The Interface between Tradition and Modernity in Naga Society:

A Critique from Gender Perspective

PurlemlaLongkumer and Humayun Bokth

Dept. of Sociology, Assam University, Silchar788 011

E-mail: Purlemla2017@gmail.com

KEYWORDS CustomaryLaws.Position.Status.Social Relationship.Naga Women

ABSTRACTThis paper questions to what extent do modern beliefs have an impact on the
traditional values concerning the status of Naga women. Nagaland entered the modern era owing
to the contact with the British administrators, Christian missionaries and the attainment of
statehood. It was believed that the ushering of the modern era would uplift Naga women,
however the traditional values were kept much intact, which hinders the opportunities promised
by modernity. The interface of tradition and modernity is examined to highlight the incorporation
of traditional practices, which hinders Naga women to exploit their potentials. A detailed enquiry
through the prevailing customary laws and case studies conducted on the experiences of women
provides an interesting account as to why Naga women are yet to achieve a status as par with
Naga man. Such constraints can be traced to the ideologies, which glorified the Naga man and
thereby occupy a secondary position to males till today.

INTRODUCTION

An important phenomenon considered to be a decisive factor for all round development is

modernity. The term modernity in this paper is used in the post enlightenment term that provides
possibilities and alternatives for the welfare of the individual. Modernity provides access to
uniformity that assures equality for all citizens. To understand the meaning of modernity, the
analysis given by Gupta (2000) will be followed, who sees modernity as an attitude that comes to
play in a social relationship and demands a baseline of similarities to avail equal opportunities.
While the experience of modernity differs from one society to another, less is known concerning
the experiences of women who are bound by tradition. To understand what tradition is, in many
literatures, it has been conceptualised as opposite to modernity. What must be understood is that,

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tradition is a way of life of the people legitimated and rationalisez over the years and passed
through generations. Inherent in the tradition lays the tendency to extract loyalties among its
members to abide by it. Similarly, Ao (2019) in her studies reaffirms how tradition has regulated
the life patterns, which is a source of people’s literature, customs, religion and history. It does
impose responsibility among the community members to revere and live by the ethics. Taking
this background of modernity and tradition into consideration, a shift will be taken towards Naga
society experience of this interface. Such a critical study will bring to the arena Naga women
lives and experiences in a society marked by a system of privileges accorded on the basis of
gender. What is known about Naga society is that, Nagas came into contact with the modern
culture during the colonial rule and over the years has experienced a conflict of modern values
with the traditional practices. The overlooking of this phenomenon will help to understand the
contemporary Naga society and the experiences of the women folks in a better way.

The presence of modernity is reflected by the indicators such that, Nagaland recorded the lowest
crime rate against women in 2016 according to the National Crime records bureau, government
of India. In addition to this, Nagaland’s sex ratio stands at 965 per one thousand males, which is
the second highest in the country after Arunachal Pradesh according to the 2018 report on vital
statics of India based on the civil registration system. Such indicators do highlight that Naga
women are on a high pedestal as compared to the women in the rest of the country .However,
such indicators cannot be considered to paint a high position of Naga women. While there are
many unreported violence incidents, women faced hardship in asserting her individuality owing
to the strong presence of cultural tradition. Beauvior (1949) also rightly affirms how violence
does not always mean physical violence, but it does include the social customs and the traditional
practices, which prevent women their full expression. Although, a range of possibilities and
alternatives has been provided by modernity, the continuity of traditional cultural practices
makes the incorporation difficult. The strong presence of unequal social relations between the
genders is seen in the various role expectations and role-playing. In one of the field experiences
that the researcher has encountered, the researcher was told by a respondent how Naga women
status is far superior to the mainland Indian women, whereby, the practice of dowry system,
female infanticide was unknown. The respondent thus concluded that since such practiceswere
not to be found, the status of Naga women were better. However, the respondent did not assert

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that Naga men and women have the same social standing. What disadvantagedwomen was in
matters of inheritance of property and the denial of women’s entry in the village council, which
is the sole administration in every Naga village. Such existing ushering inequalities can be traced
to the customs and conventions rooted in the traditional structure and many at times, these
practices positioned women as a subordinate, negating equal opportunities for development.
Taking the experiences of Naga women into consideration, women are unable to access the
opportunities provided by modern values and find a low social status. The traditional cultural
setting and the kinship structures restrict mobility. It has been observed that, status has been
defined as a phenomenon, which emerges from social organisation through a process of
differentiation rather than as an outgrowth of any intrinsic or natural characteristic of person.
(Badal 2009:17). Traditional structures appear to be one of the most powerful in determining a
person’s status such that women’s subordination is sustained through the kinship structure.

Objectives of the Study

This paper attempts to understand:

a. The experiences of Naga women as a result of interface between tradition and modernity
in Naga society is to be examined thoroughly.
b. To analyse the various cultural traditions and ideologies as to why Naga women cannot
exploit their potentialities is discussed.

Conceptual Framework

Before discussing the various interfaces, it is important to understand what tradition and
modernity is. A flood of literature on the discussion of tradition and modernity emerged among
various academicians and scholars with diverse viewpoints. However, the main central theme is
that modernity represents an attitude that governs social relationships. Such attributes that guide
a social relationship include universality, accountability, rationality and commitment to a
scientific worldview. It demands a line that people live with equality and dignity (Gupta 2000:
2). Traditions are the various socio-cultural practices rooted in customs and conventions. A
tradition is particularistic and internal to a society and differs for various communities and

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groups. On this account, the researchers differentiate tradition from modernity, the former being
particularistic, and discriminatory, which stands against the latter, that calls for equality.

An analysis of the contemporary society reveals that both tradition and modernity are in
continuity and old tradition and beliefs have not been completely displaced by modernisation.
Such findings are recorded in the work of Singh (1986), who stated that modernity, in case of the
Indian society, is an adaptive process rather than structural, and many traditional institutions got
reinforced. Rudolph and Rudolph (1967) also stated that modernity entered into the Indian
character through assimilation and not replacement of traditional institutions. For Giddens (1991)
modernity represents a break from traditional order and creates greater choice than that of
traditional culture. As tradition loses hold, daily life is reconstituted and individuals are forced to
negotiate lifestyle choices. Elwin (1961) who made an analysis of the social life of the Nagas,
finds the continuation of the traditional customary laws, which are rationalised in the modern
legal system, thereby, settle disputes according to the customary laws.

According to the feminist liberal theory by Baehr(2018), equal participation is the goal of women
in society and she traced the barrier of women’s integration to the existing male domination of
cultural, political and economic values and the patriarchal traditions. Modernity seems to
enhance status and self-respect and gives women a sense of achievement and opportunities.
However, the backwardness of women, which is still present, is traced to the continuity of the
irrelevant traditional practices whereby, the traditional values positioned women as homemakers
and reproducers.
Thus, one finds contradictions, as there occurs a dualism between traditions and modernity. As
far as the questions of women are concerned, such interface presents a dual character of
circumscribing to the traditional values and expectation while carrying out their aspiration.
Modernity, on one hand, rejects the strict cultural tradition. However, one finds enforcement and
continuation of old age practices. What can be seen in the experience of Indian women and Naga
women in particular is that, exposure to modernity deviates from the modern paradigm.

Literature Review on Interface of Tradition and Modernity

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According to the various literature surveys being carried out, it has been observed that, a number
of academicians have discussed and debated on the issue of tradition, modernity and women.
One such can be found in the works of Tiwari (2002) who analysed the role played by tradition
in the modern era in determining the status of women. Tradition implies a sense of continuity and
changelessness, modernity means the state of being modern equated with development and
progress, depicting a set of binary opposite between the two. In her analysis, it was found how
modernity at the structural level created scope and avenues of job opportunities, however, at the
attitudinal level it failed especially in addressing the problems of gender roles and identities. A
few other studies highlight the women and their experiences. Findings of Ghadially (1998) also
throws light on the issues of tradition and modernity whereby, the low status of women has been
traced to the pattern of development, which has been superimposed on a pre-existing system
where social structures disfavour women. Women live in social and legal reality and though
progress has been made in the legal structure, yet, the social realities such as myths, customs, and
values shaping the perceptions towards women are fossilised for any significant change in
transforming women’s lives.

Literature Review on Women

In the findings of Goswami (1981) it is stated that, women are judged by the total output of her
contribution in agriculture. The domains of man in political arenas depicting strong patriarchal
tradition was discussed by Imchen(1993), who also found out that the continuing cultural
practices could not be disturbed by the introduction of modern education and agriculture. Horam
(1988) also discussed the introduction of new trends among them. However, traditional practices
are still kept intact and unwritten code plays an important role. The Naga family depicts a strict
organisation of patriarchal family where the subordination of the young and females followed.
Ovung (2012) in his studies finds the continuity of tribal code fashioned with modern
administrative system, which are assisted by village council on the basis of customary law and
practice. Mepfhu-o (2019) also discusses how the societal construction of masculine qualities
like confidence, toughness, and strength encourage the power of one over the other contributing
to the subjugation of women. For Nongbri (2003) she highlighted how the subjugation of women
is legitimised and reinforced by the community and the state, which reinforces male power.

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While Xaxa (2004) saw how in spite of the changes brought by the adoption of Christianity,
inequalities were much inherent in the Christian churches and discrimination continued. The
exercise of patriarchal values being exercised and supported by matriarch is a theme that flows in
the narration of Kire’s (2007) novel.

Objectives

The major objectives of this study focus to understand:

a. The position of Naga women by examining the various cultural tradition and ideologies.
b. The experiences of women as a result of interface between tradition and modernity in
Naga society is examined thoroughly.

METHODOLOGY

This study is mainly a descriptive analysis of the data available gathered from primary sources
and secondary sources. The primary data, which was gathered during the fieldwork conducted in
November 2019, which includes unstructured interview method and case studies, which were
primarily used to draw the experiences of women in particular. The questions that were kept in
mind while conducting the interview ranged from the past experiences, their aspirations, and the
various obstacles those women faced in their daily lives. Keeping in mind of the unwritten
customary laws and tradition, knowledge on this field was gathered through oral history from
man folks whose merit has high in the traditional knowledge. Apart from this, the secondary data
was gathered from books, journals and the Nagaland government report on the status of women
were included.

Naga Society

Keeping in mind the objectives, the researchers briefly look into the issues of the Nagas and their
social organisation. Nagas belong to Mongolian race that forms an important segment of the
tribal society of the north eastern part of India, found mostly in the state of Nagaland, and also in
the neighbouring states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. Since the author is familiar

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with the Nagas of Nagaland, the study upon which it is based is basically drawn from the tribes
of Nagaland. There are more than 16 tribes inhabiting the state of Nagaland, each with a distinct
language, customs, culture and tradition. Though less is known of their migration inhabiting the
present area, each Naga tribes has its own myth regarding the origin, which forms an important
segment of indigenous knowledge system. For instance, the Ao’s of Nagaland believed to have
originated from six stones in chungliyimti, whereas, the Angami tribe traced their origins from
the bowels of the earth. The term Naga is not a nomenclature known to these tribes inhabiting the
hills during the early period. Rather, it was the people outside who gave this term. The idea of
Naga society emerged as a result of colonial intervention whereby tribes started to identify
themselves as Nagas. The unification of these different tribal communities under one
administrative unit and the various ongoing political movements undertaken by different groups
are responsible for the formation of Naga identity among these tribal communities. It is also
important to mention that Nagas belong to different tribes in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and
Arunachal Pradesh, and each tribe has its own customary laws, and while some of the laws are
similar and others are not, the common fact is that, the traditional structure of Naga society is
patriarchal and exhibits a patrilineal nature of inheritance. The experiences of women in Naga
society more or less exhibits similarities in the sense that, none could have access to inheritance,
and also, the entry in the village affairs is also denied. An account of the social life reveals that,
men are placed at the highest pedestal and have much say in decision making. Superiority of men
over women cannot be challenged by any authority. The desired ideal behaviour and role of
Naga women on the other hand, is her engagement in subsistence economy, and domestic
household, and exclusion in participation in political sphere. Thus, in Naga society, one finds a
neat division of role among men and women to the extent of restriction of women’s freedom.

Modernity in Naga Society and the Interface with Traditional Practices

The modern period in Naga society is said to have begun during the British colonisation as early
as in 1832 when the British captains travelled through the Angami territory, and later, after much
resentment from the Angami village, the British decided to annex the Naga areas to their empire
as early as in 1866, when a new district known as Naga hills was formed. The advent of
modernity in Naga society thus took place owing to the colonial intervention, which paved way

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for the Christian missionaries to spread the new religion. As early as in 1839, Miles Bronson was
the first missionary to the Nagas, also, the arrival of the American Baptist missionary E.W. Clark
and his wife, Mary Mead Clark established the first school. Rev C.D king, Dr Rivenberg, Rev
Dr.Witter were the other Christian missionaries who worked among the Nagas. The Nagas were
also recruited as labour corps in France during the First World War, which inhibited a strong
socio-political foundation, thereby on returning established the Naga Club in 1918. Such
development towards identity consciousness draws the Nagas towards a modern era. On
examining the historical background of the Nagas, one finds that, many of the traditional
practices and beliefs were abolished concerning around the old traditional religion. The animistic
religion of the Nagas were replaced by Christianity and gave up head hunting practices, the
institution of Morung, which was a bachelor dormitory, where by young men were imparted with
different skills were replaced with the introduction of modern education. The occupational
pattern also changed from cultivators with the introduction of modern administration.

Before the advent of modern institutions and the spread of Christianity in the hill areas, when
Nagas practiced head hunting, the social organisation was such that, gender roles were well
defined. Women folks were required to attain to the various household activities, and took
greater care of the young ones, keeping them out of the political governance of the village, which
was under the domains of the male folks. At the village level, the social, cultural and legal
authorities continued to be handled by the male folks according to the customary laws. During
the time of village feud, it was observed that men were regarded to be the protector of the
village, women and children. The head of women was considered to be more valued and
applauded if any man chopped down the head of women of their enemies owing to the ability of
women for reproducing heir as well as a defeat to the men who protected these women. Thus, the
reducing of women could lead to the end of a family genealogy according to the patriarchal
tradition. The interference in the political administration by the British administrators played an
important role in checking the head hunting practices, which was approved by the customary
laws. Ao (2014) also described how the continuance of this practice was not because the Nagas
could not distinguish right and wrong but because it had social sanction until the advent of
British into the Naga territories. Smith also observed that the practice of taking the head of the
enemy was associated with high prestige and honour for men and was easier for young men to

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win a fair maiden (Smith 2009: 72).Further,the work of missionaries in the spread of
Christianity, coupled with the spread of education led to a significant change whereby, the Nagas
gave up head hunting practices, and started engaging in the modern institutions, which brought
them near to a modern society.

The state of women during the headhunting days was a petty affair bound within the family.
Women do not go to the field alone. Men with spears and daos accompany women, whereby,
women work in the field and men guard them from being attacked by their enemies. Men were
regarded as the protector and thus played an important role in providing defence of the village,
while women duties were towards families and work in the field. Naga women thus remained
closely associated with their reproduction role that neither had the opportunity in the male
affairs. Prevalent in the olden days before the arrival of the Christian missionaries, who
established formal educational system, there was the institution called Morung, which was
prevalent among all Naga tribes. Among the Ao Nagas, it is known by the name Ariju, while the
Lotha Nagas called them Chumbo. This institution of Morung was a bachelor’s dormitory, which
was not only a sleeping house for young men, but it was a learning institution whereby they learn
the art of warfare and were imparted with different skills. Also, this institution plays an important
role in developing leadership qualities among men. Women were kept out of the institution of
Morung. There were also women’s dormitories. It was not a separate dormitory like that of
Morung, however, it was hosted in homes of widows who belong to the same clan. In this, a
woman from the same clan gather in the respective homes and learnt diversified skills and
activities relating to socio-cultural activities, domestic chores and cultural tradition. The
bachelors from the Morung would visit the place often, which served as a ground of courtship
and bring women with gifts such as handicraft. The importance of Morung was that, the young
men were prepared for protection of the village in case of sudden raids by the enemies. Further,
the young bachelors were taught leadership, thereby preparing them with the skills that would be
required in governance of the tribal administration. Women on the other hand were kept out of
the Morung and were taught skills associated with feminine roles. Though in the present day
such institutions are not to be found and have now been replaced by the formal education system
however the different roles and responsibilities accorded by the cultural tradition upon the
Nagas, continued to the present day.

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The Cultural Practices of the Nagas

While examining the organising principle of the Naga society, which is based upon patriarchy,
one seesa strong patriarchal feature, which is strengthened by strong customary laws and
traditions, which govern the life of every tribal man and woman.

In social matters, women’s primary role has been family oriented in a patrilineal kinship
structure. An important principle of the patriarchal tradition of the Nagas as in any patriarchal
family is that, men have always been regarded as the protector and the bread earner of the family,
whereas, women have generally been associated with the child bearing activities, that is, the
giver of the heir for the continuance of the lineage. When one looks at the occupation and
livelihood, a woman’s duty was regarded as to work and not to earn, thereby, economically
depending upon the male members. Men are considered to be the head of the household, and the
wife exercises a great deal of control in family matters. Marriages in the past were usually
arranged by the families concerned and importance was given to clan exogamy to protect the
lineage. In political spheres that govern the village, the major decision-making body consists of
the village council, which consists of only male folk. A male from each clan is selected in the
governing body, and exercise power and authority in the overall interest of the village. Though
some women bodies and organisation are there in the village, they do not stand in the same
relation as men, especially concerning power.

A clan consists of many nuclear families and it is through these clans that men derive their
identity, inheritance rights, social obligations and responsibilities, and thereby, social recognition
is gained. Descent is always traced strictly in the male line, as the females are married off to the
other sibs adhering to the rules of exogamy. In tracing such descent, all the male members have
the advantage of claiming lands owned by ancestors and commonly owned, and any benefits
from the common land are shared by the members of the descent. Such a rule of descent is traced
unilaterally, through the father, to the neglect of the mother.

Customary Law of the Nagas

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The point of enquiry will cover the aspects of customary laws in relation to property, marriage,
divorce and inheritance rights. It is important to explore in order to understand the organising
principles prevailing in Naga society. An interesting feature of the customary law is its survival
over the years and a strong tendency in regulation of the affairs. On examining the various tribes,
in spite of the various differences in the patterns of origin, dialect and cultural differences, there
is a line of similarities when it comes to the customary laws, which govern the people.

Inheritance
Nagas have distinct laws to inherit moveable and immovable assets. All landed property
exclusively belongs to male members. In terms of division of land property among the clansmen,
it belongs to the male members of the clan and all decisions relating to lands are taken by the
male members collectively. In the inheritance of father’s property, the rule is such that, the
property is equally divided among the male sons. Here, it is important to note that, in choosing
such property by the sons, the eldest son is given the first priority in the selection of such
property. The precedence thus, goes from the eldest male member to the youngest son.

Property

When one looks into the moveable property, there also are traditional artefacts such as tusks of
animals, spears, armlet, weapons of wars exclusively to be use by the male members only. These
are passed down from the ancestors and are commonly owned by the clan members. These are
preserved by the oldest surviving male member of the clan, and after his death, these will further
be handed to the next surviving oldest member who is in charge of keeping the artefacts. There
also are certain moveable property of the females, such as traditional necklaces, and other costly
jewellery items. On her death, such are given to the daughters generally. However, the actual
traditional rule is that, such property of the females exclusively belongs to her kin members, and
is inherited by the brothers and the sons.

Marriage and Divorce

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Some of the Naga tribes practice bride price during marriage, whereby, if women are known to
have had intrigued, her price is lower. A man may also divorce his wife in case of incapability of
temper, or minor faults or inability to reproduce children. Women could seek divorce from
herhusbands anytime, but in cases, she will not get her ornaments without her husband’s consent.
Also the rule is that bride price is not returned in case divorce takes place. If a woman commits
adultery, she is asked to leave the house only with her clothing. In case of the man committing
adultery, his wife can live in his house, however, if she remarries, only the household things will
belong to her. There are no complicated customary laws regarding the guardianship of children
in cases of divorce. In whatever condition the divorce takes place, the male children belong to
the husband.

Succession

Succession refers to the order and the condition of transfer of a particular office and titles. The
succession of titles is basically on the male line, so also in terms of power and authority. The
father is regarded as the manager of the family, and all activities are under the control of the
father. When his sons get married, and establish new homes, the father becomes the common
ancestor and the property acquired by him is considered the common property of his
descendants. The power and authority as the head of the family and his descendants continues to
be exercised till his death. Although a wife is consulted in all matters relating the family affairs, a
husband’s decision in any matter is final and binding. With relating to succession, the first
preference is the son, then, it will be followed by brother, nephews and cousins. In case of
succession of a childless man, the man’s brother, uncles and kinsmen are preferred. The choice
of heir preferred among the kinsmen is the descendant of ancestor’s eldest son.

Case Study

The case studies have been undertaken keeping in mind of the objectives stated above. Much
emphasis was upon women lives having to confront to the various norms. The result has been
quite interesting, which will be discussed in the following section.

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A woman (Lina named changed) was in her 80’s. She was unmarried and was dependent
economically on her brother who was living in the village. In her narration, she stated that,
during her teenage days, she went to Shillong to pursue her studies. However, she had to return
back to the village without continuing her education as strict laws were made by the village
council that everyone should return to the village. The reason was to restrict the intermarriage
with others except with their own native villagers. In this way, she had to return to the village
leaving her studies, and she stated that, her position would have been enhanced if the village
authorities had not made any strict laws.

According to a case study done by the researcher, the respondent is a married working woman
engaged in a government job and has achieved upward social mobility through education and is
in her early 30s. The respondent is married for the past five years and has two children. The
respondent is well adjusting with her role of taking care of family and also pursuing her careers.
However, her husband and her in-laws want her to give up her job to take care of the family
needs. It was thus observed that, modern opportunities available to them are a difficult task
owing to the patriarchal ideologies and there is a pattern of giving up their professional career, to
satisfy family wants and needs.

In another study, the respondent is a woman aspiring to join the political arena. In the past years,
when the state government decided to conduct the municipal elections with thirty-three percent
reservation for women, the respondent filed her nomination, however, faced massive protest and
resentment. Further, the respondent was forced to withdraw her nomination as she faced threats
from various tribal bodies to the extent of excommunicating from the village. It was thus
observed through the study that there was a strong patriarchal tradition, which plays a dominion
role in the modern society, which hinders the women’s right to a large extent. Thus, through the
narratives, it comes to light that women mostly abstain themselves from political participation
and remain marginalised in the bargain for power. Though a modern constitution of India gives
equal political right to men and woman, because of the local customary practices, women are not
allowed to participate in politics.

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In another case study, the respondent is in her early 20’s. She happens to be the only girl child
among the five siblings. She has completed her graduation degree and wishes to continue her
postgraduate studies. She applied and got admission in a university. However, she did not get
herself admitted due to the pressure of her parents whose thinking was that, completing
graduation was enough for a girl child and pursuing higher studies was not approved, as she will
be married off to another family. Thus, her parents were reluctant to spend on her higher
education. On the other hand, her brothers were allowed to continue professional courses after
completing their graduation degree. Further, it was also told that she had to stay at home, and do
the household chores without getting any involvement from her male siblings and was
burdensome with the household works. On asking her opinions relating marriage, the respondent
stated how she was in a relationship with a man from another community. On learning about this
by her brothers and relatives, she was asked to stop contacting him and her phone was seized.
Her parents and brothers’ opinions were to marry her to a man chosen by them and not by her.
Through her narrative, it depicts a lack of choice in decision-making concerning personal life,
and finds a strong hold of traditional notions, which gives priority to males over females.

Another respondent who is now in her 40’s, is a divorcee and living in a metropolitan city
outside north east India. On discussing about her life experiences, she stated that, she got married
at the age of 28, however, her husband divorced her after five years of marriage due to her
inability to bear children. Her husband is now married and has a child. While asking about her
educational status and her job prospects, she stated that, she had a theological degree and was
working as a women leader in the church before getting married. However, after getting married,
she was asked to give up her work by her husband and her in-laws as her husband was posted in
the military force outside the state. Therefore, she had to withdraw her engagement in the church
to stay with her husband. After the divorce, she wanted to continue her service towards the
church, however, she could not as the society has a stigma towards a divorcee. Thus, she left the
state and is now working as a clerk in a theological college. In the light of these narratives, it has
been observed how the failure of the biological system of reproduction affects the social life of
women and degrades her status in the society. Such hindrance is rooted in the strong patriarchal
ideologies, which give high priority to reproduce children and especially a male child to carry
out the genealogical line of the father.

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Another case study is the experiences of a woman named Senti (named changed), who is in her
late 30’s. She is a married woman and has three daughters. Her husband is a clerk by profession.
The respondent got married at the age of 25, which was arranged by her parents. She has a
degree in bachelor of nursing and was working as a nurse in a private hospital. However, after
marriage, she had to leave her job and move with her husband to Kohima where her husband’s
job was posted. In her narratives, before her marriage, she was financially independent however,
her married life made her dependent on her husband. She thought of re-joining her professional
career after her daughter completed primary schooling, however, she could not join owing to the
work pressure at home. Further, her husband does not support her to venture into professional
careers, as the family affairs will be neglected. Also, the respondent feels that, it is her duty to
sacrifice for her family, which is more valuable. Her husband had hardly any involvement in the
household affairs, while on the other hand, she is burdened with taking care of her household
works and her children as well. With regards to the financial matters, all the needs and essentials
needed to purchase are taken care of by her husband only and does not entrust upon her. The
respondent’s husband feels that his wife is extravagant and thus she is not allowed to handle the
finances. Thereby, the respondent has not much authority regarding financial expenses.

Results of the Case Study

From the above narratives, it reveals the experiences of a woman, who could have had the
opportunity to improve their status however the ability to take control over one’s life is left to be
decided by the strong authorities whose decision seems to benefit the welfare of all. During the
earlier period, what seems to be a common trend were the people who were termed as outsiders
who would marry Naga women and acquired land for business and later would run away with the
benefits to their homeland and reunite with their family. To avoid all these, rules were enforced
strictly on intermarriage and were much vigilant upon a women’s personal life. There also are
cases of women who had the opportunity to climb the social ladder experiences conflict to adjust
to the dual roles, especially when there is a growing tendency among the social circle to see that,
traditional roles of a good wife and a mother are expected to be priority rather than one’s
ambition and careers. The patriarchal values cannot be said to be exercised by man only. It is

15
supported by the matriarch too, who holds authority and has say in the family matter and
contributes towards the exercise of traditional values. A male child is urged to attain education
and to be independent so to look after the needs on the family. From the very beginning, the
responsibilities for a male are much inflicted upon male than a female. All these have a great
impact on achievement status in the long run. Another theme that reveals is that the values that a
man is the provider does play a dominant role and thereby given opportunities than a female
child who is socialised into the roles to be a good wife.

There is also tendency among women to choose to sacrifice for her family at the cost of her
professional career. It has been in her experiences that the professional path, which will give her
opportunity to gain independence in financial matters, has been obstructed due to the strong
values attached in looking after her family needs. Thus, in spite of the attainment of education,
the bargaining power of women is minimised as greater prestige is attached to the traditional role
of a mother and wife. From the above analysis of the experiences it can also be observed that a
large number of highly educated women would remain unemployed voluntarily, as they devote
their role towards the domestic sphere. The freedom of income earning activities is related to the
ability to hold over one’s resources and rights over one space, which seems to be absent in the
respondent’s case. In the above narratives, the experiences of lack of negotiating power are seen
on the part of the respondent, who could have had economic independence had her parents felt
the need of investing in education. The choice available to women owing to the conservative
stereotypes does effect the question of women’s livelihood, especially concerning the
opportunities in regard to income earning activities. The bargaining power to direct over one’s
life and control resources depends to a large extend upon the long-term investment in education,
which could have been beneficial.

Findings

The study undertaken has provided an insight to glance at the lives of women as a result of the
interface of tradition and modernity. Naga women in the traditional society were not able to get
the recognition when compared with the male counterparts due to the fact that women were
never a part of the warfare activities, which was solely a man activity. Further, the old age

16
practices was such that, it was the man who held important affairs be it in village formation,
whereby, the activities concerning the establishment from searching the location to the ritual
conducted was solely a male prerogative. Thereby, women were never included in the village
governance. The continuance of these ideologies that man as the provider and protector and
assuming the leadership role continued to the present day. Through the case studies conducted it
comes to light the women’s secondary position that is not able to assert their individuality even
in the present modern era where massive opportunities were being open especially with the
introduction of formal education and the growing ventures in different social economic and
political field.Many at times, the cultural practices and ideologies, whichgovern the social
relationship, are justified rational and such continuance is seen to uphold the Naga identity. The
persistence of these strong ideologies hinders the process of women emancipation be it in the
family, at work and most importantly personal life.Taking the case of Naga society, modern
attributes have not been incorporated in the social relations that are shared among individual and
groups. It is essential to note that though scientific advances and technological innovations,
which are considered the products of modernity have been embraced in the Naga society, while
examining the social, political, cultural and economic spheres it is yet to be embraced, more so, it
has been rejected. Women face challenges in adjusting to the demands made by traditional
expectations and the modern demands of individualism. In case of Naga women, such a
compromise is offered by minimising her aspirations while fulfilling the traditional expectations.
The Naga women’s ability to control resources is determined to a large extent by the cultural
practices. Taking account of the traditional structure of Naga society, modernity failed to uplift
the women’s position on account of its rigid structure.

DISCUSSION

Naga society experiences changed and developed through different stages. The stages known is
the headhunting stage, whereby only oral history is used to reconstruct the past. Then came the
changes initiated under colonialism and the work of the American Baptist missionaries. Apart
from installing the new religion, which was widely accepted, the gift to the Nagas was the ability
to read and write. Then, the major development of Naga identity took place after the participation

17
in the First World War that formed the Naga Club. Further the Naga Nationalism came into the
light, and one sees the incorporation of paper 371 A into the Indian constitution with the
attainment of statehood. The recognition of customary laws, religious and social practices was
legitimated under it. The question is what impact does it have upon women’s lives. In the process
of safeguarding the Naga identity, more restriction was being initiated especially upon women
lives in terms of choosing marriage partners. The fact that Naga society being patrilineal,
children born of Naga women with a non Naga cannot avail the benefits provided by the
government. There is denial of women rights in the name of convention and traditional norms.
The problem faced by Naga women cannot only be linked with the issue of male domination.
Rather there are social, political and economic factors, which contribute to the subordinate
position. Through the experiences of the respondent, it comes to light the principle ideologies
which are at work to secure their dependent position. The ideologies at work are legitimated and
have been passed through generations, and are supported by the religion too. No doubt, the
religion of Christianity played a vital role in initiating the modernisation process, which
facilitated the spread of education. However, the very inherent ideologies such that, man is the
head of the family, and the wife is to be submissive to their husband, also that Eve was created
from the ribs of Adam. All this speculation has portrayed the woman as the weaker sex, which
stands in a way of women’s emancipation. The ability of women to utilise the opportunities is at
disadvantage due to the prevailing conservative traditional ideologies. The respondent has also
experienced professional independence. However, it seems difficult to strike a balance, as they
do not escape from traditional feminine world. Further, an analysis, which can be drawn is that,
women are brought up in an atmosphere of male superiority, and thereby the sacrificial tendency
comes to play and considers their individual pursuits secondary. The interface between tradition
and modernity assumes a central place in understanding the situation of women. Major
challenges are faced by women in addressing the issue of conflicting demands of tradition and
modernity. The imposition of traditional convention upon women lives are seen whereby, her
choice of making a career is restricted by the administrative authority in her village that comprise
of a body of elected male members. Such was the case in the olden days when the Naga
inhabited areas was declared a state, drawing towards a modern line. However, in spite of the
changes that were brought about with the attainment of statehood, traditionally assigned gender
roles and expectations continued to the present day and posed a clash against the modern

18
ideologies. In the modern day, the control of women by the cultural tradition is much prevalent
as in the olden days. One will find denial of higher education on daughters as compared with her
brothers whose parents emphasise on their sons’ education. Also, the effort to take up leadership
in the political sphere on the part of women however, faces massive resentment from the
patriarchal ideologies, which emphasised on the male as the sole proprietor of power and
decision-making.

A selective process of modernity is seen, whether it is in the form of ideologies or the usage of
modern means of institution. With the attainment of statehood, there were massive opportunities
that paved way to participate in the modern institution. One such case was the political
participation. It is a matter of concern how in the span of 66 years of statehood and despite the
fact that there are 60 seats in the State Legislative assembly, women failed to secure even a
single seat over the years. It needs a deep enquiry. The question is whether Naga women in
particular are not competent to participate in the decision-making process. Such non participation
and denial amongst women to avail these opportunities need to be traced to the customs and
traditional practices of the past, which seems to be highly imprinted on many till today. In such a
process, Naga women folks though availed equal opportunities in education, employment and
achieve heights in establishing careers for themselves, however still continued to be considered
subordinated.

While tradition is not only the element for positioning women subordinate, there are various
stereotypical forces at work, in the way a family function where man is considered to be the head
of the family according to the biblical theology, and thereby much respect and honour is
attributed to the head who is considered as the bread earner for the family, there are also
tendencies to look upon women confined only to the traditional role of a wife and mother, and a
women is judged on the basis of whether these roles are performed well. If one were to trace the
roots of different power relation among the Naga men and women and glance into the village
formation among the Nagas, only the founding male members were acknowledged and such
founders of the village are recorded and their generations are held in high esteem by the village
community till today. However, it is to be noted that those women folks who accompanied them
are mention poorly in the record books. The founding clan members had the honour to play an

19
important role in the administration of the village. Though women rulers are less known in the
Ao country during the ancient days, one does find women rulers, which is recorded byMills
(1926:8) in his historical work on the AoNagasproviding details of two women rulers, one was
Sangtemla and the other laid the foundation of Kubzavillage in Mokokchungdistrict of Nagaland.
Though their rule did not last long, however, in the present customs of these villages, women
representatives are recognised as the who states arguments before the village council when her
sex was involved. However, she is not recognised as a member of the council. What has been
observed in these continuous traditional practices is that, the denial of leadership amongst
women has been very much supported and accepted widely in the Naga society.

Among various practices such as divorce issue, land dispute, division of property, or matters
concerning the administration, are decided according to the old age practices privileging men
over women (Zehol1998:49). Although progress has been made in the legislative sphere,
assuring the rights of individual, however, on examining the social life, one finds a strong hold of
tradition. Political administration is considered to be the domains of men folks in Naga society.
Thus, “women were excluded from men’s culturally assigned occupations because it was
assumed that women lack ‘capabilities’” (Channa 1992:160). Women till date, stand nowhere in
the political administration be it in village, or modern legislation, where a women legislature is
yet to be elected, to the rigid customary practices where women cannot inherit landed property,
though she may be given a share of mother’s possession such as jewellery. A recent trend, which
emerged is that women and daughters are given landed property, however such are not ancestral
land or clan land, and rather these are purchased by parents. Thus, there is a lack of control over
ownership and resource owing to the rigid customary system (Longkumerand Jamir 2012).Many
women organisations evolved in the modern period, which plays an important role however,
many at times, such organisations have been overshadowed and are made to abide by various
norms issued by the male organisations.

The researchers thus, find an emergence of conflict between a women’s right and the legitimacy
of the cultural practices. In the recent headlines that captured the attention of the mass was in
matters of legislation concerning women’s thirty-three percent reservation in municipal elections.
Such has been opposed fiercely and has never been implemented. The demand to provide

20
equitable representation for women saw a strong protest, tensions and conflict in the society.
Chaudhuri in her analysis of gender (Chaudhuri 2003:363) argued that, if one looks at the
cultural traditions, patriarchal force plays an important role in choosing the cultural practices of
community. Women became the site of defining what tradition is. In the social construction of
men and women one finds a totality of meaning attached to sexes imposed upon by the cultural
system. Such plays a decisive role in influencing the individual choices. Kramer also noted that,
in all cultures, sex and gender play a central role in deciding how the world is and should be
(Kramer 2004:26). One finds a sharp distinction of roles, position and status in the cultural
practices and such modes of thought and action revolve around the community life and influence
the behaviour of members and groups to a large extent.

The question of women’s call for equity needs to be understood from a modern perspective. The
case of equality in Naga society was never simple. Women are being cast as homemakers,
housewives and bearers of cultural tradition to the extent of negation of political and economic
right. The tradition is beyond questioning and also has the support of scriptural sanctions. One
important question as to whether modern values could not influence and uplift women’s position
was that, modernity was imposed on pre-existing systems, with the structures of the society
disfavouring women. At such a juncture, in the journeys towards modernity, when the issues of
women are addressed, women in Naga society are inflicted an inferior position in the name of
tradition.

Further, paradox is found in the country’s modern legislation where on one hand, it upholds
equality and on the other, it recognises customary law of the Nagas under paper 371 A of the
Indian constitution, which kept the customary practices intact. This special provision also
recognised the special status of the Nagas, however, the fact cannot be denied that, the customary
practices stand in the way of women participation in political space, denial of inheritance rights.
Such is accountable for low position of women. At such a juncture, instead of reconstruction of a
new social order, there has been reaffirmation of old age discriminatory practices. Women
pursuits in the political affairs were unacceptable and her role at home was the central focus.
Thus, modernity in Naga society could not replace the old age tradition. Women are placed at a
juncture of conflict and contradictions as they compromise between tradition and modernity.

21
Reports of Government on Status of Women

The Nagaland state commission for women in 2015 undertook various researches on the status of
women, which throws light on the ground realities. The major findings were that the continued
subordination of Naga women is traced to the customary practices for ages, which has denied
women many of the rights in the name of convention and traditional norms. Further, there is not
only a strong dominance of the patriarchal mind-set and behaviour, but there also has been an
acceptance of traditional practices by both men and women. The present status of women is that,
there is a massive participation of women in business, administration, education sector and
armed forces, however, there is an undeniable fact that, they occupy an institutionally secondary
position to men.

CONCLUSION

From the above analysis, what is seen in the context of Naga women’s inferior position to man is
rationalised on the ground of safeguarding the traditional practices. Also, while one asserts that
Naga identity is a modern feature it has also affected women’s lives especially concerning the
issues surrounding marriage, economic and political gains. The ushering of modernity in Naga
society has never been able to eliminate the traditional expectation of women. Naga society, like
any patriarchal society, its cultural tradition yields massive belief of the expectations of female
behaviour. The proper mode of conduct is reinforced by the social structure. The process of
modernisation in Naga society highlights that, though the modern values have been
acknowledged however, it is yet to influence the social relationship especially the division of
power among men and women. Women too respond to modernity however not at the
compromise of cultural traditions. A woman offers a compromise however, only by minimising
her aspirations and ambitions and continued to emphasise on household related activities. The
response to the process of modernisation produces conflict, as it was considered a threat to one’s
cultural identity.

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 RECOMMENDATIONS

The author believes that there should be more avenues for equal participation of women in
different aspects of social life. Traditional old age practices are acceptable as long as they do not
hinder the growth of new ideas that could lead to the empowerment of women. From the research
point of view, it would be affective to address the stereotypical expectation of wife and
motherhood. While these are important, the over emphasising has led women grounded towards
these duties and thereby the leadership role is being lessened, which could provide opportunities
in socio cultural and economic growth and more importantly towards mastery over one’s lives.

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