispanic Record of El Niño
in Peru
The categories of evidence of the history of El Niño in
Peru are both natural (e.g. lacustrine and marine sedi-
ments, ice cores, alluvial deposits, beach ridges,
among others) and cultural (archaeological sites),
ranging from millennia to annual and sub-annual in
scope.3 The earliest evidence of El Niño in Peru
dates to 17,000 years BP. However, the phenomenon
is most clearly seen from the Middle Holocene
(∼9000–3000 BP) onward. The oldest continual
record is derived from marine sediment cores
extracted by Rein et al. (2004, 2005) off the coast
of Lima (Figure 1), which cover the last 20,000
years BP. For a detailed review of the published
record of pre-Columbian El Niño events in coastal
Peru, I refer readers to my previous paper (Mauricio
2014); here I focus only on the record related to the
Early Intermediate Period.4
El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate
Period
Several coastal archaeological sites of the Early
Intermediate Period (EIP) have reported evidence of
El Niño events, the majority of them are dated to
around AD 600.
In Alto Piura (Figure 1), Kaulicke (1993) reported
evidence of several events of precipitation during the
Early Intermediate Period, in various archaeological
mounds of the area known as Vicus-Tamarindo,
Nima/Valverde Complex. Kaulicke linked the pres-
ence of silt lamination, alluvial sediments, and archi-
tectural collapse with El Niño rainfall, which led the
inhabitants of this complex to engage in constant
remodeling of structures during relatively a short
period of time. Two of the recognized rainfall
events would have been of considerable intensity.
The first one is associated with local changes in the
architecture and ceramics. The previous preference
for tapia architecture evolved into the use of adobes,
and the Vicus-Tamarindo B ceramics style developed
into Vicus-Tamarindo C. Although there are no
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 38, Number 2

Figure 1. Location of archaeological sites where El Niño evidence has been reported.

206
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
absolute dates for this event, Kaulicke proposes that it
could have transpired c. AD 250–300. This period
would be associated with the arrival of Moche arti-
facts into the area. The second event was associated
with a radiocarbon date of AD 584–783 cal.5
(1430 ± 30 BP). Kaulicke also reported that between
these two events there were other minor precipitation
events. It has also been stated that The Vicus-
Tamarindo C phase was a period of important
changes and a more formal organization of the site,
expressed in the use of adobes; the construction of
platforms; an apparent specialization in the pro-
duction of pottery, metals, and textiles; and interre-
gional interactions. Kaulicke made the interesting
proposal that these pluvial events were related to
more conscious water management, involving built
structures that seem to have been used as reservoirs
(Kaulicke 1993).
In the Sechura Desert, a coastal paleo-lagoon
system created by El Niño rainfall would have
caused the establishment of a community dedicated
to the exploitation and distribution of fish and shell-
fish species of this lagoon between AD 500 and
700 cal. (Christol et al. 2017; Goepfert et al. 2016).
In Pampa Grande, Lambayeque, one-meter-thick
alluvial deposits recorded at Sector D were dated
between c. AD 650 and 700 (Craig and Shimada
1986; Shimada 1994). These floods would have
occurred after the fire that Shimada (1994) associates
with the end of the Moche V occupation of this site.
Similar deposits, contemporaneous with the Moche V
occupation of Pampa Grande, were reported at Huaca
del Pueblo, Batán Grande, in the La Leche Valley
(Craig and Shimada 1986). At Montículo 1 of
Huaca Soledad, alluvial sediments followed by archi-
tectural remodeling have been recorded with relative
dates between c. AD 500 and 600 (Craig and
Shimada 1986).
In the Jequetepeque Valley, Dillehay (2001) ident-
ified the manifestation of El Niño in alluvial and col-
luvial deposits, soil erosion, and landslides that
affected mostly rural settlements located in various
sectors of the lower valley. These deposits have been
relatively dated at c. AD 600. Dillehay also mentioned
that although some of these settlements suffered the
207
impacts of El Niño, other rural settlements and agri-
cultural fields were relocated to less susceptible areas,
not only to avoid the impacts of El Niño but also to
take advantage of its benefits such as the formation of
ephemeral lagoons, vegetation blooming, and ground
water recharge. Dillehay (2001) interprets the pres-
ence of sand deposits as periods of extreme aridity,
however he does not propose dates for them. On
the other hand, in the site of Dos Cabezas, lower
Jequetepeque Valley (Figure 1), Moseley et al.
(2008) reported that a big El Niño event affected
several sectors of this site, first by strong precipitation
that eroded the main building; then, in a short period
of time, the site was massively inundated by aeolian
sand, which would have caused the sudden abandon-
ment of the site, based on the discovery of domestic
artifacts, fishing gear, and textiles over the floor of
some spaces. This sand encroachment would have
affected nearby fields and other sectors of the south
bank of the lower valley. According to Moseley and
colleagues (2008), this event is indirectly dated at
AD 600 through organic materials from two human
burials interred immediately after the event.
At Huaca Cao, El Brujo Complex in the lower
Chicama Valley (Figure 1), Franco and colleagues
(2003) reported evidence of pluvial events in several
sectors of buildings B, C, and D that they relate to
El Niño. This rainfall would have caused considerable
damage to the buildings leading residents to under-
take large remodeling works and even a change in
the theme of the mural of building C. According to
these authors, the sacrificed human bodies found at
the Ceremonial Plaza was related to an El Niño
event that took place following the abandonment of
building A (Franco et al. 2003: 171–172).
In the Moche Valley, at the site Huacas de Moche
(Figure 1), the building known as Huaca de la Luna
suffered the effects of strong rainfall that caused
erosion on the walls and clay plaster of this temple.
This rainfall also appears to be related to remodeling
and reconstruction of this building (Uceda 2001;
Uceda and Canziani 1993). On the other hand, the
remains of sacrificed human bodies found in the
Plaza 3A and Plaza 3C have been related to strong pre-
cipitations that caused deposition of silt, mud, and
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
aeolian sand under and over the sacrificed bodies
(Verano 2001). Based on the sediment characteristics
where these bodies were found, Bourget (2001) pro-
posed that at least two of the sacrificial events of the
Plaza 3A took place place during events of strong pre-
cipitation caused by El Niño. Although there are no
radiocarbon dates directly associated with the bodies
of Plaza 3A, it is known that the two plazas were
not contemporaneous. Plaza 3C preceded Plaza 3A,
the latter having been indirectly dated from an algar-
robo log from Platform II at AD 425–690 cal.
(Verano 2009). In Plaza 3C bodies were deposited
in two strata, under and atop the floor. There are
two radiocarbon dates for the bodies found atop the
floor obtained from cords found attached to some
of these bodies: AD 410–600 cal. and AD 460–
480 cal., with means of AD 530 cal. and AD
580 cal., respectively. For the bodies found under
the floor of the plaza, there are dates also obtained
from cords found attached to some bodies: AD 50–
230 cal. and AD 110–330 cal., with means of AD
120 and 230 cal.; these dates however, are among
the earliest dates obtained for this site (Verano
2009). On the other hand, at funerary sectors of
the Uhle Platform, next to Huaca de la Luna, archae-
ologists have identified funerary rituals that included
the inhumation and exhumation of bodies and
body parts. These rituals have also been related to
the occurrence of El Niño events, as inferred from
alluvial deposits found at the funerary structures of
this platform; these events would have been the
cause for these rituals (Gutiérrez 2008).
Evidence of El Niño on the Central Coast during
the Early Intermediate Period have also been recorded
in some sites of the Rímac and Lurín Valleys. In the
Maranga Complex, lower Rímac Valley, (Figures 1
and 2) evidence of El Niño has been documented at
the site of Huaca 20, which is discussed in detail in
the following sections. The site of Cajamarquilla is a
monumental site of the Late Lima Period (Figures 1
and 2), located on the south margin of middle
Rímac Valley. At the section called Conjunto Tello,
flood deposits that have been relatively dated as
Middle Horizon (Mogrovejo and Makowski 1999;
Mogrovejo and Segura 2000; Segura 2001). At
208
Volume 38, Number 2
Cajamarquilla, canals and some sort of reservoirs that
took water from the Quebrada Huaycoloro or
Jicamarca — when this quebrada brought water to
this site — have also been reported (Mogrovejo and
Segura 2000: 567). Catalina Huanca (or Vista
Alegre), is a site located at the south margin of the
middle Rímac Valley (Figures 1 and 2). This large
settlement of the Late Lima Period has been dated to
cal. AD 550–750 (Maquera and Esteban 2014).
Recent excavations at the Mound 6 and 7 have
shown dense pluvial sediments caused by strong pre-
cipitation. These deposits however, have been inter-
preted as after abandonment of the site but prior to
the entombment of intrusive human burials, this is,
between cal. AD 700 and 750. Although this interpret-
ation corresponds only to Mound 6, the researchers
propose a similar sequence of events for the rest of
the site (Maquera and Esteban 2014).
In the Lurín Valley, evidence of El Niño events can
be found at the site of Pachacamac (Figure 1), where
the construction of the first monumental buildings
(Templo Viejo, Templo de los Adobitos, Pirámide
Lima, Templo Pintado and the Piramide
Urpiwachac) is associated to the Lima culture
(Marcone 2000). At the Templo Viejo, at least two
occasions of strong precipitation seem to have led to
important remodeling works. Nevertheless, there is
no agreement about the chronology of these events.
Previously, it was proposed that the first event
occurred to the end of the EIP and the second
during the Middle Horizon (MH), which could
have caused the abandonment of the building
(Franco and Paredes 2000). More recently, Franco
and Paredes (2015) have proposed that the big El
Niño event of the EIP would have happened in the
third century AD.
Palacios et al. (2014), based on exploration of
middle sections of the Chillón and Rímac Valleys
propose that a pluvial period at the end of the EIP
was a key factor in the expansion of the Lima irriga-
tion system, as well as it was related to a change in
the settlement pattern, which included the reloca-
tion of monumental buildings and the concen-
tration of population in certain sectors of these
valleys.
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture

Figure 2. Map of the Lima

territory with the location of the
main settlement (adapted from
Patterson 1966).

Further south in the Ica Valley, at the basin of the strength of the river flow seems to have caused the
Samaca River (Figure 1), Beresford-Jones et al. (2009) abandonment of the alluvial terraces that during the
have reported evidence of a strong El Niño event EIP were used as agricultural fields surrounded by
dated to the EIP. Significant erosion caused by the algarrobo trees. According to the authors, a continued

209
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
anthropogenic process of deforestation that lasted
until the end of the Middle Horizon left this area
exposed to the strength of the south coastal winds;
all these factors contributed to the comprehensive
erosion and degradation of the land (Beresford-
Jones et al. 2009).
At the Río Grande de Nasca drainage (Figure 1),
bioarchaeological and DNA studies (Fehren-Schmitz
et al. 2014) have documented migration processes
of coastal local populations towards the upper valley
sections, beginning c. AD 640, when precipitation
levels seem to have declined, reaching a critical
point at c. AD 750, when a long arid phase would
have stablished (Rein 2007; Rein et al. 2004). This
study reports another migration, this time from the
highlands back to the lower valley around 1200 AD,
which coincides with a dry period in the southeast
highlands, the end of Wari and Tiwanaku, and an
improvement of the precipitation levels on the coast
(Fehren-Schmitz et al. 2014; Rein 2007; Rein et al.
2004).
Finally, at the Muerto River, middle Moquegua
Valley, Magilligan and Goldstein (2001) report allu-
vial deposits related to an extreme El Niño event
which would date at c. AD 690–700. This event
has been related to the establishment of Wari and
Tiwanaku settlements in this area, during the
seventh century, probably as a consequence of a dry
period that occurred in the southern highlands
around AD 600 (Goldstein and Magilligan 2011).
The Lima Culture and the Maranga
Complex
The Lima culture developed on the Central Coast of
Peru, mainly in the lower and middle areas of the
Chancay, Chillón, Rímac, and Lurín Valleys (Figure
2), between c. AD 200 and 750, a period that corre-
sponds to the end of the EIP and the start of the MH.
During this time, the Lima were contemporary with
other societies that flourished to the North, South
and East of the Central Coast such as the Moche,
Recuay, and Nasca, and during their final phases,
Lima was contemporary with Tiahuanaco and Wari.
210
Volume 38, Number 2
Based on the archaeological data — mostly cer-
amics —, it seems that the earlier Lima sites (Early
and Middle Lima Phases) were located in the north
part of the Lima area, particularly in the Chancay,
Ancón, and Chillón valleys. The later sites (Late
and Terminal Lima Phases) seem to have been devel-
oped in the Rímac and Lurín Valleys, but mainly in
the former. Nevertheless, recent studies are showing
more evidence of an earlier Lima occupation in the
southern area (e.g. Mac Kay and Santa Cruz 2000;
Makowski and Vallenas 2015; Marcone 2000;
Mauricio 2012).
Despite the fact that studies on the Lima culture
started more than 100 years ago (Uhle 1910), key
aspects of their sociopolitical organization are still dif-
ficult to assess due to the paucity of archaeological
investigation. Interpretations of the sociopolitical
system of the Lima range from the existence of a
state-level organization based on the Rímac Valley,
to competing independent polities, and on to a
power-holding dualistic (religious/secular) organiz-
ation (Earle 1972; Eeckhout 2003; Kaulicke 2000;
Marcone 2010; Patterson et al. 1982; Segura 2001;
Shady 1982). Even when the disperse and fragmen-
tary available information prevents our speaking
with confidence about the Lima organization, the
characteristics and chronology of the major Lima
sites indicate the presence of a complex and expansive
socio-economic system, based on agriculture. Among
these settlements, the Maranga Complex stands out as
a main center of power.
The Maranga Complex was the largest settlement
in the Rímac Valley during the Late and Terminal
Lima Phases (c. 500–750 AD). According to the evi-
dence, Lima people started the construction of this
complex, which was later occupied by the Ychsma
in the Late Intermediate Period. During the Lima
times, the Maranga Complex was composed of large
pyramids, domestic compounds, open plazas, pro-
duction areas, canals, circulation areas, and agricul-
tural fields. At least three major pyramids belong to
the Lima occupation of this complex: Huaca
Aramburú or San Marcos, Huaca Concha, and
Middendorf. Other minor pyramids such as Huaca
Potosí and Huaca 15 were located around the major
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
constructions along with more residential/productive
areas such as Huaca 20 (Canziani 1987; Jaime
1999; Lumbreras 2011).
Huaca 20: A Fishermen Compound
at the Maranga Complex
The site of Huaca 20 was part of the Maranga
Complex, between c. AD 550–750. This site is
located on the north bank of the lower Rímac Valley,
which is part of the modern city of Lima. The pre-
Hispanic occupation of this site has been extensively
recorded as a result of archaeological excavations sup-
ported by the Pontificia Universidad Católica del
Perú (PUCP) where this site is located and carried
out mainly by two groups of researchers. The first
one was led by Mercedes Cárdenas and the second
was guided by Luis Jaime Castillo (Mac Kay and
Santa Cruz 2000; Mauricio et al. 2009, 2015; Prieto
et al. 2008; Rengifo 2006; Rengifo et al. 2007).
This paper is based on the data from research
carried out between 2005 and 2009 (Figures 3 and
4), and from the study that was part of my master’s
thesis. All this research indicates that Huaca 20 was
originally established as the household of a fishing
community that went through several changes in its
functions after experiencing a severe El Niño event
at the end of the EIP. These occupations have been
divided into four phases that extend from the
second half of the EIP to the beginning of the MH
(Table 1) (Mauricio 2012; Mauricio et al. 2015). In
the following sections, I describe these phases and
their main characteristics.
The Middle Lima Phase
The few remains suggest a small occupation associated
with the late Middle Lima ceramics. This phase could
indicate an early beginning of the Lima occupation of
the Maranga Complex, something that has been
suggested for other Lima sites such as Pucllana and
Pachacamac (Lavallée 1966; Makowski and Vallenas
2015; Marcone 2000). This oldest phase corresponds
211
to the remains of stone and adobe walls with clay
floors found in a poor state of preservation.
The main characteristic of this phase is the presence
of ceramic sherds with decoration that corresponds to
some designs of phases 5 and 6 of Patterson’s
sequence; however, it is difficult to make a sequential
distinction between these two phases because they
were found together in some layers. This fact could
support the idea suggested by Patterson (1966: 37)
that these two phases were contemporaneous, since
he found fragments of Lima 5 and Lima 6 in Playa
Grande together in a single layer that overlaid
another layer with Lima 4 sherds.
The Middle Lima ceramic assemblage of Huaca 20
has been described in detailed elsewhere (Mauricio
2012, 2015a) but some examples include decorated
fragments of bottles and bowls that have Middle Lima
designs such the so-called “sun” and “smiling face or
“cara sonriente” (Goldhausen 2001). This design alter-
nates with concentric chevrons, the spaces in between
these designs are filled with white crosshatching
lines. This decoration was reported by Willey in his exca-
vations at Cerro Trinidad (Willey 1943: 150) (Figure 5).
Fragments with white crosshatching decoration were
also found in Late Lima deposits.
The ceramics belonging to this Middle Lima occu-
pation in Huaca 20 seem to indicate a transition
toward the Late Lima phase; several forms and
designs continued to be made with some slight vari-
ations or used some early designs on different kinds
of vessels. This fact, although problematic when
placing forms and designs into the Lima sequence,
is fairly logical because it expresses how subtle and
progressive some stylistic transformations can be.
Fourteen human burials were associated with the
architecture with Middle Lima ceramics (Mauricio
2012, 2015b). The majority of these burials were
extended bodies facing down, oriented south-north
with the head to the south. Judging from information
previously reported in sites such as Cerro Culebras or
Cerro de Trinidad, this would have been the predo-
minant burial pattern during the Middle Lima
phase. However, there were also two seated and two
flexed bodies that were associated with this first
phase. It is worth considering that the lateral flexed
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 38, Number 2

Figure 3. The area of the Huaca 20 site inside the campus of the PUCP.

position was a pattern of the Formative Period and the
Early Horizon. This pattern seems to survive during
the beginning of the Early Intermediate Period in
the burials found by Stothert in Villa El Salvador
(Stothert 1980); later in Huaca 20 until the
Terminal Lima phase, and in other sites in the
Rímac, Chillón, and Lurín Valleys. Only four
burials (two flexed and two extended downward-
facing bodies) had complete vessels as grave goods,
and one body had the base of an olla. During this
phase, extended bodies with the head to the south
were the most frequent cases.
Due to the poor preservation of evidence from this
phase, I can say little about the possible function of
Huaca 20 during this phase; a domestic use seems
very likely.
The Late Lima A Phase
This second phase is the best preserved and thus the
best documented. This phase was called Late Lima
A since corresponds to domestic and funerary con-
texts associated with ceramics of the Patterson’s
phases 7, 8, and 9. During this phase, Huaca 20

212
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture

Figure 4. Excavation units of the pre-2009 research at Huaca 20.

Table 1. Phases of occupation of Huaca 20 and its related supporting information (Adapted from Mauricio et al. 2015, based on the
ceramic sequence and radiocarbon dates from Mac Kay and Santa Cruz 2000, 2015).

Chronological Phases of Occupation of Associated Radiocarbon

Period Huaca 20 Funerary Phases Ceramic Phases Dates Use of the Site
Late Ychsma Human burials Late Middle Ychsma 1016–1215 A.D. Ceremonial
Intermediate Mound mound
Middle Horizon Terminal Lima Fourth Phase Lima 8, 690–780 A.D. Domestic?
9 + Nievería
Late Lima B Third Phase Lima 7, 8, 9 550–690 A.D. Funerary
(cemetery)
Early Late Lima A Second Phase Lima 7, 8, 9 Domestic
Intermediate Middle Lima? First Phase Lima 5, 6 ?–550 A.D. Domestic

Figure 5. Middle Lima ceramics (Mauricio 2012, 2015a).

213
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
seems to have been a domestic unit inhabited by
people engaged in maritime activities (fishing and
shellfish gathering). This interpretation is based on
the presence of a quite complete fishing assemblage
(fish hooks, net sinkers, etc.) and artifacts for proces-
sing marine species (knives, hammers, scrapers)
(Mauricio 2012; Prieto 2015) (Figures 6 and 7).
The set of lithic artifacts and fish hooks co-occurs
with the ichthyologic and shell assemblage recorded
in this site (Mauricio 2012; Mauricio et al. 2009)
and shows an almost exclusive exploitation of rocky
beaches, which is very characteristic of the Lima
littoral.
Twenty marine fish species and 33 marine invert-
ebrates have been identified at Huaca 20, the majority
of which were recovered from Late Lima deposits
(Mauricio 2012). The fishing gear and marine
species found in Huaca 20 were not the only features
Figure 6. Fishing artifacts found in Huaca 20 (Mauricio 2012).
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Volume 38, Number 2
of the total assemblage, but were the most common in
all the areas excavated between 2005 and 2008. The
evidence of activities other than fishing at Huaca 20
was meager (Mauricio 2012; Olivera 2015).
Possible ceramic production is indicated by hearths
with sherds, fragments of ceramics with fire defects
found in trash pits, stone polishers, and pigments.
This production would likely have been directed to
making domestic pieces for the internal consumption
of Huaca 20. Nevertheless, it seems that fishing was
the main and most important activity of the inhabi-
tants of this unit, as suggested by the diversity and
abundance of fishing gear and products. It is worth
mentioning that fishhooks were found in tombs exca-
vated in Huaca 15 (Parque de las Leyendas) (Jijón y
Caamaño 1949; Kroeber 1954) and Bajada Balta
(Kroeber 1954). However, only in Huaca 20 have
these tombs been associated with domestic contexts
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
containing fishing evidence. The presence of fish-
hooks in Late Lima male burials in the Rímac
Valley might also be a gender marker, since female
tombs generally had weaving implements such as
needles and spindle whorls. In any case, the evidence
of a population of fishermen and a fishing domestic
unit in Huaca 20 is undeniable.
Rostworowski (1978) makes an interesting obser-
vation about the population of Maranga reported in
colonial documents. During the Late Intermediate
Period, the polity known as señoríos de Ichma was
divided into several minor señoríos, one of which
215
Figure 7. Lithic artifacts found
in Huaca 20 (Mauricio 2012).
was Maranga or Malanca. According to the docu-
ments, the Maranga people were known for being
expert fishermen who supplied the Valley with sea
products. In contrast, the Collique señorío was a
farming community that was reported to have
exchange relationships with Maranga. Rostworowski
also mentions that early chroniclers who reported
on the Lima señoríos noted that the Lima littoral
had well-organized roads that connected beaches
with sites. In these colonial accounts, local people
interviewed by the Spaniards mentioned that these
populations had been performing these activities for
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
generations, so far back in time that they could not
say when that tradition started.
Huaca 20 might have been part of a larger area that
encompassed minor structures such as dwellings or
workshops for artisans and fishermen. So far, the
arrangement of these minor units is not well under-
stood, but structures similar to Huaca 20 have been
reported near Aramburú or Huaca San Marcos
(Shady and Narváez 2000), and some buildings in
the Parque de las Leyendas (Tello 1999). This
might indicate that major buildings were surrounded
by minor units. This would differ from patterns seen
at other complexes such as Huacas de Moche, Pampa
Grande, Pacatnamú or Chan Chan where these minor
units were concentrated in specific areas apart from
the temples or major buildings. However, we need a
better understanding of the internal structure of the
Maranga Complex at Lima times to make a clearer
interpretation of its internal dynamics.
The Late Lima ceramic assemblage of Huaca 20
corresponds correspond to the designs of Lima 7, 8,
and 9 phases (Patterson 1966). The Late Lima
phase ceramics has been previously described
(Mauricio 2012, 2015a). Figure 8 shows some of
the most common shapes and decorations.
Nineteen tombs were found associated with the Late
Lima A domestic architecture of Huaca 20. As in the
previous phase, the majority of these tombs held
extended bodies facing down or up, oriented with the
head to the south. However, there were some cases of
tombs with bodies in seated positions. Burials of the
Late Lima A phase were entombed when Huaca 20
was used as a domestic unit; the ceramic vessels associ-
ated with these contexts are Late Lima.
The Late Lima B phase
The record of El Niño in Huaca 20. Around AD
600, during the Late Lima A phase, the domestic
activities of the inhabitants of this site were altered
by heavy rainfall and flood episodes that washed
away a large area of this site. A wide channel (∼10
m) was opened by flooding episodes that brought
deposits to the site (Figure 9). Poorly sorted
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Volume 38, Number 2
boulders, cobbles, pebbles, gray sand, and fine
greenish and brownish sediments constitute the
evidence for this flood. It is not clear yet if these
sediments correspond to an overflow of the Rímac
River or to an overflow of irrigation canals located
around and inside Maranga. Despite the broad
damage caused by this flood, the inhabitants of
Huaca 20 tried to keep the site functioning and
reconstructed the affected areas. However, a second
flood impacted this site (Figure 10). These events of
floods and architectural reconstruction are evidenced
on the north profile of Area 3 (Profile 2) (Figure
11). On this profile it is possible to see the alluvial
deposits, the architectural reconstruction of the Late
Lima A phase and the second flood event.
The Cemetery of Huaca 20 (the Late Lima B
phase). The north profile of Area 3 shows greyish
deposits over the alluvial sediments, a mix of mud
and cobbles characteristic of alluvial deposits (Figure
11). The presence of this deposit over the alluvial
sediments had an anthropogenic nature, an artificial
fill placed in the flood channel to close it. This
artificial fill marked what I have called the Late
Lima B phase of Huaca 20, which corresponds to a
funerary phase (Mauricio 2012, 2015b).
This phase had the largest concentration of tombs:
158 human burials were associated with this phase.
Due to the significant number of burials, I refer to
this as the Late Lima B phase of Huaca 20. These
burials were not associated with any domestic occu-
pation. On the contrary, these tombs were cut into
the walls and floors of the architecture of the previous
phases (Figure 12). While all these burials were intru-
sive, they clearly belonged to the Late Lima Period,
based on the ceramics associated with them.
Based on the number of burials associated with the
Late Lima B phase and because many burials
destroyed walls and floors of the Late Lima A occu-
pation, I consider this to have been the moment
when Huaca 20 became a cemetery. This funerary
phase occurred after the heavy flood that severely
affected a large part of the domestic occupation of
the Late Lima A phase.
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
An analysis of the burials suggests that there was a
certain order in the use of the space of the cemetery.
This pattern was not expressed by the position, orien-
tation, or sex of the individuals, but rather by the cer-
amics associated with the burials. This distribution
does not apply for all the burials of this phase, but
individuals holding certain kinds of vessels predomi-
nated in specific parts of this site.
In general, and according to the ceramics, it can be
said that burials holding vessels made of fine orange
or red clay, with polished surfaces and/or painted dec-
oration were mostly located in the northwest zone of
217
Figure 8. Examples of Late Lima
ceramics found in Huaca 20
(Mauricio 2012, 2015a).
Huaca 20 (Areas 4, 5, and the Domestic Area; Figure
4). Brown pots with narrow mouths, broken flattened
horizontal handles and small orange bowls with wide
mouths were found mostly in the northeast zone of
Huaca 20 (Area 3); these pieces were found together
with flexed individuals lying on their sides or with
seated individuals. The same kind of pots with flattened
handles but made of orange clay were found mainly in
the south-central and southeast zones (Areas 1, 9, and
10). In general, there was a concentration of burials
with rough and thick orange-clay vessels in these
zones; the majority of the burials were extended
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
Figure 9. Flood channel recorded in the central sector of Huaca
20 (Mauricio 2012, 2015b).
Figure 10. Late Lima domestic architecture affected by El Niño
floods (Mauricio 2012).
bodies lying on their backs or facing down. In contrast,
the southwestern zone (Area 6 and south of the
Domestic Area) was characterized by extended and
flexed bodies with no associated vessels. Several bodies
in Area 6 were found facing down with the lower extre-
mities lifted up or missing parts.
During this phase, there was also an increase in
flexed seated burials, mainly on the northwest side.
If the division in the use of the space in Huaca 20
indicates family or family/ethnic groups, it is interest-
ing that these groups are not associated with any other
kind of goods. In other words, these groups or sectors
held only different kinds of ceramic vessels. Other
artifacts such as fishhooks, spindle whorls, polishers,
218
Volume 38, Number 2
fishing stone weights, or scaling tools were not associ-
ated exclusively with any particular sector of Huaca
20. I can only say that in almost all cases fishhooks
and fishing weights were associated with males,
while spindle whorls were found with females. Only
tombs T241 and T248 contained fishhooks and
spindle whorls together in the same burial; all these
were females’ tombs.
Fragments of the blue mineral dumortierite appear
during Late Lima A, found in 50% of the burials
associated with females and 25% with children and
infants. Almost all of these burials were located in
the northwest part of Huaca 20 (Areas 4, 5, and the
Domestic Area). Tomb T333 contained a young
male buried with two obsidian flakes and two stone
corncobs or illas (Figure 13). Considering all tombs
uncovered between 2005 and 2008, burials with
dumortierite and tomb T333 could represent high-
land influence or presence in Huaca 20. Coastal-high-
land interactions have been previously proposed.
There is evidence of minor Lima settlements and/or
interaction with populations in the middle and
upper valleys; this is the case for the Huancayo Alto
site (Dillehay 1979), Trapiche, Cocayalta (Paredes
1993), Chaclla, and Collacta (Cárdenas 1975). The
data from Huaca 20 are the first published from the
Rímac area that would show interaction with and
presence of highland and/or chaupiyunga (middle
valley) inhabitants in the lower valley. This presence
coincides with Period III (AD 540 to 900) in
Huancayo Alto, when highland groups seem to have
exerted greater influence in the social dynamics of
this area toward the end of the Early Intermediate
Period (Dillehay 1979: 26).
Excavations at Huaca 20 led by Mac Kay and Santa
Cruz (2000) recorded a number of burials
accompanied by conopas (miniature representations
of camelids) made of clay and stone, commonly
associated with highland traditions. Our excavations
did not report conopas as part of the grave goods,
and only a few were recorded within the architectural
fills. Conversely, Mac Kay and Santa Cruz did not
report tombs with fishhooks, as Pinilla (1985) and I
reported in the Parque de las Leyendas and in
Huaca 20, respectively.
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture

Figure 11. North profile of Area 3 showing evidence of El Niño floods and architectural remodeling (Mauricio 2012, 2015b).

Finally, the fact that both phases Late Lima A and
B show mostly the same ceramic assemblage indicates
that changes in the use of the site were very dynamic
and continuous in time, perhaps occurring in a rela-
tively short time span.
newborns, infants, human body parts, conopas, and
large vessels, marking the beginning of a new
occupational phase that I called Terminal Lima

The Terminal Lima Phase. After the funerary phase,

which seems to have been relatively short, a layer of
offerings was deposited in the north part of Huaca
20 (Area Domestica and Area 3), composed of

Figure 12. Late Lima B burial pits cutting through Late Lima A Figure 13. Late Lima B tomb with fish hooks, obsidian, and
architecture. illas as grave goods (Mauricio 2015b).

219
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
(Figure 14). The architecture of the Terminal Lima
phase was built over this horizon. Walls were made
of adobe bricks, stones, and mud. The northerly
orientation of the structures was the same, possibly
indicating a continuation of the Lima standards.
However, despite this similarity with the Late Lima
A architecture, the Terminal architecture was
different. For example, rooms were larger, with walls
composed of two or three rows of adobes, which in
general were more homogeneous than those used in
previous phases (Figure 15).
Little can be said about the internal dynamics of
this phase since most of the excavations carried out
between 2005 and 2008 found only a small amount
of Terminal Lima architecture, compared to the
Late Lima A phase, for example. Few organic
Figure 14. Offerings related to the Terminal Lima phase
(Mauricio 2012, 2015b).
Figure 15. Terminal Lima architecture in Huaca 20 (Mauricio
2012).
220
Volume 38, Number 2
remains were found in these deposits. Fewer stones
sinkers were found in this phase, all of them in archi-
tectural fills. Few of the tombs had sinkers or fish-
hooks associated with the bodies. The data indicate
that Huaca 20 was no longer inhabited by a fishing
group as it was before. The complex architecture of
this phase includes the construction of a monumental
trapezoidal wall (Figure 16) whose dimensions seem
to indicate that it served not only as a delimitation
structure but also as a defensive one. The most abun-
dant ceramics were Lima 8 and 9 (Mauricio 2012,
2015a); however, the most relevant characteristic of
this phase is the presence of the Nievería style along
with Lima 8 and 9 ceramics in funerary and architec-
tural contexts (Figures 17 and 18) (Fernandini 2015;
Mauricio 2012, 2015b). This fact indicates very
important social changes transpiring during this
time, I will discuss this in the following sections.
Terminal Lima was the last phase where traces of
the Lima have been documented. In the absence of
radiocarbon dates, it is not possible to establish the
beginning and duration of this phase, but the pres-
ence of the Nievería style puts it around the Middle
Horizon IA (Fernandini 2015; Kaulicke 2000;
Menzel 1964; Shady 1982).
Discussion
Social Dynamics in Huaca 20 and the
Maranga Complex
To discuss the social response of a pre-Hispanic
culture to catastrophic natural phenomena, a central
objective in this article is to assess the hypothesis of
the abandonment of some of the most important
Lima culture sites of the lower Rímac and Lurín
Valleys after the El Niño event or events (Shimada
et al. 1991). Therefore, the information from
Huaca 20 is extremely valuable. Excavations carried
out in Huaca 20 have recorded the whole pre-
Columbian occupation of this site, from a possible
Middle Lima occupation during the EIP to an
Ychsma phase during the LIP (Mac Kay and Santa
Cruz 2015). The analysis of the stratigraphic
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
Figure 16. Monumental clay wall of the Terminal Lima phase recorded on the north sector of Huaca 20 (Olivera 2015).
sequence, the ceramic sequence, and the associated
contexts indicate that Huaca 20 was never aban-
doned, even after El Niño affected the site. The
data show that this site was continuously in use for
a considerable period of time (until c. AD 750, in
the Middle Horizon), and it experienced a series of
important internal transformations after El Niño.
When El Niño floods hit Huaca 20, the architecture
was affected as well as were the fishing activities. So
Figure 17. Terminal Lima tombs containing Late Lima and
Nievería ceramics (Mauricio 2012, 2015b).
221
far, it is not possible to say why Huaca 20 became a
cemetery (Late Lima B phase) and then a zone with
a more complex architecture than in previous phases
(Terminal Lima phase). Nevertheless, even when cor-
relation is hard to demonstrate from the archeological
record (Sandweiss and Quilter 2012), the data from
Huaca 20 support a simultaneous occurrence of El
Niño floods during the household phase of this site.
and suggest a likely correlation of the described
events based on all the data in which the sequence
of occupation is based.
I propose that the transformations of the site mirror
changes on the interior of the Maranga Complex (of
which Huaca 20 was a minor unit), and therefore,
on the social, economic, and political structure of
the Lima culture. This study shows that after the El
Niño event, the Maranga Complex went through
important social, political, and economic changes
that are visible, for example, in the changes of its
internal configuration, new funerary patterns, and
the appearance of the Nievería style, all of which
characterize the Terminal Lima phase.
The construction of more complex architecture
associated with Nievería ceramics in Huaca 20 is a
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
key factor for assessing the effects of this El Niño
event and the social responses of the Huaca 20
people, the Maranga Complex, and the whole Lima
organization. In opposition to the view that we can
have about a site that has been affected by floods,
plagues, food shortage, among other effects of a
very strong El Niño, the recovery of Huaca 20
seems to have been fast, without an abandonment
period. The new configuration of Huaca 20 during
the Terminal Lima (c. AD 700) shows that the
Maranga Complex kept active and that it experienced
an economic improvement in the units attached to
the main pyramids like Huaca 20. Was this the
same circumstance at other Lima settlements directly
or indirectly affected by El Niño? Or, is this a view
from a main economic and political center that had
a privileged position?
If we compare the Huaca 20 data with the evidence
reported in other Late Lima sites of the Rímac and
Lurín Valleys, the similarities are evident in the
chronology ( post AD 600 sites), the ceramics, and
changes in the internal structures. It seems very unli-
kely that Huaca 20 represents an isolated case of a
continued occupation of a Late Lima site when the
same ceramic assemblage is present in all other sites.
Moreover, the Nievería style has also been reported
at other sites of the Rímac and Lurín Valleys in associ-
ation with Late Lima pieces (Gayton 1927; Jijón y
222
Volume 38, Number 2
Figure 18. Terminal Lima
ceramics (Mauricio 2012, 2015a).
Caamaño 1949; Kaulicke 2000; Kroeber 1954; Mac
Kay 2007; Mac Kay and Santa Cruz 2000;
Marcone 2000; Mogrovejo and Segura 2000; Segura
2001, 2004; Shady and Narváez 2000). It is here
that the data from Huaca 20 become relevant to
understanding the end of the Lima Culture. Huaca
20 has domestic and funerary contexts in stratigraphic
sequence depicting a very dynamic story of site occu-
pation. If changes in Huaca 20 reflect changes in the
Maranga Complex, it is expected that other Late Lima
sites were going through the same kind of reorganiz-
ation process.
At this point it is very illustrative to compare the
end of the EIP in Rímac to other coastal societies of
this period.
El Niño and the Early Intermediate Period
To analyze the social and cultural responses of pre-
Hispanic populations to catastrophic phenomena
(Goldstein and Magilligan 2011; Sandweiss and
Quilter 2012; van Buren 2001), I examine here infor-
mation from several coastal settlements, focusing on
the second half of the EIP. Paleoclimatic records
obtained in geological and archaeological deposits of
the Peruvian coast seem to indicate that the EIP, par-
ticularly between AD 500 and 700 cal., was a period
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
of strong El Niño activity (Rein 2007; Rein et al.
2004, 2005).
As mentioned above, the archaeological record
shows plenty information of major El Niño event
— or events — that transpired around this time
(Beresford-Jones et al. 2009; Goepfert et al. 2016;
Kaulicke 1993; Magilligan and Goldstein 2001;
Maquera and Esteban 2014; Moseley et al. 2008;
Shimada 1994; Uceda and Canziani 1993; see
above more). It is likely that the difference in the
reported dates is due to the presence of more than
one event between AD 500 and 700 cal., and the
still low number of research and radiocarbon chronol-
ogies. Based on these data, here I assume the occur-
rence of one or more strong El Niño events by
c. AD 600, that affected almost the entire Peruvian
coast. Even if the event documented at Huaca 20
was not the same one that affected the other coastal
areas, the data represent evidence of the same kind
of natural phenomenon impacting contemporary cul-
tures (EIP-MH) located along the Peruvian coast.
Therefore, I maintain that a comparison among
these cases it is a valid and helpful methodological
exercise to assess the hypothesis of social collapse in
the EIP and to recognize diverse social responses to
this particular natural phenomenon.
The evidence indicates that several sites affected by
El Niño events not only continued their occupation
until at least AD 800 cal., but many experienced sig-
nificant changes in their configuration, while other
important settlements were built and used between
c. AD 600 and 800. In order to assess post-El Niño
scenarios, I compare the Lima case with information
from Moche sites, due the high amount of available
information on this culture . Data indicate that in
Alto Piura, after the second El Niño event, mounds
went through an architectural formalization process,
the introduction of specialized activities, and the con-
struction of possible water reservoirs. In Lambayeque,
Pampa Grande began its occupation c. AD 650
(Shimada 1994). Towards the south, in
Jequetepeque, several sites in the lower valley seem
to have been active until c. AD 750 (Swenson
2004), while other sites such as San Jose de Moro
and Cerro Chepén had a Moche presence even after
223
c. AD 800 (Castillo 2010). The post AD 600
period is also marked by the appearance of foreign
ceramic styles from the highlands and south coast.
In contrast, Dos Cabezas is abandoned shortly after
c. AD 600 (Moseley et al. 2008), as seems to have
been the case for the southern part of the
Jequetepeque Valley during Moche times. Research
at the El Brujo Complex indicates that Huaca Cao
had a Moche occupation until c. AD 800, going
through several remodeling works after the impact
of El Niño in AD 600. (Franco et al. 2003).
At the site of Huacas de Moche, research has
demonstrated that the Moche inhabited this settle-
ment until AD 850 cal. (Uceda 2010). However,
after AD 600 cal. this site underwent major internal
transformations, as the Huaca de la Luna temple
was closed and a new and much smaller temple was
built, depicting new iconography that introduced
new gods to the Moche pantheon related to the
female divinity and the worship of the moon.
Uceda et al. (2017) has interpreted these data as the
collapse of the old Moche’s theocratic system.
Likewise, the urban area experienced a dramatic
change after AD 600, with the construction of
specialized areas (workshops, storage), a more formal
organization (creation of architectural blocks), an
increase of the number offerings placed in graves, a
greater presence of metal objects, and a proliferation
of chamber tombs (Uceda et al. 2017). Contrary to
previous ideas (Bawden 1996; Moseley and
Feldman 1982), this site was not abandoned at
c. AD 600 in favor of the construction of Galindo.
Moreover, recent research at Galindo demonstrates
that this site was occupied between c. AD 600 and
800; it was at some point, contemporaneous with
Huacas de Moche (Lockart 2009).
Interestingly, a recent review of radiocarbon dates
from various Moche sites by Koons and Alex
(2014) shows that the sites of Licapa, Cerro Mayal,
and Guadalupito began their use c. AD 650. These
authors, using absolute dates, state that the Moche
tradition would have developed between AD 200
and 900 cal. and not between c. 1–800 AD, as it
was proposed; they also state that before cal. AD
600 several archaeological sites used local Moche
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
ceramics and it is only after cal. AD 600–650 that the
Moche IV, V, and Late Moche styles were adopted
over all the Moche territory, which coincides with
more complex social relationships of interregional
scale (Koons and Alex 2014).
These data present a very dynamic landscape on the
north coast between AD 600 and 800, where El Niño
was one among several important events. The period
after AD 600 was characterized by important social
transformations of the Moche society, whose nature
is still little understood. Nevertheless, far from collap-
sing, the Moche resilience was expressed in multiple
ways that included expansion and contraction scen-
arios, and changes of the power holders. The available
information for the Lima Valleys is considerably less.
We already know that Huaca 20 and the Maranga
Complex continued as active until c. AD 750. In
Huaca 20, shortly after El Niño, more resources were
invested, the architecture became more complex, and
a new ceramic style appeared. On the other hand,
sites such as Cajamarquilla were built including large
storage facilities (c. AD 600–750). Palacios et al.
(2014) state that during the Late Lima Period, the
Middle Lima irrigation systems of the Chillón and
Rímac Valleys were expanded and became more
formal, which in turn caused a new settlement
pattern and the construction of Late Lima monumen-
tal sites in these valleys. According to these authors, the
effects of El Niño would have triggered these changes.
This same idea of expansion and formalization of the
Lima organization during the Late Lima Period is
developed by Makowski and Vallenas (2015) based
on evidence from Pachacamac. For these authors,
even when there is a domestic Middle Lima occupation
of Pachacamac, it was only during the Late Lima
Period when the first monumental buildings were con-
structed, which would correspond with the expansion
of a multi-valley state. All these data show a process
of change, reformulation, and expansion of the Lima
political entity, which probably started during the
Middle Lima but it consolidated only during the
Late and Terminal Lima Periods, specifically after the
seventh century.
Based on information presented here, I propose
that the Lima organization not only was able to
224
Volume 38, Number 2
cope with this catastrophic phenomenon, but likely
could take advantage of this moment of environ-
mental stress. More water in the desert (e.g. higher
river flows and ground water levels) would have
played an important role in a population nucleation
in larger settlements and the expansion and consoli-
dation of the Lima political entity, based on the
expansion of the agricultural system. A key factor in
this period of expansion and consolidation of the
Lima is the appearance of the Nievería style in
burials and elite contexts (e.g. Maranga), along with
a more visible presence/influence of the highland or
upper valleys. Was this a consequence of the incorpor-
ation of new territories or alliances that helped to
achieve this expansion? Although the nature of these
transformations is still hard to unveil, I propose this
scenario to be taken as a working hypothesis for the
Lima culture.
It is very clear that around AD 600 a series of
important events significantly changed several
coastal EIP societies. Strong El Niño events were
among several factors that influenced these social
changes, depending on their particular social
context (Roscoe 2008; Goldstein and Magilligan
2011). These cultural responses should be understood
within the particular social, political, and economic
contexts of each society. I also consider that the
period between cal. AD 800 and 1200 with no
river flood sediments detected on the Lima littoral
(related to a very low incidence of flooding) (Rein
2007, Rein et al. 2004) could have been a very impor-
tant factor in the end of the coastal cultures of the
EIP. This process could have started even before
AD 800 but its intensification could have happened
around this time (Fehren-Schmitz et al. 2014).
Available radiocarbon dates show a dramatic decline
at several main coastal settlements around this time.
Conclusions
Recent studies focused on the impacts of El Niño epi-
sodes have called attention to the need for local
studies that take into account the particular character-
istics of each coastal valley to assess the impacts and
Mauricio: Reassessing the Impact of El Niño at the End of the Early Intermediate Period from the Perspective of the Lima Culture
frequency of these events, since not all parts of the
Peruvian coast are equally affected by this phenom-
enon (Billman and Huckleberry 2008; Goldstein
and Magilligan 2012; Moseley and Keefer 2008;
Pozorski and Pozorski 2003). In addition, archaeolo-
gical studies on catastrophism and human-environ-
ment interactions should favor long term historic
and holistic perspectives to shed light on the role of
natural phenomena and human agency in cultural
continuity and change (Balée 1998, 2006; Crumley
1994; Hoffman and Oliver-Smith 1999; Moore
1991; Moseley 1999; Tainter 2006).
As I have shown, the approach taken in the study of
Huaca 20 makes this a particularly well-suited site to
study the impact of El Niño on EIP populations of
the Central Coast. Huaca 20 was severely affected
by strong floods and rainfall as consequence of one
or more very strong El Niño events. Although El
Niño did cause an important impact on Huaca 20
and other Lima settlements, Huaca 20 and the
Maranga Complex were never abandoned. The data
show that the Lima occupation of this site was very
dynamic and constant over time. The internal trans-
formation of Huaca 20 mirrored changes in the
internal organization of the Maranga Complex,
which could have been part of a series of strategies
directed to cope with and/or adapt to this period of
social and environmental stress (Oliver-Smith
2013). The similarity of the ceramic assemblage of
Huaca 20 to that of other Late Lima sites suggests
that the main settlements of the Rímac and Lurín
Valleys were contemporaneous. This fact would indi-
cate that other sites could have gone through similar
processes as the Huaca 20 Maranga Complex. That
is, other settlements could have experienced process
of reorganization, including closure or even relocation
of some sectors (Mauricio 2014).
The extraordinary El Niño episode(s) of c. AD 600
(Rein 2007) would also have represented an opportu-
nity to take advantage of water surplus and faunal and
plant resources, not easily available in the Peruvian
desert, which, in the case of the Lima, could have
favored the expansion of irrigation systems. I
propose that the post AD 600 Lima sociopolitical
scenario cannot be fully understood without
225
considering the occurrences of El Niño in the
history of the main settlements.
Finally, I believe that the development and flour-
ishing of the cultures of the EIP can be better under-
stood if we include changes in the frequency of El
Niño during this period; likewise, their descents
should be assessed considering the likelihood of a
dry phase between cal. AD 800 and1200 (associated
with a dramatic decrease in the frequency of El
Niño episodes). Although we are still far from fully
understanding what causes the critical social trans-
formations that transpired between c. AD 600 and
800 on the Peruvian coast, excluding the effects of
environmental constraints in this effort would be a
mistake. It is well established in the anthropological
literature that disasters can accelerate changes that
were underway even before occurrence of such
events (Hoffman 1999; Hoffman and Oliver-Smith
1999; Oliver-Smith 1996); here the potential of
archaeological research to examine long-term
human-environment interactions can provide an
enlightened view of cultural change.
Data discussed here are proposed to contribute to a
working hypothesis that should be employed with
further research and the construction of an absolute
chronology for the Lima occupation of the central
coast valleys.
Notes
1 During the 2017 austral summer, the coast of Peru
and part of the southern coast of Ecuador experi-
enced an unusual El Niño that was called El Niño
Costero by the local experts, in reference to the
local origin of the phenomenon. This was not a
typical ENSO, as it did not originate by a disruption
of the Southern Oscillation but as a local warming of
the ocean waters off the Peruvian north coast.
Although the origin of El Niño Costero is different,
the effects are very similar to those of global ENSO
events.
2 These dates are based on the radiocarbon dates
obtained by Mac Kay and Santa Cruz (2000)
during the excavations carried out in the site
between 1999 and 2000. A more detailed chronol-
ogy of the site is discussed in Mauricio et al. (2015).
 Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
3 For a more detailed review of the natural and cultural
archives of El Niño in Peru see Sandweiss et al.
(2001, 2007).
4 More recent publications on pre-Columbian El
Niño events include Beresford-Jones et al. 2015,
Caramanica et al. 2017, and Nesbitt 2016.
5 This is a 2σ calibration using Calib Rev 7.0.4 made
by the author.
ORCID
Ana Cecilia Mauricio http://orcid.org/0000-0002-
7293-6233
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