ARAM, 18-19 (2006-2007) 463-476. F.P.

doi:BARONE
10.2143/ARAM.19.0.2020740 463

PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM*

Dr. FRANCESCA PROMETEA BARONE

(University of Palermo)

“… E picchì un c’addumanni a Patri Buttitta?”

To my grandmother with love**

Not very much is known about John Chrysostom’s life. On the one hand,
autobiographical references are decidedly rare in his numerous works; on the
other, though a great number of biographies have been written about him –
because of his prominence among the clergy and the society of his time, and
also because of the fascination he exercised on those who came after, no less
than on his contemporaries – from the very first they take the form of hagiog-
raphies.1 His infancy and youth are particularly difficult to reconstruct, so
much so that his date of birth oscillates between 344 and 354,2 according to
suggestions made by scholars who have dedicated themselves to the question.
The first sure date is that of his ordination, which took place in 386 in Antioch,

* First of all I would like to thank Professors Salvatore Nicosia, Giusto Picone and Sever
J. Voicu for suggestions they made on many occasions and for the encouragement which sus-
tained me during the course of this research in an area far from my current academic interests, in
a demanding period on too many fronts. I would also like to express dear thanks to Massimiliano
Licastro (Messina) and Giovanni Nigro (Bari), who sent material which was unobtainable in
Palermo. Giovanni, in particular, furnished me with almost all the articles cited below, and I am
grateful to him for the time and attention he dedicated to me and to my “outlandish” questions.
Finally, my deepest gratitude goes to Gerry Blaylock, who very kindly accepted to translate these
pages into English.
** One evening my grandmother, seeing me come back home worn out, asked me what I was
studying and learned that it was pilgrimages that were draining me. Wanting to help out, and
quite amazed I hadn’t thought of it already, she exclaimed: “E picchì un c’addumanni a Patri
Buttitta?” [Sicilian dialect for: “and why don’t you ask Padre Buttitta?” – the parish priest so
dear to us]. I replied: “Granny, I’m studying pilgrimages in the fourth century, almost 400 years
after Christ!”. And she, suddenly perplexed: “Aaaah! E ccu i sapi chiddi?” [“Who knows any-
thing about that?”]. How could I tell her I would try and ask Chrysostom himself?
1 A detailed list of useful sources for the reconstruction of Chrysostom’s life can be found in

the introduction to the most detailed monograph dedicated to him, that of the Benedictine monk
Chrysostomus Baur: cf. J. C. Baur, John Chrysostom and His Time, 2 vols., Westminster Mary-
land 1959-1960, pp. XXI sqq., English translation with updated bibliography from the original
German Der heilige Johannes Chrysostomus und seine Zeit, 2 vols., München 1929-1930. On the
life and works of John Chrysostom cf. also J.N.D. Kelly, Golden Mouth. The Story of John
Chrysostom – Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop, London 1995; R. Brändle, Johannes Chrysostomus.
Bischof. Reformer. Märtyrer. Stuttgart – Berlin – Köln 1999; W. Mayer – P. Allen, John Chry-
sostom, London 2000.
2
 Cf. R.E. Carter, The Chronology of Saint John Chrysostom's Early Life, Traditio 18 (1962),
pp. 357-364.

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 464 PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

his birthplace and where he carried out his priestly office for around 11 years
until he was consecrated bishop of Constantinople in 398. He was exiled in
404 and died in exile in 407. The same uncertainty which characterizes the
chronology of his life extends also to his copious literary production:3 in fact
only a relatively limited part has been dated with certainty, while in the major-
ity of cases the paucity of references to contemporaneous events do not allow
one to go beyond a generic distinction between the Constantinople period and
the Antioch period.4 Since during the course of my studies on pilgrimages in
Chrysostom differences that could be referable to the different chronology of
the works considered did not seem detectable, in this paper no references to
the dates of the works I examined will be made.

PROBLEMS OF VOCABULARY

The first problem to be faced when carrying out a study on pilgrimages in

the 4th-5th century is of a linguistic nature: neither the Greek nor the Latin of
the time provide a specific term. As regards Latin, the term peregrinus – from
which comes the noun peregrinatio and the modern pellegrino/pellegrinaggio
in Italian, pilgrim/pilgrimage in English, pèlerin/pèlerinage in French, Pilger/
Pilgerfahrt in German – takes on the modern meaning “someone who travels
to visit holy places”5 only in the early middle ages. Peregrinus, “someone
who travels through fields”6 or “someone who comes from far-off fields”7 ac-
cording to the etymology accepted, originally indicated, to use Forcellini’s
definition, “quicumque extra patriam et provinciam suam versatur”,8 and only
3
 Chrysostom is undoubtedly the most prolific of the Greek Fathers (after Origen, whose
works, however, have been largely destroyed) and among those of Antioch he is the only one
almost completely conserved. His writings comprise 18 volumes of the Patrologia Graeca, from
47 to 64. For the most part they are homilies, but he has left also some treatises and around 240
letters.
4
 In some cases even this distinction is not possible. Cf. P. Allen – W. Mayer, Traditions of
Constantinopolitan preaching. Towards a new assessment of where Chrysostom preached what,
Byzantinische Forschungen 24 (1997), pp. 93-114.
5
 N. Zingarelli, Vocabolario della lingua italiana, Bologna 200012, s.v. pellegrino.
6 I consider the adjective peregrinus in its substantivized form.
7
 Cf. A. Ernout – A. Meillet, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine, histoire des
mots, Paris 19794, s.v. peregri, peregre: “peregrinus (…): qui voyage à l’étranger, qui vient de
l’étranger, qui concerne l’étranger”. The etymology of the adverbial forms is uncertain, at least
as far as the first element of the word is concerned (the second has been identified to everyone’s
satisfaction as coming from ager): “Meillet y voit un adjectif indo-européen *pero- «lointain»
(…); peregre a signifié «en terre éloignée» (…). D’autres linguistes voient dans la préposition
per- «à travers», ce qui est moins satisfaint par le sens”.
8
 Cf. E. Forcellini, Lexicon totius Latinitatis, Padova 1771, s.v. peregrinus, I. 2: “Speciatim
peregrinus homo et absolute peregrinus est, quicumque extra patriam et provinciam suam
versatur. Differt ab advena, hospes, incola. Nam peregrinus dicitur respectu loci, unde est;
abvena loci, ad quem venit; hospes loci, ubi est; incola respectu morae et habitationis (…). I. 2.
[sic] Item saepe sic dicitur qui civis R. non est”.

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 F.P. BARONE 465

around the seventh century is subject to a shift that takes it from the juridical
to the religious sphere.9
As regards Greek, if the term that corresponds to peregrinus, the adjective
zénov, “foreigner”, is used to indicate the pilgrim as coming from afar,10 in
the fourth century it does not have a meaning in this specific sense, nor, on the
other hand, will it take on that meaning with the passage of time: the term
which modern Greek uses to indicate a pilgrim is instead proskunjtßv,11 a
derivation from proskunéw, “to adore”, which from the fifth century is used
in ever more strict relation to the practice of going on pilgrimage.12
The Greeks, who from very early on in their ancient history also knew reli-
gious manifestations which could be referred to as “pilgrimage”,13 did not

9
 On the religious use of the term peregrinus cf. N. Belayche, Les pèlerinages dans le monde
romain antique, in J. Chélini – H. Branthomme, Histoire des pèlerinages non chrétiens, Paris
1987, pp. 136-154: “Ce n’est que très timidement, et dans une atmosphère chrétienne, que
l’adjectif latin peregrinus (“qui voyage à” ou “qui vient de l’étranger”, donc “expatrié”…) a
glissé de son champ sémantique juridique classique, donc non sacré (peregrinari a patria) à
l’acception religieuse moderne de “voyageur se rendant dans un sanctuaire” (peregrinari ad
sancta)”. On the period during which this shift took place cf. G. Otranto, Il pellegrinaggio nel
cristianesimo antico, Vetera Christianorum 36 (1999), pp. 239-257, specif. pp. 239-240.
10 Cf. A. Motte, Pèlerinages de la Grèce antique, in J. Chélini – H. Branthomme, Histoire,

op. cit., pp. 94-135, p. 95 note 3.

11 Dizionario Greco moderno – Italiano, a cura del Comitato di redazione dello ISSBI, Roma

1993, s. v. proskunjtßv.
12
 On the evolution of the term proskunéw cf. P. Maraval, Lieux saints et pèlerinages
d’Orient, Paris 1985, pp. 145-146. In particular, he observes how from the fifth century the verb
proskunéw and its derivations are used to express the main reason for visits to holy places. And
while in the Septuagint as also in the New Testament and in the Fathers until the fourth century,
its object can only be God – there is in fact a polemic about the type of veneration to be allowed
for relics, which is echoed for example in Jerome’s Contra Vigilantium – from the fifth century,
however, proskunéw is used without any problem with direct objects that indicate relics or holy
places: “on va en Palestine «adorer les lieux saints et la croix précieuse», aux sanctuaires des
martyrs ou des saints «adorer leurs reliques ou leurs images»” (p. 146).
13
 On the existence of forms of pilgrimage in ancient Greece cf. S. Nicosia, Santuari e
pellegrinaggi nella Grecia antica, Agathón, Notiziario del Dottorato di Ricerca in “Recupero e
Fruizione dei Contesti Antichi”, 2004, p. 5-7. In particular, on p. 6: “Il concetto di «pelle-
grinaggio» come noi lo intendiamo, come viaggio, cioè, finalizzato ad un incontro del fedele con
la divinità in un luogo e in un tempo determinati, è estraneo (…) alla cultura greca, che non
possiede neanche un termine specifico per indicare questa funzione e il «pellegrino» che la
svolge (…). E tuttavia si può dire che, tenendo conto delle differenze, e sfuggendo alla tentazione
di assimilare fenomeni che sono storicamente e culturalmente distanti, l’affluenza di migliaia di
persone in un luogo sacro, e in una determinata circostanza, come appunto accade ad Olimpia,
configura una forma di pellegrinaggio cui i Greci si dedicarono in conformità con i presupposti
concettuali della loro religione”. As far as the reasons for the absence of a pilgrimage similar to
the Christian or Muslim ones are concerned, Nicosia identifies them in some characteristic fea-
tures of Greek religion – polytheism and the absence of a “book of revealed truth” – and also in
another fundamental characteristic of their civilisation, i.e. their political particularism: in short,
they did not have only one God, nor a uniform rite of religious celebration, nor a unique religious
centre. Again on the differences between types of pilgrimage in Greece and Christian pilgrimages
cf. G. Sieber, Reflexions sul la notion de pèlerinage dans la Grece antique, in F. Raphaël et al.,
Les pèlerinages de l’antiquité biblique et classique à l’occident médiéval, Paris 1973, pp. 33-53.
He identifies in the inner nature of Greek religion, more than polytheism in itself, the reason that

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 466 PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

produce a specific term for movement towards a holy place. Their way of indi-
cating “pilgrims” and “pilgrimages” is absolutely literal: the former are from
time to time “those that go”, “those that come”, “spectators” or summing up
their traits together with Thucydides, “those who want to go, sacrifice, consult
the oracle, be spectators at common shrines14”; “pilgrimage” is “march, walk-
ing along the road” (ödoiporía), “navigation” (ploÕv), “going away from
the country” (âpodjmía) according to the type of travel, while períodov (cir-
cuit) indicates the rounds of successive visits to the four sanctuaries which or-
ganized the great games: Delphi, Olympia, Nemea e Corinth.15
At the tail end of the fourth century, already in an epoch of Christian pil-
grimages, there is no change as regards terminology, if the epistle that Gregory
of Nyssa writes on the convenience of pilgrimages around 381 bears the title:
perì t¬n âpióntwn eîv ¨Ierosóluma, “on those who go away to Jerusa-
lem”.16 That is, in order to indicate pilgrims he uses a composite made of a
generic verb of movement, e¤mi (to go), together with a prefix indicating away
from (âpó). In the course of the letter in a similar context Gregory opts for the
verb âpérxomai, substituting e¤mi with a not-less-generic verb of move-
ment,17 while in paragraph 18, 2, he indicates “to go on pilgrimage” with a
verb, êkdjméw, which, due to the prefix êk, gives the movement the meaning
of going out of rather than going away from, without any reference to the reli-
gious nature of the journey. The indeterminedness of the terms from this point
of view in another part of the epistle forces Gregory to call the pilgrim ö katà
qeòn êkdjmßsav,18 using once again the verb êkdjméw, but giving the reli-
gious specificity of the movement to an explicit syntagm (katà qeón). A

differentiates Greek from Christian pilgrimages: “Une religion polythéiste, dépourvue d’un cen-
tre religieux unique et d’une foi codifiée, mais riche en sanctuaires panhelléniques ou régionaux,
différenciés et concurrents, ne présente pas au départ de conditions défavorables à l’éclosion du
phénomène pèlerin. La multitude des saints du Christianisme, que l’on part vénérer dans des
lieux proches ou éloignés, tend à prouver le contraire. Beaucoup plus sérieuses sont les réserves
qui doit susciter a priori la nature profonde de la religion grecque qui même sous ses formes les
plus spiritualisées, ignore des notions comme le péché ou la pénitence, dont l’importance
apparaît essentielle dans les pèlerinages au sens reconnu du terme” (p. 33).
14
 Cf. Thucyd. V, 18, 2: perì mèn t¬n ïer¬n t¬n koin¬n, qúein [kaì îénai] kaì man-
teúesqai kaì qewre⁄n <kaì îénai> katà tà pátria tòn boulómenon kaì katà g±n kaì katà
qálassan âde¬v. On pilgrimages in ancient Greece cf. M. Dillon, Pilgrims and Pilgrimages in
Ancient Greece, London – New York 1997; B. Kötting, Peregrinatio religiosa. Wallfahren in
der Antike und das Pilgerwesen in der alten Kirche, Münster 1950, pp. 12-57; and again
A. Motte, Pèlerinages de la Grèce antique, in J. Chélini – H. Branthomme, Histoire, op. cit.,
pp. 94-135.
15
 Cf. A. Motte, op. cit., p. 95, n. 3.
16
 Grégoire de Nysse, Lettres, Introduction, texte critique, traduction, notes et index par
P. Maraval, SCh 363, Paris 1990.
17
 Cf. Ep. 2, 3, 2: tò âpelqe⁄n eîv ¨Ierosóluma.
18 Cf. Ep. 2, 11, 3-4. Finally, in paragraph 8,1, the pilgrim is ö ên to⁄v tópoiv êkeínoiv

genómenov, “he who has been in those places”.

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 F.P. BARONE 467

movement which on two occasions he calls ödoiporía,19 generic travel by

road.

PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM: ROME, PALESTINE, ARABIA

In the absence of a specific item of vocabulary it becomes necessary, from a

methodological point of view, to characterize the phenomenon “pilgrimages in
the ancient world”, to then look for traces of similar phenomena in the works
of Chrysostom. A pilgrimage can be defined as going to a holy place outside
one’s own environment for religious purposes. Following the characterization
that Branthomme gives in the preface to his book on Christian pilgrimages,20
there appear to be three distinctive features to a pilgrimage: the religious per-
son i.e. the “pilgrim”, whose place of origin, social condition and whose spe-
cific motivations vary from case to case; the movement, which can be more or
less short, more or less dangerous, individual or collective; the destination, i.e.
a place which is deemed holy in connection with events related to the Bible or
the New Testament, or perhaps the presence of a relic or of holy monks.21 Fi-
nally, accepting Kötting’s suggestion, we can indicate a further feature in
“non-quotidianity”.22
A pilgrimage is, therefore, a complex phenomenon which the Corpus
Chrysostomicum reflects in its complexity. In this œuvre evidence can be
found for different types of pilgrimage. If we categorize them according to
the distance from their destination, then there are two: pilgrimages to far-off
lands – normally to “biblical” places –, and local pilgrimages to martyrs’
shrines (martúria), or to monks with a fame for holiness. In this contribution
I will concentrate exclusively on the first type: long-distance pilgrimages.
The desire, and the actual going, to visit places which mark the story of Sal-
vation – whether they be linked to the Old or New Testament – begins at the
start of the fourth century, according to scholars who have studied the question,23

19 Cf. Ep. 2, 6, 1 e 15, 9.

20
 Edited in collaboration with Chélini. Cf. J. Chélini – H. Branthomme, Les chemins de Dieu,
Histoire des pèlerinages chrétiens des origines à nos jours, Paris 1982, pp. 18-19.
21 On the birth of a geography of holy places starting from the fourth century cf. P. Maraval,

op. cit., Paris 1985, pp. 23-60. On holy places in Eastern Byzantine regions (Palestine; Egypt;
Syria and Mesopotamia; Asia Minor; Dacia, Thrace e Macedonia; Constantinople), cf. again
Maraval, pp. 61-104.
22
 Cf. B. Kötting, op. cit., p. 12: “Wallfahrt bedeutet eine außergewöhnliche [my italics]
Äußerung des religiösen Lebens, aber nicht was das Anliegen, den Kern des frommen Tuns
betrifft, sondern das Nichtalltägliche liegt in der Form der Kundgabe der Bitte und des Dankes an
die Gottheit”.
23
 Scholars tend not to consider as pilgrimages some previous experiences, e.g. Melito of
Sardis’ or Origen’s journeys in the East, since their purpose, more than religious, was for histori-

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 468 PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

when a devotional practice already known to Hebrews and pagans24 is taken

up again and given a new meaning in the Christian world.25
Towards the end of the century, John Chrysostom’s writings appear to re-
flect a reality in which pilgrimages to biblical places had become quite con-
solidated, though the references are few, a half dozen. In Palestine there are
various destinations which attract pilgrims: first of all, the Holy Sepulchre to
which, the author bears witness, the ecumene converged. In fact, wishing to
give proof of Christ’s power, Chrysostom affirms: (…) ênnójson tínov
∏neken ™ oîkouménj suntréxei †pasa táfon îde⁄n s¬ma oûk ∂xonta·
poía dúnamiv ∏lkei toùv âpò t¬n perátwn t±v g±v, ¿ste îde⁄n poÕ mèn
êtéxqj, poÕ dè êtáfj, poÕ dè êstaurÉqj· ênnójson aûtòn tòn staurón,
ºsjv dunámeÉv êsti sjme⁄on (“consider why the whole world converges to
see a tomb which does not contain a corpse; what power draws those who
come from the ends of the earth to see the place where he was born, buried,
crucified. Consider of what power the cross itself is a sign”).26 Chrysostom
expresses himself in similar terms also as regards Bethlehem: in the sixth
homily In Mattheum, commenting on the prophecy of Micah about the future
greatness of that place27 he explains: Tí gár fjsin; Oûdam¬v êlaxístj e¤ ên
to⁄v ™gemósin ˆIoúda· kaì t®n aîtían prostíqjsi t±v perifaneíav, légwn
ºti êk soÕ êzeleúsetai. Oûdeìv dè ∏terov lampròn kaì perifanèv êke⁄no
tò xwríon êpoíjsen, âll´ Æ mónov aûtóv. Metà goÕn tòn tókon êke⁄non,
âpò t¬n perátwn t±v oîkouménjv ∂rxontai ôcómenoi t®n fátnjn kaì
t±v kalúbjv tòn tópon· ºper ãnwqen ö profßtjv proanefÉnjse,
légwn· Oûdam¬v êlaxístj e¤ ên to⁄v ™gemósin ˆIoúda· (“what does he re-
ally say? You are by no means least among the leaders of Judah; and he adds
the reason for its fame, saying out of you will come. No-one else, if not He,
made that place illustrious and famous. And in fact after that birth they come
from the ends of the earth to see the manger and the place where the shed
stood. That is why the prophet proclaimed: You are by no means least among

cal documentation. On journeys to the East between the second and third century, cf. Maraval,
op. cit., pp. 25-27 and Otranto, op. cit., pp. 241-242. Cf. also E.D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimages
in the Later Roman Empire AD 312-460, Oxford 1982, pp. 1-5. The latter, however, considers
also the first journeys in the East “pilgrimages”.
24
 On Hebrew pilgrimages cf. J. Brière, Les racines bibliques du pèlerinage chrétien, in
J. Chélini – H. Branthomme, Les chemins de Dieu, op. cit., pp. 23-53. On pilgrimages in ancient
Rome cf. N. Belayche, Les pèlerinages dans le monde romain antique, in J. Chélini – H. Brant-
homme, Histoire, op. cit., pp. 136-154. Cf. further, on journeys and the relationship with divini-
ties, if not directly on pilgrimages, G. Picone, Il viaggio e il malinteso. Strutture spazio–
temporali nella prima ecloga di Virgilio, Pan (1989), pp. 29-41, specif. pp. 36-37.
25 On the reasons why pilgrimages appear cf. Maraval, op. cit., pp. 23-60, and Otranto, op.

cit., pp. 242-244. On Constantine’s policy in the Holy Land cf. Hunt, op. cit., pp. 6-27, on Helena
also Hunt, pp. 28-49.
26
 In Ps. 149, PG 55, 274, 4-9.
27
 Cf. Septuaginta, Mich. 5, 1: Kaì sú, Bjqleèm o¤kov toÕ Efraqa, ôligostòv e¤ toÕ
e¤nai ên xiliásin Iouda· êk soÕ moi êzeleúsetai toÕ e¤nai eîv ãrxonta ên t¬ç Israjl.

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 F.P. BARONE 469

the leaders of Judah”).28 And in the homily Contra Judaeos e gentiles quod
Christus sit Deus, in reference to the same prophecy: Kaì ºra pálin kaì
ëtéran êntaÕta profjteían dialámpousan. Oû gàr mónon ºti
texqßsetai e¤pen, âllˆ ºti kaì êpísjmon ∏stai tò xwríon· Oûdam¬v gàr
êlaxístj e¤ ên to⁄v ™gemósin ˆIoúda, fjsí. P¢sa toínun ™ oîkouménj
suntréxei nÕn îde⁄n t®n Bjqleém, ∂nqa texqeìv êtéqj, oûdamóqen
ãlloqen âllˆ Æ ênteÕqen mónon (“and again look at another fulgent proph-
ecy. In fact not only did he say that he would be born, but also that the place
would be exalted: You will not be… he says. And the whole world converges
now to see Bethlehem, where he was born and laid down, for no other reason
than for this”).29 The chronological reference Chrysostom gives us here, nÕn,
seems to reveal to us that the great movements to Bethlehem belong to the ac-
tuality of his time rather than to history. An actuality, however, which prob-
ably has already lost its novelty: pilgrimages for Chrysostom are never a sur-
prise, as they appear to have been some decades before for Eusebius who, first
witness for the Greek world of the very recent phenomenon of “pilgrimage”,
in a passage from Demonstratio evangelica, speaking about journeys to Jeru-
salem, sets up the present against the past: sßmeron (today), in fact the faith-
ful no longer go to Jerusalem, as they once did (pálai), to admire the splen-
dour of the city (t±v katà t®n ¨Ierousal®m âglañav ∏neka) or to worship
in the temple (proskun±sai ên t¬ç pálai sunest¬ti êpì t±v ¨Ierousal®m
ägiásmati), but to pray on the Mount of Olives, which faces Jerusalem
(∏neken… t±v êpì tò ∫rov t¬n êlai¬n tò katénanti ¨Ierousal®m
proskunßsewv).30
This is Chrysostom’s testimony on pilgrimages to the Holy Land: scanty,
from a numerical point of view, and which becomes even more so if we con-
sider that the authenticity of the homily Contra Judaeos et gentiles quod
Christus sit Deus is dubious.31 Anyway, I think it seems evident that he does
not show much interest in the phenomenon: he takes note of its existence but
seems more occupied in “using it” instead of describing it, analysing it, judg-
ing it. In all the passages cited above, his aim is to show the extraordinary
power of Christ, and to this end he makes use of what is taking place in that
28
 PG 57, 74, 31-41.
29
 PG 48, 816, 51-61.
30
 Cf. Dem. ev. 6, 18: ºper êstìn kaì ãllwv pròv lézin ör¢n pepljrwménon eîséti kaì
sßmeron, t¬n eîv Xristòn pepisteukótwn äpántwn pantaxóqen g±v suntrexóntwn, oûx
Üv pálai t±v katà t®n ¨Ierousal®m âglañav ∏neka, oûd´ ¿ste proskun±sai ên t¬ç pálai
sunest¬ti êpì t±v ¨Ierousal®m ägiásmati, katalúein dè ∏neken ïstoríav te ömoÕ t±v
katà t®n profjteían älÉsewv kaì êrjmíav t±v ¨Ierousal®m kaì t±v êpì tò ∫rov t¬n
êlai¬n tò katénanti ¨Ierousal®m proskunßsewv, ∂nqa ™ dóza kuríou metéstj
kataleícasa t®n protéran pólin (PL 22, 457, 22-33). The work was composed between 314
and 320.
31 Cf. S.J. Voicu, La volontà e il caso: la tipologia dei primi spuri di Crisostomo, Studia

Ephemeridis Augustinianum 93 (2004), pp. 101-118, specif. pp. 106-107.

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 470 PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

time. His intention is explicit in the first passage, in which, moreover, he does
not even ascribe to the pilgrim any determination, desire, any personal impetus
to the movement: they are objects in whom the power of Christ acts, drawing
them on. Chrysostom’s procedure becomes evident if the words of Gregory of
Nyssa describing the same phenomenon in his second Letter quoted above are
taken into consideration: (…) eîsí tinev t¬n tòn monßrj kaì îdiáhonta
bíon êpanjÇrjménwn, ofiv ên mérei eûsebeíav nenómistai tò toùv ên
¨Ierosolúmoiv tópouv îde⁄n, ên ofiv tà súmbola t±v dià sarkòv
êpidjmíav toÕ kuríou ör¢tai (“there are some among those who have cho-
sen the solitary, sequestered life who hold that visiting places in Jerusalem
where signs of the coming of the Lord in the flesh are to be seen is a devo-
tional practice”).32
It appears to me that an identical desire to take up again the functional as-
pect of pilgrimages, inexplicit as it is, can be noted in the passages regarding
Bethlehem, too: in fact here Chrysostom, delighted to emphasize the lowliness
of the destination – a manger, a shed, or in any case a small place which owes
its fame and importance to this unique event! – creates, with great rhetorical
skill, a clear disproportion between the extent of the movement produced, in
terms of distance (âpò t¬n perátwn t±v oîkouménjv) and participation
(p¢sa ™ oîkouménj), and the places towards which it is directed. Without any
further record, for example, of where the pilgrims come from, of their social
position or their civil status. Even the indication of their aim is generic: to see
(îde⁄n, ôcómenoi). In Chrysostom the Christian world that journeys is an in-
distinct whole, whose specific aim is, in all cases, to see.33
Palestine, however, is not the only place pilgrims arrive at: the Corpus
Chrysostomicum gives evidence of some long journeys to other destinations.
In the preface to the fifth homily Ad Populum Antiochenum Chrysostom takes
up the themes dealt with in the previous homily: the episode of three young
men in Babylon (Dan. 3) and the exemplary story of Job. Then he adds, in ref-
erence again to what is happening in his times: dià toÕto polloì nÕn makrán
tina kaì diapóntion âpodjmían stéllontai âpò t¬n perátwn t±v g±v eîv
t®n ˆArabían tréxontev, ÿna t®n koprían êkeínjn ÷dwsi, kaì qeasá-
menoi katafilßswsi t®n g±n t®n tà skámmata toÕ stefanítou deza-
ménjn êkeínou, kaì tò xrusíou pantòv timiÉteron afima (“for this reason,
then, many nowadays face long journeys also by sea from the ends of the earth
to hasten to Arabia to see that dunghill and after seeing it to kiss the earth that
32 Ep. 2, 2, 2-4.
33
 On the pilgrims’ aims cf. P. Maraval, op. cit., pp. 137-151, who distinguishes at least the
following reasons why the faithful goes to holy places: to pray, to see (out of curiosity and to
know), to remember and make present what took place there as during a liturgical celebration, to
venerate in such a way that physical contact is permitted, to participate in the sanctity of those
places, to ask (and the requests can be spiritual and material), to thank. As one can see, the pic-
ture is more detailed than it appears in Chrysostom.

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 F.P. BARONE 471

received the trials of the victorious one).34 As in the case of the movements in
the direction of Palestine, it is the whole Christian world that moves from the
ends of the earth and, once again, the main aim is to be able to see, which
Chrysostom amplifies to give the meaning contemplate. Then follows kissing
the earth that received the trials of the victorious one. Once more, even though
the writer is less sparing in furnishing details, he seems rhetorical rather than
descriptive, and again in this case it appears to me that the interest is rather the
exaltation of the personage in consideration, certainly not an inquiry into pil-
grims.
Finally, in the Corpus Chrysostomicum there is a reference to visits to the
tombs of St. Peter and St. Paul, introduced, in a not dissimilar way to previous
occasions, to emphasize the honour that befell Christ and his disciples: ên t±Ç
basilikwtátjÇ pólei RÉmjÇ, pánta âfiéntev, êpì toùv táfouv toÕ äliéwv
kaì toÕ skjnopoioÕ tréxousi kaì basile⁄v kaì Àpatoi kaì stratjgoí (in
the most regal city, Rome, putting aside everything else, kings, consuls and
generals hasten to the tombs of the fisher and the tent-maker).35

SOME ODDITIES

At this point in our inquiry in my opinion the question arises: “What is

John Chrysostom’s position as regards pilgrimages?”
If the first half of the fourth century is the period in which this form of de-
votion began to take hold, it is also true that towards the end of the century
pilgrimages provoked more than a few perplexities, becoming the centre of a
theological debate which has traversed Christianity until modern times. Along-
side positive opinions regarding a practice which could contribute to the spir-
itual perfection of the faithful, from the very start some elements of disagree-
ment were noticeable in connection with the nature and function of pilgrim-

34
 PG 49, 69, 3-8. The passage is repeated word for word in Fragmenta in Job (in catenis),
PG 64, 552, 26-32. Indications on the places of pilgrimage in the fourth century are contained in
the Itineraria coevi: the Itinerarium Burdigalense (CCL 1751-26), written in the first half of the
century (333), and the Itinerarium Egeriae (CCL 175, 37-103), which belongs to the second half
(scholars date it between 381 and 384). On the Itinerarium Egeriae cf. Maraval’s detailed preface
to his edition for Sources Chrétiennes: Égérie, Journal de Voyage, (Itinéraire), introduction,
texte critique, traduction, notes, index et cartes par P. Maraval, SCh 296, Paris 1982.
35 PG 48, 825, 39-47. It is not clear from the text that we are dealing with pilgrimages, con-

sidering that the subject here is taken for granted and so we do not know whether it refers to vis-
its made by local magnates, or political functionaries to Rome for reasons unconnected with reli-
gion. However, nothing excludes that they are pilgrimages, since other sources document an
ever-growing flow of pilgrims to Rome from the end of the fourth century. In any case the pas-
sage remains indicative of the rhetorical “use” that Chrysostom makes of pilgrimages in his
time. On local visits to the tombs of Peter and Paul, cf. Jerome’s autobiographical account:
Comm. in Ez. 12, 40, PL 25, 375, 9 sqq. On pilgrimages to Rome cf. G. Otranto, op. cit., pp. 251-
254, with bibliography.

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 472 PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

ages as regards faith. In an article in 1982, Francine Cardman identifies some

central issues in this debate: the discussion on the nature of God and the possi-
bility that it can be contained in and restricted to a place; the discussion about
the importance of visible signs for the nourishment of faith; and again, the
importance of moral life in contrast to the importance of places.36
A synthesis of all three objections which, already at the end of the
fourth century, were made against pilgrimages constitutes Gregory of Nyssa’s
Epistle 2, already quoted various times, in which, as regards the impossibility
of confining God’s action to a place, he asks himself: “What more will he
have who has been in those places? As though Our Lord still lived bodily in
those places and was on the contrary far away from us, or as though the spirit
were superabundant among those in Jerusalem and yet could not reach us!”37
Again, negating any value to visiting holy places for the deepening of faith, he
affirms, in reference to his own experience, that long before going to Palestine
he professed that Christ is true God, that he became man through the Virgin
Mary and that he raised himself from the dead, and that his faith was not less
before that experience, neither was it greater afterwards.38 Finally, he stresses
forcefully the fact that closeness to holy places does not do any good to those
who are far from God in their hearts,39 and his invitation is to make a pilgrim-
age from the body to the Lord rather than from Cappadocia to Palestine.40 A
further criticism Gregory makes to pilgrimages is the risk that the real condi-
tions of travel constitute for each person’s chastity.41
36
 Cf. F. Cardman, The Rhetoric of Holy Places. Palestine in the Fourth Century, Studia
Patristica 17.1 (1982), pp. 18-25.
37
 Ep. 2, 8-9, 1: tí dè kaì pléon ∏zei ö ên to⁄v tópoiv êkeínoiv genómenov, Üv méxri toÕ
nÕn swmatik¬v toÕ kuríou ên êkeínoiv to⁄v tópoiv diágontov ™m¬n dè âpofoit¬ntov, Æ
Üv toÕ ägíou pneúmatov parà to⁄v ¨Ierosolumítaiv pleonáhontov pròv dè ™m¢v diab±nai
âdunatoÕntov.
38 Ep. 2, 15, 1-9: ™me⁄v gàr tòn êpifanénta Xristòn e¤nai qeòn âljqinòn Ümologßsa-

men kaì prìn êpì toÕ tópou genésqai kaì metà taÕta, o∆te t±v pístewv êlattouménjv
o∆te metà taÕta prosauzjqeísjv, kaì t®n dià t±v parqénou ênanqrÉpjsin kaì prò t±v
Bjqleèm ©pistámeqa, kaì t®n êk nekr¬n êzanástasin kaì prò toÕ mnßmatov êpisteú-
samen, kaì t®n eîv oûranoùv ânábasin kaì díxa toÕ tò ∫rov îde⁄n t¬n ˆElai¬n âljq±
e¤nai Ümologßsamen·
39
 Ep. 2, 17-18, 1: eî dè plßrj ∂xeiv tòn ∂sw ãnqrwpon logism¬n ponjr¬n, kån êpì
toÕ Golgoq¢ ¥Çv kån êpì toÕ ∫rouv t¬n ˆElai¬n kån üpò tò mn±ma t±v ˆAnastásewv,
tosoÕton âpéxeiv toÕ tòn Xristòn dézasqai ên ëaut¬ç ºson oï mjdè t®n ârx®n
ömologßsantev. Cf., as regards the impossibility of limiting God to a place, and also of the
greater importance of merits and virtue in comparison with places, Jerome, Ep. 58, 3: (…) “sed
non audeo Dei omnipotentiam angusto fine concludere, et coarctare parvo terrae loco, quem non
capit coelum. Singuli quique credentium, non locorum diversitatibus, sed fidei merito
ponderantur. Et veri adoratores, neque Jerosolymis, neque in monte Garizim adorant Patrem:
quia Deus Spiritus est, et adoratores eius in spiritu et veritate adorare oportet. «Spiritus autem
spirat ubi vult. Domini est terra et plenitudo ejus»” (PL 26, 580, 44-581, 6).
40
 Ep. 2, 18, 1-3: sumboúleuson oŒn, âgapjté, to⁄v âdelfo⁄v êkdjme⁄n âpò toÕ
sÉmatov pròv tòn kúrion kaì m® âpò Kappadokíav eîv Palaistínjn.
41
 Ep. 2, 5-8. On Gregory’s criticisms of pilgrimages in Palestine cf. E. Pietrella, I
pellegrinaggi ai Luoghi Santi ed il culto dei martiri in Gregorio di Nissa, Augustinianum 21
(1981), pp. 135-151.

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 F.P. BARONE 473

What is Chrysostom’s position in the theological and moral debate on pil-

grimages?
The above-quoted passages regarding travels to Palestine do not appear to
express any judgement: neither criticism nor appreciation. Rather, there is a
certain disinterest. The passage relative to pilgrimages in Arabia, from this
point of view, is different, inserted as it is in a reasoned context which reveals
a positive evaluation of them. In fact Chrysostom, in the preface to the fifth
homily Ad Populum Antiochenum, returns to the exemplary story of Job and to
the kopría ™ pantòv qrónou basilikoÕ semnotéra (“dunghill most worthy
of honour of every regal throne”).42 Then he explains to his public: ˆApò mèn
gàr toÕ qrónon îde⁄n basilikòn oûdèn ∂stai to⁄v qewménoiv tò kérdov,
âllà próskairov mónon térciv, ∫njsin oûdemían ∂xousa· âpò dè toÕ
t®n koprían îde⁄n toÕ ˆIÑb p¢sán tiv dézetai Öféleian, kaì filosofían
pollßn, kaì parákljsin eîv üpomon±v lógon (“in fact from seeing the
royal throne no advantage results to the spectators, but only passing pleasure,
which brings no benefit whatsoever; but from seeing Job’s dunghill each one
will receive every benefit and much philosophy and exhortation to perse-
vere”).43 For this reason (dià toÕto), Chrysostom goes on, many in his times
went on pilgrimage to Arabia.44 Thus he appears to recognize some advantage
in seeing biblical places and, if it is clear that in the passage in question the
reference is rather to the spiritual vision which his words allow the faithful,
nevertheless the causal link with which he introduces the note regarding the
practice of going on pilgrimage in my opinion extends his positive view to
physically seeing, too.
So if we can infer from this passage, apart from the absence of explicit com-
ments to the contrary, that Chrysostom judges journeys to holy places posi-
tively, I would like to point out, however, some oddities in his “behaviour” in
connection with pilgrimages.
a. Anyone who is familiar with John Chrysostom’s writings knows “his
subjects” – normally connected with the moral life desirable for a “good
Christian” – and the way in which he deals with them: each topic is always
analysed accurately, its various implications probed, it is the subject of his
homilies for several days, then taken up every time a suitable occasion arises.45
Why does he hardly speak about pilgrimages, even though they were even
then quite widespread and there was a theological debate taking place on
them?
b. That Chrysostom maintains that a spiritual vision is useful – of biblical
characters whose example he suggests to the faithful, as well as holy places,
42
 PG 49, 68, 57-8.
43
 PG 49, 68, 58-69, 3.
44 PG 49, 69, 3-8. Cf. above.
45
 An operation which for him is programmatic! Cf. David I, PG 54, 675, 50-677, 18, in
which Chrysostom affirms the necessity of repeating the same subject time and time again, in
order that it may take firm root in the listeners.

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 474 PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

even – is evident on numerous occasions throughout his entire Corpus: his in-
vitations to draw (üpográfw, hwgraféw) an image on one’s heart to con-
serve the memory are very frequent, while painting and drawing are often
metaphors for a memory that remains alive as time goes on.46 He certainly
considers a spiritual vision superior to a physical one for the fact that it does
not depend on contingency,47 and he does not give a sensory dimension any
decisive importance for faith.48 However, that Chrysostom holds that the real,
direct vision of exemplary models or of places that keep their “traces” is use-
ful, is evident from the homilies in which he talks of visits to martyrs’ tombs
or to holy monks. In fact in the case of these “local pilgrimages”, on various
occasions Chrysostom invites the faithful to go to the martyrs’ tombs not only
on their feast days but always, to see49 their relics (leícana), to touch the urns
(lárnaka) in which their bones are kept, in such a way as to receive comfort,
encouragement to persevere in the faith, stimulus for prayer, examples of holi-
ness.50 In the same manner and with great fervency he invites the faithful to go
46 Cf., for instance, David I: Taútjn oŒn ∏kastov t®n ïstorían êpì t±v kardíav hwgra-

feítw t±v ëautoÕ, kaqáper xeirì to⁄v logismo⁄v üpográfwn dijnek¬v tò spßlaion tò
diploÕn, tòn Saoùl ∂ndon kaqeúdonta… (PG 54, 686, 26 sqq.). For his memory of Jerusalem
cf. Exp. in Ps. 47, 3: Diò d® kaì ™me⁄v âeì kaì dijnek¬v âposkopoÕntev, ên n¬ç ∂xwmen t®n
pólin ™m¬n ¨Ierousalßm, aût±v tà kállj diapantòv fantahómenoi, Øtiv êstì mjtrópoliv
toÕ basiléwv t¬n aîÉnwn… (PG 55, 221, 49 sqq.). For the memory of Job and his kopría cf.
Ad pop. Ant. V: ¨Upográcate toínun ëauto⁄v tòn âqljt®n kaì üme⁄v, kaì nomíhete blépein
t®n koprían êkeínjn, kaì aûtòn ên méswç kaqßmenon t±v kopríav… (PG 49, 69, 31-34).
47
 Cf., for instance, David III: Eî gàr sÉmatov eîkónev férousí tina paramuqían to⁄v
ör¬si, poll¬ç m¢llon aï t±v cux±v eîkónev. Kâkeínav mèn oû dunatòn pantaxoÕ ör¢çn,
âllˆ ânágkj dijnek¬v êfˆ ënòv ÿdrusqai tópou· taútjn dè ºpouper ån qéljÇv
periagage⁄n, oûdèn tò kwlúon. ˆEnapoqémenov gàr aût®n to⁄v t±v dianoíav tamieíoiv,
ºpouper ån ¥Çv, sunex¬v eîv aût®n ör¢çn dunßsjÇ, kaì poll®n parˆ aût±v karpoÕsqai t®n
Öféleian (PG 54, 698, 8- 25).
48 In various passages he affirms that someone with faith has no need to see. Cf., for example,

In Matth.: Loipòn dè ™m⁄n aîsqjt±v oû xreía ∫cewv, t±v pístewv ântì pántwn ârkoúsjv·
tà gàr sjme⁄a oû to⁄v pisteúousin, âllà to⁄v âpístoiv (PG 57, 205, 23-26).
49
 On the importance of seeing cf., for example, In s. Barlaam mart.: Dià toÕto üm¢v kaì
parà tàv qßkav t¬n ägíwn martúrwn ©gágomen, ÿna kaì âpò t±v ∫cewv lábjté tina
parákljsin âret±v, kaì pròv tòn aûtòn êpapodúsjsqe h±lon. Kaì gàr stratiÉtjn
ânístjsi mèn kaì âko® âristéwv· poll¬ç dè pléon ∫civ kaì qewría, kaì málista ºtan eîv
aût®n toÕ âristéwv t®n skjn®n eîselqÑn ÷djÇ tò zífov ™Çmagménon, t®n kefal®n toÕ
polemíou keiménjn, tà láfura ãnw kremámena, tò afima nearòn t¬n xeir¬n âpostáhon
parà toÕ tò trópaion stßsantov, pantaxoÕ dórata kaì âspídav kaì tóza kaì t®n ãlljn
†pasan panteuxían keiménjn. Dià toÕto kaì ™me⁄v êntaÕqa suneljlúqamen. Skjn® gár
êsti stratiwtik® t¬n martúrwn ö táfov (PG 50, 680, 53 sqq.).
50 Cf., for instance, In s. Ignatium mart.: M® toínun sßmeron mónon, âllà kaì kaqˆ ëkástjn

™méran pròv aûtòn badíhwmen, pneumatikoùv êz aûtoÕ drepómenoi karpoúv. ‰Esti gár, ∂sti
tòn metà pístewv êntaÕqa paraginómenon megála karpÉsasqai âgaqá· oûdè gàr tà sÉmata
mónon, âllà kaì aûtaì aï q±kai t¬n ägíwn pneumatik±v eîsi pepljrwménai xáritov. Eî
gàr êpì ˆElissaíou toÕto sunébaine, kaì qßkjv nekròv äcámenov toÕ qanátou tà desmà
diéÄÅjze, kaì pròv hw®n êpan±lqe pálin, poll¬ç m¢llon nÕn, ºte dacilestéra ™ xáriv,
ºte pleíwn ™ toÕ Pneúmatov ênérgeia, ∂sti kaì qßkjv metà pístewv äcámenon poll®n
êke⁄qen êpispásaqai dúnamin. Dià toÕto kaì tà leícana t¬n ägíwn e÷asen ™m⁄n ö Qeóv,

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 F.P. BARONE 475

to the mountains near Antioch to pay a visit to the monks51 whose life he holds
exemplary,52 to see them, to touch their feet.53 Chrysostom even suggests the
faithful stay with them for some days!54
From what we have examined so far, therefore, it cannot be held that
Chrysostom does not invite the faithful to make (long) pilgrimages out of a
refusal tout court of the sensory aspect in faith. From this point of view, his
relationship with sense perception appears to have something of the same am-
biguity which already ran through the Gospels, and which is expressed in its
most paradoxical form, at least in my opinion, in chapter 20 of John’s Gospel.
Where the evangelist, after quoting the celebrated words of Christ and Thomas
(ºti ëÉrakáv me pepísteukav; makárioi oï m® îdóntev kaì pisteúsantev
“You believe because you have seen me. Happy are those who have not seen

boulómenov ™m¢v pròv tòn aûtòn êkeínoiv xeiragwg±sai h±lon, kaì liména tinà
parasxe⁄n kaì paramúqion âsfalèv t¬n âeì katalambanóntwn ™m¢v kak¬n. Diò
parakal¬ pántav üm¢v, e÷te ên âqumíaç tív êstin, e÷te ên nósoiv, e÷te ên êpjreíaiv, e÷te ên
ãlljÇ tinì biwtik±Ç peristásei, e÷te ên ämarti¬n báqei, metà pístewv êntaÕqa
paraginésqw, kaì pánta êke⁄na âpoqßsetai, kaì metà poll±v êpanßzei t±v ™don±v,
koufóteron tò suneidòv êrgasámenov âpò t±v qewríav mónjv· m¢llon dè oû toùv ên
deino⁄v ∫ntav mónon ânagka⁄on êntaÕqa paragínesqai, âllà kån ên eûqumíaç tiv ¥Ç, kån ên
dózjÇ, kån ên dunasteíaç, kån ên paÄÅjsíaç poll±Ç t±Ç pròv tòn Qeòn, mjdè oœtov
katafroneítw t±v Öfeleíav. ˆElqÑn gàr êntaÕqa kaì tòn †gion îdÑn toÕton, âkínjta ∏zei
tà kalá, t±Ç mnßmjÇ t¬n toútou katorqwmátwn metriáhein t®n aûtoÕ cux®n ânapeísav, kaì
oûk âfieìv tò suneidòv üpò t¬n katorqwmátwn pròv ∫gkon êparq±naí tina (PG 50, 595, 7
sqq.). It seems to me that this passage could be representative of many themes which characterize
Chrysostom’s pastoral regarding visits to the martyrs and adoration of the saints. They are largely
present in all Chrysostom’s hagiographical homilies, mainly contained in vol. 50 of the
Patrologia Graeca.
51
 Cf. In ep. I ad Tim., hom. 14: Proqumóterov genoÕ ên ta⁄v eûxa⁄v, periergáhou kaì
ägíouv ãndrav, toùv ∫ntwv ägíouv, toùv ên ta⁄v êrjmíaiv kaqjménouv, toùv oû dunaménouv
êpaite⁄n, toùv prosanéxontav t¬ç Qe¬ç· bádihe makràn ödón, dídou dià sautoÕ· pollà gàr
∂sti diˆ ëautoÕ Öfel±sai, êàn d¬çv (In Tim. PG 62, 574, 55-60). On Antiochian monks at the
end of the fourth century cf. A.J. Festugière, Antioche païenne et chrétienne, Paris 1959, pp. 245-
401. Cf. in particular pages 329-346, Les monastères «antiochiens» d’après Chrysostome, in
which the author translates an anthology of Chrysostom’s writings on monks.
52
 Chrysostom held the ascetic life, which he celebrated and praised in numerous specific
treatises, in high regard. Cf. for example the Ad Theodorum lapsum and the three books Adversus
oppugnatores vitae monasticae, apart from general references in his production.
53
 Cf. In ep. I ad Tim., hom. 14: ‰Ontwv oîkía pénqouv tà monastßria, ∂nqa sákkov kaì
spodóv, ∂nqa mónwsiv, ∂nqa gélwv oûdeív, oûdè biwtik¬n pragmátwn ∫xlov, ∂nqa
njsteía, ∂nqa xameunía, pánta kaqarà kníssjv, aïmátwn, qorúbou, tarax±v,
poluoxlíav. Limßn êstin e∆diov· ¿sper lampt±rév eîsin âfˆ ücjloÕ to⁄v póÄÅwqen
êpibaínousi faínontev, êpì liménov kaqßmenoi, kaì pròv galßnjn t®n aût¬n †pantav
∏lkontev, oûk ê¬ntev genésqai nauágia to⁄v eîv aûtoùv ör¬sin, oûk ê¬ntev ên skótwç
diágein toùv êke⁄ blépontav. ‰Apiqi pròv aûtoúv, filofrónjson, prósiqi, †cai pod¬n
ägíwn· poll¬ç gàr êntimóteron t¬n êkeínwn †ptesqai pod¬n, Æ t±v ëtérwn kefal±v (PG
62, 575, 7-19).
54
 Cf. In ep. I ad Tim., hom. 14: ‰Apiqi pròv tàv t¬n ägíwn skjnáv· ¿sper âpò g±v eîv
tòn oûranón, oÀtwv êstìn eîv monastßrion ândròv ägíou katafuge⁄n. Oûx ör¢çv êke⁄
taÕta †per ên t±Ç oîkíaç· pántwn kaqaròv ö xoròv êke⁄nov· sig® kaì ™suxía pollß· tò
ˆEmòn oûk ∂ni kaì tò Sòn êke⁄. ÂAn dè kaì ™méran mían meínjÇv, Æ kaì deutéran, tóte
pléon aîsqßsjÇ t±v ™don±v (PG 62, 575, 30-36).

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 476 PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES IN JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

and yet believe”),55 adds immediately: Pollà mèn oŒn kaì ãlla sjme⁄a
êpoíjsen ö ˆIjsoÕv ênÉpion t¬n maqjt¬n [ëautoÕ], ° oûk ∂stin
gegramména ên t¬ç biblíwç toútwç· taÕta dè gégraptai ÿna pisteúsjte ºti
ˆIjsoÕv êstin ö Xristòv ö uïòv toÕ qeoÕ, kaì ÿna pisteúontev hw®n
∂xjte ên t¬ç ônómati aûtoÕ (“There were many other signs that Jesus
worked and the disciples saw, but they are not recorded in this book. These are
recorded so that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the son of God, and
that believing this you may have life through his name”).56
Why then does Chrysostom never extend an invitation to his faithful to go
on pilgrimage? Why does he never extol its usefulness or importance, if he
never points out its dangers and risks? Why on no occasion does he wish that
his congregation might go to holy places, and never regrets that they do not?
It is time to pull all the strands together. Chrysostom, in his writings, gives
news of the existence of pilgrimages to far-off lands, precisely Palestine and
Arabia, and yet he does not seem very much interested in the phenomenon, he
does not describe it in its various aspects (where the pilgrims come from, their
social class, civil status; favourite destinations; conditions of the journey;
liturgical practices in places of worship etc.), he does not make any declara-
tions explicitly about them. It seems that he thinks they are useful, but never-
theless – differently from what happens for “local pilgrimages”, for visits to
monks or to martyrs’ shrines – he never suggests his faithful go on them. Nei-
ther as a priest in Antioch, nor as a bishop in Constantinople. Notwithstanding
the fact that he is tireless in indicating ways which lead to Christian perfection,
ever attentive to every detail of spiritual and moral life. I make no hypotheses
about John Chrysostom’s opinion on pilgrimages, I do not have the evidence
to do so: texts reveal nothing.
Yet, may it be that his silence is eloquent?

55 John 20, 29.

56
 John 20, 30-31.

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