InProcess Date: 20200908 Odyssey/Ariel Indiana University Document Delivery Services ILLiad TN: 2021205 Borrower: IND Borrower TN: 1230598 Lending String: “IULWTU,MAC,ITD, SUC, TMA,UCW., ILU,UMC, FH M,DLM,PIT, TKN,COA,FTU Patron: Journal Title: Gender in an urban world Volume: Issue: Month/Year: 2008Pages: 53-75 Article Author: Article Title: a walk of two women: vision gender and belonging in mitan italy Imprint: Bingley : Emerald JAI, 2008, 04287732 AA Location: B - WELLS Call # HQ1155 .G46 2008 Borrowing Notes: Billing Notes: IFM preferred, Will accept invoice; FEIN 35- 0868188 Odyssey/Ariel Maxcost: 50.001FM Shipping Address: Interlibrary Loan 1418 Hesburgh Library University of notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana 46556 United States Fax: §74-631-8887 Ariel: None Odyssey IP: 206.107.42.185 Email: il 1@nd.edu InProcess Date: 20200908 Notice: This material may be protected by US ‘copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)A WALK WITH TWO WOMEN: GENDER, VISION AND BELONGING IN MILAN, ITALY Cristina Moretti 1s es the destination, than finding out who you tre walking with an interview withthe author, April 2008)CRISTINA MORETTI immigrants and South Italians. The following incident from my field notes is a telling example: ‘man telly me how she has moved to Milan from Pustia vse she was eighteen yeas od (It ‘born ia bverhears our conversation. She Spee not bor here! (November 26, amigration from Southern Italy was one of a series of changes which ansformed Milan in the past 60 years (Gee Foot, 2001). In the 1950s Milan Grperienced a “miracle”: a boom of economic and industrial growth which ‘was supposed to usher Ttaly into full modernity. Ami Immigrants from the South as well as from nearby regions peripheries of the city. Yet the Industries were closing, leaving huge abandoned areas in the city, At the same time, another wave of immigrants, North Africa, then also from Eastern Europe, Asia, and Latin America, started to arrive in Milan, making urban spaces both more diverse and more contested. "As Milan de-industrialized and switched to a tertiary economy, design ‘became two of the most important industries in Milan. As Foot “Armani, Prada and Versace replaced Falck, Breda and Pi {once the biggest industries] as the economic bosses of the city” (Foot, 2001, fe sheer economic power of the fashion industry and its cal scene (see Foot, 2001) resulted in Milan becoming “ contributed to a change in employment structure. More and more people in Milan today are casual, “atypical” workers who do not have proper work ‘contracts. This inckides many young people employed p: immigrants in the service industry, and also many workers jndustry, This is one of the aspects feeding Milan's emergent ihe the printed media and almost all of the people I met kept recounting, housing is very expensive and hard to find, the middle classes are running out of savings, and more and more people, especially elderly women, are becoming impoverished. “This chapter results from six months of fieldwork in Milan in 2004/2005, uring which I asked women! of different ages, classes, and nationalities fo Salk ibe through “their” city and to help me produce a visual representation A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Milan, laly 55 itineraries. | was interested explc 4 in exploring how fiferent women partiipatein publi pace, and how they go about cling a presence nthe inelades the way they ws, approprne, and joerey though Spc Low, 0 thea hy ae a ge hon (ero ; Dines, 2002), and the landscapes they create and participate in cna ® berween the iaerases wee surprising and ium My guides eect» diferent point of vew not only on ely ates and place and on who uses them, but also on the stories linked to places (se ‘Guano, isl, the very practice of looking and being seen mas part of women's Parpton it pahic space sad could ve fo Megat = efi yA a Gh el Bt Sey yi ny i nk mater of what be sem aad by whom, fad of wich ages ofthe cy pet to cota tly ernie As ot toy can eter he edo vito in the sane ne, wap of sing can refoce gener, a, and rar eats (Guano, ids; Dias, 002 Rotenberg, 200, are particularly relevant, encounters. Like in other Htalian tows hss end git ich te in oner to sex people and show one (abed aay 2004). Although the traditional sirusco ‘not as popular today as Wd ob 4.50 seas ashi vs inerminng” inn, 21 p. 346) with others is still a central part of many people's promenadi practices in the central streets and plazas of the city. id Empecilly for women the “‘smucio” has been an important wa partcipate In public space. This, however, has ofen worked to sucngthen sna ef enya nomen sun ext ooo o egemonic canons of beauty, heterosexual attractiveness, and femininity36 (CRISTINA MORETTL ‘These are well described in the following quote by the novelist and historian Castellaneta: rnpleel feminine ambition to be admired, For thet this can not only be noticed in the stroets of the centr, promenades splay] ia store window, ‘ut also in the subway where fo mest gi ‘makeup of a woman cere resed caresly. And 30 1 noticed housewives shopping ina supermarket Seer na C.) frery expensive and elegant fur coat! (Castelanets, 1997, p. 38) While the siruscio is usually linked to particular places and times, such as the central streets or plazas of th the weekend, and the evenings, ly connected to wider aesthetic Castellaneta’s words also show practices in daily life. Needless Mieals at time play with them, and at times actively resist them. To make natters more complicated, practices and comments on the struscio can also ‘become an avenue for some women to reflect on mt and on Milanese identity. ‘Because of the complexity of vision as a social practice, different ways of seeing the city by different women can be a useful starting point to trace Some of the ways in which gender intersects with class, race, and nationality status in shaping women's connections to city spaces. In this chapter I will focus on one of my guides who I will call Maria Anacleta, a middle-aged Filipino woman who left most of her family behind in the Pailippines when she migrated to work in Italy. During our tours, Maria Anacleta asked me to take pictures of her in particular places, and looked for passers-by (0 take snapshots of both of us in front of monuments and in cal st part Of this chapter I discuss her itinerary and its photographic traces to her life in Milan. In the second part of my writing I will then juxtapose Maria Anacleta’s itinerary to the tour of another one of my guides, who I will call Francesca ~ a middle class Milanese-born woman. ight, these two iti point ‘the presence of Filipino people in town and the places which Shable her to connect with them, Francesca talked about style, fashion fetaling, and artistic heritage. This very difference, however, can be deceiving, because it resonates with wider discourses in town about fmmigrants being in, and using public spaces in ways that are essentially different from how Italians use them. In this context, as Guano points out, fn attention to aesthetic, beauty, and art can become a “privileged janguage” (Guano, 2003, p. 365) between people who see themselves as belonging to the city. While identifying landscape and a way of seeing as A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Milan, Italy 37 specifically Milanese, it also creates “viewpoints” for ‘other’ people “ Th. )ibey em ctnene and posibyeonsnt to thérae and ds specific qualities” (Guano, 2003, p. 359) \dscape. For Francesca, seeing and enjoying urban “beauty” serves to clim privileged connection to the city and a sense of being truly “Milanese.” Her itinerary echoes hegemonic discourses linking Milanese culture, art, hist and style with Milanese authenticity. Mara Anoka’ ineary contadis Some of these imaginares, by eluding clear-cut articulations of identities in urban space. This suggests that different ways ofseing and being in the i by different women have to be put in relation to one another, because they all participate in negotiating who can be part of which spaces in the city and how. MARIA ANACLETA Maria Anacleta described her life in Milan as foll lows (Maria Anacleta dictated the text in English, and the words in italics refer to Italian terms she Tihaven’t been.” Filipino people are the largest immigrant yrant presence in the city (Comune di Milano, 2004), and they represent the most important aa of Asian immigration arriving in Italy today (Cologna, 2003, p. 45). Although family reunions and the percentage of children and youth are rapidly increasing,7 CRISTINA MORETTI most of the Filipino nationals in Milan are still temporary, older migrants, and predominantly female (ibid) 1ors have emphasized that gender is a very important factor ipino migrations at both ends of their journeys. Zontini (2004) ‘and Cologna point out that women in the Philippines are the ones who support the family, both emotionally and materially. They are “the real {fe of the community” (Cologna, 2003, p. 45). ting and fending remittance home is considered an extension of the care for elderly parents, children, and other family members. Women who do not have Children often send remittance for nephews and nieces (Zontini, 2004) Maria Anacleta, for example, has been saving money not only for her grandchildren. ly ‘of jobs in personal services (household work and caretaking) and the fact that women are still seen as the ones who should naturally’ perform reproductive work (cf. Anderson, 1999, p. 78ff) are further factors encouraging female immigration. In Milan, Filipino women are mostly employed as domestic workers, nannies, and as caretakers of elderly people. Zontini describes this as the “international transfer of care- taking’ whereby the demanding and socially devalued caring tasks are passed on to poorer and more vulnerable women” (Zontini, 2004, p. 1133, {quoting Parreiias, 2001). This both results ina racialization of care, and fails to challenge patriarchal relations in the receiving countries Parrefias, 2001). Filipino women in fact are taking on the caretaking duties of Italian ‘middle and upper class women, who are pressed for time and energy by their double/triple shifts. The latter are often in paid employment while aan almost sole responsibility for childcare and for housework. Ir then, in ltaly and Southern E citizens” are central in economic and reproductive unit lerly people is a particular case in ging, many Mil (Anderson, 1999. population in Northern fes caring for both their children and their aging parents. ‘As this development has not sparked any “comparable extension in public service or state financial support” (Anderson, 1999, pp. 120-121), many Tialian middle and upper class women choose to employ a migrant woman to fill in the gap (see also Merrill, 2006). Maria Anacleta describes: with a swimming pool T cared TNeinero cook inthe kitchen. Tent with her when she went somewhere A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Milan, Italy 9 On Sunday, ff, I wont to the par 9 hat arco [park] and saw many Fifpino people. I is ina ere night long, 0 feel fee gain.” ‘ an elderty penton id not particulary encourage her learing Tallon, making other, different employment hard to attain (see also Paltrinieri, 2001). Because of the age of the employer, moreover, it is per force a temporary and uncertain poston, As Matia Anaceta describes, when the senior in care passes away, the caretaker finds herself suddenly without home and without income and has avery limited inet ind «new ob and anew plac (osay. In Milan, where there ia chronic shortage of afordabe + also means that the women have to leave their ‘transnational mothers” (Zontini, 2004) for long« CRISTINA MORETTI important way to stay in touch, hard to arrange. As Maria periods fine Phone cll and ewes are iy nce it to the Pippnes re eer ers par fom the cox of travel many women ind ithard 10 re eras ey need to have papers i order (0 Be we Pipa stm hasbeen cited by both the an eeaone a being one of te worst organized ing papers hard to obtain and encouraging illegal immigration media and by activis rope mak EaePe gs Lpgtande & Nalto, 2002) The dial in acaiting a be seen ‘as one more way in which Italian society encourages a none eS of domest yorkers. Because the organized, low-paid, and fiexible pool he granting of work permits depends in large part on the employer, i€ makes fhigrant women even more dependent on the families where they work an with whom they often Live. Maria Anacleta’s itinerari the city and the resulting photographs of the resources irs we walked together and the pictures v nd strengthen many connections at themselves were indeed a way to forge and strengt ‘once: to Milan, to the Philippines, and to other Filipino people in the city. s, Maria Anacleta showed me some of the sites she uses in her everyday life, such as one of the Filipino churches (Photograph (P.) 5), an During our tours A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging tional cling center P. 2, the McDonald's af ino newspaper are Sold, a bani calering othe Flip Commit, and treet exhibition in one of the most popular promenades in front of the cathedral which is usually considered the symbol ost of the visual itinerary of our walks consists of fan elegant and smiling Maria Anacleta, confident and at ease in front of monuments, buildings, and plazas. ‘Maria Anacleta sent many of these pictures home to her family to show them the city she lives in, where she calls them from, and who some of her friends are. Pictures are one of the many ways for Filipino women to maintain “transnational families” (Zontini, 2004, p. 1117; see also Parretias, 2001; Wolbert, 2001). Zontini describes this as “kin work,” the myriad everyday practices carried out by Fi migraats which are crucial in ‘graphs are often amt a connection to Milan wh The photograph here [to the main cathedral plaza].” These very a burden for a new immigrant, as they can create high expectations from his/her family members in the home country. Pictures in the city's ‘status places’ veil the difficult conditions most immigrants encounter, and the social inequalities that characterize life in Milan. According to my interlocutor above, for example, many new immigrants remain shocked from the living conditions they find themselves in: “One always expect to find houses ... perhaps very beautiful (...) with a room for each person, (. ‘and one finds oneself in @ one-room apartment ike turns sleeping” (sce also Granata, Novak, & Polizzi, 2003, pp. 135-136). ‘Maria Anacleta’s photographs are also the beginning of a map of the Filipino presence in the city. Public spaces like the central plazas and somee CRISTINA MORETTI parks, affordable cafés ike McDonald's, and some Catholic churches are Fmportant community spaces, especially since Milan offers few other sites people ean socialize (Gee Cologna, 2003). These pictures for Maria Anacleta, going around the city is also a way to Jneet and connect with other Filipino people, who, as she explains in the text above, are a tremendous resource for het and other new immigrants {ser also Cologna, 2003). Filipino women often provide support for each Sither ranging from friendship, to small loans, storage of personal belonging. § place to stay, and help with childcare. One of the most important forms of axistance is helping other women to attain employment. Indeed, Maria ‘Anacleta found most of her jobs through the help of friends. Her itinerary in the city, then, is also an on-going, everyday practice of activating and maintaining connections crucial to her survival ‘ould like to point out how the very activity of also added new dimensions to familiar walking outings, Equipped with a friend/anthropologist and a camera, Maria feta could also transform a walk in the city into an activity associated ith leisure and status. Maria Anacleta pointed out repeatedly that “we are ‘and just like “those people who have money.” The very king pictures in the city enabled Maria Anacieta (and me) to play a different role in the city for a day, and to inhabit urban space diiferently — making it easier, for example, to pose in front of police Gficers on their horses, as in one of the pictures we took. Marta, another one Gf my guides, a young woman from Peru who combines care of an elderly Italian couple with other jobs, similarly told me that walking in the ity and ‘isting particular sites heips her distract her mind from her everyéay life, as it isa complete change from a routine of heavy and long work hours Marta’s and Maria Anacleta’s comments cause me to wonder: Is there ‘a way to be’ tourist, Milanese, or migrant woman in Milan? And where do these practices and imaginaries come from? In other words, how are ‘vomen’s identities constructed through their itineraries in the city, and through their practices of recognizing, using, seinterpreting, or rejecting certain ways of seeing FRANCESCA Francesca, a white, middle-class, Milanese born woman, also guided me through the central streets and plazas of Milan, showing me parts of her daily itineraries. These often follow a particular routine, which brings her A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Milan, Italy 6 through the major promenadi tr ding routes, to the oldest depument stor in rcs an at sits. As Francs expla fovea and dof al the churches of the centee I know (Oh the things I have seen!” The followin, them a (Ob te The following images are a visual Francesca shared her love of the historic center with me by guiding me through what she called promenading routes (P. ‘monuments, and histori b heart of the ci is included the central churches from different periods (P. 3) for Francesca urbanCRISTINA MORETTI 6 historic shops (ncloding a silver accessories boutique (P. 4) and a aascr cand marveled at stores displaying stylish designer and fashion aetna (ach as 2 ceranie mosaic tle store (P. 7) and several boutiques) seg (he seamless connection between beautiful churches, hentage witiean and shiny window displays (P. 6°) was one of the most striking rast Frances’ tnerary and reflected a landscape fashioned by style 1e centre of town, one forgets poverty, everything is beautiful “q certain type of people” who add to the ambiance. The their tastes associate themselves with certain consumption sp: shops in contrast to more affordable ones of merchandise fr certain typeof people, {Ee people who go to certain stores. are part ofthe atmosphere of an aa) .ca, in the center of town, the products displayed in the shops, the (potential) customers inside the stores, and the passers-by looking ‘at the windows (just like Francesca and me in our itineraries) are participants in the same aesthetic, perspective, the landscape of a street 0 buildings, and its traffic of bodies and im just as the latter participates in the visual feel of the public spaces w contours (see also De Lucchi & Villani, 2004; Merlo, 2001). clearly sees herself, at least to a certain extent, as part of this ove what is beaut iso gives me the joy of e clean, the orderly, According to Fran« [the hottest and newest fashion}, Francesca’s comments points out how women's engagement with consumption as both subjects and objects of beauty, as audiences and performers, can play an important part in mediating women’s access (0 lirban spaces (see Del Negro, 2004). Fashion is a particularly interesting case in point. Shopping areas, store windows, and huge ubiquitous advertising which literally place women with ideas, “feminine spaces’ where wor safely and legitimately be in the city (see Bondi & Domosh, 1998; Bl 1996; Domosh, 1996; Glennie & Thrift, 1996). This of course A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Milan, Haly 65 necessarily been empowering for women. The very w: ft, ow making some women Francesca — fit more easily than others into certain landscapes. a of beauty, which, encompa oe art, aad palin cock tore to tesco covers bon nay ie oc lecay eens anno eaeeeed define things historical, precios, and authentically Milanese, Pececoa insite that all promenade mn the Bien ante Gomes, dark couary and income plas Francs ns pry proud ot hr aii to rach Sore and iste Stes behind the closed doors of buldings and churches. Fr het fo iow how fo ass tests a el uty is part of living inthe ay, tobe know how to use its resources om —a— ‘What interests me most here the: yo show the very activity o Seng and walkin tzu ter beers pagent wins an ‘ay of uegoiating one's Meni. Por is the repeat, daly practice searching, looking at, and “ ry of syle ad history” that hee Francesca con walking and looking make each 0 each other pose, Her ally promenadi sing std sengsng contin lndapes confirms Tacrc.a¢ ketal evr, at the ane ine that he nowlegebl movement thou in the poston tose and 2003), was France's fequent use of the now only spoken bya few people, during our66 cleanly a woman she ‘otes, December 15, san,” she ells me, ierespecti they are typical of Milan, the umenone.” y's households, is today ‘The Milanese dialect, once widely used in often associated with authenticity and with fuet Francesca can speak it positions her as am authoritative speaker. of things Milanese. In turn, the act of naming and characterizing something: inNpieally Milanese strengthens the sense of specificity of er act of ‘walking through and recognizing the cit: it is not just any tour of Milan, itis @ tale of a Milanese in the city. combination of narrative and visiot viewer/speaker privileges one of many Po: fof Guano, Francesca’s tour “valorized ( people in particular places’ (...) thus striving to generate ‘consensuse¥ 7 raw placts as wel as the identity and entitlements of those who inhabited them” (Guano, 2003, p. 358, quoting Lefebvre, 1991), stain relationships between as many Ital ‘have much time to go around the city ‘museums, Francesca’s yn that immigrants do to make ends meet and thus might not nor money to pay for tickets to enter expositions at comments also reflect a commonly held assur not really participate in city life, and obsession with cultural difference.” interviewed different houses, parsuing different jncluding art, fashion, and culture. A young S fact that one of the hardest things about living Fnorance of many people regarding immigrants and their countries of ‘2igjn, as well as regarding cultures and religions different from their own, ‘Rosia Anacleta’s pictures infront of churches and monuments, as well as my encounters and conversati dicted Francesca’sjlocal ideas Speauty” or not knowledgeable enough to “see told me she liked Italian statues because they reminded ber o fustory in school. Marta wanted to see the Scala theatre and too! work lo take me to visit Leonardo da Vinci's : at not least, 1 did not realize how I myself took for granted the hegemonic A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Milan, Italy or and in citing proverbs in Milanese dialect to interpret his own 9 eas an immigrant to the city. —— oo CONCLUSIONS a Analea’s and Francesa’ terres sh itineraries sow son ofthe contous cnn and cei aft br cy was sd he pele way ia ifeet wore tet to urban leas Ta fares though tatters in the cy, it alyays does ‘so in cla and racespe (see Preston & \dag, 2005; Guano, 2003; Razack, 2000). eae ways Gender roles and dilemmas in Fi talian society, global and es and an ob-going raciaization of care, shape the no women, the iste they face, and the resources seek to hatness. In turn, these affect how Flin women might take part in urban k ane scapes and how they might be seen out the particular mix Milan, Because many of : ss) employer, they oflen use a veh ev thi and te ae no ‘place of ther own there s makes them both invisible as legate residents and highly visible here the interctions of particular) absence” within them. Granata et in the urban terrain (Gordon, 19: iscourses and practices centere Dison and aesthetic are ther way in which particular gender identi mastructed in and rough city spaces, Fashion as a consumption and leisure act embodied practice, and as a visual culture participates in mediati access to public space (Del Negro, 2004). At the same time, ate the coneptal dvsionbetwom women's foolish” consumers tempted by “the vanities of 1e vanities of dress’ 2000, pp. 54, 22) in contrast to men’s skillful presence in urban spaces as sgemonic association between gender, advantages women from full pol , 2004) also obscures that shoppi6 CRISTINA MORETTI an important pat of women's reproductive labor' Glennie & Thrift, 1996) ae yell as a source of sociability between women. creased fashion in urban locales also constitutes gender in intimate and Feiss with class and race. For one, itis generally easier for white vrevking clas women fo use fashion to pass as mi expensive clothing and accessories can choose to use then ‘Mest importantly, as Francesca suggests, the very combination of one's ways MMgtesemg, where and when one promenades, and a practiced sense of Shritlement to certain spaces reflect and are shaped by one's social position. “The shifting, daily interplays between gender and othes ‘and the ways these inform and ase shaped by women’ rel spaces — thus also gendering the city ~ inscribe both SPanections between the itineraries T presented above. It is important to Somember, for example, that the immigration of female domestic workers Trarticpates in the very constitution and negotiation of ideals of femininity pod gender roles of middle and upper class women, which include being Successful workers/professionals, charming and affectionate companions, ffctive housekeepers, watchful mothers, and caring daughters. As Anderson (1999) argues, it is the work of migrant women that enables middle/appet ass Italian women to juggle these unsustainable situations and contradictory identities. Talian women in fact time through the employment of a Yomestic worker, for “maintaining themselves as “proper wives’ and proper smothers” (Anderson, 1998, p. 119) without confronting male family members ‘about the division of labor in the house (see also Parrefia "Another interesting connection between women like Francesca is the way in which discourses and pr tradition, Milanese-ness, and urban renewal affect choices and chances concerning housing. As part of he neighborhood, saw hers area. She told me that wl especially to Milan, even in abandoned how for Francesca, a cert . 2 certain way of seeing es het move to this neighborhood and makes and/or irrelevant. Francesca in fact and being in the city “other's” housing, the oldest and most ‘ complex ways with local and in the city and how. Maria Anacle——EE~ °° °° — 10 CRISTINA MORETTI vision, public space, and the negotiations of identities, including gender, race, and class. Many fashion-abiding “Milanese “an introverted ci that they never go to the center, even if they actually do. Several of them explained that they do not go there and they do not engage in struscio because, especially on the weekends, the center is full of zarri (people from the hinterland who can be recognized as such because of their way of dressing) and extracomuanitari (migrants arriving from outside the European, Union), Rather than indicating that the struscio has disappeared, those comments might point out that, for some women, the struscio might no Jonger be a “Milanese” thing to do ~ or, conversely, that nor engaging in it might be 2 ones above may express an imaginary that only {interested in beauty and fashion yet cosmopolitan enough to nor pal jn the struscio. This serves to uphold a conceptual and I division between more and less legitimate residents in the city (see also Dines, 2002). The struscio isa particularly apt venue for discourses on multiculturalism ‘and identities because it is a relational, reflexive, and performative practice is a form of looking which requires another gaze, and which Tinks social actors to the seeing body of others (see Pinney, 2002). Because the simacio links people with a particular context and crowd, it becomes very important with whom and where it happens. It Context to note that Castellaneta (1997) traces the begis decline of the struscio in Milan to the center ing of the relative ince of lower class people to the lan, originally the space of the clite and the upper classes ‘Similarly, the struscio is a good metaphor for the workings of gender in and through urban spaces because it highlights how the complex practices of being, walking, and seeing are a part of the daily constitution of gender and help talk about and reinscribe differences between women. Last but not least, just like stories about who participates in the struscio ‘and who does not, the itineraries of Maria Anacleta and Francesca suggest that tales of immigration and of aesthetics are both integral parts of who can participate and how in public space, because these discourses shape the public spaces in which the two women could meet and interact, the ways in Phich their itineraries could cross. Paradoxically, in fact, Maria Anacleta land Francesca are not likely to meet in the center even if they use very Similar streets and plazas. Indeed, the discrimination and avoidance practiced by many Italian residents in Milan contradicts the ideal of public A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Milan, Italy 1 space as a place where “one always risks en¢ diferent” (Caldira, 000, p. 301) that i uncertainty and openness tering’ those who are ways in which immigrant women are shapit ping, claiming, and cor urban spaces and are demanding j : Milan, morcover tis nt oa tecsore hat ‘re important pat of (young working cla woman) Mian And anther youn, mile clase Wotan econ “the Earth Scen From the Sky tries by Yann Arthus-Bertrand. Mar ing and photographing this image of the Philippines. particularly interesn CRISTINA MORETTI pio Granata tal 2003) dsc, hse cores av ben ln 0 she cas ty hs toch amistad et yeas pose er 2 Stage Amore, and lier costes have been working sD toni alert te cy. acordng to Granta cay the we of the eity. While the Filipino community really claim them as their own, as they eas carter etl a ser et oa a a early bets mitt os namie si rece tee Se ot tas ob ot Hong Fe a meng ie eM on tds ee as ee ee SE oa me mde vehi eee sn ty ey nk ee ee “a Sree ice een a ie = eset wing ct emma apie ie eee r " i nace, to be friends: add my onal to mest with thee women in publi sass wi seat Bat bas easy dependent on my enalen ta Sonteisary “Mates and on ny stn a wouter fo bth rat aye ‘Ave'woman bon aad rtd in Mian by Mi ‘Mane enugh tnt she sold alk sbou hme. A ay eng vay fom the cy nnde me to potent SAME what sMilmese nee Foe Mana Anat, my 0 A Walk With Two Women: Gender, Vision and Belonging in Mian, Italy B ‘and my having a divided family myself made me into an ally aiff a friend. The fact that Tam not simply nor really “7 tmade it easier for‘her to talk to me. ‘AL the same time, as an Italian friend, Talso represented one more connection to the city for hee. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A special thank you to Maria Anacleta and Francesca who shared their insights on the city with me, to Dara Culhane without whom this research ‘ould not have been possible, and to my family who helped me in this process. I would also like to thank the following persons for their Contributions to the research and/or their comments on this chapter: Don Felice, Marta, Carola Ferrari, Mohamed Ba, the youths from Centro Schuster, Terre di Mezzo, Malik, Paola, Nicholas Blomley, Stacy Pigg, Andrea Moretti, Rima Noureddine, Noah Quastel, Judith DeSena, Ray Huutchit id the reviewers of Gender in an Urban World. | am grateful ‘ciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for the doctoral grant which supported this research, REFERENCES 132). London: Routledge. anthropology. In: M. Banks 1-35). New Haven, CT: Yale ud inistile: Rapporto 2004-2003. Milan: Ostervatria Naga, Gruppo Medicina di Strada ‘Biomiey, N. (1996). 4 lke to dres her all over: Masculinity, power and retail space. In: Retaiing, consumption and capital: Towards the new retail Fas), lao: Fangle, ambiente lavort dele popolacen Africae a Milano (pp. 49-72), Milan: Abitare Segesa. ). 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