J Archaeol Method Theory

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-018-9371-5

Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State

in Hierakonpolis (Nile Valley) and Monte Albán
(Oaxaca Valley)

Marcelo Campagno 1,2

# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2018

Abstract One of the main foci of comparative research on ancient societies deals with
urban dynamics. Within this context, an interesting issue is the relationship between the
processes of initial urbanization—i.e., the creation of the first cities—and the transfor-
mations that led to the emergence of state dynamics. Here, we will consider two
historical situations in which both processes—urbanization and state origin—were, in
broad terms, concomitant: Hierakonpolis, in the Nile Valley, towards the mid-4th
millennium BC, and Monte Albán in the Valley of Oaxaca, in the second half of the
1st Millennium BC. We will address, first, the available evidence for both historical
situations, which will be organized into four major areas—related to demographic
dynamics, forms of functional specialization, social differentiation, and conflict—
allowing us to see the main innovations that characterize these processes. And second,
we will propose a reconsideration of the information that relates to a specific problem:
the relationship between the concentration of population in urban contexts and the
processes of social hierarchization that took place within urban centers as well as
between these centers and the surrounding villages. In this sense, beyond the multiple
differences between the states that, in the long run, would be consolidated in the Nile
Valley and in the Oaxaca Valley, the beginnings of the urbanization processes that
occurred in both regions have a common characteristic, which is fundamental for
further transformations: the creation of a social context whose practices exceeded the
limits related to the pre-existing logic of social organization.

* Marcelo Campagno
mcampagno@gmail.com

1
CONICET (Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas), Instituto
Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas, Saavedra 15 5° piso, C1083ACA Buenos
Aires, Argentina
2
Universidad de Buenos Aires, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Instituto de Historia Antigua Oriental
BDr. Abraham Rosenvasser^, 25 de Mayo 217, C1002ABE Buenos Aires, Argentina
 Campagno

Keywords Hierakonpolis . Monte Albán . Egypt . Oaxaca . Early urbanization . State

origin

Introduction

Over the last two decades, researchers have shown a renewed interest in comparative
studies about ancient societies (Feinman & Marcus 1998; Marcus & Sabloff 2008;
Smith 2012; Trigger 2003). After a time in which comparatism was identified with the
search for evolutionary stages in processes of social change, recent comparative
perspectives try to emphasize the fact that social disciplines are fundamentally com-
parative and that comparisons are necessary Bto understand the material record and to
explore the variation over time and space^ (Smith & Peregrine 2012: 4). In this
framework, one of the main foci of comparative research on ancient societies deals
with urban dynamics, including a great variety of historical and methodological issues
(e.g., Cowgill 2004; Marcus & Sabloff 2008; Smith 2003a; Storey 2006; Yoffee 2005,
2015). One of these issues in particular points to the processes of initial urbanization—
i.e., the creation of the first cities—and its concomitance with the transformations that
lead to the emergence of state dynamics. In his day, Gordon Childe (1950) viewed both
processes as nearly equivalent, describing the changes that lead to the rise of the state as
Burban revolution.^ And despite the different arguments raised against that concept
(Cowgill 2004; Possehl 1990; Smith 2003b; Wilson 1960), something of Childe’s
intuition remains in effect: on the one hand, regardless of the quantitative variations,
all ancient state societies experienced some form of population concentration (contra
Jennings & Earle 2016); on the other hand, all urban agglomerations required some
form of authority for political decision-making, regardless of how explicit this might be
seen in the available sources.
Given this context, here we will consider two historical situations in which both
processes—urbanization and state origin—were, in broad terms, concomitant. These
include Hierakonpolis, in the Nile Valley, towards the mid-4th millennium BC and
Monte Albán in the Valley of Oaxaca, in the second half of the 1st Millennium BC (see
Figs. 1 and 3). Although the Egyptian state would expand in the long run to a scale
never matched by the Zapotec state, both situations do not seem to have been so
different in their formation. With the information currently available, it is possible to
observe that, at the threshold of such processes of change, both Upper Egypt and the
Valley of Oaxaca seem to have been inhabited by village communities, with economies
based on the domestication of plants and animals, and with signs of slight social
differentiation, compatible with the existence of local leaderships. With this back-
ground as a starting point, a process of rapid demographic concentration occurred both
in Hierakonpolis and Monte Alban, reaching similar population levels of at least 5000
inhabitants; both centers show indicators of remarkable social differentiation and work
specialization; the two processes took place in regional contexts characterized by
conflicts between different polities; and in both contexts, urbanization was followed
by a process of political expansion that led to a regional integration and affected more
distant areas.
Together these correlations allow us to compare the two situations, without
overestimating similarities in order to determine the existence of universal laws of
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

historical change and without overemphasizing differences to suggest that those situ-
ations are absolute, theoretically incommunicable singularities. The proposal here is to
think about two situations at the same time, with the goal of developing more
theoretical resources, which allow for a greater capacity to understand historical
processes. In this sense, the main objective we will try to examine here is the
relationship between these processes of initial urbanization and the beginnings of a
new social logic—which we will call state logic—that strongly diverges from the logic
that organized pre-existing village communities—which we will call kinship logic.1
With this objective in mind, we will address, first, the available evidence for both
historical situations, organizing it into four major areas—related to demographic
dynamics, forms of functional specialization, social differentiation, and conflict—in
which the main innovations of the epoch are more directly recognizable. And second,
we will propose a reconsideration of the information that relates to a specific problem:
the relationship between the concentration of population in urban environments and the
processes of social hierarchization that took place within urban centers as well as
between these centers and the surrounding villages.

Evidence

Hierakonpolis

At the beginning of the 4th millennium BC (Predynastic period, Naqada I, ca.

3900–3600 BC), Upper Egypt—especially the area surrounding the bend of the
Nile at Qena (see Fig. 1)—was characterized by the presence of a multitude of
village communities which practiced animal husbandry—cattle, pigs, sheep, and
goats—and an incipient agriculture—wheat, barley, flax—from the previous phase
(Badarian period, ca. 4500–3900 BC), even while hunting, fishing, and harvesting
wildlife would remain important for subsistence. The available, mainly funerary,
evidence from these communities allows us to identify some features of social
organization (Campagno 2002: 137–145; 2003). First, we can infer the importance
of kinship as the main axis for social organization from clues related to the way in
which tombs were clustered in cemeteries and to similarities between shapes of
houses and graves. Second, differences in funerary offerings—where a minority of
graves contains greater quantities and varieties of goods—suggest the existence of

1
I define Bsocial logic^ as the effect of social organization produced by certain practices whose principles
prevail over the remaining practices that constitute that society. In a way, the notion is close to Bourdieu’s
concept of habitus as Bsystems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to
function as structuring structures, that is, as principles which generate and organize practices and representa-
tions that can be objectively adapted to their outcomes without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or an
express mastery of the operations necessary in order to attain them^ (Bourdieu 1990: 53). However, it tries to
avoid the emphasis on structure and put that emphasis on the practices themselves. The concept of Bsocial
logic^ does not imply that the dominant practice is the only thing that exists in society but one that brings the
Bcommon code^ allowing the articulation of all social practices. Thus, the logic of kinship implies that what
prevails in social organization is a Bmutuality of being^ (Sahlins 2011: 2–3) that is defined on the basis of
reciprocity principles. The emergence of the state implies the advent of a strongly different social logic based
on a principle of social division (sensu Clastres 1980: 204–205) that defines one pole that exerts the monopoly
of legitimate coercion, and another pole which is submitted to the first.
 Campagno

Fig. 1 Upper Egyptian Nile Valley in the 4th millennium BC (redrawn from Hendrickx & van den Brink
2002: 368)

communal elites. And third, the presence of village leaders, mostly connected to
ritual and military activities, can be inferred from specific objects placed among
funerary offerings (scepters, maceheads) as well as from iconography, which
displays some individuals more prominently than others by way of their size,
attributes and attitudes (Midant-Reynes 2003; see also Campagno 2016). In this
context, visible already in Naqada I and more clearly in Naqada II–IIIA (3600–
3200 BC), the available evidence suggests the existence of three main polities in
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

the region. Little is known about the process of urbanization in Naqada (Hassan
et al. 2017) and nothing about the same process in Abydos, whose transformations
are only known through funerary sources. However, we know much more about
the process of urbanization in the southernmost of these three polities:
Hierakonpolis.

Demographic Dynamics

Although some occupation of the area dates to earlier periods, it is during Naqada I
that Hierakonpolis seems to show significant expansion in its number of inhabi-
tants. In fact, according to Hoffman et al. (1986: 178), the population in the area
before late Naqada I might have been in the low hundreds. It could be argued that
there were simply fewer inhabitants, that a semi-nomadic way of life prevailed at
the time, or that their settlement was located closer to the river and is now
inaccessible. A few centuries later, the situation would change drastically. Although
demographic estimates for the Predynastic period are always fragile, a number
between 5000 and 10,000 inhabitants during late Naqada I and early Naqada II
has been proposed, a growth that Hoffman et al. (1986: 181) have characterized as a
Bdemographic explosion.^2 The population would have been distributed for more
than 2.5 km along the edge of the cultivated area (with further urban nuclei at the
northern and southern limits of the alluvial embayment) and 3.5 km to the west
along the wadi Abu Suffian (for the sites mentioned in this section, see Fig. 2). Two
main population nucleuses are clearly visible, one along (and extending under) the
borders of the modern cultivated area and the other in the low desert along the wadi,
both with areas of settlement (habitation, industrial, and trash disposal zones) and
cemeteries (HK6, HK11E, HK43). In addition, there were also peripheral villages to
the north (el-Mamariyeh) and south (el-Kilh).3
From mid-Naqada II onwards, the demographic trend apparently involved a greater
concentration of population near cultivation. Indeed, the area occupied in the desert would
have been restricted to a 300-m-wide strip along the edge of the cultivated zone. The
presence of what was probably a ceremonial complex at HK29A and other large construc-
tions found at Localities HK29B, HK25, and HK34B also suggest that the main social
dynamics were concentrated in this area of settlement (see below). The various cemeteries
used at the time seem to follow the same tendency, with the continued use of the cemetery at
HK43 and the establishment of new cemeteries at HK27 (Fort Cemetery), HK22AB,

2
Hoffman’s estimates (1982: 143–144; 1987: 187–191), based on the size and types of occupied areas,
suggest that there were between 2544 and 10,922 inhabitants during the first half of the 4th millennium BC.
Later excavators at Hierakonpolis have maintained the validity of these calculations (see Adams 1995: 31;
Friedman, in Yoffee 2005: 43). Other studies, mainly based on mortuary evidence, have proposed smaller
numbers, around 1500–2000 inhabitants (see Batey 2012; Harlan 1985: 233; Hassan 1988: 161). Regarding
the constraints for calculating population estimates, see Moeller 2016: 9–11. In any case, for the present
purposes, the precise number of inhabitants is less important than the data that suggests a sharp demographic
jump.
3
Hoffman et al. (1986: 178) suggested the possibility that the region was colonized by groups coming from
the north, who might have chosen the area because of the confluence of several habitats, the abundance of
good soil and raw materials, seasonal rainfall, the existence of a (now defunct) nearby canal close to the border
of the desert, and the hydraulic efficiency of the wadi Abu Suffian.
 Campagno

Fig. 2 Hierakonpolis in the 4th millennium BC (redrawn from Friedman 2008a: 8, and Baba et al. 2017: 4)

HK33, and HK31 (Painted Tomb Cemetery) near the desert’s edge (Friedman 2008a: 21–
26; see below).4

4
On the reasons behind this shift in the settlement pattern, several hypotheses have been proposed, including
climatic deterioration, which would have exacerbated the degradation of the desert ecosystem initiated by the
use of trees and shrubs for fuel and the overgrazing of sheep, goats, and cattle; an increased emphasis on
alluvium-based subsistence and manufacturing activities, as well as transport for trading and raiding; the quest
for security in the increasingly hostile context of Upper Egypt; and the possible development of a ceremonial
complex which could have served to attract the regional population (Hoffman 1982: 132; 1984: 239; see also
Harlan 1985: 225–234). Alternatively, Wengrow (2006: 82–83) relates this demographic trend to the consol-
idation of new forms of funerary rituals, referring to this process as the Burbanization of the dead.^
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

Functional Specialization

In this context of demographic expansion, there is also evidence of a considerable

functional specialization, at least since early Naqada II. On the one hand,
Hierakonpolis contains the earliest evidence of large-scale constructions in the Nile
Valley, which points to the existence of new specialized practices related both to the
organization of the work required to build the structures and to the specific activities
(religious, administrative) to be performed therein. The largest of these construc-
tions is an oval complex more than 40-m long and 12-m wide (HK29A), which was
probably a ceremonial center mainly used during Naqada IIB-C and Naqada IID-
IIIA. Architectural remains include remnants of a mud-brick wall and a series of
postholes that point to the existence of massive wooden pillars. Inside the structure,
there are pits with thousands of animal bones, as well as large quantities of
potsherds, including an Bostracon^ with the image of a bovine deity (Adams
1995: 36–41; Friedman 1996, 2009a; Hendrickx & Friedman 2003: 97–100;
Linseele et al. 2009). In its vicinity, site HK29B is an area with a palisade of large
logs over 50 m long, probably associated with HK29A, while site HK25 shows at
least five lines of ten postholes each, in what was probably a patio of columns
(Hikade et al. 2008). Another nearby site (HK34B), in very bad condition, contains
the remnants of a stone building, which seems to have had a rectangular layout and
covers about 1600 m2. Given these architectural features and its central location in
the area close to the alluvial edge, Hoffman suggested it might have been an
administrative or ceremonial complex (Harlan 1985: 228; Hoffman 1982: 130).
Other investigations have also revealed several sites with installations for productive
uses. Some of them, both in the area near the cultivated zone as well as in the low
desert, were intended for the production of beer (HK11C, HK24A, HK24B, HK25D),
food (HK11C), pottery (HK29, HK11C, HK59), and lithic production (HK29A)
(Adams 1995: 45–46; Baba & Friedman 2016; Baba et al. 2017; Friedman 1994:
737–739; Geller 1989, 1992; Hendrickx 2008; Hoffman 1982: 126; Holmes 1992: 37–
44; Takamiya 2004, 2008). The existence of a considerable division of labor can be
inferred not only from the specialization of the processes but also from the volumes
produced: at HK24A, the installation might have been capable of producing almost
400 l of beer per day, which would be equivalent to rations for 200 to 400 people (see
Friedman 2005: 65; Geller 1992: 21, 24); at HK11C, the size of the food preparation
facility and the quantity of faunal remains also points to a production scale that was far
beyond a domestic strategy (Baba et al. 2017: 28). In fact, local elites might have
stimulated the production of diverse goods on a large scale for their own consumption
and funerary requirements as well as for redistribution among the members of their
entourages as a way to strengthen and expand loyalties. All these specialized activities,
including the provision of raw materials and other inputs such as firewood for kilns and
food for workers, suggest the possibility that at least a portion of the inhabitants of
Hierakonpolis were attached to economic practices different from agriculture and
husbandry (see Moeller 2016: 68; Stevenson 2016: 434–435).
In addition, the division of labor can be appreciated alongside the evidence
concerning specialized craftsmanship, at least since early Naqada II. In this sense, the
fragments of a nearly life-sized limestone statue of a human form, found in Tomb 23 of
Cemetery HK6 (see below), point in that direction (Harrington 2004; Jaeschke 2004).
 Campagno

Other objects found in the same cemetery and the site HK29A, such as a number of
finely carved flint animal figurines, ivory objects, semi-precious stone beads, and stone
vessels (see Friedman 2009a; Friedman et al. 2011), also suggest the presence of
specialists in Hierakonpolis.

Social Differentiation

From the beginning of its use (Naqada IC–IIA), the Cemetery HK6 featured several
large and well-endowed tombs, pointing to the existence of an elite segregated from the
rest of the local population. Among the main burials of this cemetery, Tomb 23 is
especially remarkable since it had a burial chamber 5.5-m long, 3.1-m wide, and at least
1.2-m deep, and a superstructure and encircling wall, forming a funerary enclosure,
with a surface measure 16 m × 9 m (Figueiredo 2004: 1–23; Friedman 2008a: 11–20;
2008b: 1161–1170; Friedman et al. 2011). Tomb 23 represents the largest Naqada IIA–
B period burial known in the entire Nile Valley and it was most likely connected to
some form of local leadership. More recently, exploration of the areas of Tomb 16 and
Tomb 72 in the same Cemetery, HK6, has revealed the existence of two different
mortuary complexes that include a main tomb inside wooden structures, in close
relationship with smaller human and animal burials nearby (Friedman 2004;
Friedman et al. 2011; Friedman et al. 2017; Van Neer et al. 2004). The spatial
distribution within the Tomb 16 complex, where the main burial is surrounded by
smaller tombs, has been interpreted as evoking the social organization typical of an elite
household (Friedman 2009b: 5); the strong contrast between Tomb 72 and its subsid-
iary burials also suggests a link of subordination between the owner of the main burial
and those of the smaller tombs. For a somewhat later period, the previously mentioned
Tomb 100 at Cemetery HK31 has also been considered the burial site of a local leader,
because of its size (5-m long and 2-m wide) as well as the mud-brick walls and their
decoration, featuring motifs such as the slaughter of the enemy, the BLord of the
Animals^ scene, and a ritual run, all of which are included in later pharaonic
iconography.
In contrast with these elite burial practices, other contemporary cemeteries at
Hierakonpolis were composed primarily of small oval tombs with a modest quantity
of grave goods, which seems to indicate that they were necropolises for the general
population. In particular, Cemetery HK43 (Naqada IIA–B) has revealed at least 452
tombs, organized in subgroups forming circles, which could be an indication of the way
in which funerary space was distributed, in association with kinship groups (Friedman
2008a; Friedman et al. 1999). Towards late Naqada II and early Naqada III, there were
several cemeteries with relatively modest burials, among which Cemetery HK27 (BFort
Cemetery^) and Cemetery HK22A–B are highlighted (Friedman 2008a; Hoffman
1987). As previously mentioned, most were concentrated in the vicinity of the alluvial
floodplain, and their probable simultaneous use could point to the existence of different
subgroups among the general population.

Conflict

There are archaeological indications suggesting that certain forms of violence might
have taken place during the process of urbanization in Hierakonpolis. In the general
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

population of Cemetery HK43, there are burials whose occupants had skull fractures or
multiple lacerations to the throat, which points to a violent death (Friedman et al. 1999:
11–14; Dougherty & Friedman 2008). An isolated human vertebra with deep peri-
mortem cut marks has also been found in Cemetery HK6’s Tomb 23 (Friedman 2008b:
1168). According to Friedman (2008a: 21–22; 2008b), the transition to Naqada IIC
could not have been peaceful, since the superstructures of Tombs 23 and 26 in the
Cemetery HK6 seem to have been burned, and the fragments of the almost life-size
statue of an individual found in Tomb 23 seem to suggest intentional damage. Evidence
of burning has been recently indicated also for the Tomb 72 (Friedman et al. 2017: 247,
255). Although it is not possible to determine the reasons behind what were likely
destructive actions, we can infer the existence of tensions within the urban realm. In
addition, some of the motifs represented in the wall decoration of Tomb 100 present
individuals possibly fighting each other, and the execution of prisoners, which, in turn,
implies some violent action related to their capture.
Beyond Hierakonpolis, there is evidence regarding conflicts on a regional scale
from late Naqada I to early Naqada III. A hiatus in the occupation of Cemetery U of
Abydos during Naqada IIB–C has been interpreted as indicating a period of Bsocial
disruption^ (Stevenson 2016: 442; see Hartmann 2011: 934). The existence of wars
in the Predynastic Nile Valley is mainly inferred from the evidence of weapons
(maces, axes, spears, bows, and arrows), of vestiges of a wall (in Naqada), and of
iconographic representations of soldiers, fights, captives, and the execution of
prisoners (Campagno 2002: 131–134, 164–170; Gilbert 2004). Although there is
no consensus among researchers about the reasons for such conflicts (Campagno
2004), it is important to highlight that urbanization in Hierakonpolis took place in a
regional context characterized by wars, which probably led to the political integra-
tion of Upper Egypt, sometime in late Naqada II or early Naqada III (Kemp 2006:
77; see also Campagno 2002: 178–183; Köhler 2010: 45). Taking into account the
continued importance of Hierakonpolis during that period and in the subsequent
centuries, as well as the importance of a growing population to the formation of
larger armies, it is not difficult to suppose the active role that Hierakonpolis might
have had in those regional conflicts.

Monte Albán

Since the beginning of the Preclassic period (Tierras Largas phase, 1450–1150 BC), the
valley of Oaxaca shows evidence of sedentary villages in the margins of its main rivers,
the Atoyac and its tributary, the Salado (see Fig. 3). The economic subsistence of such
villages was based on the cultivation of maize, though it also included other crops
(legumes, squash, avocado, peppers), the breeding of animals (turkeys, dogs), and
hunting and gathering of wild species. The subvalley of Etla seems to have concen-
trated a larger population, mainly due to the higher productivity of its lands (Marcus &
Flannery 1996: 80–81; Nicholas 1989). In this arm of the Valley of Oaxaca, the
settlement of San José Mogote would have been the most important center in the
whole valley, from the Tierras Largas phase until the foundation of Monte Albán
(Flannery & Marcus 2005: 11–14; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 125; cf. Kowalewski
et al. 1989: 72, 76). In San José Mogote, several lines of evidence—the construction of
public buildings, differential funerary treatment for certain individuals, the making of
 Campagno

Fig. 3 The Valley of Oaxaca in the 1st millennium BC (redrawn from Marcus 2008: 12, and Winter 2006:
217)

anthropomorphic figurines in seated positions (which could denote a position of

authority), the differential distribution of prestige goods—suggest the emergence of
certain social differences and forms of local leadership in the Valley of Oaxaca at least
since the San José phase (1150–850 BC) (Joyce 2010: 85–117; Marcus & Flannery
1996: 93–110). These characteristics were consolidated in the following phases (Gua-
dalupe and Rosario, 850–500 BC), when remarkable demographic growth took place
as well as the expansion of the number and dimensions of public buildings (in
particular, a large structure in San José Mogote during the Rosario phase, built with
large limestone blocks and probably used for ritual purposes; see below). In addition,
some evidence (the iconography of what was possibly a sacrificed prisoner in San José
Mogote, the abandonment of intermediate zones between main settlements, indications
of possibly intentional fires) suggests the existence of hostilities between different
centers of the Valley, among which San José Mogote (Etla arm), San Martín Tilcajete
(Zimatlán-Ocotlán arm), and Yegüih (Tlacolula arm) are highlighted (Marcus 2008:
25–28).

Demographic Dynamics

In this context, a series of decisive transformations took place at the beginning of the
Monte Albán I phase (= MA I), ca. 500 BC. From a demographic point of view, the
Valley of Oaxaca entered a period of great expansion. On the one hand, the urban center
of Monte Albán was established at this time, on a previously uninhabited hill, in the
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

relatively unpopulated central area of the Valley (see Fig. 4).5 According to researchers’
calculations, Monte Albán seems to have quickly reached a population of around 5000
inhabitants (Early MA I phase, 500–300 BC), which would jump to 17,000 during the
following phase (Late MA I phase, 300–150/100 BC) (Blanton et al. 1999: 53;
Kowalewski et al. 1989: 98, 127–129; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 144–145). On the
other hand, beyond the urban nucleus, demographic growth affected the whole Valley
(Kowalewski et al. 1989: 69, 85, 115; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 123–124, 144) and
was particularly intense in Monte Albán’s close periphery: in an area where only 18
villages are known to have existed in Rosario phase, there were 38 villages during
Early MA I and 155 during Late MA I (Marcus & Flannery 1996: 144). The population
within 20 km of the urban center reached more than 2000 inhabitants in Early MA I and
nearly 8000 in Late MA I, representing, respectively, 66 and 79% of the entire
population of the central region, with the exception of the people living in the city
itself (Blanton et al. 1982: 42).6
Although such population growth may be partly attributed to higher fertility
rates (Blanton et al. 1999: 108), researchers generally agree that the process could
have implied a high flow of migration from villages to urban nucleuses as well as
from other peripheral regions to the Valley of Oaxaca (cf. Blanton et al. 1996;
Kowalewski et al. 1989: 514–515). In particular, the expansion of Monte Albán
coincided with a sharp population decline in San José Mogote, which suggests the
latter was the migrants’ main place of origin (Flannery & Marcus 2015: 201; see
below). As suggested by Blanton et al. (1982: 40; see Blanton et al. 1999: 89–94),
demographic transformations in the central region of Oaxaca, both in the urban
core and in its nearby peripheries, seem to have implied an intensification of
agricultural production, occupying lands with lower productive potential (the so-
called Bpiedmont strategy,^ see Kowalewski et al. 1989: 123–126). An increase in
the complexity of settlement hierarchies also took place inasmuch as, beyond
Monte Alban’s center, some peripheral towns—especially in Late MA I—seem

5
Most researchers emphasize that the central area of the Valley of Oaxaca was relatively uninhabited prior to
the foundation of Monte Albán, a space that is usually interpreted as a buffer zone between the main centers of
the three subvalleys (Blanton et al. 1999: 42–44; Kowalewski et al. 1989: 75; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 123–
124). However, there is evidence supporting the existence of small sites in that region (Xoxocotlán, El
Rosario, Colonia Las Bugambilias, Hacienda La Experimental) that would have corresponded to the Rosario
phase (see Winter 2004: 32–33).
6
Among the reasons for the population concentration in Monte Albán, on the one hand, the strategic location
of the site in the central area of the Oaxaca Valley has been highlighted. In this sense, the urban center could
have functioned as the Bdisembedded capital^ of a confederacy, in an area that facilitated access to goods,
providing administrative advantages and lower transport costs (Blanton et al. 1999: 62–66; Spencer 1982: 17–
24; 1990: 16). On the other hand, an alternative scenario related to conflicts between the inhabitants of each
subvalley has been proposed. In this regard, the relative depopulation of the Etla arm and the rapid settlement
on the previously uninhabited hill of Monte Alban, sometimes compared to a process of Bsynoecism,^ could
have corresponded to a strategy of San José Mogote’s elite against the populations of the Tlacolula and
Ocotlán-Zimatlán arms, by occupying a defensible place in an area that would have been seen previously as a
Bno man’s land^ (Flannery & Marcus 2015: 201; Marcus 2008: 28; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 139–142).
Other researchers have suggested ideological reasons for the settlement: the possible migration of a religious
elite from San José Mogote to Monte Albán, which could have induced a more or less voluntary movement of
a wider number of followers towards the new center, interested in accessing the supranatural protection
provided by the elite and willing, in turn, to subordinate themselves to the religious leaders (Joyce 2010: 130–
131; Joyce & Winter 1996: 36–39).
 Campagno

Fig. 4 Monte Albán in the second half of the 1st millennium BC (redrawn from Marcus 2008: 35, and
Flannery & Marcus 1983c: 88)

to have had several hundred inhabitants and testimonies of monumental architec-

ture, while other villages had a few dozens of inhabitants and considerably more
modest architectural remains.7

7
Blanton et al. (1982: 45–55, 62–65; 1999: 72–77) have distinguished three settlement hierarchies during the
Monte Albán Ia phase, and five during the Monte Albán Ic phase, inferring the existence of an administrative
system at the regional level (see also Kowalewski et al. 1989: 110, 151). However, while the distinction of
three levels is based on qualitatively measurable criteria (the center of Monte Albán; towns with Bpublic^
architecture and hundreds of inhabitants; and villages without Bpublic^ architecture and tens of inhabitants),
the distinction of four or five levels only seems to juxtapose quantitative differences with those already
indicated.
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

Functional Specialization

Beyond the demographic impact, the founding of the center of Monte Albán led to an
unparalleled expansion of large-scale constructions and craft production, which denotes
a notable change in the forms of functional specialization. With regard to large
constructions, although there was a significant precedent in San José Mogote during
the Rosario phase,8 the center of Monte Albán would have provided the scenario for a
clear leap of scale. Evidence of arguably monumental architecture in the urban core
corresponds to MA II phase (ca. 100 BC–200 AD) onwards, when an enormous
architectural complex at the top of the mountain—a vast central plaza (300 m by
1500 m) surrounded by buildings, including two huge platforms (230 and 130 m of
side) at the northern and southern limits—began to take its final shape (Marcus &
Flannery 1996: 178–184). However, the layout of the main plaza was clearly
established during phase I, as several buildings that surrounded the northern and
western perimeter of the main plaza were built before phase II: there are some remnants
of a structure (with serpentine motifs) below the later North platform, a building on the
west side of the plaza that includes a sloping wall 6-m high and two masonry columns
(Building IV), and another building to the south of Building IV, which contains two
stelae with hieroglyphs and a significant collection of more than 300 carved stones
(Building L) (Flannery & Marcus 1983c: 87–90; Joyce 2004: 198; 2010: 133–134;
Urcid & Joyce 2014: 151–152; Winter 2001: 284–286).
Additionally, other large-scale constructions were built in the urban nucleus during
the MA I phase. On the one hand, on the hill’s northwest slope, there are remains of a
stone and earth wall 3-km long, 15–20-m wide, with heights reaching 9 m (see Fig. 4).
The wall seems to have had two phases of construction, the most recent between Late
MA I and MA II phases, and the oldest perhaps around the time the city was founded
(Blanton 1978: 52–54; Hutson 2002: 62–63; Joyce 2004: 197; Marcus & Flannery
1996: 150–151). On the other hand, a small system of artificial irrigation was built in
the same period, consisting of a stone dam 10-m high and 80-m long, and a 2-km-long
canal that irrigated agricultural terraces (O’Brien et al. 1982; see also Blanton 1983: 85;
Marcus 2008: 39–40; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 146–148).
In particular, the carved stones found in the Building L, traditionally called
Bdanzantes,^ require attention here (Caso 1965: 849–855; Paddock 1966: 104–110;
Scott 1978). Although this type of elaborate carving of the human figure has an isolated
precedent in Monument 3 of San José Mogote (Rosario phase) (Flannery & Marcus
1983a: 57–58; 2015: 180–193; Marcus 1976; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 129–130;
Redmond & Spencer 2006: 344–346), Building L includes hundreds of slabs with
different representations, implying a remarkable expansion of craftsmanship (regarding
the meaning of the iconography of these monuments, see below). Additionally, the
presence of hieroglyphic signs in many of the slabs provides information about the use
of a writing system and calendar (Marcus 1983: 91–95; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 159–

8
The main large-scale building at San José Mogote is Structure 19, a platform of 21.7 × 28.5 m and 2 m high,
with limestone blocks weighing up to a ton, upon which Structure 28 was built, a lime-plastered platform for
possible ritual purposes (Flannery & Marcus 1983b: 75–77; 2015: 119–164; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 126–
128). After a fire destroyed Structure 28, a new large-scale building (Structure 14) was built, of approximately
24 × 21 m, which may have worked as a new temple platform (Flannery & Marcus 2015: 165–177).
 Campagno

161), which in turn implies the existence of specialists related to these registration
systems.
The expansion of craftsmanship, in fact, can be seen in several ways. Although there
are some antecedents (Blanton et al. 1999: 97; Drennan & Flannery 1983: 65–66;
Flannery & Marcus 1983a: 55; Joyce 2010: 86), from MA I onwards there was a
remarkable increase in specialized craft production.9 On the one hand, the offerings in
elite burials often included stone objects (onyx, greenstone) and gray wares, among
which the braziers and effigy vessels, with depictions of the lightning god Cocijo and
other zoomorphic and anthropomorphic beings, are highlighted (Caso & Bernal 1965:
872–875; see also Blanton et al. 1999: 102–105; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 158–159).
On the other hand, some researchers have suggested that different raw materials such as
onyx, flint, lime, or salt, could have been extracted or produced by specialized
communities (Joyce 2010: 149; Winter 1984: 198–200). The specialized production
of pottery, probably under increased administrative control, is also noteworthy
(Feinman 1982: 189–193; Feinman et al. 1984: 164; Minc et al. 2016: 41–43). Two
villages in Monte Albán’s hinterland during the Late MA I phase—San Agustín de las
Juntas, and Tomaltepec—show remnants of kilns for the production of gray ware on a
large scale (Whalen 1988; Winter 1984: 195), including jugs decorated with human or
animal figures, probably used in rituals, and other bowls—like the so-called G.12,
whose standardization suggests large-scale production (Kowalewski et al. 1989:
113)—apparently used for food preparation. This period would also mark the creation
and rapid spread of a specific type of ware, the comal, used for the production of
tortillas, and interpreted as an object for providing rations to those who were working
outside the local communities (Joyce 2010: 149; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 146; Winter
1984: 213; 1989: 39). In addition, by the Late MA I phase, the manufacture of elite
crema wares was overwhelmingly concentrated in the San Lorenzo Cacaotepec-
Atzompa area, near the capital, which suggests an elite interest in regulating access
to these sumptuary goods (Minc et al. 2016: 42–43; see also Elson & Sherman 2007).

Social Differentiation

Transformations in the Valley of Oaxaca from the MA I phase also affected residential
structures and burial practices, with the appearance of new types of residences and
tombs, which were more complex and segregated from those of the general population,
pointing to an increase in forms of social differentiation.
As for the residential compounds, the urban nucleus of Monte Albán shows an
association between structures used for ritual purposes, large residential buildings, and
large tombs, already known in San José Mogote in the late Rosario phase, pointing to
increasing segregation between the elites and the rest of the population (Barber & Joyce
2006: 220; Flannery & Marcus 1983a: 58–60; 2005: 409–443). In contrast to the
houses of the general population, which continued showing the basic features of
previous periods—a single structure, with foundations of stone or mud-brick walls,

9
According to the observation by Marcus & Flannery (1996: 158), Bone unintended consequence of bringing
together thousands of people in a new city can be an explosion of arts and crafts, especially if many of those
people are forced to abandon agriculture […] Monte Albán was such an environment, and its sponsorship of
craftspeople penetrated even to the towns in its hinterland.^
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

and sometimes associated with graves (Barber & Joyce 2006: 222, 226; Blanton et al.
1999: 57–61; Joyce 2010: 142–143; Winter 1974: 982)—the main high status resi-
dences would have been concentrated immediately to the east of the North platform, in
an area of large terraces (Martínez López et al. 2014: 310; Winter 1994: 22; 2004: 36–
39, 41). In particular, residence A3A presented several foundation walls surrounding a
stuccoed patio, with a complex tomb beneath it (Barber & Joyce 2006: 226; Joyce
2010: 142; Winter 1994: 12). For the subsequent MA II phase, the same area would still
be used for the construction of elite residences (Barber & Joyce 2006: 228). Outside the
urban center, a residential structure (unit Ic-I) excavated in the nearby village of
Tomaltepec is worth considering (Whalen 1988). The structure Ic-I had two platforms,
mud-brick walls, and plaster floors, probably surrounding a patio, and was located to
the north of the plaza and in the vicinity of what were probably other public buildings.
All these constructions thus indicate a sustained trend to build larger and more complex
residential compounds in the proximity of large buildings related to ritual activities, and
segregated from the residences of the general population.
At the same time, the realm of funerary practices shows changes that go hand in
hand with the transformations in residential structures. In this sense, the pre-existing
trend to bury the dead inside households, implying a correspondence between tombs
with greater funerary wealth and more complex residential structures (Flannery &
Marcus 1983a: 60; 2005: 437–443; Joyce 2010: 108, 124; Marcus & Flannery 1996:
113–115, 131–134), was exacerbated from MA I onwards. On the one hand, the houses
of the general population would have been associated with modest burials, which
tended to be simple graves, fosas and cists, with no offerings or scarce goods. On the
other hand, the elite residences located on the North platform show the most complex
and well-endowed tombs of the period. In particular, Tomb 204 (6.20 m × 1.80 m, and
2.79 m in depth), associated with the residential structure A3A, included a mortuary
chamber and antechamber and was Bthe most elaborate Late Formative tomb yet found
in Monte Alban^ (Joyce 2010: 142; see also Martínez López et al. 1995: 236; 2014:
125–150, 307–308). Other elite burials also included stone-masonry, as with Tombs 43
and 111, which contained, respectively, 101 and 56 ceramic vessels, and Burial VI–12,
which contained an offering with objects of onyx and 29 vessels, including effigy
vessels representing the image of Cocijo (Flannery & Marcus 1983c: 90–91; Joyce
2010: 142–143; Martínez López et al. 2014: 302–314). This association between elite
residences and tombs is also present in Tomaltepec, where the unit Ic-I presents a tomb
of adobe walls, with two adults and a child, and offerings of jade and 37 ceramic
vessels (Barber & Joyce 2006: 227).

Conflict

Available evidence for the Rosario phase (mainly, the figure that could have been a
sacrificed prisoner represented on San José Mogote’s Monument 3, and the high
frequency of burnt structures) suggests, if compared to earlier times, an increase in
some forms of violence (Balkansky 1998: 459; Flannery & Marcus 2015: 155–157;
Kowalewski et al. 1989: 70; Redmond & Spencer 2006: 346–347). However, as is the
case in the other contexts considered up to now, there seems to have been a major jump
in scale in those forms of violence once the urban nucleus of Monte Albán was
founded. First, the urban core itself presents evidence suggesting defensive efforts.
 Campagno

As mentioned previously, a wall 3-km long and up to 9-m high was built on the
northwest side of the hill—that is, on the side which allowed easiest access to the top.10
In a parallel fashion, during the MA I phase, there was a trend towards the establish-
ment of settlements in high places, which would have been more easily defendable in
case of a military attack: almost 40% of the population of the Valley of Oaxaca would
have lived in 13 sites founded on hilltops or having walls during the Late MA I phase,
which constitutes a significant leap with respect to the mere three sites with similar
features at the beginning of phase Ia (Elam 1989: 404–405; Marcus & Flannery 1996:
146). In fact, some researchers suggest that several of these sites, established in
strategic places, could have housed Monte Albán’s garrisons, destined to ensure
regional control (Elam 1989: 404).
Beyond the urban core, there is some evidence from nearby regions that points to the
existence of conflicts in which Monte Albán probably participated. To the south, in the
subvalley of Zimatlán-Ocotlán, the center of San Martin Tilcajete suffered two stages of
destruction during the MA I phase: the first, towards 330 BC (Early MA I phase),
reached the main plaza (El Mogote), and required relocation of the local population to a
more defendable area (El Palenque), which was also destroyed towards the end of the
Late MA I phase, around 30–20 BC (Redmond & Spencer 2006: 360–365, 378–381;
2017; Sherman et al. 2010: 281–282; Spencer & Redmond 2001: 217–221; 2003: 31–
46). In the opposite direction, the Cañada de Cuicatlán shows several signs of violence,
including relocation to more defendable places, the burning and abandonment of the
settlement of Llano Perdido, and the disposal of 61 human skulls in rows—as in the
later Btzompantli^ of the Aztecs—found in La Coyotera, that could have marked the
celebration of a military victory (Marcus & Flannery 1996: 203–206; Redmond 1983;
Redmond & Spencer 2006: 366–375; Spencer & Redmond 1997). The strong presence
of Monte Albán ceramics in the area suggests that this center could not have been
disconnected from these episodes of violence.
Evidence of conflict is also significant within the context of the iconography related
to MA I. The aforementioned carved stones of the Bdanzantes,^ which mostly represent
naked individuals, some of them showing body ornaments, signs of mutilation, and
hieroglyphic signs which might name the individuals or their places of origin, require
attention again. The explanations by researchers about the reasons for these motifs are
not unanimous. The most widespread current interpretation suggests they represent the
sacrifice of prisoners with ties to different areas in warlike conflict with Monte Albán
(Marcus 1976: 125–127; see also Flannery & Marcus 1983c: 89–90; Marcus 2008: 32–
34; Marcus & Flannery 1996: 151–155; Redmond & Spencer 2006: 351–357; Spencer
& Redmond 2003: 27–29). More recently, Urcid (2011; see also Urcid & Joyce 2014:
152–157) has suggested that many of these carved stones may represent scenes of self-
sacrifice, integrated into the framework of an iconographic program that expresses a
sodality organized in groups of age-grades (elders and young warriors), as well as other
representations related to rituals used to invoke ancestral spirits Bfor oracular purposes

10
In the opinion of Urcid & Joyce (2014: 166), the possibility that the wall might serve defensive purposes
against rival factions inside the city should not be ruled out. In the same vein, the Conjunto PNLP (Monte
Albán II phase, but occupied since phase I, see Martínez López & Markens 2004: 77), in the northwest corner
of the main plaza, could have acted as a control point for accessing the plaza: 27 projectile points were found
inside the structure, Bwhich suggests that coercive power was used to monitor access to the plaza^ (see also
Martínez López & Markens 2004: 92).
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

related to warfare^ (Urcid & Joyce 2014: 153) and for sacrifice by beheading. In this
sense, in spite of the many differences separating them, both interpretations propose an
association between images, ritual, and violence. Finally, as for written evidence, with
the understanding that current knowledge of it is very rudimentary, some of the earliest
inscriptions (MA I phase) seem to allude to the defeat or capture of enemies and to the
sacrifice of individuals (Marcus 2008: 59–62; Urcid & Joyce 2014: 155, Fig. 9.4).
Everything suggests that the use of this early form of writing is directly related to the
message expressed by the iconography, which is centered on the ritual violence exerted
by the elite of Monte Albán.

Discussion

Let us now consider some of the social effects generated by the processes of urbanization in
terms of what is perhaps one of their most basic aspects: the concentration of population.
The point I would like to stress here is, fundamentally, the challenge that such processes of
population concentration pose to the primary pre-existing mode of social organization. Pre-
urban societies appear to have been organized as village communities based on what we will
call a Blogic of kinship,^ i.e., a mode of organization in which the dominant social bond is
defined by a certain Bmutuality of being^ (Sahlins 2011) that refers to reciprocity principles
implied in the double axis of kinship and vicinity (Campagno 2006, 2011). In this sense, a
first observation of the demographic dynamics both in Hierakonpolis and Monte Albán
allows us to easily note that the thousands of inhabitants that would have been concentrated
in each of these urban nuclei could not have been the result of a dynamic of vegetative
growth. In Hierakonpolis, it is possible that some population had pre-existed in the area;
however, there could not have been more than a few hundred inhabitants. In Monte Albán,
the hill where the city would be established was previously uninhabited, and there was a
scant population in its surrounding area. This implies that the greater part of the population
that was rapidly concentrated in the urban centers had to have been the result of migratory
processes, which would have gathered groups of people coming from different places.
With regard to Hierakonpolis, little is known about the specific demographic
process. The accelerated expansion of the population suggests a settlement of new-
comers. One need not propose that migrants arrived from far-off regions: former
nomadic groups or the incorporation of people coming from other villages of the same
region are both plausible.11 The existence of cemeteries in different zones of
Hierakonpolis during Naqada I–IIB (see Friedman 2008a) might be consistent with
the possibility of newcomers of heterogeneous origins. The arrival of new populations
could have continued in the followings stages (Naqada IICD–IIIA1), when the popu-
lation was increasingly concentrated in or near the floodplain, where new buildings
were constructed.12 In fact, this demographic trend could not have been restricted only
to Hierakonpolis: other regional urban nuclei such as Naqada could have experienced a

11
Batey (2012: 32) has proposed that net migration to Hierakonpolis could have had a negligible effect on
population growth, but his considerations are based on the possibility of migration from distant regions, which
seems to underestimate the impact of intraregional migration on the concentration of populations in an urban
core.
12
For example, Buchez (2011: 32) suggests that the population decline in the village of Adaïma during
Naqada IIC–IIIA1 can be considered Ban exodus of population towards major cities such as Hierakonpolis.^
 Campagno

similar tendency, where Bsignificant urban expansion, urban nucleation, social differ-
entiation and elite formation can be attested^ (Hassan et al. 2017: 93). We know more
about the demographic process in the central area of the Valley of Oaxaca, where a
significant part of the population that was concentrated in Monte Alban seems to have
arrived from San José Mogote, the largest population center during Rosario phase, as
well as from other villages of the subvalley of Etla. In fact, towards the end of that
phase, the whole area suffered a process of rapid depopulation. According to Flannery
& Marcus (2015: 201), Bwe believe that 1000 of these colonists came from San José
Mogote and another 1000 from its satellite villages. During the next 200 years, from
500 to 300 BC, Monte Albán’s population would grow to 5000.^ If such were the case,
we could observe, first, an initial coexistence in Monte Albán of populations from
different villages, and second, a jump from 2000 to 5000 inhabitants in two centuries
that could only have happened as a result of the continuity of the migratory processes,
which in turn implies that people arriving to Monte Albán could also have come from
other areas of the Valley.
From the point of view of the logics of social organization, such heterogeneous
provenance allows us to conceive of urban contexts as spaces for the convergence of
different, previously unrelated kinship networks, which, after settling in cities, would
have been in permanent contact with each other. This possibility is interesting, because
the logic of kinship tends to produce discrete social groups, which do not grow
indefinitely, and on the contrary, are in mutual contrast to other groups organized
around similar criteria. In fact, the outside of a kin network is defined as a negative limit
that discriminates between kin and Bnon-kin,^ and the latter tend to be identified as
Bstrangers^ or Benemies^ (Sahlins 1971: 55). Therefore, this Boutside^ implies the
existence of interstitial spaces between the social contexts organized by the logic of
kinship. And these interstitial spaces, precisely because they are not governed by
kinship, can be propitious realms for the emergence of new practices—Bnew densities
of human relations,^ in Stevenson’s terms (2016: 434; see Yoffee 2005: 61)—different
from the ones which are possible within the contexts where kinship logic is dominant.
What is decisive here is the possibility that the heterogeneous provenance of the groups
that would populate the first urban nuclei could favor the emergence of another type of
social logic.
Is there, then, any evidence regarding this social heterogeneity of the early urban
populations? In the case of Hierakonpolis, it is important to note the possibly simul-
taneous use of different cemeteries (HK43, HK33, HK22), which suggests that the
population was divided laterally along the edge of the cultivated area, with groupings
associated with the different necropolises where their deceased would have been buried
(Friedman 2008a). On a smaller scale, Cemetery HK43 shows a spatial organization
defined by subgroups of graves following a circular pattern (Friedman et al. 1999; see
also Campagno 2003), which also allows us to infer a possible kinship identity among
the members of each subgroup, in contrast with those of the other subgroups.
With regard to Monte Albán, the main hint that can suggest the heterogeneous origin
of the population is the possible existence, from the beginning of its founding, of three
probable residential subgroups or Bbarrios,^ established nearby in what would later be
the main plaza (Blanton 1978: 37–39; 1983: 84–85; Blanton et al. 1999: 61). Pottery
remnants in these early Bbarrios^ suggest they were in contact with each other, but also
that each group maintained a special relationship with each of the three subvalleys of
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

Oaxaca, one of them in particular with the Etla arm (Kowalewski et al. 1989: 96).
Exponential population growth makes this organization less visible for Late MA I,
although two new subgroups can be seen in Atzompa and El Gallo, two immediate
peripheries that would be populated somewhat later (Blanton 1978: 41–44) (in any
case, a similar organization into Bbarrios^ is most clearly seen during the MA IIIb
phase, see Blanton 1978: 66–93). Indeed, with this type of evidence alone, we cannot
speculate any further about the specific forms of social organization related to these
Bbarrios.^ However, the early connections between these subgroups and their different
sites of origin constitute a useful indicator about the initial heterogeneity within the
urban core.
Now, if we admit, by way of hypothesis, the heterogeneous nature of the composi-
tion of these initial urban centers, the possibility of permanent interactions between
groups whose relationships were not defined by the logic of kinship, could lead, as we
suggested, to the advent of new practices not regulated by this social logic. In particular,
the logic of kinship tends to restrain the possibilities for social differentiation and
conflict within the realms in which it operates as the main axis of social organization,
but this effect does not apply outside those realms. Therefore, the interstitial spaces
between organizations based on the logic of kinship could be a propitious context for
the emergence of relationships of subordination or antagonism between different
groups living in the urban setting.
In this sense, we can consider alternative scenarios for the advent of forms of social
hierarchy within the urban context. On the one hand, taking into account the possibility
of a more or less continuous flow of migrants in the urban setting, the principle of
Bfirst-comer primacy^ could have prevailed, according to which Bthe earliest occupants
establish a ritual relationship to the land to which later settlers must defer^ (Kopytoff
1999: 89). In this sense, the inclusion of outsiders in pre-existing social organizations
based on kinship logic could have implied some kind of subordinate incorporation
through practices of patronage, that is, through personal ties of subordination between a
patron who gives rights (for example, of permanence) in exchange for the loyalty of his
clients (see Eisenstadt & Roniger 1984; Gellner & Waterbury 1977; Lemche 1995). In
other words, newcomers could have been integrated into the pre-existing social net-
work, but not as kin with full rights, but from a position of dependence.13 On the other
hand, links between such groups could also have taken place in a context of compe-
tition and conflict, such as in factional dynamics (see Brumfiel 1989, 1994; Bujra 1973;
Fox 1994; see also Beck 2003). The eventual dominance of one faction over another
might have led to the establishment of a different kind of social bond. If such
dominance were to become consolidated over time, this would imply the emergence
of a new, hierarchical logic of social organization, in which a group could prevail over
the rest of the population depending on its capacity to exert the monopoly of coercion.
We will call this new way of organizing social life Bstate logic.^
In any case, a look at the new social bonds which would take place in early urban
nuclei allows us to identify hints of two main dynamics of social subordination, which
operate both inside and outside the city. In this sense, on the one hand, the social

13
Fried (1968: 470) pointed out that relations between settled groups and newcomers could be decisive for the
emergence of social stratification and the state. On this respect, see also Campagno (2002: 38–39); Maisels
(1987: 334; 1999: 156–157); Webster (1990: 345–346).
 Campagno

heterogeneity of the urban milieu would provide conditions for the establishment of
subordination links between the different groups that live therein. And on the other
hand, the new social logic would expand beyond the properly urban context, providing
a new mode of articulation between the city and its hinterland.
Let us consider then the issue of social subordination within the cities. As previously
mentioned, both processes of urbanization show good evidence for the existence of
increasing social differentiation. In fact, both early centers exhibit a number of clues
showing remarkable social segregation, with an elite that controlled access to prestige
goods and could organize large-scale works, which in turn implies some control over
specialized production processes and the work force needed to perform them. Icono-
graphic representations in funerary objects and other monuments suggest, in addition,
some control of military activities and of access to the gods through rituals. How could
all these features take place, in a relatively short period of time, in such contrast to pre-
existing forms of social organization?
With respect to Hierakonpolis, the initial steps in the process of population agglom-
eration are not easily recognizable. The evidence seems to indicate that there was a
small settlement before the process of Bdemographic explosion,^ which had to attract a
sustained flow of immigration. Whether the oldest population prevailed over the later
migrants, or whether it was promptly overcome by these newcomers, the convergence
of groups of different origins could have led to some form of subordination or to
factional tension. Both possibilities, in fact, are not mutually contradictory. On the one
hand, the organization of the space around Tomb 16 at Cemetery HK6, where a central
burial appears surrounded by subsidiary tombs, seems to evoke the organization of a
household (Friedman 2009b), which points to the early presence of patronage practices.
The contrast between Tomb 72 and its subsidiary tombs also suggests a relation of
subordination between a leader and his followers. On the other hand, the previously
referenced evidence about the probably violent death of some individuals, the possibly
intentional fire in Cemetery HK6’s Tombs 23 and 26, and the destruction of a human-
like statue in the same cemetery, suggest the existence of conflicts within the urban
context. If these forms of patronage or conflict had resulted in stable bonds of
domination, the dominant group could have been able to coercively demand the
provision of certain goods, both for elite consumption and for funerary rituals and to
expand loyalties through redistribution (Brumfiel & Earle 1987). Such a situation could
especially be the case for the production of beer on a large scale. This expanded
demand for goods, in turn, could stimulate processes of labor specialization. Under
these conditions, the later demographic trend which implied a greater clustering of the
population along the edge of the cultivated area where new buildings were erected
might be connected to a number of ecological, economic, military, ideological, and
even funerary reasons (Hoffman et al. 1986; Wengrow 2006: 76–83) but could also be
associated with the emergence of new kinds of urban leadership. The emerging elite
might have promoted or even forced relocation as a way to facilitate their control over
the growing population. Concentrating the population could have been a useful strategy
for providing easy access to the labor force as well as to control the potential tendencies
of the subordinated population to break away.
As for Monte Albán, a crucial factor to take into account is the settlement of the
urban core on a previously uninhabited hill. Given that such a procedure had to imply a
deliberate, founding act, it is possible to imagine some form of leadership driving this
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

process, perhaps coming from San José Mogote, the most important center in previous
times, from which much of the initial population of Monte Albán probably arrived
(Joyce 2010: 130–131). Now, researchers have suggested that Monte Albán’s popula-
tion quickly surpassed the whole population of that center so that other migrants to the
city had to come from somewhere else, either from San José Mogote’s peripheral
villages (Flannery & Marcus 2015), or from the other subvalleys of Oaxaca
(Kowalewski et al. 1989). Possibly, if the authorities leading this process were former
leaders at San José Mogote, they could have had a kind of influence, defined according
to kinship logic, over the migrants who also came from there, but perhaps they could
have had another, more hierarchical leadership with respect to migrants from other
villages of the subvalley of Etla, and perhaps another even more hierarchical role with
respect to the settlers who came from the more distant subvalleys of Tlacolula and
Zimatlán-Ocotlán. In this context, we can also think about the emergence of practices
of subordination, which allowed these elites to gain access to an increasing control over
the rest of the urban population. Inasmuch as these relationships of subordination could
be strengthened over time, the elites might have been able to mobilize a substantial
labor force for large-scale constructions, as well as to support the work of specialized
craftsmanship, and to organize military contingents for use against other more distant
populations.
But the processes of population concentration that led to the creation of the first
urban nuclei do not only imply the advent of a new social logic inside these centers. In
fact, in parallel to the dynamics of social subordination that would take place within the
urban nuclei, these centers could prevail over extra-urban realms through relations of
subjugation over their peripheries. In this sense, we can identify two different modes
through which urban control could be extended to the peripheries. On the one hand, as
Yoffee has indicated, processes of urbanization produced, as their counterparts, other
processes of Bruralization,^ which imply that Bexisting towns and villages became
networked to urban places. The social and economic roles of non-urban dwellers were
tied to decisions made in the cities^ (2005: 60). In this way, cities tended to appear
surrounded by small villages inhabited by a rural population subordinated to urban
authorities, to whom they must pay tribute in kind or in labor time. On the other hand,
as a result of the concentration of population, cities tended to have a considerable mass
of people to organize militarily and to drive against eventual rebel villages or against
more remote urban centers which might be considered enemies or rivals, and which, if
conquered, could also be forced to pay tribute to the urban elite.14
The archaeological evidence from the Hierakonpolis’ region indicates the existence
of a number of small villages on the periphery of the urban nucleus (el-Mamariyeh, el-
Kilh; perhaps even also el-Kab, on the opposite bank of the Nile), which very probably
maintained a relationship of subordination to the emergent city. As for the waging of
wars, the wall decoration of Tomb 100 (mid-Naqada II) shows motifs that relate the
individual buried there to contexts of close combat and to the scene of a leader who
executes defeated prisoners, so there appears to be some relationship between urban
leadership and war. In the regional context, perhaps the most significant data is the

14
The specific characteristics of the processes that led to wider regional urban control are outside the scope of
the present discussion. What matters most here is a consideration of the capacity for urban centers to expand a
new logic of domination outside the cities.
 Campagno

possible crisis of the polity of Naqada, to the north of Hierakonpolis, which could have
succumbed by late Naqada II as a consequence of an attack from Hierakonpolis or from
Abydos, the other possible rival polity, located more to the north, or perhaps even as a
result of an attack from both polities (Hendrickx & Friedman 2003). Judging from the
continued importance of both Hierakonpolis and Abydos in later centuries, this last
possibility is not negligible.
In Monte Albán, as already considered, the founding of the urban nucleus would go
hand in hand with the emergence of many new villages in its hinterland. Quite possibly,
this is another effect of the process of migration into the area of Monte Albán. The
multiplication of villages surely implied an intensification of agricultural production in
connection with the demands of the urban realm, which could have extracted the
villages’ surplus production by way of tribute. Also, some of these villages might have
been intended for the production of specialized goods, as the concentration of crema
ware production in Cacaotepec-Atzompa and the evidence of kilns for large-scale
pottery production from San Agustín de las Juntas and Santo Domingo Tomaltepec
seems to suggest (Minc et al. 2016; Whalen 1988; Winter 1984). The diversity in size
of the villages peripheral to Monte Albán has suggested the possibility that some of
them were second hierarchy administrative centers, which would be subordinated to
Monte Albán and, in turn, would subordinate the smaller villages. Beyond its hinter-
land, the presence of Monte Albán in the Valley of Oaxaca can also be seen in military
actions that the city seems to have carried out. To the south, the destruction in two
stages of the center of San Martín Tilcajete could correspond with a strategy for
suppressing one of Monte Albán’s possible rivals. To the north, a probable military
presence of Monte Albán in the Cañada de Cuicatlán has been suggested, where there is
a Bfortress^ associated with pottery from the Oaxaca Valley. Other signs of potential
conflict are also present there, including the abandonment and possible destruction of
pre-existing villages, which suggests that their inhabitants might have been forced to
resettle to new locations (Spencer 1982: 216, 243), and the presence of a possible
Btzompantli^ to symbolically display the violence that Monte Albán would be able to
exert over potential rebels. To this we can add the information provided by iconogra-
phy, which includes representations of beheaded individuals, who were probably
prisoners captured in regional wars.
In fact, these dynamics of social subordination that took place inside as well as
outside the urban cores might have occurred simultaneously in such a way that both
dynamics influenced each other in a relationship of positive feedback. Regarding this
point, the theoretical reflections of D. Webster (1975: 468) on warfare and the origin of
the state are worth considering. In his estimation, an aggressive expansion of a
chiefdom society might have allowed for the incorporation of new lands, which Bwould
represent a resource external to the traditional system in the sense that no local
individuals or kin groups had claims on it. It therefore would constitute a capital
resource which could effectively be monopolized by the highly ranked managerial
groups whose success in military leadership was largely responsible for its acquisition
in the first place. [This situation] could exaggerate whatever incipient economic
stratification was already present due to local variations in productive resources. [In
such conditions] disadvantaged kin groups or individuals would have sought out
patronage relationships with those controlling more than adequate resources. Moreover,
small, temporarily subordinated groups would become captive ‘clients’.^ If the urban
Initial Urbanization and the Emergence of the State in...

elites could accumulate the resources extracted from peripheral villages through coer-
cion, they would have been better prepared to exert supremacy within the cities as well
as to wage more effective wars and practices of subordination on a regional scale. Thus,
a reciprocal influence between inter-communal wars and social differentiation within
the urban realm should be considered. Both contexts provide propitious conditions for
the emergence of practices not ruled by the logic of kinship and these practices tend to
reinforce each other in the creation of a new kind of social organization.

Balance

At this point, the social heterogeneity of the initial urban centers, with regard to forms
of social organization based on the logic of kinship, can be seen as crucial for
understanding the concomitance of the urbanization processes and the transformations
which led to the advent of the state, as they can be seen in the historical contexts of
Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt and Monte Albán in the Valley of Oaxaca. Such
heterogeneity of early cities provided the conditions for the emergence of practices
that diverged from kinship logic, such as the practices implying the subordination of a
social majority by a minority in control of the means of coercion.
In this sense, beyond the multiple differences between the states which, in the long
run, would be consolidated in the Nile Valley and in the Oaxaca Valley, the beginnings
of the urbanization processes that took place in both regions have a common charac-
teristic, which is fundamental for further transformations: the creation of a social
context whose practices exceeded the limits related to the pre-existing logic of social
organization. Insofar as urban spaces allow for permanent contact between social
groups organized according to the logic of kinship, which defines the exterior of each
group in negative terms, the formalization of new links between groups could be
established without the restrictions that kinship logic imposes on those who are part
of the group. Under these conditions, the emergence of stable bonds of social subor-
dination and political hierarchization is directly related to the consolidation of practices
that are governed by a logic different from kinship, and centered on the capacity of a
group to impose its will on the others. The same dynamic also takes place outside the
urban realm, since there would be similar criteria for the modes of bonding with non-
kin. The economic and political subjection of peripheries would thus be the result of the
extension of state logic at the regional level.
In any case, identifying these types of similarities between two processes of
urbanization that take place at completely different space-time coordinates proves to
be a significant analytical strategy. It is an approach that certainly highlights one of the
most important aspects of comparative studies of antiquity: the possibility of expanding
theoretical reflection on ancient societies.

Acknowledgments This paper is a result of a research project benefited from a grant of the Commission
Fulbright and the Argentina’s National Council of Research (CONICET) which allowed me to have a research
stay at the University of Michigan. A second award given by The Dumbarton Oaks Library allowed me to
finish this article in that wonderful library. I wish to thank very much these institutions and their staffs. I am
particularly grateful to my supervisors in the two visits, Dr. Norman Yoffee (University of Michigan) and Dr.
Colin McEwan (Dumbarton Oaks). I am also grateful to Lic. María Belén Daizo for her help in preparing
maps, as well as to the three anonymous reviewers whose comments decidedly helped to improve this article.
 Campagno

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