A Historical Geography of Anatolia in The Old Assyrian Colony Period (Gojko Barjamovic)

A Historical Geography
of Anatolia in the
Old Assyrian Colony Period
To my family
Gojko Barjamovic
A Historical Geography
of Anatolia in the
Old Assyrian Colony Period
THE CARSTEN NIEBUHR INSTITUTE OF ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
UNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN ṬṢṣṣ • MUSEUM TUSCULANUM PRESS

CNI Publications ṭ8
A Historical Geography of Anatolia in the Old Assyrian Colony Period
© Museum Tusculanum Press and CNI Publications, ṬṢṣṣ
Set in SeramisUnicode by Special-Trykkeriet Viborg a-s
Cover design by Thora Fisker
Cartography by Ivan d Hostingue (maps σ, τ, 6, 7, ṣṣ, ṣṭ, ṣṭ, ṣ9, ṬṢ, Ṭṣ)
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ISSN Ṣ9ṢṬ τσ99
Editorial board of The Carsten Niebuhr Institute Publications

Paul John Frandsen
D.T. Potts
Aage Westenholz
This book is published with inancial support from

The Carlsberg Foundation
Published and distributed by

Museum Tusculanum Press
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Preface
So many people have supported this project, advanced their critique and lent their assistance
during the past seven years that I hardly know where to begin my list.
First and foremost, the generous funding provided by the Carlsberg Foundation has been a
precondition for the entire exercise. The board has subsidised my research, funded a total of
almost ṣṬ months of ieldwork in Turkey, paid for research trips to London, Milan and Mainz,
and covered the costs of the present publication. Without their generous support it would be
impossible to write a book of this kind.
The cooperation and support of the international network of scholars known as the Old
Assyrian Text Project has also been of key importance. At the moment, its members include
J. G. Dercksen, K. Hecker, T. Hertel, B. Kouwenberg, G. Kryszat, M. T. Larsen, A. Lassen,
C. Michel, N. Muhesen, X. Shi, E. Stratford and K. R. Veenhof. It is a privilege to be a part
of this group, and its spirit of sharing sources, results and preliminary ideas has been a foun-
dation and inspiration for this work. Most of the quotes from unpublished texts appear owing
to their permission. In particular, I owe my gratitude to my teacher, advisor and colleague, M.
Trolle Larsen, who continues to provide all the aid and support one could ever wish for.
My warmest thanks also go to J. G. Dercksen, K. Hecker, M. T. Larsen and K. R. Veenhof
for sharing the substantial archival material that they are currently editing and preparing for
publication. I am also grateful to I. Albayrak, S. Bayram, S. ‘eçen, V. Donbaz, C. Günbattı
and C. Michel for their permission to use selected texts from the archives they currently work
on. Finally, I am indebted to F. Kulakoğlu for his permission to quote unpublished evidence
from Kültepe, and for the untiring support from himself, K. Emre and the team at Kültepe.
I am deeply grateful for the comments and critique I have received during various stages
of preparing this manuscript from J. D. Hawkins, G. Kryszat, S. Lumsden, M. Trolle Larsen
and K. R. Veenhof, and for the comprehensive reviews I received from J. G. Dercksen, N. P.
Skøtt Jørgensen, J. Tenney and Aa. Westenholz during inal editing.
I am indebted to I. d Hostingue for taking on the overwhelming task of producing the maps
that are so central to this book. He spent at least a thousand hours preparing them, drawing
backgrounds, rivers and coastlines with incredible stamina. I also owe my gratitude to his
wife Claire for her patience as well as her comments on the map design.
I thank the authors and editors who gave their permission to reproduce their work in this
book: R. Czichon, G. M. di Nocera, M. Forlanini, C. Michel, Kh. Nashef, S. Omura, T. ›kse
and M. Sauvage. I am also grateful to B. Wood for his permission to reproduce a few of his
photographs (igs. 7, 7σ, 79).
I am grateful to J. Dercksen (LB), H. Erol (AMM), I. Finkel (BM), K. Hecker (AMM), I.
Khait (Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts) and G. Wilhelm (AMM) for collating passages or
V
even entire texts for the book. I am also grateful to the directors and staff of the Museum of
Anatolian Civilizations in Ankara for putting up with me for weeks in a row. In particular, my
warm appreciation goes to R. Akdoğan, İ. Aykut, M. ‘ifçi and . Yılmaz for their patience
and kindness.
A very special thanks goes to J. D. Hawkins (London) and G. Ryman (Manchester) for
their friendship, the opportunity to spend weeks discussing Hittite history and geography in
pleasurable settings, and for introducing me to the central sources and most dangerous stum-
bling blocks in the study of Hittite geography. To N. P. Skøtt Jørgensen (Trige), whose cor-
respondence with me has grown to some ṬṢṢṢ pages, and who has acted as a Hittite hotline
throughout. He has shared his own ideas liberally, and has passed on parts of the unpublished
legacy of E. Gordon, whose ideas in some ways anticipated the results of this book ive de-
cades ago. To M. Forlanini (Milano) for his kind interest, support and sharing of unpublished
work throughout the past six years. It has been a privilege to have such concerned and inter-
ested colleagues to discuss with and to have every detail in the argument contested.
I am grateful to a number of excavations and research projects in Turkey, whose members
have offered their help in various ways: to D. Beyer, A. Tibet and the team at Porsuk, to D.
Baird (Liverpool) and the Konya Plain survey, to K. Matsamura for sharing early reports on
his work at Büklükkale, to Y. enyurt and his team at Ovaören, to G. D. Summers, F. Sum-
mers and S. Branting and the team at Kerkenes for their hospitality and advice, and to A.
›ztan and her team at Acemhöyük and Kö k for their warm reception. I am particularly grate-
ful to M. and S. Omura and the JIAA for their kind hospitality at Kaman Kalehöyük, and for
the many afternoon sessions during which they have generously shared their knowledge and
experience of the archaeology and landscape of Central Anatolia. Finally, I am indebted to T.
›zgüç for his warm support and his kind hospitality at Kültepe in ṬṢṢṭ and ṬṢṢσ, and I am
deeply grateful to him and N. ›zgüç for each spending an entire day with me at the beginning
of my project, sharing their encyclopaedic knowledge of Turkish archaeology, landscapes and
routes before the modern motorcars.
I am indebted to P. J. Frandsen, the reviewers and the editors of the Carsten Niebuhr Pub-
lications series for accepting this manuscript for publication and for securing the necessary
funding. Furthermore, I am grateful to Director M. Alenius, Production Manager J. Bjørch-
mar and the staff of Museum Tusculanum Press for taking on the daunting task of producing
this dificult book on very short notice.
I warmly thank Y. Eran, G. Girdivan and the remaining staff at the British Institute at An-
kara through the years for their help, hospitality and patience with me. I thank the staff of the
Danish Royal Library, section for maps and atlases, and our departmental librarians, H. Ny-
mann, P. K. Møller, S. Rantzau and A. Vester for their kind assistance throughout.
I am grateful to . Dönmez (Istanbul) for sharing published and unpublished results from
his work in the Black Sea region, to M. Alparslan (Istanbul), R. Kuzuoğlu (Aksaray) and .
›. ava for sharing ideas, works and forthcoming articles, to J. L. Miller (München) for
discussions, criticism and forthcoming studies, to H. Bahar (Konya) for his great hospitality,
his introduction to a number of Middle Bronze Age sites in the Konya province, and his fre-
quent help for the past years, to H. Gül for her correspondence and help in inding and provid-
ing studies published in Turkey that are impossible to get in Denmark, to Y. Demirci (for-
merly ‘ankırı Museum) for his warm hospitality and his tour of the copper-producing regions
of Eldivan, to O. M. Süslü (Niğde/Muğla/Ankara) for his help, hospitality and friendship, to
N. Karakurt (formerly Malatya Museum) for opening up the halls during refurbishment and
his introduction to the important inds from Arslan Tepe, to H. ›zbal (Istanbul) for sharing his
views on the archaeometallurgy of Turkey, to H. Haack (Copenhagen) for his helpful remarks
on meteoric iron, to D. Oğuzkurt (Ankara) for detailed information on the limnology of Lake
VI
Bey ehir and to A. ›zçağlar (Ankara) for an introduction to the physical geography of Tur-
key.
My heartfelt gratitude goes to all the incredibly hospitable people whom I have encoun-
tered during my travels in Turkey: T. Oğuz and S. Tümer (Ankara), S. Gül (Paris/Karaman),
A. Kerimoğlu (Adana/Gürün), E. Genç (Diyarbakır/Bodrum), M. . Bayazit and O. ‘am
(Kahramanmara ), M. Inal (Darende), Ay egül Ku (Samsun/Copenhagen), M. Alparslan
(Ankara), V. Demirda (Gölba ı/Adıyaman), M. Kefkir and M. Filizman (Kayseri). Without
help and support from these and countless other individuals, whose names I do not even
know, my ieldwork would not have been possible.
I am also indebted to all the friends and colleagues who travelled around with me on parts
of my +ṭṢ,ṢṢṢ km journeys though Turkey in relation to the project: R. Frederiksen, T. K.
Hertel, M. T. Larsen, A. Lassen, S. Lumsden, G. Stein, E. Stratford, I. Thuesen, B. Wood, M.
Živanić and V. Živanić. To G. Akba and W. Scharlipp for patiently trying to teach me Turkish
language and history, and for their help in translating dificult passages in the literature. To J.
Dahy for her help when using the classical Arabic sources, C. V. Pedersen for Persian, P.
Overgaard for Ottoman Turkish and M. Roesgaard for Japanese. And those of my colleagues
that have not been mentioned so far, but whose support and advice has contributed in various
ways to this work: B. Alster, P. F. Bang, J. Dahl, H. H. Duymu , M. Herman Hansen, B. Dahl
Hermansen, S. McPhillips, J. Munk Højte, T. H. Nielsen, J. Reade, K. Ryholt, A. Schwartz,
T. F. Sørensen, I. Thuesen, A. Walmsley, D. A. Warburton and M. Weeden. And to all my
other friends, who have not so far been mentioned, but without whose support there would
have been no book: R. Boserup, M. Frederiksen, R. Frederiksen, A. Hyllested, M. Larsen, T.
E. Larsen, A. Nesimi, C. O Higgins, A. Okanović, S. Rossel, B. Skaarup, M. Skrydstrup, H.
Spliid, J. Walsh, P. Woltz and C. Zanetti.
This volume is dedicated to my family, who have suffered most on its account. To B. and
M. Barjamovic for their help and conidence in me on all levels. And to Alma and Agnete for
their love and support throughout.
Gojko Barjamovic
Copenhagen
November 2010
VII
Table of Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI
List of Tables, Graphs, Figures and Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XV
1.0 Infrastructure of Trade. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ

ṣ.ṣ Beginning and Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ
ṣ.Ṭ Politics of Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭ
ṣ.ṭ The Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣṣ
ṣ.σ Running the Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣτ
ṣ.τ Infrastructure of Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ9
ṣ.6 Perils of Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ6
ṣ.7 Logistics of Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭσ
Appendix ṣ.ṣ Selected references to guides (rādium) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭ8

Appendix ṣ.Ṭ Selected references to fast transports (bātiqum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σṣ
Appendix ṣ.ṭ Selected references to roads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σṭ
Appendix ṣ.σ Selected references to transport-wagons (eriqqum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σσ
Appendix ṣ.τ Selected references to guards and guard posts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σ8
2.0 Historical Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τṭ

Ṭ.ṣ The Written Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τσ
Ṭ.Ṭ The Old Assyrian texts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ττ
Ṭ.ṭ Previous Studies of the Historical Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τ7
Ṭ.σ Early Sources and Sources Contemporary with the Assyrian trade. . . . . . . . . τ9
Ṭ.τ Hittite Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6ṣ
Ṭ.6 Later Textual Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6ṭ
Ṭ.7 Archaeological Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6ṭ
Ṭ.8 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6τ
Appendix Ṭ.ṣ List of excavated sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7Ṭ

Appendix Ṭ.Ṭ List of important surveyed sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7σ
Appendix Ṭ.ṭ List of surveys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7τ
3.0 Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
ṭ.ṣ The Black Sea Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
ṭ.Ṭ The Taurus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8Ṣ
ṭ.ṭ The Arabian Platform and Southeast Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8Ṣ
ṭ.σ Central Anatolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8ṣ
4.0 The Lands East of Kane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

σ.ṣ Hahhum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
σ.Ṭ Zalpa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣṢ7
σ.ṭ Tegarama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣṬṬ
IX
TABLE OF CONTENTS
σ.σ Luhuzattiya. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣṭṭ

σ.τ Kuššara. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣσṭ
σ.6 šamuha. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣτṣ
σ.7 Hattum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣτσ
σ.8 Timelkiya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ6σ
σ.9 The Narrow Track . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ69
σ.ṣṢ Hurama. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ8Ṣ
σ.ṣṣ šalahšuwa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ88
σ.ṣṬ Uršu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ9τ
σ.ṣṭ Mamma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṬṢσ
σ.ṣσ The Geography east of Kaneš . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṬṣṬ
σ.ṣτ Kaneš . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṬṭṢ
5.0 The Lands North and West of Kane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭσṣ

τ.ṣ Durhumit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṬσṬ
τ.Ṭ Kuburnat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ67
τ.ṭ Hanaknak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ7ṣ
τ.σ Tišmurna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ76
τ.τ Other Cities in the Northeast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ8Ṣ
τ.6 šinahuttum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ86
τ.7 Hattuš . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ9Ṭ
τ.8 Tawiniya. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭ97
τ.9 Tuhpiya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭṢτ
τ.ṣṢ Amkuwa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭṣṬ
τ.ṣṣ Wašhaniya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭṣ7
τ.ṣṬ Ninašša . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭṬ7
τ.ṣṭ Ulama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭṭṣ
τ.ṣσ Wahšušana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭṭ9
τ.ṣτ šalatuwar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭτṢ
τ.ṣ6 Purušhaddum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭτ7
τ.ṣ7 The Geography North and West of Kaneš . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭ78
6.0 Beyond Geography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σṢ9
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σṣτ
Indices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σ7τ
A. Texts Cited or Discussed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σ77
B. Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σ9σ
C. Individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σ96
D. Divinities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τṢṣ
E. Toponyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τṢṬ
F. General Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τṣ6
X
Abbreviations
Abbreviations of Old Assyrian text editions and studies follow Michel ṬṢṢṭ, ṬṢṢτ-ṬṢṢ6. Ad-
ditional abbreviations are found below. References to editions and studies of published Old
Assyrian texts have been kept to a minimum in the book to conserve space. The reader is re-
ferred to the same two publications by Michel for further citations.
The book uses the spelling Kaneš throughout, regardless of whether the text writes Kà-ne-e
or Kà-ni-i , etc.
ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens. London ṣ89σ-

AfO Archiv für Orientforschung. Berlin ṣ9Ṭṭ-
AJA American Journal of Archaeology. Cambridge, MA. ṣ897-
AMM Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi. Ankara.
AMMK Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi Konferansları. Ankara.
AMMY Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi Yıllığı. Ankara.
Anadolu Anadolu (Anatolia). Ankara ṣ98σ-
AnatAnt Anatolia antiqua – Eski Anadolu. Travaux ét récherches de l Institut français
d Études Anatoliennes. Istanbul ṣ99ṣ-
AnSt Anatolian Studies. Journal of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.
London ṣ9τṣ-
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Neukirchen-Vluyn ṣ969-
AoF Altorientalische Forschungen. Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR. Ber-
lin ṣ97σ-
AOS American Oriental Series. New Haven.
AST Ara tırma Sonuçları Toplantısı. Kültür Bakanlığı Milli Kütüphane Basımevi.
Ankara.
ArchAn Archivum Anatolicum. Anadolu Ar ivleri. Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih
Coğrafya Fakültesi, Eskiçağ Dilleri ve Kültürleri. Ankara ṣ99τ-
ArmST Arkeometri Sonuçlari Toplantısı. Kültür Bakanlɩğɩ Milli Kütüphane Basımevi.
Ankara.
ArOr Archiv orientální. Prague ṣ9Ṭ9-
AS Assyriological Studies. Chicago ṣ9ṭṣ-
ASVOA Atlante storico del vicino Oriente antico. Rome.
BAR Int. Ser. British Archaeological Reports. International Series.
BBVO Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient. Reimer and Berlin ṣ98Ṭ-
Bell. Belleten (Türk Tarih Kurumu). Ankara ṣ9ṭ7-
BIAA British Institute at Ankara Monographs. Ankara ṣ99ṣ-
BIAAOP British Institute at Ankara Monographs. Occasional Publications. Ankara.
BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalia. Leiden ṣ9σṭ-
BMECCJ Bulletin of the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan. Wiesbaden ṣ98σ-
CAH Cambridge Ancient History. Cambridge ṣ97Ṣ-
CHANE Culture and History of the Ancient Near East. Leiden.
CHD Chicago Hittite Dictionary. Chicago ṣ97τ-
XI
ABBREVIATIONS
CRRAI Ṭτ H. Kühne, H. J. Nissen and J. Renger (eds.) Mesopotamien und seine Nach-
barn. Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien
vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO ṣ. Berlin ṣ98Ṭ).
CRRAI ṭσ H. Erkanal, V. Donbaz, A. Uğuroğlu (eds.) 34th Rencontre Assyriologique
Internationale, 6th-10th July 1987, Istanbul. Kongreye sunulan bildiriler,
(TTKY Ṭ6/ṭ, Ankara ṣ998).
CRRAI ṭ9 H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (eds.) Assyrien im Wandel der Zeiten. 39th
Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Heidelberg 6th-10th Juli 1992. (Stu-
dien zum Alten Orient 6. Heidelberg ṣ997).
CTH Laroche, Emmanuel. Catalogue des textes hittites. (Études et Commentaires
7τ. Paris ṣ97ṣ).
DAB Diskussionen zur Archaeologischen Bauforschung. Deutsches Archäolo-
gisches Institut. Mainz am Rhein.
DBH Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Dresden ṬṢṢṬ-
DTCFD Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi. Ankara.
FAOS Freiburger Altorientalische Studien. Stuttgart ṣ97τ-
FAOSB Freiburger Altorientalische Studien, Beihefte: Altassyrische Texte und Unter-
suchungen. Stuttgart ṣ98σ-
FF Forschungen und Fortschritte. Korrespondenzblatt der deutschen Wissen-
schaft.
HdO Handbuch der Orientalistik. Leiden ṣ9σ8-
Heth. Hethitica. Travaux de la Faculté de Philosophie et lettres de l Université
Catholique de Louvain ṣ97Ṭ-
HfS Historisk-ilosoiske skrifter. Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab.
Copenhagen.
HSAO Heidelberger Studien zum alten Orient. Heidelberg.
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual. Cincinnati ṣ9Ṭσ-
HW Kammenhuber ḫ J. Friedrich: Hethitishces Wörterbuch. Heidelberg ṣ97τ-ṬṢṢ7.
ICH International Congress of Hittitology.
ICH ṣ Uluslararasi 1. Birinci Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri 19-21. Temmuz 1990
(‘orum – Ankara ṣ99Ṭ).
ICH ṭ S. Alp and A. Süel (eds.) III. Uluslararası Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri, Ço-
rum 16-22. Eylül 1996 – Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittito-
logy, Çorum, September 16-22, 1996. ‘orum - Ankara ṣ998.
ICH σ G. Wilhelm (ed.) Akten des IV Internationalen Kongress für Hethitologie.
Wurzburg, 4.-8. Oktober 1999. (StBoT στ. Wiesbaden ṬṢṢṣ).
ICH τ Y. Hazırlayan and A. Süel (eds.), Uluslararası Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri,
‘orum ṢṬ-Ṣ8 Eylül ṬṢṢṬ. Acts of the Vth International Congress of Hittito-
logy (Çorum, September 02-08, 2002). Ankara ṬṢṢτ.
Ist. Mitt. Istanbuler Mitteilugen. Istanbul ṣ9ṭṭ-
IÜCED Istanbul Üniversitesi Coğrafya Enstitüt Dergisi. Istanbul.
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. New Haven, CT ṣ8σṭ-
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies. Cambridge, MA ṣ9σ7-
JEOL Jaarbericht van het Voor-Aziatisch-Egyptisch-Gezelschap (from ṣ9στ: Ge-
nootschap) Ex Oriente Lux. Leiden ṣ9ṭṭ-
JIES Journal of Indo-European Studies. Hattiesburg and Minnesota ṣ97ṭ-
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago ṣ9σṬ-
XII
ABBREVIATIONS
KST Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı. Kültür Bakanlığı Milli Kütüphane Basımevi.

Ankara.
LAPO Littérature ancienne du Proche-Orient. Paris ṣ967-
MAOG Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Gesellschaft. Leipzig.
MDOG Mitteilungen des Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Berlin ṣ898-
MIO Mitteilungen des Institut für Orientforschung. Berlin ṣ9τṭ-
MMKS Müze çalı maları ve Kurtarma Kazıları Sempozyumu. Ankara.
MOS Midden Oosten Studies. Publications of the Middle Eastern Studies Program
on the Economy of Ancient Mesopotamia. Leiden ṣ997-
MVÄG Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-ägyptischen Gesellschaft. Leipzig ṣ9ṬṬ-
ṣ9σσ.
NABU Nouvelles assyriologiques brèves et utilitaires. Paris ṣ987-
OAA Old Assyrian Archives. Leiden ṬṢṢṬ-
OAAS Old Assyrian Archives. Studies. Leiden ṬṢṢṭ-
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. Freiburg and Göttingen.
OBOSA Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, Series Archaeologica. Freiburg and Göttingen
ṣ98Ṣ-
OIC Oriental Institute Communications. Chicago ṣ9ṬṬ-
OIP Oriental Institute Publications. Chicago ṣ9Ṭσ-
OLP Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica. Leuven ṣ97Ṣ-
OLZ Orientalische Literaturzeitung. Berlin ṣ898-
OrAnt Oriens Antiquus. Rivista del Centro per l Antichità e la Storia dell Arte del
Vicino Oriente. Roma ṣ96Ṭ-
OrNS Orientalia (nova series). Roma ṣ9ṭṬ-
PIHANS Publications de l Institut Historique et Archéologique Néerlandais de Stam-
boul. Leiden.
PNA Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Winona Lake, IN ṣ998-
PP La Parola del Passato. Rivista di Studi Antichi. Napoli.
QGS Quademi di Geograia Storica. Roma.
RA Revue d Assyriologie et d Archéologie Orientale. Paris ṣ886-
REL Revised eponym list, cf. Barjamovic, Hertel & larsen in press, ch. ṣ.
RGS Royal Geographical Society, Supplementary Papers. London ṣ88Ṭ-ṣ89ṭ.
RGTC Répertoire géographique des textes cunéiformes.
RHA Revue Hittite et Asiatique. Paris ṣ9ṭṢ-
RIMA Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Assyrian Periods.Toronto.
RIME Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Early Periods. Toronto.
RlA Reallexicon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin and
New York.
SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. Oriental Institute, Chicago.
SAAS State Archives of Assyria Studies. Helsinki ṣ99Ṭ-
SASTUMA Saarbrücker Studien und Materialien zur Altertumskunde. Saarbrücken ṣ99Ṭ-
SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici. Roma ṣ966-
St.Cl.Or. Studi Classici e Orientali. Pisa ṣ9τṣ-
StBoT Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten. Kommission für den Alten Orient der Aka-
demie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Wiesbaden ṣ96τ-
Stud. Med. Studia Mediterranea. Pavia ṣ979-
TAD Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi. Ankara ṣ9τ6-
XIII
ABBREVIATIONS
TAED Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi. Ankara.

TAVO Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients.Wiesbaden ṣ97Ṭ-
TdH Texte der Hethiter. Heidelberg ṣ97ṣ-
TIB Tabula Imperii Byzantini Verlag der ›sterreichischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften. Wien.
TTAED Türk Tarih Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi. İstanbul.
TTK Türk Tarih Kongresi. Ankara.
TTKY Türk Tarih Kurumu. Yayınlarindan. Ankara.
TÜBA-AR Türkiye bilimler akademisi arkeoloji dergisi. Ankara ṣ998-
UET Ur Excavations. Texts. Oxford ṣ9Ṭ8-ṣ97σ.
UF Ugarit-Forschungen. Neukirchen-Vluyn ṣ969-
UISK Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft,
Neue Folge. Berlin and New York.
VO Vicino Oriente. Annuario dell Istituto di Studi del Vicin Oriente, Roma ṣ978-
Wien Denk. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische
Klasse, Denkschriften,Wien.
WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft.
Leipzig/Berlin ṣ9ṢṢ-
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Wien ṣ887-
YAMMK Yili Anadolu Mediniyetleri Müzesi Konferansları. Ankara.
YOS Researches Yale Oriental Series, Researches. New Haven.
YTLR Yale Tell Leilan Research. Yale.
ZA Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. Leipzig and
Berlin ṣ886-
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Wiesbaden/Stutt-
gart ṣ8σ7-
XIV
List of Tables, Graphs, Figures and Maps
List of Tables:
ṣ. Typical commodities and their price in Anatolia.
Ṭ. References, locations and prices of bridges, fords and ferries.
ṭ. Amounts in grains of silver paid by Assyrian traders at guard posts.
σ. Average daily consumption of water of modern household breeds.
τ. Locations and prices of inns.
6. The use of packers (sāridum).
7. The percentage of the total value of a tin-load paid as dātum-tax.
8. Wages of caravan packers (sāridum).
9. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hahhum.
ṣṢ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Zalpa.
ṣṣ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tegarama.
ṣṬ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Luhuzattiya.
ṣṭ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Kuššara.
ṣσ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šamuha.
ṣτ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hattum.
ṣ6. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Timelkiya.
ṣ7. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hurama.
ṣ8. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šalahšuwa.
ṣ9. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Uršu.
ṬṢ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Mamma.
Ṭṣ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Durhumit.
ṬṬ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Kuburnat.
Ṭṭ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hanaknak.
Ṭσ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tišmurna.
Ṭτ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šinahuttum.
Ṭ6. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hattuš.
Ṭ7. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tawiniya.
Ṭ8. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tuhpiya.
Ṭ9. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Wašhaniya.
ṭṢ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Ninašša.
ṭṣ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Ulama.
ṭṬ. Transport costs between Wašhaniya, Ninašša and Purušhaddum according to TC ṭ, ṣ6τ.
ṭṭ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Wahšušana.
ṭσ. Comparison of the expenses on a journey from šalatuwar to Wahšušana.
ṭτ. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šalatuwar.
ṭ6. Expenses on a trip from šalatuwar to Purušhaddum.
ṭ7. Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Purušhaddum.
ṭ8. A selection of references to copper sold on the market in Purušhaddum.
ṭ9. Suggested locations of the main Anatolian toponyms attested in the Old Assyrian texts.
XV
LIST OF TABLES, GRAPHS, FIGURES AND MAPS
List of Graphs:
ṣ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hahhum.
Ṭ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hahhum. Itineraries are shaded.
ṭ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Zalpa.
σ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Tegarama.
τ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Luhuzattiya.
6. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Kuššara.
7. Frequency of a given toponym associated with šamuha.
8. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hattum.
9. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Timelkiya.
ṣṢ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hurama.
ṣṣ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with šalahšuwa.
ṣṬ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Uršu.
ṣṭ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Mamma.
ṣσ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Durhumit.
ṣτ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Kuburnat.
ṣ6. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hanaknak.
ṣ7. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Tišmurna.
ṣ8. Frequency of a given toponym associated with šinahuttum.
ṣ9. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hattuš.
ṬṢ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Tuhpiya.
Ṭṣ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Wašhaniya.
ṬṬ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Ninašša.
Ṭṭ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Ulama.
Ṭσ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Wahšušana.
Ṭτ. Frequency of a given toponym associated with šalatuwar.
Ṭ6. Frequency of a given toponym associated with Purušhaddum.
Ṭ7. The archival distribution of toponyms.
Ṭ8. Frequency with which the Anatolian toponyms appear in the texts.
Ṭ9. Toponyms arranged in groups according to their frequency in the texts.
List of Figures:
ṣ. Dirt road used for wagons near Kırıkkale in ṣ9Ṭ6.
Ṭ. Paved road of Hittite date south of Boğazköy.
ṭ. Wooden bridge at Kesikköprü on the Kızılırmak in ṣ9ṭṢ.
σ. The Location of City X: a sample regional model.
τ. Sample model of a cluster.
6. The valley of the Kelkit ‘ay at Niksar.
7. View of the dry Konya Plain.
8. The basic outlay of the Hahhum cluster.
9. The Zalpa and Hahhum clusters.
ṣṢ. Two interpretations of the route followed by šalim-Aššur and Ali-ahum.
ṣṣ. Connections of the Luhuzattiya cluster.
ṣṬ. Connections of the Luhuzattiya cluster according to ICK ṣ, ṣ.
ṣṭ. The Kuššara and Luhuzattiya cluster.
ṣσ. The Uršu and Mamma cluster.
ṣτ. View from Hasancıklı to the southwest.
ṣ6. The pass north of Hasancıklı.
ṣ7. The main routes in the regional cluster east of Kaneš.
XVI
ṣ8. The regional cluster east of Kaneš.

ṣ9. The laborious ascent from Gölba ı.
ṬṢ. After ṭṢ km the pass becomes much easier.
Ṭṣ. The Erkenek Pass near Sürgü.
ṬṬ. The Uzunyayla.
Ṭṭ. The plain of Göksun seen from the south.
Ṭσ. The citadel mound in Gaziantep.
Ṭτ. Panoramic view of Karahöyük Elbistan.
Ṭ6. The roads north and east of Kaneš and the Narrow Track to Durhumit.
Ṭ7. The pass between Khurman Kale and Sarız.
Ṭ8. The pass of Yedi Oluk in May.
Ṭ9. Overview of the Plain of Kaneš.
ṭṢ. The site of Yassıdağ.
ṭṣ. The village of Barsema.
ṭṬ. The reconstruction of the network of Hittite roads south of Sivas by T. ›kse.
ṭṭ. View from Limpara to the north.
ṭσ. Limpara Höyük and the Zamanti Su (Yenice Irmak).
ṭτ. View of the uppermost Bakır ‘ay seen from the south.
ṭ6. The Hanaknak/Kuburnat cluster.
ṭ7. Map showing the sites surrounding Boğazköy.
ṭ8. Central Anatolian cluster.
ṭ9. The dificult terrain south of the Kızılırmak.
σṢ. The barren lands of Suvermez Dağ west of Boğazköprü.
σṣ. The cluster west of the Kızılırmak.
σṬ. The connections and the rivers in relation to the Purušhaddum cluster.
σṭ. Homat Höyük in the Bey ehir Lake.
σσ. Külada in Lake Bey ehir.
στ. The bridge at Kayalıpınar.
σ6. View of the pass from Kayalıpınar to Sulusaray.
σ7. The citadel of Ma at Höyük seen from the south.
σ8. The valley of Kadı ehri.
σ9. Final diagram of all clusters and their geographical relations in Anatolia.
τṢ. The ‘ekerek at Gözlek, and behind it, the pass to Mecitözü.
τṣ. The rock and castle of Turhal, Hittite Gazziura.
τṬ. The mound in Zile, Hittite Anziliya.
τṭ. Bolus (Aktepe) east of Artova.
τσ. The plain of Merzifon.
ττ. Doğantepe seen from the south.
τ6. Oluz Höyük.
τ7. Ayvalıpınar.
τ8. The Kelkit valley.
τ9. The mound of Eskiyapar near the town of Alaca.
6Ṣ. Kapalıkaya / Büklükkale at Köprüköy.
6ṣ. Büyükkale / Küçükkale.
6Ṭ. Ali ar.
6ṭ. The citadel of Kır ehir.
6σ. Yassıhöyük at Kır ehir.
6τ. Kesikköprü.
66. Topaklı.
XVII
67. Harmandalı.
68. Varavan.
69. Acemhöyük.
7Ṣ. Two small mounds with assemblages dating to the Old Assyrian Colony Period on the
route west of Acemhöyük.
7ṣ. Corca village and the Cihanbeyli Plateau to the west.
7Ṭ. Külhöyük.
7ṭ. The Obruk Plateau looking west.
7σ. The Cihanbeyli Plateau.
7τ. Kepen Höyük.
76. Karahöyük Konya.
77. Bolvadin Üçhöyük.
78. The pass through Emirdağ north of Bolvadin
79. Sultan Dağ and the town of ‘ay.
List of Maps:
ṣ. The geography of Anatolia and Northern Mesopotamia during the Old Assyrian Colony
Period according to nasHef ṣ99Ṭ.
Ṭ. The geography of Anatolia in the Old Assyrian Colony Period according to Di nocera &
forlanini ṣ99Ṭ.
ṭ. The geography of Anatolia and the Old Assyrian trade routes according to MicHel ṬṢṢṬ.
σ. Insert Map: Excavated and surveyed sites.
τ. Insert Map: Surveys.
6. Insert Map: Topographical Map.
7. Insert Map: Main Routes through Anatolia.
8. The two possible locations of Hahhum and associated routes.
9. The roads in Byzantine times.
ṣṢ. The region between the Euphrates and Kaneš.
ṣṣ. The Byzantine roads south of Malatya.
ṣṬ. The crossroad at Gölba ı.
ṣṭ. The Byzantine roads north of Malatya.
ṣσ. The heartland of Kaneš.
ṣτ. The main passes leading to Kaneš.
ṣ6. Possible locations of Wašhaniya.
ṣ7. The battle of Salatiwara.
ṣ8. The political geography in Anatolia during the early Old Assyrian Colony Period accord-
ing to forlanini ṬṢṢ8a.
ṣ9. A ictional map showing the distribution of Anatolian toponyms.
ṬṢ. The possible location and extent of the four Hittite districts of the Lower Land.
Ṭṣ. Routes and locations of the toponyms south-east of Durhumit.
ṬṬ. Survey map of the Kılıçözü.
Ṭṭ. Sites surveyed by S. Omura and his team in ṣ998.
XVIII
Infrastructure of Trade
1.1 Beginning and Background
When and how Assyrian trade in Anatolia began is lost in time. Direct textual evidence goes
back to the early years of the reign of king Ikunum (ṣ9ṭσ-ṣ9Ṭṣ BC),ṣ but a network of Assyr-
ian trading colonies in Anatolia may have been established generations earlier.Ṭ The texts
come from the archives of an Assyrian merchant colony settled at the site of Kültepe (ancient
Kaneš) near the modern city of Kayseri in central Turkey, and they relect a widely developed
system of inancial institutions and judicial establishments with trade based on specialised
agents, complex partnerships and an extensive physical infrastructure geared to accommo-
date it. Such structures took time to evolve.
Comparisons to the emergence of similar interregional networks of exchange in later peri-
ods and in other places may prove helpful. Although all commercial systems in history
evolved as a consequence of singular sets of events and conditions, the claim that any similar-
ity between individual cases are purely coincidental lacks credibility. Common ecological,
technological and social restraints reproduce comparable responses and allow us to suggest
general developments by way of analogy also when the evidence is scanty.
One example of a developing interregional exchange that appears to share numerous struc-
tural parallels with the Old Assyrian one is the commercial network of medieval Europe in the
ṣṭth century AD. During this period, in certain places and on certain routes, important alterna-
tions took place in the way commerce was carried out that were intimately linked to an expan-
sion in population and the scale of the trade. A characteristic system of resident merchants
holding extra-territorial rights emerged from an earlier era of travelling venture traders, a
change commonly referred to as the commercial revolution.ṭ The city-states of Northern Italy
in particular developed a mercantile technology superior to that of their contenders. Instead
of the previous practice of sending bulk goods to the great annual fairs in France, wealthy
Italian merchants began to direct their trade from an ofice in their hometown and secured
permanent representation abroad by means of factors, partners and correspondents. The trav-
elling salesman became an administrator who spent most of his time at home reading reports
and giving instructions. Companies permanently stationed their agents in Paris, Bruges and
ṣ. Unless otherwise stated, all dates follow the so-called Middle Chronology and the REL sequence of Assyrian epo-
nyms proposed in BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press. Thus, the irst year of king Erišum I and of the Assyrian
limmu-list (REL) is ṣ969 BC, šamši-Adad died in ṣ776 BC and Babylon fell to Mursili I in ṣτ9τ BC.
Ṭ. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a and BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press. The earliest dated event known from Kültepe is re-
corded in AKT 6, 1, which contains a reference to the irst year of the reign of Ikunum. The text gives a long list of
individuals and their accrued debts, mentioning both Assyrians and at least one individual with a local Anatolian
name (Hazzualla). A few interesting and otherwise unattested terms associated with commercial operations also oc-
cur, cf. Hertel ṬṢṢ7: ṣσ n. ṭṣ. A seal probably dating to the Old Akkadian period was discovered in layer ṣṣa (late
Early Bronze Age) on the mound of Kültepe, see Balkan ṣ9τ7: Ṭ n. τ.
ṭ. First advanced by De roover in ṣ9σṬ, and most fully expressed in De roover ṣ96ṭ. See also spufforD ṬṢṢṬ.
ṣ
CHAPTER ṣ: INFRASTRUCTURE OF TRADE
LondonŞ and, in spite of ierce local competition, the Italian merchants were for a large part
successful in eliminating their rivals within a single generation through their development of
a superior mercantile organisation.
Comparable evolutionary patterns led to the establishment of the Assyrian network of trad-
ing colonies. Both textual and archaeological evidence points to a growth in urban popula-
tion, a political centralisation, and an increase in the production of raw materials and goods
in Anatolia during the late phase of the Early Bronze Age.σ The expanding cities were home
to a public capable of distributing and consuming large amounts of foreign imports, and in
apparent analogy with medieval Europe, population growth, an increasing market integration
and developing commercial and production technologies laid the foundations of the wealth
and the collective buying power that drove the trade.τ
In Europe this development was linked to the transfer from an economy based on the ex-
change of goods and services to an economy based on silver.6 Similar changes may be traced
in the Aegeo-Anatolian region of the late Early Bronze Age, where an intensiied mining of
silver ore may have been a necessary precondition for the establishment of the Assyrian long-
distance trade that operated with a silver standard and aimed at obtaining silver and gold for
re-investment in the Mesopotamian markets.7 The emergent Anatolian cities focused trafic
on particular geographical points, or rather the routes between such points, and the trade evi-
dently reached a critical mass that led not only to quantitative but also to qualitative changes
in the mode of exchange in areas where suficient amounts of money and scale of demand
were concentrated.
Changes in the organisation of trade interacted with a general transformation of the politi-
cal and social structure of Anatolian society where the adaptation to trade favoured particular
types of governance and social organisation and led to the rise of a number of new administra-
tive and inancial institutions. It caused a boom in the physical infrastructure in the regions
involved in the trade, an apparent rise in the level of literacy, and an increase in the speed of
technological innovation and standardisation. Instead of simply being a function of political
and social relations between people, the Anatolian trade transformed society into its own
image.
The so-called commercial revolution of medieval Europe was in fact a continuous process
spanning several generations in which progress and setbacks, innovation and experimenta-
tion, led to the gradual development of the new organisation of trade based on agents, insur-
ance, brokers and banks.8 The same measured growth in complexity of the Assyrian trade is
discernible, although its details are hard to follow. The main part of the preserved documenta-
tion dates to a very short period within a single generation of the merchants active at Kültepe,
yet the system of trade clearly underwent continuous modiication. A few generations prior to
σ. Cf. ŞaHoğlu ṬṢṢσŞ ṬṢṢτ on the Anatolian Trade Network of the Early Bronze Age and its role in the emergence and
growth of complex state societies in Anatolia.
τ. The exact nature and extent of the process is arguable and remains unclear. Many smaller settlements inhabited in
the EB III period were abandoned, and instead the plains of Anatolia gave rise to a lesser number of large cities sur-
rounded by villages attested both archaeologically and in the written sources. The process is reminiscent of the ur-
banisation in Southern Mesopotamia a millennium earlier, see e.g. Yakar ṣ98τŞ ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭṣ-ṬṬ, Ṭṭ6-Ṭṭ8Ş sagona &
ZiManskY ṬṢṢ9: ṣ7τf.
6. spufforD ṬṢṢṬ: ṣṬ, 9ṭ-9τ.
7. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a.
8. The insurance company, so characteristic of medieval trade, has no known parallel in Assyrian society. In Europe
insurance was closely tied to maritime trade where risks were great and potential losses vast. In Assyria, bilateral
agreements with the rulers of the lands their caravans passed through insured the merchants against losses by theft
and robbery. The shipping industry of Southern Babylonia may have developed a primitive system of insurance, cf.
van De Mieroop ṣ99Ṭ: ṣ96-ṣ97. Private moneylenders are a common feature of the Assyrian trade.
Ṭ
ṣ.Ṭ POLITICS OF TRADE
the archives that form our main group of evidence the Assyrian merchants may still have
travelled in person between their homes in Assur and the market in Kaneš. In contrast, we see
that their sons and grandsons settled abroad for years or even decades, acting as the local
agents or factors of their company. Although many kept a house, a wife and a family in Assur,
the Assyrian traders spent increasing parts of their lives in Anatolia, taking local women as
secondary wives and raising families there. After a few generations, a signiicant number of
the merchants in the Assyrian colonies had been born and raised abroad.9
We may suppose that partnerships and inancing had initially been centred on a single voy-
age, but from the point our documentation sets in, such activities had taken on a more perma-
nent aspect and partnerships commonly ran for several years.ṣṢ A development from bilateral
short-term investment arrangements to shareholdings over a long term would have coincided
with (and was probably intimately bound up with) other aspects in the early evolution of the
trade, such as the division of labour and permanent business representation. Trade became
less dependent upon geographical constrictions than a fast turnover, and individual transac-
tions were combined with sale on credit and long-term investments that increased the poten-
tial income as well as inancial risk. New procedures were introduced to manage legal safety
within an increasingly complex and expanding social system.
As the system grew it became common to station permanent agents in other Anatolian cit-
ies beside Kaneš, and particular companies came to specialise in the trade in speciic cities
and in certain commodities. Satisfactory representation in foreign parts became a problem for
the sedentary merchants, and success or failure often depended on the selection of eficient
and honest agents. To a certain extent the solution to this problem was built into the system
of trade by its foundation upon the nuclear family and its bonds of mutual loyalty and dedica-
tion. Business terminology was immersed in the language of family metaphorsŞ and, as a rule,
Assyrian merchant houses were structured along the lines of a father and his sons. However,
dependent retainers and external business partners were commonly recruited from outside the
immediate family, and a number of complex procedures of investment and partnership had
been developed to inance and expand the trade.ṣṣ
1.Ṭ Politics of Trade
The Assyrian traders in Anatolia were native to the city-state of Assur, which at the beginning
of the second millennium BC was a small prosperous community situated on the western bank
of the river Tigris c. ṣṢṢ km south of the modern-day Iraqi provincial capital of Mosul. At the
heart of its territory stood the walled settlement referred to by its inhabitants simply as the
City (ālum), located on a rocky spur at a river ford where a caravan route from north to south
crossed a track leading from east to west. The entire settlement covered less than σṢ hectares,
and as such it was smaller than most of the centres where the Assyrians went to trade in Ana-
tolia.ṣṬ The patron deity of the state shared his name with the city, and his main temple was
9. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.

ṣṢ. larsen ṣ97ṣŞ ṬṢṢ7Ş veenHof ṣ998. Similar developments in commerce and inancing can be traced in Medieval
Italy (De roover ṣ96ṭ: σ6-ττŞ paDgett & Mclean ṬṢṢ6), Cairo (goitein ṣ967: ṣ69-ṣ79), the Byzantine Empire
(uDovitcH ṣ96Ṭ: ṣ98-ṬṢ7), Israel (idem), and the Islamic Near East (uDovitcH ṣ97Ṣ: ṣ7Ṣ-ṣ7Ṭ).
ṣṣ. larsen ṬṢṢ7Ş stratforD ṬṢṣṢ. Ownership and liability remained individual and not familial, and there was no such
thing as a common fund. Note the parallel shift in inancing from compagnia to commenda in early medieval times
(uDovitcH ṣ97Ṣ: ṣṬṬ-ṣṬṭ), and the gradual transition to trading companies in the modern sense during the late re-
naissance (golDtHwaite ṣ98Ṣ: 6ṭ-6τ). For the possible existence of a family fund in Ṭσth c. BC Nippur, see
westenHolZ ṣ987: 6ṢŞ steinkeller ṣ99ṭ.
ṣṬ. The exact size of Kaneš and any other contemporary Anatolian settlement remains unclear, but the citadel mound
ṭ
located in the northern quarters of the settlement together with the royal abode and the meeting
grounds of the plenary assembly.ṣṭ The state was governed jointly by the king (rubā um) and
the assembly (ālum aher rabi), and it is clear that trade in general, and the heads of the mer-
chant houses in particular, played a key role in the rule of the city.ṣσ
The archaeology of Assur (modern Qala at šerqat) during the Colony Period is scanty at
best. Thick layers dating to later centuries when Assur became the political and religious
centre of a great empire have all but obliterated its earlier history. Instead, most of what is
known comes to us through the particular ilter of the merchant letters and business records
found at Kültepe in Central Turkey. All attempts at producing historiographical accounts of
society in Assur therefore require particular consideration. Excavations in the lower town at
Kültepe have revealed that two occupational phases (kārum IV and III) predate the known
Assyrian colony, but no inds allow us to decide whether some of the early inhabitants may
also have been foreign traders. If the earliest generation of Assyrian traders were itinerant
salesmen they would have left little trace.
But even if the settlements of kārum IV and III did not hold resident Assyrian merchants,
there can be little doubt that the people of Assur had been involved in long-distance trade for
generations. One Assyrian merchant appears in texts dating to the period of the Ur III Empire
(Ṭṣst c. BC), when the city of Assur constitued an imperial province or vassal kigdom. This
administrative record lists the names of the royal elite, and mentions gold, silver and the im-
perial palace together with a merchant (damgar) with the Assyrian name Ilšu-rabi son of
Puzur-Aššur.ṣτ Trade or barter in certain commodities, such as leather and wool, is well at-
of Kültepe alone measures some ṭṢ hectaresŞ and, the kārum, so far as it has been excavated, covers an area of at
least ṬṢ hectares and perhaps as much as Ṭ kilometres in diameter. If the former excavator of the site is proved right
in his assumption that the lower city extends all the way around the citadel mound (t. ÖZgüç ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭσ), the settled
area might cover several hundred hectares (cf. Mellink ṣ969: ṬṢ6Ş ṣ98Ṣ: τṢṭ). Other Anatolian sites from the pe-
riod, including Ikiztepe, Acemhöyük, Kɩr ehir Yassɩhöyük, Varavan and Konya Karahöyük, all rival or surpass
Assur in size.
ṣṭ. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṭ8-σṣ.
ṣσ. larsen ṣ976: ṣṢ9-ṬṬṭŞ ṬṢṢṣ.
ṣτ. UTI 6, ṭ8ṢṢ (Umma, n.d.), which refers to DINGIR- u-ra-bí DUMU Puzurσ-A- urτ DAM.GÀR. Also NRVN ṣ, ṣ87
(Nippur, šSτ) mentions an individual named Puzur-Aššur. The name is common in texts dating to the Old Assyrian
period and probably exclusive to individuals from Assur. Aspects of the history of Assur in the Ur III period was irst
studied by Hallo ṣ9τ6 and recently summarised by MicHałowski ṬṢṢ9. The latter suggests that Assur was a vassal
state with an independent ruler rather than the seat of a military governor appointed by the empire. However, the
reason for the absence of Sarriqum in the Assyrian Kinglist is unaccounted for, and unlike the vassal kings of Mari
or Nineveh, Sarriqum and his familiy never igure in the historical tradition (but note CST ṣ9ṭ below), and appear
not to have married into the royal house at Ur. Also Sarriqum s self-representation as a slave of Amar-Suen in a local
building inscription may imply a more direct subservient position. Ilaba- ulluli, the ensi of Assur mentioned in UET
8, ṣσ may instead have ruled the city as an independent prince at some point prior to Sarriqum. The date of this text
is unclearŞ its editor (sollBerger ṣ96τ: ṭ) suggested that it might be of OAkk or slightly later date, presumably on
the basis of the theoforic element Ilaba that occurs exclusively in names dating to the Sargonic period. However, the
verbal form tikal in col. iii: ṭ (as opposed to Old Akkadian takal) could point to a later date. If the data given in the
list is authentic, and if it does postdate the Akkadian state, then Ilaba- ulluli might even be identical to the individu-
al ulili mentioned in the Assyrian Kinglist and the king ilulu son of Dakiki, who appears on the seal CSσ9 used
during the Old Assyrian period (cf. larsen ṣ976: ṭ8-ṭ9, ṣṬṭ n. ṣṬṢ). Some additional texts dating to the Ur III pe-
riod mention Assur and its inhabitants: Buccellati Amorites ṣṬ (Drehem, šσ8.7.ṣ9) refers to an individual named
La-qè-ep DUMU I-dì-A- urτŞ Buccellati Amorites ṣ8 (Drehem ASτ.ṣṬ.[ṬṬ]) mentions to Za-rí-iq the man of A -
urτkiŞ CST ṣ9ṭ (Drehem šσ7.ṣṢ.Ṭτ) lists Za-rí-iq the man of A- urτki alongside šu-šulgi, Tiša(l)-tahhe, and the man
from šimanumŞ MVAG Ṭṣ, ṬṬ (Umma, AS) lists offerings to gods, among them divine dA- ùr? and An-né, who re-
ceive gheeŞ MVN ṣṭ, 7Ṣ6 (Drehem šσσ.9.Ṭ9) lists part of the dowry of šešdada and mentions a royal son, the ensi of
šuruppak, and Za-rí-iq the man of A - urτkiŞ MVN ṣ8, 6τ9 (Umma?, AS.τ?) mentions [Za-rí]-iq ensiṬ A- ùrki in a
broken contextŞ NATN τ67 (Nippur, nd) gives a list of personal names, all of them apparently Assyrian: mIr(i)- um,
m
Puzur-Su-(en), mI-hi-lum, mE-la-lí, m u-Hubur, mEn-ne-nu-um DUMU i-lu-lu, and mI tar-la-ba DUMU Puzur-A-
ur6Ş PDT Ṭ, 8ṣṣ (Drehem, ASṣ?ṣṬ.ṣ6) lists offerings to Ninlil, including the mu-DU delivery of the erén-troops of
A - ur6kiŞ OrSP σ7-σ9, ṣ68 (Drehem, šṭσ.6) lists a number of items recieved by a certain I-din-A- urτŞ SAT Ṭ, ττṣ
σ
tested during the period of the Ur III Empire, and the sale of a surplus production of wool
through agents would presumably have been an easy way to procure resources from beyond
the state frontier.ṣ6 It is not unlikely (although impossible to prove) that some of the mer-
chants entrusted with commodities belonging to the state came from AssurŞ and that the trade
in Babylonian products, as well as some fundamental organisational elements in Old Assyrian
commerce, date back to procedures formed a century earlier. The survival of the imperial
legacy can be seen in the administrative and juridical procedures of the Old Assyrian period,ṣ7
and the intellectual traditions of the Ur III state seems to have formed the background of the
Assyrian writing and accounting that grew into central tools in the long-distance trade.
Commercial bookkeeping and correspondence could remain rudimentary or even unneces-
sary as long as the merchant dealt with his customers personally, but as trade through agents
began, the dealings with representatives, shareholders, customers and the legal system over
long distances and periods of time made literacy and accurate accounting procedures essen-
tial. Perhaps for this reason, the Old Assyrian period was arguably a high point of literacy in
the history of cuneiform writing. The system of signs and the scribal conventions were sim-
pliied to the extreme and easier to master. A large number of letters, not only from traders,
but also from servants, women and slaves, illustrate how widespread literacy was in Assyrian
society.ṣ8 The need for basic education can again be compared to the situation in the cities of
medieval ItalyŞ in the case of Lucca, the commune hired an abbachista to teach commercial
arithmetic because the citizens were: much engaged in business, which can hardly be carried
out if one is ignorant .ṣ9
Coincidentally, almost all of the texts found in Assur that date to the Old Assyrian Colony
Period apart from royal building inscriptions are school-tablets. They show how students
were taught to write numerals, calculate fractions and practice the standard phrases of com-
merce.ṬṢ A small number of such texts have also been unearthed at Kültepe, indicating that
some sort of institution for formal training existed there as well. Although we know very little
about the system of education in Assyrian society, the shared argot, the standardised use of
signs and a common way in which to set up business documents implies the existence of a
tradition disseminated through a collective system of instruction.
By the time of our sources the Assyrian network of settlements had spread from Assur to
cover all of Northern Syria and Central Anatolia, and some forty Assyrian colonies (kārum)
and stations (wabartum) functioned during the period contemporary with the II level of settle-
ment in the lower town at Kültepe.Ṭṣ The Assyrian merchants were granted the right to estab-
lish trading settlements by the local rulers and to maintain their own judicial and inancial
institutions independent from the community in which they settled. The Assyrian communi-
ties remained fully functional as a legal and political entity in spite of the distance to the
mother city, and both the colonial administrations and their legal institutions copied those of
Assur on a smaller scale.ṬṬ Each colony was granted the power to make most of its decisions
(Drehem, šσ7) lists šu-gíd offerings on the account of Ki-Utu that mentions Za-rí-iq the man of A - urτki and his son
d
ul-gi-ì-lí (cf. CTNMC ṣṣ: Ṭ)Ş YBC 7Ṭ78 (cf. Hallo ṣ9τ6: ṬṬ) records the disbursal of lour to Za-rí-iq ensiṬ A- ùr
ki
and his entourage of ττ menŞ YOS ṣτ, ṣτ8 (cf. MicHałowski ṬṢṢ9) refers to Za-rí-iq the man of A-[ ùrki]. Note also
the two Old Akkadian texts from Gasur HSS ṣṢ, ṭ6 and HSS ṣṢ, ṣ69, which both mention the city of A- ùrki.
ṣ6. waetZolDt ṣ97Ṭ: 7ṣ-7Ṭ with special reference to copper traded in return for wool, and the possible sale of poor
quality wool to Magan. See also veenHof ṬṢṢσ: ττṭ-ττσ.
ṣ7. Hertel ṬṢṢ7: 7-8, ṣτσ.
ṣ8. MicHel ṬṢṢ9a.
ṣ9. spufforD ṬṢṢṬ: ṭṢ.
ṬṢ. Hecker ṣ99ṭŞ ṣ996bŞ DonBaZ ṬṢṢṣaŞ MicHel ṬṢṢ8aŞ BarjaMovic & larsen ṬṢṢ8.
Ṭṣ. BaYraM ṣ997: 6Ṭ-6σŞ kuZuoğlu ṬṢṢ7a: ṣ89-ṣ9ṣŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣτσ-ṣττ.
ṬṬ. larsen ṣ976: esp. ṬṬ7-ṭṭṬŞ ṬṢṢṢŞ Dercksen ṬṢṢσaŞ Hertel ṬṢṢ7.
τ
on a local level, but together the Anatolian dependencies were organised in an internal hier-
archy that gave the Assyrian settlement at Kaneš central authority in deciding the economic
and foreign policy of the expatriate community as a whole. The legal establishment of the
Assyrians at Kaneš also held superior authority in the diaspora,Ṭṭ and communal tasks, nego-
tiations with local rulers and the legislation of trade were decided in the central colony. Al-
though the system underwent several changes during the century and a half that it existed, the
organizing principles fundamentally remained the same. In time Kaneš may have lost some
of its status as the political and judicial centre, and in turn a number of the former stations
grew into colonies. However, our documentation for the late period of trade is scanty, and it
generally hides the details of how the colonial administration changed and what this meant
for the trade.Ṭσ
Anatolia was divided into numerous independent states, each governed by a king or a ruling
couple.Ṭτ Few details are known about the local Anatolian political institutions. Apart from the
king and queen a number of titles of palace- and town oficials have come down to us. Some
have partially self-explanatory portfolios, such as the chief herald , the chief shepherd , and
the chief horse master , but nothing is known about details in organisation and local differenc-
es.Ṭ6 Titles, such as city mayor and the chief miller may be taken as a sign of a system in
which communal institutions played an important role, but the sources as we have them most-
ly appear to relect a top-down system of governance.Ṭ7 Recent studies have addressed ele-
ments of land ownership and utilization, but much work remains to be done.Ṭ8 Topics such as
ethnicity, religion, local systems of justice, administration, weights and measures, and the local
cultic calendar have also only been partially studied.Ṭ9 What does emerge is the existence of an
extensive network of city-states, covering as a minimum all of Central Anatolia, which shared
cultural and linguistic elements and presumably held particular customs and religious beliefs
in mutual recognition. In addition, it would seem that the cities shared numerous administrative
and economic features, and regional similarities in the material culture are also discernible.
Ṭṭ. For the Assyrian judicial system, see Hertel 2007.

Ṭσ. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8aŞ BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
Ṭτ. Almost invariably the political importance of the ruling couple is underplayed in current analyses of early Anatolian
history. Only the kings and their reigns are dicussed, and the possible chronological consequences caused by the
system of double monarchy are left out of consideration. However, for the early period of the Assyrian trade in
Anatolia, it would seem that when an Anatolian king died his queen would de facto continue to rule, either on her
own, or with the male heir designate. If the latter was the case, we never hear about it in the Assyrian records. For
a recent compilation of the sources mentioning Anatolian queens, see kuZuoğlu ṬṢṢ7b. It has been postulated that
the later Hittite system of succession contained remnants of a matriarchy. However, as shown by e.g. Bin-nun ṣ97τ
there is little to substantiate this claim for the mature period of the Hittite Empire, and in fact, succession passed
through women only when male descendants were lacking (see also Beal ṬṢṢṭ: ṣσ). Nevertheless, the fact that the
so-called cruciform seal from Hattusa (Dinçol et al. ṣ99ṭ) gives the royal couples (Huzziya and […]-zi, Labarna
and Tawananna, Hattusili and Kadušši, Mursili and Kali) may be taken as an indication that a married couple acted
as rulers in concert at least during the Old Kingdom, as husband and wife always did in judicial and economical
functions in Old Assyrian times.
Ṭ6. Cf. DonBaZ 1996: Ṭṭ6-Ṭṭ7Ş Hecker ṬṢṢṭ: ṣ8σ-ṣ9σ. For a complete list of oficials with attestations and discussions
cf. erol ṬṢṢ7Ş veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: Ṭṣ9-Ṭṭṭ.
Ṭ7. A few bits of evidence point to the existence of civic institutions of government in Anatolia. The text kt 9Ṭ/k ṭṢ9
(cf. alBaYrak ṬṢṢṭa: ṭτṣ) may refer to a situation where an Anatolian town has assembled to take an oath with a
ruler (l. 6-9): a-na-kam a-lumki ip-hu-ur-ma i -tí a-ri-im GAL ma-mì-tam il-qé-ú-ma, but note Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṭṢ
n. 96. Kt 8ṭ/k ṣṬσ relates to a situation in which the Assyrian community negotiates with the city (who are referred
to in the plural) of šalatuwar. In kt n/k ṣṭ7σ the Assyrians negotiate with an envoy of the city and the king of Am-
kuwa. Finally, AKT 6, ṭ9Ṭ may refer in passing to the assembly of that city. Note also the reference to the institution
of the elders of Zalpuwa in the so-called Zalpa text , with whom the grandfather of Hattusili I ratiies a peace-
treaty after their king was murdered (Beal ṣ99ṭ: Ṭṣ).
Ṭ8. Dercksen ṬṢṢσb.
Ṭ9. See e.g. garelli 1963; orlin 1970; veenHof 1982; 1989; 2003; Dercksen 1996; luMsDen ṬṢṢ8.
6
The political scene in Anatolia before the formation of the Hittite state is reminiscent of the
situation in Southern Mesopotamia before the uniication of the cities under Sargon of Ak-
kade in the Ṭσth century BC. Changing alliances between leagues of city-states headed by a
dominant political igure, power struggles and warfare characterises Anatolian society as re-
lected in the Assyrian texts. The merchants constantly refer to the disruption of trade due to
the armed conlicts between cities ighting for supremacy over land, resources and trade, and
the Assyrians ventured to protect and facilitate their business by creating a network of sworn
agreements with the local rulers. Only a few drafts of such oaths have been preserved, but
references to their accords are common in the sources.ṭṢ
Oaths had to be negotiated separately with each ruling couple and city involved in the As-
syrian network. In return for the permission to found colonies with extra-territorial rights and
the protection of passing merchant caravans against robbers and brigandage, the Assyrians
would offer the rulers substantial revenues and the right of pre-emption on their merchandise
at favourable prices. Tolls and taxes on the transit trade were an important source of revenue
for the states involved, and the international trade must have been a boon to all parties. A
small dossier of letters from Syria refers to the changing fortunes of the town of Nahur, where
the Assyrian caravans used to pass and pay their revenues. Now, to the author s regret, the
route has changed, and the important source of income has been lost.ṭṣ
Far from penetrating all of the Turkish peninsula, it seems that the Assyrians were success-
ful in monopolising the trade only in certain types of merchandise and only in particular
areas. The commercial records indicate that the merchants dealt regularly with some thirty
cities inside Anatolia, but at least three times that many are attested in sporadic references,
and whole regions are conspicuously absent from the texts in spite of an archaeological re-
cord that seems to indicate the existence of an interrelated network of city-states in Anatolia,
which extended far beyond the area covered by the Assyrian trade. In addition, contacts be-
tween Anatolia and even very remote areas are becoming increasingly clear from archaeo-
logical excavations, and so on a wider level the Assyrian merchants appear to have formed a
small component in a much larger network of exchange.ṭṬ
The letters from Nahur emphasise the importance of political control with the Assyrian
trade routes, and contemporary texts from Mari refer to the actual passage of Assyrian cara-
vans through the Syrian territories, showing that their progress through the area required of-
icial sanction or announcement (tabrītum).ṭṭ Although these texts date to the late stage of
Assyrian trade, and the earlier period appears to have been less restrictive, a distinctive fea-
ture in the documentation is the absence of any large-scale trade in the Syrian cities that the
trades passed on the way to and from Anatolia. Instead, the volume of exchange increased
dramatically only after the Euphrates had been crossed. It is possible that the proits on trad-
ing in Syria were simply too low to compete with local merchants, but the Assyrians time and
again make the point that their merchandise remains under seal until it reaches Anatolia, and
probably it was a system of commerce and politics that prohibited the Assyrians from trading
in bulk with the Syrian cities.ṭσ
ṭṢ. eiDeM 1991; çeçen & Hecker 1995; günBatti 2004; veenHof ṬṢṢ8.
ṭṣ. guicHarD ṬṢṢ8Ş cHarpin ṬṢṢ8: ṣṢṭf.
ṭṬ. lesHtakov 1993; 1996; 2002; warBurton 2003; ruBinson 2003; poursat & louBet 2005; raHMstorf 2006; weBB
et al. 2006; carter & kilikoglou 2007; BarjaMovic 2ṢṢ8Ş collon 2008; georgiaDis 2008.
ṭṭ. veenHof ṬṢṢṭa: 88. For the use of passports, cf. leeMans ṣ96Ṣ: ṣṢ8f. For some Old Assyrian examples, cf. e.g.
kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9Ş kt c/k 8σ6a+b.
ṭσ. For a slightly different interpretation, see eiDeM ṬṢṢ8. A trade in minor goods and trinkets did take place in Syria,
typically conducted by the Assyrian caravan personel en route to Anatolia. However, no major transactions are ever
attested. As pointed out by Eidem, this could be due to the scope of the texts from Kaneš, but the fact that trading
activities change dramatically as soon as the Assyrians crossed the Euphrates at Hahhum or Zalpa indicates that
7
A comparable case may be relected in the absence of any Assyrian traders in the region of
Cilicia. This was a wealthy area and an important crossroad, yet not a single city in the region
is attested in relation to Assyrian trade activities. Although most of our sources derive from a
single site in Central Anatolia that is bound to produce a one-sided picture, there is reason to
assume that Cilicia, like Syria, may have been located outside the Assyrian orbit of trade.
City-states such as Ebla, Emar or Aleppo may have held concessions in the region, or the
Cilicians themselves may have managed to monopolise the trade. Similar mechanisms were
present in medieval Europe, where merchants of Nothern Italy controlled trade in large areas
of Britain, France and Flanders, whereas the Hanseatic League managed to monopolise mer-
chant activities in the Baltic by iercely defending their control through economic as well as
political means.ṭτ Attempts to root out competition are evidenced in an Assyrian draft of a
treaty with an Anatolian ruler:
You must not let any Akkadians come up to you. If they come to your country, you must
hand them over to us so that we may kill them.ṭ6
In contrast to this statement, another reference shows the failure of the Assyrian colonies to
negotiate such agreements. The letter ATHE ṭṬ refers to the arrival of traders from the Syrian
city of Ebla, who are said to have gone to the palace of an Anatolian city to procure copper:
Many Eblaites have come here, a lot of copper has been paid out to them in the palace,
which they converted at the rate of Ṭ ṣ/ṭ minas of (copper) per (shekel) of checked silver.
Within ṣṢ days they will use up their copper. I will then buy silver and have it sent to
you.ṭ7
Although a single example prevents irm conclusions, this letter calls attention to the way our
sources only portray the Assyrian part of a much larger commercial system. The archaeolo-
gists at Kültepe have excavated a large area of the lower town, yet without exception the ar-
chives found in those houses belong to either Assyrian traders or to local Anatolians. What we
do not know is whether houses of other foreign communities might be hidden under the ields
just a few hundred metres away from the excavated area.ṭ8
political rather than commercial reasons lie behind the absence of trade in the Syrian area. It is dificult to explain
the existence of the many Assyrian colonies (kārum) in the Syrian area if it were simply a zone of transit for the
merchants, but the colonies in Syria may have been differently organised from those in Anatolia, and devoted
mainly to manage taxation, political relations and infrastructure, rather than the commerce.
ṭτ. De roover ṣ96ṭ: σṭ.
ṭ6. Kt n/k 79σ (l. ṣṣ-ṣτ): a-ki-dí-i la tù- é-lá-ni u-ma a-na ma-tí-kà e-tí-qú-nim lu ta-du-nu-ni-a-tí-ma lu ni-du-ku
Edition by çeçen & Hecker ṣ99τ: ṭṣ-σṣ. Note also the general rule against the use of gold as a means of payment
to non-Assyrians in kt 79/k ṣṢṣ (l. ṣ6-Ṭτ): In accordance with the words of the stele, a citizen of Assur may not
pay any gold to an Akkadian, an Amorite, or a Subarean. The one who does pay (in gold) will not live (ki-ma a-wa-
at na-ru-a-im DUMU A- ùr u-um- u KÙ.GI a-na a-ki-dí-im a-mu-ri-im ù u-bi-ri-im ma-ma-an la i-da-an a i-du-
nu ú-lá i-ba-la-a ). The text is published in sever ṣ99Ṣ: Ṭ6ṣff. and discussed in veenHof ṣ99τa: ṣ7ṭṭff.
ṭ7. ATHE ṭṬ (l. ṣ7-Ṭτ): Eb-la-i-ú ma-şduš-tum i-li-ku-ni-ma URUDU ma-dum i-na É.GAL-lim i- í-qí-ilτ- u-nu-tí-ma
KÙ.BABBAR Ṭ ṣ/ṭ ma-na.TA a-mu-ra-am ú-ta-e-ru a-dí ṣṢ uσ-me URUDU- u i-ga-mu-ru KÙ.BABBAR a- a-a-
ma ú- e-ba-lam. For a discussion and analysis of this important text, see veenHof ṣ988: Ṭ6ṢŞ Dercksen ṣ996: ṣ6ṢŞ
stratforD ṬṢṣṢ. Other examples of Eblaites active in the Anatolian trade are found in BIN 6, ṣ9ṭŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣṢ9Ş kt
88/k τṬτŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k 6ṭṬ.
ṭ8. Note the comment [dated May ṣ ṣ99τ] by the former excavator of Kültepe, Prof. T. ›zgüç quoted in Hecker ṣ996b:
ṭṢṭ that he expected he might some day ind the houses, or perhaps even the colony, of the many Eblaites some-
where in the lower town of Kültepe. The unique letter kt 9Ṣ/k ṭ6Ṣ discovered in the archive of the Assyrian mer-
chant šumi-abiya (cf. MicHel & garelli ṣ996Ş MicHel ṬṢṣṢ) looks more like a coarse version of a text from Mari
than an ordinary Old Assyrian tablet. The personal names mentioned in the letter are not Assyrian, but appear to be
8
If merchants from many different cities were in fact present at Kaneš, one would expect
some reference to competing tradersŞ but, apart from the aforementioned letter, such state-
ments are lacking. But there is also no mention of internal competition among the Assyrian
companies, even though we might suppose that such situations arose. Evidence from Anatolia
contemporary with the later kārum Ib period indicates that several Syrian cities were shipping
textiles to Anatolia, perhaps in competition with the merchants from Assur. Tablets found at
Tell Rimah and bullae from Acemhöyük in Central Turkey show that places such as Qa ara,
Yamhad, Mari, Carchemish, Uršu and šubat-Enlil all had dealings within Anatolia.ṭ9 Thus,
even though our evidence implies the existence of an Assyrian monopoly or near-dominance
of the trade in Central Anatolia, such a conclusion would be premature. The aforementioned
oaths show that the Assyrians were anxious to exclude southern competititors from at least
one Anatolian city, and the existence of a verdict against Assyrian merchants who trade in
Anatolian textiles indicates that Assyrian authorities also worked to protect their control over
certain goods.σṢ
The Assyrian trade with Anatolia was based on the export of two particular commodities:
tin and woollen textiles. Tin came to Assur via Babylonia from its sources, probably in mod-
ern day Uzbekistan and Tadzhikistan.σṣ The Assyrians did not import the tin, but acquired it
on the market in Assur from foreign traders in the city. The Assyrians also bought up Babylo-
nian textiles in great quantities and shipped them to Anatolia together with their own locally
produced fabrics. Little is known about the trade between Babylonia and Assur from the
sources found at Kültepe, except for a few laconic complaints from Assyrian merchants who
wait for new supplies to reach the city.σṬ
A few texts from the Babylonian city of Sippar record the trafic in many of the same ob-
jects known from the Assyrian texts: kutānum-textiles, amūtum-metal and lapis lazuli. They
relect a direct trade between Sippar and important ports of trade to the south and east, such
as Ešnunna and Susa, and they demonstrate the existence of commercial procedures compa-
rable to those known from the Assyrian records. Some of the documents deal with the pay-
ment of ikribum in the manner known also from Kültepe, and one text suggests the existence
of a permanently settled merchant colony of traders from Sippar in Susa akin to the Assyrian
settlements in Anatolia.σṭ An archive of legal and administrative texts written in the Babylo-
Hurrian and Amorite, and yet the text clearly refers to events taking place in Kaneš. Note also the texts published
in DuranD ṬṢṢṣ, which relate to a merchant with the non-Assyrian name Habdu-malik, who trades copper and
textiles in Ib-period Kaneš. Anatolian goods primarily reached Mari via Carchemish, and Zimrilim s attempt to
enter into direct relations with the king of Kaneš failed, cf. guicHarD ṬṢṢ8Ş cHarpin ṬṢṢ8: ṣṢτ-ṣṢ6.
ṭ9. For Tell Rimah, cf. DalleY et al. ṣ976. For Mari, Uršu, Yamhad and šubat-Enlil, see: tunca ṣ989Ş ṣ99ṭŞ veenHof
ṣ99ṭ. For the bullae found in the Sarıkaya Palace, see karaDuMan ṬṢṢ8.
σṢ. See e.g. VS Ṭ6, 9 (translation and comments in veenHof ṬṢṢṭa: 89-9Ṣ): Here (in Assur) it has come to a lawsuit
concerning the saptinnum- and pirikannum-textiles, woollen products, and many people have been ined. You too
have been obliged to pay ṣṢ pounds of silverŞ you must pay one pound each year ... Please do not get involved in
(the trade) in saptinnum- and pirikannum-textiles, don t buy them ... the ruling of the City is severe!
σṣ. weisgerBer & ciernY ṬṢṢṬŞ parZinger & Boroffka ṬṢṢṭ. Possibly closer areas of extraction existed as well, cf.
Helwing ṬṢṢ9.
σṬ. The main study of the trade in the Old Babylonian period is still leeMans ṣ96Ṣ with a recent update in stol ṬṢṢσ
ch. ṣτ. Cf. also tablet ṭ in MicHałowski & Misir ṣ998: τ6 for a North Syrian example (dated REL ṣ96 or ṬṢṭ) of
a very common type of document in the Old Assyrian documentation.
σṭ. For the texts from Sippar, cf. ABB ṣṬ and al-rawi & DalleY ṬṢṢṢ: ṣ7-Ṭṭ, and texts no. Ṭ6, 6ṭ, 97, ṣṣτ, ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṬ.
For the trade in Sippar and connections to Assur, see esp. veenHof ṣ989Ş ṬṢṢσ. For the most recent assessment of
the trade in Assur from the south, see Dercksen 2004a, ch. 2.2. For the Babylonian trade and the apparent impor-
tance of Ešnunna as an entrepôt in the tin-trade, cf. leeMans ṣ96Ṣ. Note also the stone mould found in Anatolia,
allegedly from Sippar, published in eMre ṣ97ṣ no. ṭ6. A recently published group of texts come from what appears
to be a Mesopotamian settlement at Choga Gavaneh on the Great Khorasan Road in Western Iran (cf. aBDi &
BeckMan ṬṢṢ7: σ8), and appear to date from the early second millennium BC, showing links with Der and the
9
nian dialect of Akkadian contemporary with the later period of the Old Assyrian trade has
been unearthed at the city of Susa in Iran. Contracts in the archive invoke both šamaš of Sip-
par and Inšušinak of Susa, pointing to the Sipparean origin of its owner. It is worth noting that
one of the records bears the impression of a seal that has a close parallel at Kültepe.σσ The
evidence is sporadic, but the texts corroborate the notion that Susa functioned as an entrepôt
for goods coming from the east into Mesopotamia and also underline the signiicance of Sip-
par as a central market for the trade and distribution of goods from Southern Mesopotamia to
the north.στ
In spite of a few indications that merchants from Syria may have presented some measure
of competition in Central Anatolian trade, our evidence from the kārum-II period points to a
near total Assyrian domination. Assur was positioned on the margins of the great production
zones of both Syria and Babylonia, and social and political institutions were developed spe-
ciically to facilitate trade between those zones. A precondition for the success was the estab-
lishment of reliable legal procedures, a transparent system of taxation, a foreign policy that
protected the Assyrian caravans and local investors who were prepared to risk their capital in
long-distance trade. The Assyrians also depended on a steady supply of tin and textiles from
the southŞ and the decree of king Ilušuma, which turned Assur into a duty-free zone for the
copper trade, was presumably issued to stimulate a growing overland trafic.σ6 Ilušuma s son
and follower Erišum I expanded the remission to include most marketable goods, including:
silver, gold, copper, tin, barley and wool - (everything) down to … bran and chaff.σ7
Moreover, the ofice of the Assyrian eponym (limmum) was instituted in the reign of Erišum I.
This was a leading public oficial, connected directly with the management of the commercial
system, and most likely the position was created in response to the growing long-distance
trade.σ8
By attracting foreign merchants to Assur with marginal taxation and the formation of ad-
ministrative institutions speciically to facilitate trade, it is probable that the city would have
encouraged a low of wares from the south that allowed it to become an important point of
transit between Southern Mesopotamia and Anatolia.
Diyala region, through the Hamrin Basin to the Tigirs and Ešnunna. The places mentioned in the inscription of
Ilušuma (see n. σ7 below) could deine the three main trade routes by which goods reached Assur from the south
and east: from the Persian Gulf and the edge of the swamps via Ur and Nippur, from Hamadan via the Khorasan
Road through Awal and Kismar, and from Susa via Der.
σσ. The texts were published by scHeil ṣ9ṭṢ-ṣ9ṭ9. Cf. also al-rawi & DalleY ṬṢṢṢ: ṣ8-ṣ9. potts ṣ999: ṣ77 states
that at least two of the seals found at Susa may be Cappadocian. One of them is shown in teissier ṣ99σ no. Ṭττ.
στ. larsen ṣ976: Ṭṣτ-Ṭṣ7, ṬṭṬ-ṭτ.
σ6. A detailed discussion of these important texts and their interpretation is found in larsen ṣ976: 6ṭ-8Ṣ. For objec-
tions against the contextual interpretation of the text as a decree lifting all taxes on the trade in copper (idem: 6σ and
78), see Dercksen ṣ996: ṭσ-ṭτ. He interprets the passage in metallurgical terms, i.e. as a boast that Erišum was able
to reine imported copper. This is a strange topic of a public declaration otherwise concerned with a remission of
debts (addurārum), and with Larsen I prefer to understand the reference as related to trade even if the basic meaning
of the verb masā um is to wash (away) . See also cHarpin ṣ99ṢŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣṬ6-ṣṭṢŞ Hertel ṬṢṢ7: ṣṭ.
σ7. RIMA ṣ A.Ṣ.ṭṭ: ṬṢ-Ṭτ: a-du-ra-ar KÙ.BABBAR KÙ.GI URUDU AN.NA e-im SÍG a-dì e ta tuh-he ù pá-e á -
ku-un. The remarkable absence of textiles in this list is diffucult to explain. Perhaps textiles had not yet become an
important article of export under Erišum I, or perhaps they were the only article that was not cleared of import-
taxes (cf. lassen ṬṢṢ8: ṭṣ).
σ8. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢṭ. For the ofice of the limmum and his central position in the organization of Assyrian trade, see
Dercksen ṬṢṢσaŞ krYsZat ṬṢṢσc.
ṣṢ
ṣ.ṭ THE TRADE
1.ṭ The Trade
The Anatolian cities of the Middle Bronze Age appear to have been decidedly urban and the
individuals mentioned in the textual record bought most of their everyday products ready-
made, including bread, pottery and agricultural produce.σ9 Since the great majority of the texts
come from the archives of Assyrian traders, this may exaggerate the impression, but it seems
unlikely that industries, such as baking, brewing and manufacture of pottery would have ex-
isted exclusively to serve the Assyrian community. More probably, the Anatolian settlements
were court and consumer cities that demanded quality food, ceramics and textiles. Refer-
ences to luxury foodstuffs and ine textiles are found in the textual record, and the labours of
master potters, smiths, stonecarvers and other craftsmen are evident in the archaeological
record of Kültepe and other sites.
The total volume of the tin and textiles imported into Anatolia by Assyrian merchants
is diffcult to estimate. Veenhof, working with the texts available to him forty years ago,
calculated the quantity of tin recorded in to some ṣṭ,τṢṢ kg.τṢ On the basis of this igure,
Larsen conservatively estimated the total tin export to Anatolia over a ifty-year period at
a minimum of 8Ṣ tons.τṣ Given that the typical bronze alloy contains less than ṣṢḪ tin, the
amount of imported metal would have produced at least 8ṢṢ tons of bronze.
With the substantial number of new texts that have appeared in the ongoing excavations at
Kültepe, it is clear that Larsen s estimate was too low. His calculations were made at a time
when fewer than ten archives were available for study. Since then the records of several more
Assyrian traders have been excavated, and according to the 9,9Ṣṭ texts currently available
the total recorded quantity of tin is c. 6Ṣ,ṢṢṢ kg.τṬ A futher ṣṭ,ṢṢṢ texts await publication in
the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations in Ankara, which means that the total is bound to
change in the future. Moreover, there is no reason to assume that all the archives at Kültepe
have been recovered or that the surviving texts in any way preserve a complete documenta-
tion of the tin imported by the Assyrians.τṭ It is now apparent that the great majority of the
sources date to a period of only ṭṢ years between ṣ889 and ṣ8τ9 BC,τσ meaning that the re-
corded transactions fall within a shorther time span than hitherto assumed. The average an-
nual import of tin over the thirty-year period calculated exclusively on the basis of the tin
recorded in the available texts amounts to c. Ṭ tons and corresponds to one donkeyload per
σ9. Records of expenses list thousands of loaves of bread, meat and cooked meals (bu ālum) bought by members of
the Assyrian community, while other texts mention payments to millers, builders, smiths and other craftsmen. For
further references to food-production and consumption at Kaneš, see e.g. MicHel ṣ997Ş ṬṢṢ6Ş alBaYrak ṬṢṢṭbŞ
gÖkçek ṬṢṢσŞ Dercksen ṬṢṢ7aŞ ṬṢṢ8aŞ ṬṢṢ8b. The individual Assyrian families seemingly depended on particular
Anatolian producers for their needs. For instance, the family of šalim-Aššur (cf. larsen ṬṢṣṢ) had a close connec-
tion to a miller in the town of Tumliya. A man known as the Subarean seems to have functioned as a wagon
driver in Kaneš, and is attested in the records of several Assyrian families, cf. CCT τ, ṭṢbŞ CCT 6, σcŞ KTS ṣ, τṣbŞ
kt 87/k ṭ8ṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ69Ş kt 9ṣ/k σ66Ş kt 9σ/k τττ and see also KTS ṣ, ṭa and TC ṭ, ṣ7Ṣ for his activities in appendix
ṣ.σ below. Finally, a Kanešite named Kudubiš appears in records in connection with the procurement of agricul-
tural products in AKT ṣ, ṣτŞ TC ṭ, ṣ8ṣŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣ9.
τṢ. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: 79-8Ṣ.
τṣ. larsen ṣ976: 9Ṣ.
τṬ. This igure represents an addition of all actual shipments of tin recorded in the availabe texts. The total of 6Ṣ tons
in 9,9Ṣṭ texts its well with Veenhof s earlier igure of ṣṭ,τ tons of tin attested in the c. Ṭ,τṢṢ texts available to him
in ṣ97Ṭ. Assuming that the ṣσ,ṢṢṢ unedited texts excavated at Kültepe record a comparable average quantity the
total sum of tin mentioned in the surviving texts would be c. ṣṭṢ tons.
τṭ. stratforD ṬṢṣṢ argues that the accidental nature of the preserved evidence at Kültepe in many cases means that the
individual Assyrian archives provide only sample chronological clusters of evidence, which corresponds to the ac-
cidental survival of random individual iles rather than a representative diachronic record of the activities of the
given person.
τσ. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣṣ
Assyrian family per year.ττ One load would sell for at least ṬṢ kg of silver,τ6 and would have
paid for the upkeep of several households for an entire year.τ7 Considering that the total
amount of tin attested in the surviving records from Kültepe is likely to represent only a frac-
tion of what was actually traded, the exchange was of such magnitude that it could well have
fed an Anatolian surplus production of bronze destined for further export.τ8
Even so, tin may have played only a minor role in generating proit for the Assyrian trad-
ers. It has been suggested that it was a strategic resource, and that the Assyrians imported the
metal mainly to satisfy a political demand by the Anatolian authorities in return for the con-
trol of the more lucrative trade in textiles.τ9 Textiles were sent to Anatolia in great quantities
as a mix of different fabrics, qualities and regional styles – Assyrian women produced textiles
in a local industry and fabrics were imported from Babylonia. Several designations for types
of textiles are known, and the Assyrians traded unprocessed cloth and inished clothes as well
as special fabrics, such as tapestries, veils and sashes.6Ṣ When Veenhof went through the
available data in ṣ97Ṭ, he found direct evidence that at least ṣσ,τṢṢ textiles were shipped
from Assur to Anatolia.6ṣ On the basis of texts excavated since then, Lassen has recently
counted as many as ṭṬ,ṢṢṢ textiles of the most common kutānum-fabric alone.6Ṭ
This means that a minimum of ṣṢṢṢ kutānum-textiles were shipped to Anatolia each year
during the ṭṢ years covered by the bulk of the records from Kültepe, alongside hundreds of
pieces of other types of fabric.6ṭ This igure is hardly exceptional and is decidedly low at c. Ṭτ
kutānum-textiles per family per year.
But to understand the volume of Assyrian imports into Anatolia it is necessary to also con-
sider some of the individual examples of transactions recorded by the companies active at
Kaneš and to compare them to the statistical estimates. In one case, three texts from the ar-
chive of the merchant šalim-Aššur, son of Issu-arik give us a detailed account of a single
ττ. The great majority of the 9,9Ṣṭ texts come from c. ṭṢ individual archives (cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in
press) with scattered groups excavated elsewhere. The annual average import of Ṭ tons thus corresponds to c. 6τ kg
of tin per archive and family.
τ6. larsen ṣ966: ṣ68-ṣ69. The average 7τ – ṣṢṢḪ proit-rate on each shipment arriving at Kaneš from Assur could be
signiicantly diminished by a lack of capital and bad creditors. At an average interest rate of ṬṢḪ – ṭṭḪ on cash
loans, insolvent creditors were a major problem for the individual companies. Typically loans were given in the
form of goods on credit, and the debtor functioned as a commissioned agent, who was obliged to pay an agreed
amount in cash for the merchandise by a set date. If he managed to realise anything on the goods in addition to the
set amount, this was his proit. For the main companies in Assur the loan on credit was a more proitable, but also
a slower and more risky way of handing off a shipment. Some traders, as for example Imdi-ilum, gave priority to
liquidity in lieu of potential proit and preferred to trade shipments off for cash immediately upon arrival at Kaneš
for a faster turnover.
τ7. On the basis of the records from Kültepe discussed in Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b: 9Ṭ-9σ the minimum monthly consumption
of wheat or barley was c. ṭṢ litres for male adults and c. ṬṢ litres for women, with an addition of c. Ṭ shekels of
silver per month for other provisions. To this one should add expenses for irewood, transport, processed foods,
offerings, various household items, footwear and clothes. A minimum annual expenditure of c. ṭ minas (ṣ.τ kg) of
silver in a household of ten individuals seems a reasonable estimate.
τ8. The Assyrian texts show that ready-made objects made of tin were occasionally taken to Anatolia and sold, but that
the main share of the trafic was in raw metal bars or ingots, presumably destined to be used in the production of
bronze. A substantial part of the tin was taken to Purušhaddum on the frontier of the Assyrian zone of trade, likely
because it was destined for futher transport west (cf. section τ.ṣ6).
τ9. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṬṣṬ-Ṭṣτ.
6Ṣ. For an analysis of the textiles see veenHof ṣ97Ṭ ch. 8Ş lassen ṬṢṢ8Ş ṬṢṣṢaŞ MicHel & veenHof ṬṢṣṢ.
6ṣ. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: 79-8Ṣ.
6Ṭ. lassen ṬṢṢ8: ṭṬ. Note also the single text kt c/k Ṭσ7 that lists a total of ṭ,ṬṬ6 ukāpum (saddle cloths, cf. Dercksen
ṬṢṢ9) belonging to various named Assyrian traders.
6ṭ. In addition to the ṭṬ,ṢṢṢ kutānum-textiles directly attested in 796 Assyrian records (cf. lassen ṬṢṣṣ: Ṭ7ṭ), some
σ,τṢṢ textiles occur without further speciication (usually simply as TÚG ). Most of them were probably kutānum-
textiles as well, but they are not included in the calculations as a statistical compensation for those kutānum textiles
mentioned that might recur in more than one text.
ṣṬ
ṣ.ṭ THE TRADE
caravan of goods sent from Assur to Kaneš. A total of six ka āru led ṭσ donkeys loaded with
68σ textiles, ṬṢ talents (c. 6ṢṢ kg) of tin and miscellaneous items (nails, pins, precious stone,
oil, spices, incense).6σ Although the shipment belonged to a particularly successful merchant
and may have been exceptionally large, it suggests that the records from Kültepe record only
a fraction of the actual amount of goods traded. Sizeable transactions are attested for smaller
and less privileged families as well.6τ
The sort of calculations given above naturally offer a tentative estimate of the total quan-
tity of goods shipped to Anatolia, but the minimum igures give an impression of the magni-
tude of the exchange and the infrastructural challenges involved. In accordance with the
general conditions of overland trade in pre-modern societies, the costs of transport between
Assur and Anatolia meant that only very valuable textiles were used for exportŞ66 and, as al-
ready stated, the price of a piece was often doubled before it reached its destination. Still, it
seems that the Assyrian merchants could sell almost anything that they brought with them. An
extensive manufacture of textiles went on in Anatolia as well, but a recent study of local tech-
nology and the pictorial evidence has shown that Anatolian textiles were produced with a
different technique and in a different style than the Mesopotamian fabrics.67 Presumably, the
import of textiles from Assyria was a result of fashion and conspicuous consumption.
While it is impossible to establish the population of Central Anatolia during the kārum II
period, one can estimate that there were at least thirty to fourty cities and towns, each with a
population of Ṭ,ṢṢṢ – 8,ṢṢṢ people. We must count on the existence of a powerful regional
market and a large group of consumers that included the courts as well as a segment of the
general population. Both the imposing palatial structures unearthed in the Anatolian cities
and the numerous titles of state oficials recorded in written sources are marks of a developed
bureaucracy and a sizeable elite. The town houses belonging to local Anatolians that have
been unearthed in the lower town of Kültepe are also large, and their inhabitants appear to
have been fairly well off. Finally, the fact that silver was cheaper in Anatolia than in Mesopo-
tamia helps to explain the strength of the local market.
For the modern reader, the purchasing power of the Anatolian cities is hard to conceptu-
alise when prices are listed in arbitrary silver equivalences, and evidence of the wealth pres-
ent in Anatolia becomes clearer when the prices of a number of common products are com-
pared (see table ṣ).
The price of a normal kutānum-textile would buy some ṭ6ṢṢ loaves of bread, ṣτ pounds of
copper or ṣṬ sheepŞ a ine thin textile was valued even higher than a slave.
Once a shipment from Assur reached Kaneš, the sealings were broken and the goods taxed.
The procedure of entering a city and bringing imported merchandise to the palace for evalu-
ation was termed to enter (erābum), and only upon its completion could the goods be sold.
The sale could take place immediately in the market, or the goods could be transported further
into Anatolia and sold for an added proit. The merchandise could be given to an independent
trader on credit, who was left with the task of selling the shipment and handing over the pro-
ceeds by a set date. Some Assyrian merchants bought houses and permanently stationed
agents in certain Anatolian cities. In this way they had the option of shipping goods directly
6σ. AKT 6 nos. ṣσṭ-ṣστ with further discussion.

6τ. See larsen ṣ966 for numerous examples of shipments, their volume and their assessed value. Note also larsen
2002: xxii, where the total amount of recorded goods imported to Anatolia by the two traders Aššur-nada and Pušu-
ken was calculated at ṭσ talents (c. ṣṢṬṢ kg) and ṣ,6τṣ½ textiles, and στ talents (c. ṣṭṢṢ kg) and 6τṢ textiles re-
spectively. Pušu-ken worked as an agent for šalim-ahum, who was one of the main merchants in Assur, and who is
known to have employed other agents as well.
66. Note the critique in laurence ṣ998 against this long-held view.
67. Cf. BarBer ṣ99ṣ: ṬτṢ, Ṭ99-ṭṢṭŞ lassen 2010; ṬṢṣṣ.
ṣṭ
Object Average price (sale) Reference

One thin (raqqutum) textile c. ṭṢ shekels of silver MicHel ḫ veenHof ṬṢṣṢ
One donkey c. ṬṢ shekels of silver Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: Ṭ6Ṣ
One hundred loaves of bread c. ṣ/ṭ shekel of silver garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṭṣṢ-ṣṣ
One female slave c. ṬṢ shekels of silver garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṭṣτ
One sheep c. Ṭ shekels of silver garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṭṣṬ-ṭṣṭ
One kilo of reined copper c. Ṭ shekels of silver Dercksen ṣ996: ṭτ
One kilo of tin c. Ṭ8 shekels of silver garelli ṣ96ṭ: Ṭ8ṣ
One common kutānum-textile c. ṣṬ shekels of silver garelli ṣ96ṭ: Ṭ9ṣ
One ine kutānum-textile c. ṬṢ shekels of silver garelli ṣ96ṭ: Ṭ9ṣ
One abarnium-textile c. Ṭτ shekels of silver MicHel ḫ veenHof ṬṢṣṢ
One kilo of ordinary wool c. ṣ/ṭ shekel of silver lassen 2010: 172
The village of Tahišra (at Kaneš) ṭṢṢ shekels of silver alBaYrak 2005a: 9868
Table ṣ: Typical commodities and their price in Anatolia according to the Old Assyrian Texts.
to that destination and did not have to rely upon middlemen. This change – from the use of
itinerant agents to the stationing of permanent representatives in the towns of Anatolia – may
well mirror an earlier switch from venture trading based at Assur to settled agents in Kaneš. 68
With permanent representation the Assyrian merchants also became capable of engaging
in the lucrative local Anatolian trade. In time the local operations became an integral and
equally important part of the Assyrian commercial system. One may speculate whether the
volatile political situation in Anatolia gave outsiders, such as the Assyrians, an advantage
over local dealers in dominating the trade. But also strong commercial organisation and
know-how would have been a great advantage against local competition. Anatolian traders
very rarely appear in our texts, although this surely relects the nature of our sources rather
than ancient reality. In fact, a number of important commodities are conspicuously absent in
the texts. Salt only appears to have been traded in small quantities by the Assyrians, even
though the trafic in this product must have been just as important during the Middle Bronze
Age as in later times.69 The trade in slaves is also rarely attested, and any mention of military
equipment is lacking. Limits on the trade of amūtum-metal during the Old Assyrian period
illustrate that the concept of restricted goods did exist in Anatolia, so it is conceivable that
there could have been monopolies on trade in certain objects.7Ṣ
Inside Anatolia, the Assyrians mostly traded copper and wool. The copper trade has been
the object of close scrutiny in a study by Dercksen, who showed that the Assyrians traded
within two parallel, but intertwined systems: the long-distance exchange of tin and textiles for
silver between Assur and Anatolia, and a local circuit in which copper was bought and sold
inside Anatolia.7ṣ The trade in copper involved a large number of Assyrians, and substantial
sums were invested in the trafic, especially in the city of Durhumit. Copper of poor quality
was sometimes bought in one place and exchanged for reined copper somewhere else, but
mostly it seems that the loads were shipped from Durhumit to Purušhaddum and sold for
silver. This trade occured on a vast scale, and heavy loads of copper were transported in wag-
68. For additional prices (of land, pasture etc.) at Kaneš cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b: ṣσσ n. Ṭṭ.
69. Cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣ8ṭ. Note also kt 89/k ṭ7Ṣ and TC ṭ, Ṭṣσ that both refer to the local Anatolian title overseer
of salt ( a MUN). In Mari the trade in salt was monopolised by the palace, cf. MicHel ṣ996Ş guicHarD ṣ997Ş Du-
ranD ṣ997: ṭ67-7Ṭ.
7Ṣ. veenHof ṬṢṢṭ: 99-ṣṢṬ.
7ṣ. Dercksen ṣ996.
ṣσ
ṣ.σ RUNNING THE TRADE
ons drawn by oxen or donkeys over hundreds of kilometres.7Ṭ The silver obtained through the
sale was either re-invested in copper or sent back to Assur to buy tin and textiles in a continu-
ation of the triangular trade.
The Anatolian wool trade has been the subject of a recent study by Lassen,7ṭ who showed
that the main centres of wool and leece production were concentrated around the cities of
Luhuzattiya and šamuha in the east, Tišmurna to the north and Purušhaddum to the west.
Large quantities of wool were sometimes traded as an additional step in the copper curcuit,
but wool appears not to have been transported over great distances. It was bought with silver
and traded for copper around Durhumit when the price of copper was comparatively low. In
Purušhaddum the copper could be sold for wool before it was converted into silver.7σ
1.4 Running the Trade
The route to Kaneš, stretching nearly a thousand kilometres, wound through a diverse land-
scape of rocky desert, high mountains, dense forest and lat plain.7τ With occasional stops, it
probably took ive to six weeks for a caravan to complete this trip. Before leaving from Assur,
merchants would team up their men and animals and form a convoy for safety and as com-
pany. A few letters refer to individuals splitting out from larger groups, and some letters and
caravan accounts mention the hire of half a donkey or half a packer , which shows that
goods and hirelings of more than one merchant commonly travelled together.76
The caravans were headed by one or more leaders (ka ārum) who were normally recruited
among junior members of the family.77 They were thus permanently associated to one particu-
lar trading house, and records commonly refer to our caravan leader , your caravan leader
and NN s caravan leader . The caravan leader was hired to take care of all administration dur-
ing the journey, to supervise the goods en route, and to make sure that everything made it
safely to its destination. Usually he was paid with the right to dispose of a certain sum of
money or amount of goods (the working-capital or be ulātum) for the duration of the journey.
Upon his arrival in Anatolia the value of the goods had to be returned, but until then the cara-
van leader could invest the capital and keep the proceeds as his salary.78
In addition to the leader of the caravan, drivers or packers (sāridum) were taken on for
parts of the journey to load, unload, steer and take care of the animals.79 Caravan leaders and
packers are attested with roughly the same frequency in the texts, but whereas the caravan
leaders are usually named, the packers mostly occur as anonymous hirelings. This does not
7Ṭ. An example of a very large transaction (ṣτ tons of copper) is found in AKT 6 as a part of the Ušinalam dossier .
7ṭ. lassen ṬṢṣṢ.
7σ. Ibid. p. ṣ7ṣ.
7τ. Following a path from Qala at šerqat via Rimah, Leilan, Mardin foothills, Samsat, Gölba ı, Elbistan and Pınarba ı
to Kayseri Kültepe on Google Earth (ca. 9τṢ km).
76. For splitting up a caravan, see e.g. CCT σ, ṣ8a. For half a packer (sāridum), see e.g. kt 9σ/k ṣṣ6ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṭτṬŞ
CTMMA ṣ, 7τŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣτṣ.
77. Usually the ka ārum bore Assyrian names, although there are possible exceptions, see e.g. BIN σ, ṣṢṭ: Puta, the
caravan leader of Aššur-malik (l. σṢ: Pu-ta kà- a-ar A- ùr-ma-lik). A few texts refer to problems inding individu-
als suited to take on the task as ka ārum, e.g. BIN σ, 98: send us someone among the servants who dwell there –
we can not hire caravan leaders here (l. 7-9: ma-ma-an i-na ú-ha-ri a a-ma-kam wa-á -bu-ni urσ-dam kà- a-ri
a-na-kam lá nu-ga-ar). The opposite is also attested, for instance in I 76σ: Please do not let my caravan leader be
idle (l. 8 -9 : a-pu-tum kà- a-r‘i lá] re-e-ú-uq).
78. larsen ṣ967: 79-8Ṣ.
79. Cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: Ṭ8ṭ for a discussion of the ka ārum and the sāridum.
ṣτ
imply that the packer was not a trusted member of staff. He often followed the caravan over
long distances, typically between Assur and the Euphrates or from the Euphrates to Kaneš (cf.
section σ.ṣ), and in a few instances a packer may even have been put in charge of leading the
caravan without the supervision of a caravan leader.8Ṣ But unlike caravan leaders, packers
were normally employed temporarily, and were usually paid in cash, with additional pay-
ments for clothes or accommodations during the journey. Examples of a packer paid with a
working capital occur from time to time, probably because he had become a trusted agent of
the company.
The Assyrian traders transported their merchandise to Anatolia on black donkeys. The
animals were themselves worth a considerable sum of money, and since the Assyrians rarely
had use for them on their return-trip from Anatolia when loads were lighter, the traders sold
not only their goods but also their donkeys upon reaching Kaneš. Each animal carried a load
of some ṣṭṢ minas (6τ kg), the personal belongings of the packers, and the tin and silver
brought for expenses during the journey. In total each animal would take 7Ṣ-7τ kg and often
letters and accounts mention donkeys that died on the road to Kaneš, indicating that the As-
syrians may have pushed their beasts of burden to their limit.8ṣ
For unknown reasons, packers were used mostly on the long haul from Assur to Kaneš and
rarely inside Anatolia. There the texts instead record the employment of one or more profes-
sional local guides (rādium). Examples show that the Assyrians hired a guide to cross a dan-
gerous river or through unknown areas, but it seems that most rādius were more than ordinary
guides. They igure as oficials serving under the command of high-ranking members of the
local palace administration and were important executives to whom the Assyrian merchants
brought gifts (cf. appendix ṣ.ṣ).
In addition to the employment of guides, written itineraries may have been used when the
caravan leaders were to travel by an unfamiliar route. No such texts have ever been found in
the commercial archives of the Assyrian traders, but one can hardly expect this sort of docu-
ment to have been iled with the judicial and administrative records at Kaneš. Contemporary
examples of itineraries are known from Northern Syria and show that such documents were
used during this period.8Ṭ
With the growth in trade, a regular correspondence between caravans, merchants and
agents took on a new importance. Communication had for a large part been unnecessary when
the merchants followed their goods and struck personal bargains, but with the use of drivers
and agents, written contact between the head of the company and his employees became im-
perative. In the Old Assyrian case, this led to the development of a kind of courier service.
Little is known about the way messages were actually relayed, but caravans going regularly
from town to town are known to have carried letters and other documents with them. Send
me a message with the irst caravan is a stock phrase in the records. Letters were enveloped
8Ṣ. A number of contracts are set up as if a sāridum had been hired to take over the task of leading a shipment to Ana-
tolia, see e.g. kt 9ṣ/k ṣτṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ97Ş kt k/k ṣ8 a+b (Ib)Ş kt m/k 67Ş kt m/k ṣṣṬŞ kt n/k 7 (Ib)Ş kt n/k ṣṢ (Ib)Ş kt n/k
ṬṢ (Ib)Ş kt n/k ṭ7 (Ib)Ş kt OIP Ṭ7, τṢŞ kt TPAK ṣ, ṣτσŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣττ and the comments in MicHel ṣ997: Ṭṣṭ. Note
that almost half of the examples date to the late period of trade contemporary with layer Ib at Kültepe, possibly
indicative of certain changes in the organization of trade.
8ṣ. For the most recent treatment of the donkeys in the Assyrian texts, see Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: Ṭττff. with further refer-
ences. In ancient Rome a standard load of a donkey was ixed at 6τ,τ kg, cf. Dercksen ṣ996: 6ṣ n. ṣ8Ṭ. In com-
parison, a modern company arranging trekking tours of outback Australia (cf. www.wildex.com.au) recommends
that a donkey load should not exceed ṬṬ percent of the animal s body weight. Recently a weight limit of τṢ,8 kg
was imposed to protect beach donkeys in the United Kingdom from overweight children (The Guardian, Friday,
April σ, ṬṢṢ8).
8Ṭ. goetZe ṣ9τṭŞ Hallo ṣ96σ.
ṣ6
ṣ.σ RUNNING THE TRADE
in clay and sealed with the name of the addressee written on front. Hundreds of such dis-
patches are silent witnesses to the use of caravans to carry mail.8ṭ
In addition to the use of the slow caravans to carry mail, occasional letters from a caravan
leader to an agent at his destination indicate that a faster option of communication existed.
The ka ārum sometimes sent a letter announcing the time of his arrival with the merchandise
(e.g. I will arrive in four days ), and likewise there are examples of letters in which the cara-
van leaders instruct company agents to meet them in another city at a speciied date. Letters
announcing the progress of the goods to the waiting company representatives in Kaneš are
common and make sense only if we presume that the message could move faster than the
caravan:
To Alahum and Aššur-nada from Iddin-Suen: We are well. My goods are also well. We
have now left Timelkiya.8σ
During the Ur III Empire, a system of postal stations, known as the sikkum, was created to
serve for the beneit of royal messengers during their travels. The operation involved boats,
coaches, grooms, food providers and food preparers in addition to a wide variety of crafts-
men.8τ The same term recurs in texts from the Old Assyrian colonies, but there it denotes a
transport system that functioned inside Anatolia and was managed by the locals.86 The term
8ṭ. The system is evidenced also in contemporary letters from Syria, see DalleY et al. ṣ976 no. ṣṬṬ from Lamassani,
who was the wife of an Assyrian man, to her sister Iltani in Syria: May Aššur and the deity of Kaneš grant that you
live for ever for my sake. I am well. Why do your caravans not bring news of you regularly? Am I not your sister
who lives in Assur? Now, send her ive kar um-linens, for I have sent you two allānum-linens from Kaneš by the
hand of Ili-bašti my serving woman (l. σ-ṣ8: dA- ur ù DINGIR Ka-ni -i ki a - um-ia a-na da-ri-a-tim li- ba-al -li-
ù-ú-ki a -al-ma-a-ku am- mi -ni u-lu-umki ha -ra-na-tu-ki ka-a-a- na la i -pu-ur ú-úl a-na-a-ku a-ha- at-ki
a i-na a-li-im A- u-ur a -ba-a-ku a-nu-um- ma τ gada ka-ar- u ù-ur-di-i - i ù Ṭ gada a -la- nu -um a Ka- ni-i ki
i- na qá-ti Ì-li-ba-a -ti ú-ha-ar-ti-ia u -ta -bi-la-ki) .
8σ. OAA ṣ, 9σ (l. ṣ-9): a-na A-lá-hi-im ù A- ur-na-da qí-bi-ma um-ma I-dí-dEN.ZU ál-ma-ni ù ú-nu-tí ál-ma-at i-na
Tí-me-el-ki-a ni-tí- í). See also I τ8ṣ: I am well. I have now left Timelkiya (l. ṣ9-ṬṢ: ál-ma-ku i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a
ni-tí- í)Ş TC ṭ, σ8: We are well. We have now left Hahhum (l. ṭ-σ: ál-ma-ni ‘i]-na Ha-hi-im ni-tí- í)Ş kt 9σ/k τṢṣ:
We are well. We have now left Luhuzattiya (l. σ-6: ál-ma-ni i -tù Lu-hu-sà-dí-a ni-tí- í)Ş kt e/k τ8 We have just
left Eluhhut (l. Ṭσ-Ṭτ: i-na E-lu-hu-ut ni-ta- a-am)Ş AKT 6, ṭσσ: In accordance with your missive I expect Erišum
in Durhumit today or tomorrow (l. Ṭ9-ṭṣ: a-ma-lá na-á -pè-er-tí-kà I-ri- u-um a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it uσ-ma-am ú-ra-
am a-da-gal).
8τ. HeiMpel ṣ99σ.
86. The term was studied in Dercksen ṣ996: 67-69ŞveenHof ṬṢṢ8b: Ṭṣ6f. The following translations vary slightly from
those offered by Dercksen and take the sikkum as a local Anatolian system of transport. ATHE 66: I wrote to you,
saying: Hire some porters to bring my tin to Ninašša . I hear that they will not set travellers free to go to Wašhaniya.
If my letter has reached you (concerning that) they have brought the Wahšušanean and the Kanišite an oath, then
give (the tin) in a sikkum so that they can bring it. (l. ṭ-ṣσ: á -pu-ra-ku-nu-tí um-ma a-na-ku-ma AN.NA-ki a
bi-lá-tim ag-ra-ma a-na Ni-na- a-a li- í-ú-nim a- a-me-ma a-li-ki a-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a lá ú- u-ru u-ma Wa-ah- u-
a-na-i-im ù Kà-ni- í-im a ma-mì-tám ub-lu-ni-ni up-pí ik-ta-á -dam i-na sí-ki-im dí-na-ma li- í-ú-nim)Ş CCT Ṭ,
σṢa: The Kanešites are bringing you ṭ sacks of reined copper weighing τ talents under my seal. Give them their
payment of 6 shekels of silver and instruct my servants to give them something to eat. If you haven t yet brought
along my tin, then give it to the Kanešites so that they may bring it together with the sikkum. Pay them ive shekels
of tin as their wages and let šamaš-tappa i go with them (l. σ-ṣ9: ṭ i-lá-tum τ GÚ URUDU ma-sí-am u-qúl-ta- í-
na ku-nu-ki-a kà-ni- í-ú na-á -ú-ni-ku-nu-tí 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ig-ri- u-nu dí-na- u-nu-tí ù ú-ha-ri a-hi-za-ma
ak-lam lu- a-ki-lu- u-nu u-ma AN.NA-ki a-dí-ni lá ta-bu-kà-nim a-na kà-ni- í-e dí-na i -tí sí-ki-im li- i-ú-nim τ
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ig-ri AN.NA dí-na- u-nu-tí ù dUTU-tap-pá-i i -tí- u-nu li-‘tal]-kam)Ş Goud. Ṭ: Dear brother
– take care to send me ṬṢ talents of ine copper. The Nenaššean is not going to make a sikkum for me, so let the
donkeys or the servants bring one or two talents here (l. ṣ6-ṬṬ: a-hi a-ta i-hi-id-ma ṬṢ GÚ URUDU SIGτ é-biσ-lam
Ni-na- a-i-u‘m] sí-kam lá e-pá- a-am-ma i-na ANšE.HI.A lu ú-ha-ru ṣ GÚ.TA ù Ṭ GÚ li-iz-biσ-lu-nim)Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢ:
You said: Let the Nenaššean produce ṬṢ talents of copper in a sikkum for me as far as Wašhaniya , but the
Nenaššean has checked it and it is not feasible, so he will not make a sikkum ... a sikkum is not feasible and it will
not me made (l. σ-9: um-ma a-ta-ma ṬṢ GÚ URUDU i-sí-ki-im ni-na- a-i-um a-dí Wa-á -ha-ni-a le-pu- a-am
ṣ7
iprum, with the general meaning of messenger , was reserved for Assyrian and foreign en-
voys and diplomats and was not applied in the sense of couriers.87 Instead, a number of terms
were used to denote a combined system of fast courier and transport service.88 For instance, a
number of examples suggest that a bātiqum could be used to send people, parcels and money
quickly from point A to point B (cf. appendix ṣ.Ṭ):
Seal the [object], give it to Eniš-tarim, do not hesitate, and send him with the bātiqum
that will come ahead of the caravan.89
There is a bātiqum (headed) for my father. Write a letter so that they may take it along …
He, however, left without asking us.9Ṣ
Whatever the exact nature of the bātiqum may have been, its function as a fast means of com-
munication is clear. A network of couriers in medieval Europe developed out of the need for
merchants to communicate eficiently with their employees at distant placesŞ and, in less than
a century, a formalised system of mailmen, tariffs and routes extended across the continent.
In comparison to the normal caravans and wagon trains, which travelled around ṭṢ-ṭτ km a
day, the mounted scarselle of Florence were famous for covering distances of up to ṬṢṢ km.
Although it is hard to imagine such speed in the second millennium BC, it is reasonable to
assume that a system of express messengers would have been a pre-condition for an eficient
trade, and that indirect evidence of such a system would be visible in our sources.9ṣ
ni-na- a-i-um sà-ni-iq lá na- ù-ma sí-kam lá i-pá-á … (l. Ṭ8-Ṭ9): sí-ku-um lá na- ù-ma lá i-né-pá-á )Ş TTC Ṭ8: Do
spend a shekel of silver there, so that the tin may be brought out with a sikkum, or else load it onto donkeys and
enter Purušhaddum with the irst (caravan) (l. ṣṣ-ṣ9: a-ma-kam KÙ.BABBAR ṣ GÍN guτ-mu-ur-ma lu i-na sí-ki-
im AN.NA i-ta- í ú-lá e-ma-re-e sé-er-da-ma i-pá-nim-ma a-Pu-ru-u -ha-‘d]im e-ru-ub).
87. The term ālikum traveller is applied in the sense of messenger in a few instances simply because travellers could
bring messages with them, note e.g. kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9: There is no price here (to be had), ask my traveller/messenger
there (l. ṭ9-σṢ: í-mu-um lá i-ba- í a-ma-kam a-li-ki a-i-ilτ). However, the common use of the word ālikum is to
denote either single traveller or a caravan (i.e. a group of travellers), see larsen ṣ976: Ṭ76.
88. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8c. Considering that the signs ba-tí-ku-um allows at least twelve possible parsings, any argument
based exclusively on etymology is unwarranted.
89. Kt 9σ/k 9Ṭṭ (l. ṣτ-ṣ9): [x] ku-un-kà-‘ma] a-n‘a] E-ni-i -ta-ri-im dí-na-ma i -tí ba-tí-qí-im a a-na pá-ni ILLAT-
t‘im] i-lá-kà-ni.
9Ṣ. Kt n/k ṬṢ6 (l. ṬṬ-Ṭσ): ba-tí-qú-um a- é-er a-bi-a i-ba- í up-pá-am lá-pí-ta-ma lu-ub-lu … (l. Ṭ6-Ṭ7): u-ut ba-lúm
a-a-li-ni it-bé-ma i-ta-lá-ak.
9ṣ. veenHof ṬṢṢ8c: Ṭṣσ-Ṭṣ6 argues that the bātiqum was a small type of fast moving caravan led by a single trader,
which could ship items, messages and persons. He sees them as an expedient alternative to the collectively organ-
ised caravans, the ellutum, which he interprets as long and slow moving trains of men and animals making the trek
through Syria to Anatolia only a few times a year. There is in my view not suficient evidence to support the exis-
tence of such large caravans during the kārum II period. Apart from the existence of a lowering network of inns
and infrastructure (discussed below), which can not have survived on facilitating a few passing annual caravans,
comparable and better-documented cases of overland trade in later history show that small caravans would not
nessecarily travel faster than large ones. A loaded donkey walks the same average ṭṢ-ṭτ km per day regardless of
the size of its company (cf. stol ṬṢṢσ: 888ff. for the OB evidence), and the fact that as many as three or four letters
may have been able to travel between Assur and Kaneš during the time it took a loaded caravan to get there
(stratforD ṬṢṣṢ) indicates that an organised and faster moving system of communication must have existed. There
are numerous letters that only make sense if messages could travel at great speed, e.g. the letter kt e/k τ8 sent from
Eluhhut near Mardin to Kaneš: Take care and send ṣ mina of silver in advance of me to Hahhum [on the Euphrates]
… We have just left Eluhhut (l. ṣ6-ṣ9: i-hi-id-ma ṣ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-pá-ni-a a-na Ha-hi-im é-bi-lam (l.
Ṭσ-Ṭτ): i-na E-lu-hu-ut ni-ta- a-am). In kt c/k ṭ9τ the author writes to Kaneš that his caravan packer fell ill in Apum
in Northern Syria. He asks for a replacement to be hired and sent to wait for him when he arrives in Hahhum on the
Euphrates. A similar pattern is found in Old Babylonian letters, e.g. VS ṣ6, ṭṢ (cf. leeMans ṣ96Ṣ: ṣṣṢ) in which the
author announces his immitent arrival from Kurda to Sippar. A relay system of mounted messengers, couriers and
runners is attested in the palatial records from contemporary Mari in Syria, cf. lafont ṣ997: ṭṣ7-ṭṣ8Ş cHarpin
ṬṢṢ7: σṢ7-σṢ8. In Anatolia, fast runners are indirectly mentioned in texts dated to the Colony Period. Both kt 87/k
ṣ8
ṣ.τ INFRASTRUCTURE OF TRADE
1.5 Infrastructure of Trade
We know little about the quality of the roads travelled by the Assyrian merchants, but the trip
from Assur to the Euphrates would have lead through relatively densely populated areas and
numerous cities. A number of places and routes are mentioned on the way to the Euphrates, and
we may presume that conditions of travel were relatively good. After passing the river the
quality of the roads probably declined. Mountainous areas are notoriously hard to cross, and
winter avalanches, spring loods, and general wear and tear would have required continuous
attention and repair by local authorities. Nonetheless, it is worth noting that records never men-
tion wagons in relation to the transport of goods east of the Euphrates, whereas the routes be-
tween the river and Kaneš were in some instances of suficient condition to allow such trafic.9Ṭ
We know nothing about the building and upkeep of roads in Anatolia, yet this must have
been a central issue for the function of the trade and a precondition for large-scale commercial
activities. Roads are rarely mentioned in the texts because their existence was taken for grant-
ed by correspondents and bookkeepers.9ṭ Therefore references to the roads and their quality
therefore only turn up in extraordinary situations, e.g., when a route is closed due to war or
weather. Furthermore, the term road (harrānum) can denote a business trip , a caravan , or
simply trafic in addition to a road in the physical sense. Nonetheless, some instances make
it quite that roads were a prerequisite for trade, that wagons went by established roads, and
that a merchant could not always choose alternative routes when a road was closed (cf. ap-
pendix ṣ.ṭ).
In his study of the Hittite roads of Northern Anatolia, which was based upon the cultic
itineraries relating to the Festival of Speed , Goetze argued that the Hittite king in his chari-
ot travelled a stunning average distance of 8Ṣ km per day during the event, implying the ex-
istence of a very good set of roads.9σ The most important evidence for the existence of proper
roads in Anatolia during the early Middle Bronze Age is also indirect, coming through the
frequent mention of wagons used to transport heavy loads of copper over great distances.
Whereas a donkey needs only a track when it carries its load on the back, but as soon as wag-
ons are used, roads become essential in most types of terrain. The wheels of a fully laden
wagon break easily, and the vehicle sinks deep into the smallest puddle if it does not travel by
a proper road. This makes the use of wagons on longer routes prohibitively expensive com-
pared to donkeys when no real road is available. The use of wagons to carry heavy loads only
becomes feasible when a real road is built for easy passage. On such roads wheeled trafic is
much cheaper than donkey-back and only marginally slower. Furthermore, the construction
of proper roads and associated infrastructure allowed the polities through which the merchant
caravans passed to control, protect and tax the trafic.
ṭ9 and kt o/k 6Ṣ mention an overseer of the runners (GAL lá-sí-me-e), cf. DonBaZ ṣ99ṭ: ṣσ6-ṣσ7Ş alBaYrak
ṬṢṢτb: Ṭ7ṣ. Kt 9σ/k ṣṣṭṬ contains a unique reference to a runner (lākidum) with the Assyrian name šu-Kubum. For
a detailed analysis of the runner in classical Greek sources, including a physiological analysis, cf. cHristensen,
nielsen & scHwartZ ṬṢṢ9.
9Ṭ. Wagons are used in e.g. kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ between āl Kani ī e and Timelkiya, kt b/k 66τ between Kaneš and Hurama,
kt c/k 9Ṣ8 between Zalpa and Dadaniya, and kt 9σ/k 67ṭ between Mamma and Kaneš.
9ṭ. Note the exception in the letter from Mari ARM Ṭ, 78 (cf. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṭṣ), where the quality of the roads inlu-
ences the choice of route: (In the month of December ṬṢ days have passed, and ... rain and cold has seized him ...
The weather is bad. We cannot travel along the secret road in the steppe because of the load. We will travel to
Qattunanum by the way of the road through the Heartland … (l. 6-7: ITI dDa-gan UD.ṬṢ.KAM i-na-as-sà-ah-ma …
(l. ṣṣ) zu-un-nu ù ru-su-ú i -ba-tu- u-ma … (l. ṭṣ-ṭṭ): uσ-mu da-nu KASKAL ka-sí-im na-ap-za-ra-am a - um GÚ
la ni-il-la-ak KASKAL li-ib-bi ma-a-tim-ma a-na Qa-at-tu-na-nimki ni-il-li-ik-ma).
9σ. goetZe ṣ9τ7: 9ṣ, 99. The publication of KBo ṣṢ.ṬṢ in ṣ96Ṣ showed that a number of the identiications proposed
in Goetze s reconstruction of the geography and used in his calculations were off the mark. Regardless, the king s
itinerary and his speed of travel would still imply the existence of a good set of roads.
ṣ9
Fig. 1: Dirt road used for wagons near Kırıkkale in 1926 (von Der osten ṣ9Ṭ7: Ṭ7).
Once again, examples from later times suggest ways in which to ill the gap in our evi-
dence. When construction of new roads in Europe commenced in the ṣṣth century, expenses
were immense and the main reason why states chose to spend great sums on developing their
infrastructure was their desire to use and attract wagons trafic. Roads opened up places such
as Tuscany and Lombardy to the world, and the term rivoluzione stradale is often used to
describe the effect these new arteries of trafic had upon trade and society.9τ The opening of
the silk road under the Han Dynasty (ṬṢṬ BC – AD ṬṬṢ) had similar consequences for the
social, economic and intellectual developments in Central and Eastern Asia. The construction
of ferries, inns and bridges, and the protection of mountain passes, effectively opened China
to foreign trade. Similarly, the British traveller Ainsworth visited the area around Maden and
Harput in early ṣ9th century Anatolia. Ainsworth speciically mentions the use of wagons in
relation to the Ottoman imperial copper mines of the region, emphasizing how rare such
roads are in the Eastern Taurus and underlining the positive impact they have on local agri-
culture and commerce.96
Perhaps the best-documented example of organised wagon trafic in early antiquity comes
from classical Greece where wagons dominated the overland transport of cargo.97 This was in
great part due to an intricate system of wagon roads, bridges, drains, resting grounds, guard
posts and even artiicial passes that was constructed and operated at great cost by individual
city-states competing for a control of the trafic. Their wish to direct the trade for military and
economic reasons med to roads being constructed as artiicial ruts, either as grooves cut into
the bedrock or laid out as furrows of a standard gauge in softer ground and paved with gravel
or sherds. These were railways in the negative and had forks, junctions and turning loops that
ixed wagons to the path for control as well as protection. Dominant polities, such as Sparta
on the Peleponnese, would attempt to control the design of the road system through coercion
9τ. plesner ṣ9ṭ8. A similar development took place in the late Roman Republic, see laurence ṣ998. For an in-depth
study of the construction of roads in ancient times, see forBes ṣ9ṭσ.
96. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): Ṭ9Ṭ.
97. pikoulas ṣ999Ş ṬṢṢ7.
ṬṢ
Fig. 2: Paved road of Hittite date south of Boğazköy (von Der osten ṣ9Ṭ7: στ).
and ensure that the main arteries crossing the region would pass through their territory. Yet,
even small and isolated settlements had at least one road to plug their carts into the main
network, and it seems that it was an ambition of every city to become part of the system. The
Greek case shows how infrastructural networks can arise in system where political power was
divided between several independent city-states, and how important it was for the individual
players in such a system to stay connected to the network of trade by constructing and main-
taining roads that conform to a standardised infrastructure.98
It is not possible to decide whether a comparable rivalry between the Anatolian states of
the early Middle Bronze Age could have provoked the massive investments in infrastructure
that were needed to create the carriage roads evidenced indirectly by the Assyrian wagon
trade.99 Yet, it is clear that the Assyrian merchants in Anatolia used wagons (ereqqum) to
transport large volumes of goods (cf. appendix ṣ.σ). The wagons used for transport were ap-
parently four-wheeled and had massive or spoked wheels. Their appearance in the Middle
Bronze Age is known from various models and igurative representations found at Abamor,
Acemhöyük, Ali ar, Kültepe and Hüseyndede.ṣṢṢ In the European Middle Ages, carriages and
98. Rut carriageways similar to those in Greece are known from all over Anatolia, but no systematic study of them
has ever been conducted. güner ṣ99τŞ HaraDa & ciMok ṬṢṢ8 provide an excellent collection of images docu-
menting ancient roads in Turkey. Examples of rut-roads are found e.g. on güner ṣ99τ: ṭṢ, ṣσṢ-ṣσṣ (Eski ehir,
Gordion) and ṣσṬ (artiicial pass at Midas City)Ş HaraDa & ciMok ṬṢṢ8 (vol. ṣ): ṣσṣ (Kızılören), (vol. Ṭ): 6Ṭ-6ṭ
(Ürgüp, Soğanlı), 8ṣ-8Ṭ (Tomarza near Kayseri), ṣστ (Tarsa on the Euphrates), and ṣ8τ-ṣ87 (near Tatvan)Ş
Meriggi ṣ966 (Kanber near Kayseri)Ş waelkens et al. ṬṢṢṢ: ṣ76ff. (near Sagalassos).
99. A well-preserved network of roads from the Bronze Age is found in Greece on the Peloponnese. Some of the
complicated architectural issues related to the construction and upkeep of roads have been dealt with by knauss
2002, the intricacies and technological challenges of ancient road-construction made clear by the number of at-
tested sewers, tunnels, bridges, drains and conduits built in relation to the roads themselves. For the importance
of the network of highways around Mycenae, cf. siMpson ṣ998. The construction of a road and a road-tunnel are
commemorated in the Iron-Age inscription at Kötükale in the eastern part of Central Anatolia, cf. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ:
Ṭ99-ṭṢṣ.
ṣṢṢ. N. ÖZgüç 2001; gornY 2001; sipaHi 2001; kulakoğlu ṬṢṢṭ with further references. For the technology of the
wagons used, see Balkan ṣ979. The words for coach or carriage (hulukannum (AKT ṣ, ṣσ, cf. HED ṭ s. v.) and
chariot (narkabtum (CCT ṭ, ṬṢ) are attested once each in the Old Assyrian texts. For the use of wagons (eriqqum)
Ṭṣ
Text Location of bridge, ferry or ford Price

kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 Durhumit (ford) ṣ mina of copper
kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ šamuha (bridge) [x] shekels of [tin?]
kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ8 Hahhum (crossing) ṣ shekel of silver
kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ8 The […] of the river (Euphrates ) ?
[x] of silver
AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ Kaneš (bridge) [x]
AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ Between Wašhaniya and Ninašša (bridge) ṣ mina of copper
AKT ṭ, ṭσ šalatuwar (bridge) ṬṢ shekels (of copper?) per donkey
kt c/k στ6 The guide to a river (ferry ) (Euphrates )
? ?
ṣṢ minas of tin
kt c/k τ9σ The bank of a river (around šinahuttum?) ṣ mina ṣσ shekels of copper for ṭ […]
Kt g/k ṬṬṢ Crossing (ferry ) of the Euphrates
?
7 shekels of tin, probably for two donkeys
I σṬ9 ... (bridge) ṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver
I 8Ṣσ A the river (Euphrates?) (ferry?) [x] shekels of silver
KTP Ṭ6 Bridge near Diša (cf. ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: Ṭτ7) Not recorded
kt m/k ṣṬ7 ... (bridge) ṣṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver and ṭ shekels of tin
kt m/k ṣṭṭ ... (bridge) duplicate of m/k ṣṬ7
kt n/k 8Ṣ ... (ford, crossed with wagons) ṣ mina (of copper)
kt n/k ṣṭṢ7 After Daša (bridge). Cf. KTP Ṭ6 above ṣ/σ shekel (of silver?) including guards
kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ Land of šalatuwar (bridge) τ minas of copper
OIP Ṭ7, τ8 … (ferry)ṣṢṣ τ minas of copper
kt t/k ṣ šalatuwar (crossing = bridge) Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper
kt t/k ṣ Wahšušana (boatman (ferry)) ṣ mina (of copper)
kt t/k Ṭτ šalatuwar (bridge) Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper
VS Ṭ6, ṣτṢ ṣṢṬ
... (ford) ṣτ minas (of copper?)
Table Ṭ: References, locations and prices of bridges, fords and ferries in Anatolia during the Old Assyrian Period. ṣṢṣṣṢṬ
wagons were usually drawn by horses or oxen and could hold between ṭṢṢ and ṣ.τṢṢ kg de-
pending on the road, the wagon and the number of animals. References to wagonloads of
ṭṢṢ-6ṢṢ kg could represent standard loadsŞṣṢṭ but here too, ox-drawn wagons may have car-
ried much heavier freight when the roads allowed it. Wagons were used to transport bulky
goods, such as straw, wood and stone, and for the transport of copper between Wahšušana and
Purušhaddum (cf. section τ.ṣσ). Frequently wagons were rented for the purpose of a single
journey, but since this is usually the reason why they igure in the records in the irst place,
there is no reason to exclude that the Assyrian merchants would have owned their own vehi-
cles as well.ṣṢσ Apart from the copper trade, references to the use of wagons for long-distance
in the Old Assyrian period, see Dercksen ṣ996: 6σ-67Ş gÖkçek ṬṢṢ6. The two wagons displayed in The State
History Museum of Armenia dated to the ṣσth century BC are similar to those shown on the Hittite vases. Note that
the texts from Nuzi discern common roads harrānu from those that were capable of taking wagon trafic (hūlu
a mayyalti), cf. Zaccagnini ṣ979Ş grosZ ṣ98ṭ: ṭṢ6.
ṣṢṣ. Contrary to the suggestion in CAD s. v. elippum, the river in question is probably not the Euphrates, since the
expense for the ferry was paid in copper. A river in Central Anatolia seems more likely.
ṣṢṬ. veenHof ṬṢṢ8b takes the passage as a reference to the crossing of the river Euphrates and reads the amount paid
as ṣτ shekels. In fact, the text appears to read ṣτ m‘a-n]a, and the size of the fee makes it likely that the crossing
was paid in copper and thus took place somewhere in Anatolia.
ṣṢṭ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭṣṭ: ṭṢṢ kg plus three sacks (cf. gÖkçek ṬṢṢ6)Ş kt c/k Ṭ6ṭ: 6ṢṢ kg (Dercksen ṣ996: 66 and n. ṬṣṬ). See
also appendix ṣ.σ.
ṣṢσ. See the examples below. On the basis of TC ṭ, ṭ Dercksen ṣ996: 6τ concluded that the local palaces probably
supervised the renting out of wagons to the Assyrians, also in many instances when the owner of the wagon re-
ṬṬ
Fig. 3: Wooden bridge at Kesikköprü on the Kızılırmak in 1930 (photo H. H. von Der osten AE-σṭ7).
transport are rare, but roads that were able to take wheeled trafic presumably existed through-
out most of Anatolia.
Other important elements in the physical infrastructure were the bridges, ferries and fords
crossing the rivers of Anatolia (cf. Table Ṭ). There are texts that list amounts paid to a bridge
keeper ( a titurrim), and a few records mention fords or ferries (nēbartum).ṣṢτ The fact that the
Assyrians and their animals did not simply avoid such expenses by crossing the watercourses at
some unguarded place implies that the bridges and ferries mentioned traversed substantial rivers
or marked guarded frontiers. Large rivers are rare in Central Anatolia, and records that refer to
bridges can therefore offer important information about the historical geography of the region.
Bridges were presumably timber constructions built at narrow points of the rivers. No such
constructions survive four millennia, but archaeological remains may occasionally point to
the position of important rivers-crossings and likely locations of ancient bridges.ṣṢ6 One like-
ly candidate is located at the village of Karaözü on the Kızılırmak some 6Ṣ km north-east of
Kültepe. There, a small mound with ceramics dated to the early Middle Bronze Age guards
the river close to a well-preserved bridge from the Ottoman period.ṣṢ7 Another example is
mains anonymous in the text. Note the much later inscription from Bulgar Maden (Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ (vol. ii): τṬṣ-
τṬτ), in which a vassal king narrates how his overlord provided him with the wagons he had to use to transport
silver ore from the nearby mines. Palaces may have owned a large number of vehicles for the use in agriculture,
transport and trade, but this hardly excludes private ownership.
ṣṢτ. Trade on the rivers is never mentioned in the merchant records, although a passage in the treaty between the As-
syrian traders and the ruler of Hahhum show that boats were used for more than the simple transport across rivers,
cf. günBatti ṬṢṢσŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8b.
ṣṢ6. As already stated, stone bridges, paved roads, supporting walls and various hydrotechnical installations are known
from pre-Mycenean and Mycenean Greece, cf. knauss ṬṢṢṬ. Hittite texts refer to bridges e.g. at Zuliya, Sapinuwa
and Tapigga. The latter is said to have been built on stone foundations with a wooden superstructure (cf. HKM 7Ṭ),
see otten ṣ98ṭŞ Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṬ-ṣṭ.
ṣṢ7. Yakar & gürsan-salZMann ṣ979: ṭ9 and pl. 8.
Ṭṭ
Reference Amount of silver (in grains) Paid to Location

kt 86/k 98 ṭτṣ/Ṭ Guards Kaneš
kt 87/k ṭ7Ṣ στṢ Guards Durhumit
kt 87/k στσ Ṭ ṭ/σ shekels of tin Guards Wahšušana
kt 9Ṭ/k τṬ6 ṣṬ shekels of silver Guards and the Kaššum …
kt 9σ/k 7ṭṣ ṣ mina of silver Guards At Luhuzattiya? (cf. kt 9σ/k τ7ṭ)
kt 9σ/k ṣσ76 τσṢ Guards ...
AKT ṣ, 8Ṣ 9Ṣ Guards ...
kt b/k 66τ […] Guards
σ shekels of silver Paid at the guardhouse Between Kaneš? and Hurama
[… +] ṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver Guards
kt c/k σ9τ […] Guards
kt c/k 7Ṣ9 σ9τ and ṬṢ shekels of tin Guard(post) The region of Talhat?
kt c/k 86Ṣ στ Guards Near šamuha?
CCT τ, ṭṬb ṭṢ Entry fee to the guards
ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9ṭ 9Ṣ Guards Durhumit
I σṬ9 ṭṣτ Guards ...
I σṬ9 ṣṭτṢ Guards ...
KTB ṣṬ ṣṭτṢ (duplicate of I σṬ9) Guards ...
KTP Ṭ6 [...] Guards ...
KUG Ṭσ 9Ṣ (silver?) Guards Near Talpa and Supana
kt m/k ṣṬ7 9ṢṢ (but see duplicate m/k ṣṭṭ) Guard Captain Near Wa[šhaniya?]
kt m/k ṣṬ7 σṢτ Guard Sergeant Near Wa[šhaniya?]
kt m/k ṣṬ7 7τ Guards Near Wa[šhaniya?]
kt m/k ṣṭṭ ṣṢ8Ṣ (but see duplicate m/k ṣṬ7) Guard Captain Near Wa[šhaniya?]
kt m/k ṣṭṭ σṢτ Guard Sergeant Near Wa[šhaniya?]
kt m/k ṣṭṭ 7τ Guards Near Wa[šhaniya?]
kt n/k ṣṭṢ7 ṣ/σ shekel of copper Guards
OIP Ṭ7, ττ ṣτṭṢ (but see duplicate I σṬ9) Guards and a bridge
TC ṭ, ṣ6Ṭ ṣ8Ṣ The guard post? ...
TC ṭ, ṣ6Ṭ ṣ8Ṣ The guards ?
...
TC ṭ, ṣ6τ … Guards Between Kaneš and Wašhaniya
TC ṭ, ṣ69 ṣ[/6?] minas = ṣ8ṢṢ grains? Guards ...
TPAK ṣ, τṢ ṬṬτ Each guard Kaneš?
TPAK ṣ, ṬṢσ ṭ6Ṣ Guards ...
Table ṭ: Amounts in grains of silver paid by Assyrian traders at guard posts.
found at the rock of Kapalıkaya near Köprüköy on the Kızılırmak, which may mark the an-
cient crossing at Wahšušana.ṣṢ8
Ferries are commonly referred to in the travelogues of Ainsworth and Hamilton and seem
to have been the common way used to cross the Kızılırmak also in the early ṣ9th century
AD.ṣṢ9 Often the crossings are described as wobbly and dangerous, done with lat rafts or
shallow boats with the horses swimming behind the passengers and through the current. In
ṣṢ8. MatsaMura ṬṢṣṢŞ BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ.

ṣṢ9. See e.g. ainswortH (vol. i): 9Ṭ-9Ṭ, ṣ69-ṣ7ṢŞ HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṭṬ6-ṭṬ7Ş anDerson ṣ9Ṣṭ: 7τ-77.
Ṭσ
classical Roman and Byzantine times bridges were likewise rare and expensive constructionsŞ
and on the lower Halys, the Tigris and the Euphrates, hiring a ferry was the only way to
cross.ṣṣṢ Bridges are generally the weakest link in a road network, and they cannot be built or
eficiently sustained without skilled labour. They are expensive to construct and maintain and
are gateways for enemies as well as friendly traders. They are an expensive luxury, built to
attract trafic and make travel more cost effective, or to open up an entirely new route. It is
hardly surprising that a bridge-keeper and soldiers often appear side by side in the texts refer-
ring to the Anatolian bridges.
Table Ṭ indicates that the cost of crossing a bridge was not prohibitive, which is of some
signiicance, since large sums of money paid at bridges could indicate that such points were
used as toll-stations. However, this was rarely the case in Anatolia and import taxes were col-
lected at the palace. The price for crossing a bridge may have corresponded to the living costs
of the keeper and maintenance of the structure.
It is remarkable that so many references to bridges have survived from the Colony Period.
One can easily imagine how a large empire, such as the Hittite or the Byzantine could inance
and organise the construction and upkeep of bridges, but for small states such as those of the
Middle Bronze Age Anatolia it must have been both an economic and technological challenge
to manage such large construction projects. Their presence in our sources likely relects some
of the same mechanisms of commercial pressure that drove the infrastructural developments
on Clasical Peleponnese and in Medieval Europe.
Guards were not only stationed at the bridges, but appear to have been posted in numerous
places along the roads travelled by the Assyrians. References to fees paid out to guards are
common in the sources, indicating that guard posts or forts must have been widely distributed
in the Anatolian landscape (cf. Table ṭ).ṣṣṣ Their primary function was presumably to defend
traders and travellers from misfortune, although it may well be that the garrisons were also
responsible for keeping a designated stretch of a road or mountain pass clear and in good re-
pair. There seems to have been no standard amount charged at the guard posts, indicating that
dissimilar systems of taxation existed in the areas travelled.
The two closely related memoranda kt m/k ṣṬ7 and kt m/k ṣṭṭ serve as examples of the
dealings between Assyrian merchants and Anatolian guards (cf. appendix ṣ.τ). All amounts
in silver have been calculated into grains for ease of comparison:
τ shekels of silver (9ṢṢ grains) to the captain of the guard. Ṭ ṣ/σ shekel (ṭ8Ṣ grains) to
his sergeant. ṣ/ṭ shekel ṣτ grains (7τ grains) to the guards who went to the bridge. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
shekels (Ṭ7Ṣ grains) of silver and ṭ shekels of tin to the bridge keeper. σ ṣ/σ shekels of
tin our escort for the bridge. ṣ/ṭ shekel 7 ṣ/Ṭ grains (Ṭ7,τṢ grains) of silver he [...] for the
cup. σ ṣ/Ṭ shekels (8ṣṢ grains) of silver to the guide of the rabi sikkitim. Ṭ minas of cop-
per for the cups. ṣ mina for the shoes to his son and himself. Expenses from Kaneš that
have not been settled. Memorandum for Zikur-ili.ṣṣṬ
ṣṣṢ. See e.g. coMfort, aBaDie-reYnal & ergeç ṬṢṢṢ with further references. For the possible existence of a bridge
over the Euphrates in Neo-Assyrian times, see taDMor ṣ99σ: τṢ-τṭ.
ṣṣṣ. In addition to guards (( a) ma arātim), the Assyrian records commonly refer to private safe deposists and guard
posts, using the same word: ma artum. Context alone decides which translation appears more likely.
ṣṣṬ. Kt m/k ṣṬ7: τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-bi ma- a-ra-tim Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN a-na GAL a-biσ- u ṣ/ṭ GÍN ṣτ šE a-na
‘ ]a ma- a-ra-tim-ma a a-na ‘t]í-tù-ri-im i-li-ku [ṣ] ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ṭ GÍN AN.NA [a-n]a a tí-tù-ri-im
‘σ ṣ/σ G]ÍN AN.NA a-na ‘mu-qá]-ri-biσ-ni ‘ a tí-t]ù-ri-im [ṣ/ṭ GÍN 7 ṣ/Ṭ šE] KÙ.BABBAR a-na ki-ri-im i [ši ga]
σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-dí-im a GAL s‘í-ki-tim] Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-ki-r‘a-tim] ṣ ma-na é-ni-in a
me-er-şiš- u ú u-a-ti gám-ri a Kà-ni-i ki ú-lá a-ki-in ta-ah-sí-is-tum ş aš Zi-kur-ì-lí.
Ṭτ
6 shekels (ṣṢ8Ṣ grains) of silver for the kusītum-cloth which we gave to the captain of
the guard. Ṭ ṣ/σ shekels (ṭ8Ṣ grains) to his sergeant. One shekel (ṣ8Ṣ grains) for the
guide who went with us until the bridge. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekel (Ṭ7Ṣ grains) of silver and ṭ shekels
of tin at the bridge. σ ṣ/σ shekels of tin to our escort at the bridge itself. ṣ/ṭ shekel 7 ṣ/Ṭ
grains (Ṭ7,τṢ grains) he … for jars. σ ṣ/Ṭ shekels (8ṣṢ grains) to the guide of the rabi
sikkitim. Ṭ minas of copper for the cups. ṣ mina of copper for his ... ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin
for his hand. τ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin to Kukusanum in front of [...].ṣṣṭ
It addition to money, a number of texts dealing with guards also mention gifts of drink, most
probably wine. The term kirr(āt)um literally means jar , but it frequently occurs in contexts
where the word also implies socially formalised consumption of wine. When an Assyrian
trader bought an animal, completed a journey, crossed a river or arranged a meeting with an
important local oficial, expenses for jars are recorded in the texts. Similarly, the texts show
that the Assyrian merchants regularly offered drinks and other gifts to the guards in addition
to the standard road-fees.
1.6 Perils of Trade
Life on the road was not without danger for the Assyrian merchants. Anatolia was a wild and
empty landŞ and there are references to brigandage and murder, the effects of heat and cold,
starvation, epidemics, attacks from wild animals and hazardous mountain crossings.ṣṣσ Con-
sidering the value of the goods carried to Anatolia, the Assyrian caravans would have been
tempting targets for robbers, and one may assume that the merchants were armed. Yet, apart
from the occasional references to guards along the road, we rarely hear of any defensive mea-
sures taken by either the traders or the local authorities.ṣṣτ Only a few texts refer explicitly to
people dying on the road, and it seems that the main routes were kept reasonably safe for the
travellers.ṣṣ6
The draft of a treaty between the Assyrian traders and a local Anatolian state speciies that
the ruler would receive a tiny fee for each donkey passing through his territory. In return, he
would guarantee the safety of the Assyrian caravans, compensate losses, and extradite those
who killed Assyrian citizens:
ṣṣṭ. Kt m/k ṣṭṭ (l. ṣ-ṣ9): 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ku-sí-tim a a-na GAL ma- a-ra-tim ni-dí-nu Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN [a]-na
GAL a-biσ- u ṣ GÍN [a]-na ra-dí-im a a-dí ‘t]í-tù-ri-im i-li-ku ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-‘n]a
tí-tù-ri-im σ ṣ/σ GÍN AN.NA a-na mu-qá-ri-biσ-ni ša tí-tù-ri-im-ma ṣ/ṭ GÍN 7 ṣ/Ṭ šE KÙ.BABBAR a-ki-ri-i‘m]
i ši ga σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na r‘a-d]í-im a GAL sí-ki-‘tim] Ṭ ma-n‘a UR]UDU a-na ki-ra-tim ṣ ma-na
URUDU a-na x-ni- u ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA a-qá-tí- u τ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN A[N.N]A a-na Ku-ku-sà-nim i-pá-n‘i x] x a.
ṣṣσ. Cf. also çeçen ṣ998 for indirect the evidence of hostilities in the form of blood money, and note MicHel ṬṢṢ8c:
ṭ8ṣ ff. about the dangers that faced the Assyrian traders. For a discussion of the plague in Kaneš c. ṣ9ṢṢ BC, see
BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣṣτ. The muqarribu may have been armed guards, but the examples are few and too general to draw any irm conclu-
sions. The word could also refer to a special kind of delivery agents, cf. AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, 7τŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ kt c/k
σσṣŞ TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ TPAK ṣ, σṭ.
ṣṣ6. There are only a few references to Assyrians dying en route, none of them explicit about the cause: kt n/k ṣṬτṭ:
We have heard that Lulu, son of Aššur-malik, has died in the Land of Ulama (l. 6-8): Lu-lu DUMU A- ùr-ma-lik
ni- a-me-ma i-na ma-at Ú-lá-ma me-et; AKT 6, ṭṭ7b: One of your labourers has died on the road (l. Ṭτ-Ṭ6: ṣ
ú-ba-ar-kà i-ha-ra-nim me-et). Kt 9σ/k ṣṬτ8: A donkey of yours died in Našilan, so I paid ṣτ shekels of silver
and bought (a new one). The caravan leader died, so I hired U ur-ša-Ištar son of Ili-imitti (l. 9-ṣτ: ṣ ANšE-kà i-na
Na- í-lá-an i-mu-ut-ma ṣτ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR á -qúl-ma áš-a-am kà- a-ru-um i-mu-ut-ma Ù- ú-ur- a-Ištar
DUMU I-liτ-mì-tí a-guτ-ur).
Ṭ6
ṣ.6 PERILS OF TRADE
If losses occur in your land, you are to investigate them and recompense us. If there is
bloodshed in your land, you are to extradite the murderers to us, so that we may slay
them.ṣṣ7
Very few letters refer explicity to the murder of Assyrian merchants and the theft of their
goods. In one such example the Assyrian community had to deal with local authorities in an
attempt to establish what had happened, how much was lost, and who was to cover the dam-
ages. In their report back to the colonial authorities in Kaneš, they wrote:
To our envoys and the Kaneš Colony from the Kuššara Station. Here we have heard that
two Assyrians have been killed in the Land of Luhuzattiya. We went up to the palace,
saying: Assyrians have been killed in your country . He wrote [to the Kane] ites, and
[…] with [...] beyond Luhuzattiya. We do not know who those murdered were – the men
were killed during the night. The next day, the silver for their goods [...].ṣṣ8
In addition to robbery, attacks of wild animals posed a serious threat to the traders and their
beasts of burden. Some of the frequent references to donkeys dying on the way to Kaneš may
have been the result of such attacks,ṣṣ9 although only a single incantation against a black dog
refers what must have been a common worry for the merchants. The text reads:
The black dog lies in wait on the mound. It lingers for the lonely caravan. Its eyes peer
around for a handsome youth: Whom should I send to the daughters of divine Ea ... .ṣṬṢ
Otherwise the character of the Assyrian correspondence is such that the traders never mention
the dangers they faced.ṣṬṣ References to cold and snow are much more common due to their
ṣṣ7. Kt n/k 79σ (l. σ-ṣṣ): u-ma hu-lu-qá-ú-um i-na ma-tí-kà i-ta-áb- i lu ta- é-e-ú-ma lu tù-ta-ru-ni-a-tí-ni u-ma da-
mu i-na ma-tí-kà i-ta-ab- í dá-i-ki lu ta-du-nu-ni-a-tí-ma lu ni-du-ku.
ṣṣ8. Kay ṣ8ṭṢ: a-na í-ip- ri-ni ù kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i qí-biσ-ma um-ma ú-bar-tum [ ]a Ku- ‘a-r]a-ma a-na-kam ni-i -
me-ma Ṭ DUMU A- ur i-na ma-at Lu-hu-za-tí-a dí-ku a-na É.GAL-lim ni-li-ma um-ma ni-nu-ma i-na ma-tí-kà
DUMU A- ùr dí-ku ‘a-Kà-ni- ]í-e i -pu-ur-ma i-na e-ba-ar Lu-hu-za-tí-a i -tí ‘x] e lu tí a a ki a dí-ku a-wi-le a
dí-ku-ni la ni-dé a-wi-lu i-na mu- í-im dí-ku i-na a-nim uσ-mì-im KÙ.BABBAR lu-qú-tí- u-nu ‘...]. The text was
published by Hecker ṣ996a and later collated by Veenhof who kindly shared his notes with me. Also the text kt
98/k ṣṣ8 (Ib), most recently edited in Dercksen & DonBaZ ṬṢṢṢ, refers to unrest and to mountain bandits: To the
God and the City from the society of merchants in Kanhar. As you know, since the roads are illed with hardship,
due to the turmoil in Niqqum, because bandits have risen, and because they hold the mountains, the caravan has
suffered dificulties, and has been tied up in the countryside … , (l. ṣ-9: a-na ì-lí ú a-limki qí-biσ-ma um-ma DAM.
QAR-ru-tum-ma a Kán!-harki-ma tí-de8-a a-tù-nu ki-ma ha-ra-na-tum a-áp- a-qám im-ta-al-a-ni a- u-mì sí-hi-
tim a Ni-qí-im ki-ma ha-ba-tù-ú i-ta-áb-ú-ni SÁ.TU-e ú-kà-lu-ni-ma ILLAT-‘tu]m a-ap- a-qám ‘i-na li-b]iσ
ma-tim i-ta-qí-qá). The reading Kanhar was suggested by Dercksen (pers. comm.) and is based on MSL ṣṣ: ṣσṣ,
which lists Ni-ik-kum (col. ii ṣ6) and Kán-har (col. ii ṭτ) in the eastern Tigris region. For a murder in Titatum and
the robbing of a caravan there cf. VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6 in section τ.9.
ṣṣ9. The life expectancy of a donkey in Assyrian service has been the focus of a detailed discussion in Dercksen
ṬṢṢσa: Ṭ6Ṣ ff. When as many as 7τ percent of the donkeys in a single journey died underway (kt n/k τṣṢ) then
something more than harsh treatment from the drivers must have been the cause of their demise – after all, most
of the donkeys were used for one trip only. Dercksen shows that illness among the Assyrian donkeys is not un-
known, although it seems to be a relatively rare phenomenon. Mass death may also have been caused by allowing
them to eat poisonous plants (apparently a rather common problem in modern donkey breeding) or polluted food
(especially mouldy grass).
ṣṬṢ. Kt a/k 6ṣṣ (l. Ṭ-ṣṣ): kà-al-bu-um a-al-mu-um i-tí-li-im ra-bi-i ú-qá-a ILLAT-tám pá-ri-is-tám e -lamτ dam-qam
i-ta-na-áp-l‘i-sà] e-na- u ma-num lá-á -pu-ur a-na ma-ru-a-at É-a. Cf. veenHof ṣ996.
ṣṬṣ. But note the reference in OAA ṣ, ṣṬ7: My staff stood ready to leave with these (others) when a pig attacked me
and I fell and broke my leg so I am detained here (l. τ-ṣṣ): ú-ub-ri wa-á -ba-at-ma i -tí an-ni-ú-tim a-na wa- a-
e-ma hu-zi-ru-um e-ki-ri-ma am-qú-ut-ma é-pì á -tí-biσ-ir-ma ak-ta-lá.
Ṭ7
tendency to disrupt the trade. The ierce Anatolian winters would come early in some years
and take the merchants by surprise:
The cold has caught up with us, and the caravan has suffered hunger. Your message and
your donkeys are well. Here the donkeys have been taken out, one or two at a time, from
Hahhum to Timelkiya.ṣṬṬ
Apparently this caravan was caught by snow on its ascent into Anatolia, yet the lines of com-
munication remained functioning and messages could still cross the Taurus to Kaneš. The
following quotes underline the problems caused by cold and snow, but also demonstrate that
messages could be sent during the peak of winter:
As to the fact that I wrote to you, saying: At the beginning of spring I shall write to you,
so you can come here – do not be angry with me! The cold has caught up with us ... ṣṬṭ
There is a lot of cold (snow), and it is not feasible for the donkey to walk. When the roads
open, one of us will [br]ing the textiles reserved for us to Durhumit.ṣṬσ
The cold has caught up with me here, and I do not have a single loaf of bread, no ire-
wood, and no wool for their clothing.ṣṬτ
Conversely, also the strong heat of the summer was a potential danger to the Assyrian cara-
vans:
ṣṬṬ. BIN 6, ṣṣσ (l. 9-Ṭṣ): ku- ú-um i-sí-ni-iq-ni-a-tí-ma e-lu-tum i-ib-té-re té-er-ta-kà ú e-ma-ru-kà ál-mu a-na-kam
i -tù ‘H]a-hi-im a-na Tí-me-el-ki-‘a ṣ i] -té-na ú Ṭ a-na ‘e]-ma-ru u -ta-lu-hu. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṣ7τ re-
fers to a snowstorm in Turkey holding him up as late as the ṣṢth of April.
ṣṬṭ. OAA ṣ, τṢ (l. ṭ-ṣṭ): a- a á -pu-ra-ki-ni um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-re-e ṣτ da-á -e a- a-pá-ra-ki-ma ta-li-ki-im li-biσ-ki
lá tù-lá-mì-ni ku- ú-um is-ni-iq-ni-a-tí-ma.
ṣṬσ. Kt 9σ/k ṭ7τ (l. ṣṭ-ṬṬ): ku- ú-um ma-ad e-ma-ru-um a-na a-lá-ki-im lá na- ù-ú i-na na-áp-tí ha-ra-nim i -té-en
i-na ba-ri-ni ú-ba-tí-e a qá-tí-e a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it ú-ba-al. For additional references to cold are found in kt 9ṣ/k
Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ7τŞ OAA ṣ, ṣṣ8Ş BIN σ, 97Ş BIN 6, ṣṭṢŞ kt c/k Ṭ8τŞ kt c/k 686Ş kt c/k 69ṭŞ CCT σ, Ṭ9aŞ CCT σ, ṭṢaŞ
Ka ṭ8ṬŞ JCS ṣσ, ṣṣŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣ7Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣṣṬ. Note also CCT ṭ, σ9b which may refer to glazed frost on the roads
(Dercksen ṣ996: 6ṭ).
ṣṬτ. CCT σ, στb (l. ṬṬ-Ṭτ): a-na-kam ku- ú-um ik-ta-á -da-ni lá NINDA i -té-en6 lá e- ú-ú lá SÍG.HI.A a-lu-bu-u -tí-
í-na i-ba- í. Also ibid: Today the cold has caught up with me (l. 6-7: uσ-ma-am ku- u-um ik-ta-á -da-ni). Ad-
ditional examples are found in AKT 6, ṭṬ9: Now the winter has caught up with you in Uršu. Since there is a lot
of snow I have not sent anyone in whom I could trust to get the goods of the merchant (l. ṣ7-ṬṬ: a-ni na-ab-ri-tum
i-na Ur- u i- a-ba-at-ku-nu ki-ma ku-pá-um ma-du-ni a-na lu-qú-ut DAM.GÀR-ri-im a ki-ma qá-qí-dí-a ú-lá
á -tap-ra-am)Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭ: Send me two retainers whom you know well, so one can feed the donkeys and the
other can assist me, and ... I want to enter Purušhaddum before the cold sets in. The winter must not catch up with
me. Here, donkey fodder is expensive. Pay heed and send my retainers, for the cold must not catch up with me.
Let me take on this journey. On the very day you hear this letter, send my retainers here – I am alone (l. ṣṭ-ṣ7: Ṭ
ú-ha-ri a li-ba-kà i-de8-ú u-up-ra-ma i -tí-in ANšE.HI.A lu- a-ki-ilτ i -tí-in i- ‘a-h]a-tí-a li-zi-iz-ma ... l. ṣ9-
ṭṢ: lá-ma ku- í-im a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim le-ru-ub na-áb-ri-tum lá i-kà-ş aš-da-ni a-na-kam ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE.
HI.A da-na-at i-hi-id-ma ú-ha-ri urσ-da-ma ku- ú-um lá i-kà- a-da-ni ha-ra-ni le-pu-u i-na dUTU- i a up-pí
ta- a-me-ú we-da-ku ú-ha-ri urσ-da-am). For nabrītum in the sense of winter, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: Ṭ69Ş MicHel
ṬṢṢ8c: ṭ8Ṣ. Kt h/k ṣ7: My dear father and lord, the cold must not catch up with me (l. 8-9: a-bi a-ta be-lí a-ta
ku- ú-um lá i-kà- a-dá-ni)Ş KTK 6σ: If there is a lot of snow, he should not go smuggling (l. ṭ-σ: u-ma ku-pá-um
ma-da pá-zi-ir-tum lá i-lá-ak). Snow (kuppā um) can apparently be constructed with the stative plural as well as
the singular, see AKT 6, ṭṬ9 above and cf. CAD s. v. Kt 87/k σṬ6: The cold has arrived … the snow has seized us
in Lakuz for two days (l. ṣτ-ṣ6: ku- ú-um ik-ta- a-ad … (l. Ṭṣ-ṬṬ): i-na La-ku-uz Ṭ uσ-me ku-pá-um i -ba-at-ni-
a-tí).
Ṭ8
If the days are cold when this merchandise leaves (Assur), you must entrust Abu-šalim
in the care whichever of our brothers that can bring him safely here, and then let him
depart with (him). But if the days are hot he must not depart.ṣṬ6
Dercksen recently discussed the possibility that Assyrian caravans could have travelled dur-
ing the night during the summer months, as was common practice in many areas of the Near
East until recent times. However, apart from a single reference to a caravan leaving the city
of Badna in the evening he found no evidence of this in the Assyrian texts.ṣṬ7
Perhaps the gravest and most disturbing hindrance to the Assyrian traders was the recur-
ring conlict between the states of Anatolia. Wars, embargos and local unrest caused long
delays, destroyed property and even physical harm:ṣṬ8
We heard that the king and the queen […]. Dear fathers and lords, our lords: since the
land was in turmoil, we wrote to you to put you straight.ṣṬ9
Do not be angry. Alas, fear is placed in the heart of the land, and for that reason I have
been held back for a couple of months. As soon as the land settles down, I will send the
rest of your money with the irst travellers (leaving).ṣṭṢ
To keep my people alive during the blockade, I took out a loan of ṣṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver
from the house of a native Anatolian.ṣṭṣ
ṣṬ6. Kt 9ṣ/k τṭṢ (l. ṣ9-Ṭ6): u-ma i-nu-mì lu-qú-tum a-n‘i-tum] ú- í-a-ni uσ-mu-ú kà- ú A-bu- a-lim i -tí ma-ma-an
i-na a-hi-ni a ú- a-lá-ma- u-ni pì-iq-da- u-ma lu- a-am u-ma uσ-mu-ú e-mu-ú lá ú- í-a-am (cf. Dercksen
ṬṢṢσa: Ṭτ6).
ṣṬ7. In his discussion Dercksen ṬṢṢσa points out that travel by day was the rule and not the exception. The text refer-
ring to travel by night was recently edited as OAA ṣ, ṣṭṢ. It is a letter that describes the escape of an Assyrian
merchant from the authorities in the Syrian city of Badna, and this is probably the reason why the Assyrian left
during the night.
ṣṬ8. For a detailed analysis of the political conlicts, see BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press: ch. Ṭ.
ṣṬ9. Kt 8ṭ/k ṣṬ9 (l. τ-ṣṬ): ni- a-me-ma ru-ba-um ù ru-ba-tum ‘x x x] a-ba-ú-ni be-lu-ú-ni a-tù-ni be-lu-ni ki-ma ma-
tum sà-hi-at-ni a-na a-ri-ku-nu ni-i -pu-ra-am (cf. kuZuoğlu 2007b).
ṣṭṢ. Kt n/k Ṭσ9 (l. 9-Ṭṣ): li-ba-kà lá i-lá-mì-in lá li-biσ DINGIR-ma pí-ri-tum i-li-bi ma-tim i- í-ki-ma a- í-a-tí ṣ ITU
ù Ṭ ITU ak-ta-lá a-dí ma-tum i -li-mu ù í-tí KÙ.BABBAR-pí-ku-nu i -tí a-li-ki wa-ar-ki-ú-tim ú- é-ba-lá-kum.
ṣṭṣ. Kt m/k 69 (l. 68-69): i-na sú-ku-ur-tim a-na ni- í-a ba-lu- im ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR É nu-a-e a-sí-ma (cf.
Hecker ṬṢṢσa: Ṭ86ff.). Other examples are: TTC ṭṢ: Do you not keep hearing that my report did not come with
Amur-Ištar because a blockade came into effect (preventing) his arrival? (l. ṭṢ-ṭσ: a i -tí A-mur-I tar té-er-tí lá
i-li-kà-ni a-kà- a-dí- u-nu sú-ku-ur-tum i-ta-áb-ş íš-ma a-ta lá ta-á -ta-na-me)Ş kt 9σ/k 966: On the day you
hear my letter there, you must satisfy your palace for the rabi sikkitim is dead. Before the land has heard it you
must pull yourselves out (l. 7-ṣṬ: a-ma-kam i-na dUTU- i up-pí ta- a-me-ú É.GAL-limsic.-ku-nu áp-lá-ma ra-bi
sí-ki-tim me-et lá-ma ma-tum i -me-ú ra-ma-ku-nu u-ul-ha-a)Ş Dalley ṣṢ: Alas, there has been blockade (last-
ing) an entire year, and all Assyrians, including us, have been detained (l. ṭ-7: lá li-bi DINGIR-ma a-tám i -té-et
sú-ku-ur-tum i- í-ki-in-ma qá-dí-ma DUMU A- ùr u-um- u ú né-nu ni-tám-sà-ar)Ş I 76σ: I heard that the country
was in turmoil, and that the roads were closed so that the collecting of [...] and silver [was not possible] (l. ṭ-6:
a- a-me-ma ma-tum sà-hi-at ú ha-ra-num pá-hi-şatš-ma lá-qá-‘a x x] ú KÙ.BABBAR lá? ‘na?- u?])Ş CCT σ, ṭṢaŞ
The king has committed a bloody deed and his throne is blemished. The agreements are suspended. The princes
keep watching each other (l. ṣṭ-ṣ7: LUGAL da-me e-ta-pá-á -ma ku-sí- u lá ta-aq-na-at í-ik-na-tum a-hu-ra
ru-ba-ú i-na ba-ri- u-nu i-ta- ù-lu)Ş TC ṭ, ṣṣṬ: Not only am I ill, there is also the fact that you have been ighting.
Moreover, I heard that there is turmoil in the country, so my heart is sick of worry over you. The silver and gold
is your own, so you yourselves should save your life for the sake of your father! Until the land settles down, you
shold not [pack] or travel anywhere. When the land settles down, do as your father wrote to you and leave and
come here (l. ṣ9-ṭσ: a- e-er mur- í-a ù a-tù-nu a tù-u -té- a-a ù sí-hi-tám a ma-tim á -me-ma da-ni- a-ma li-
biσ im-tar- a-ku-nu-tí KÙ.BABBAR ù KÙ.GI lu ku-nu-tù-ma a-tù-nu-ma a-na a-biσ-ku-nu na-pá-á -ta-ku-nu lu
ál-ma-at a-dí ma-tum i- a-li-mu i-x ‘x] x x a-i-ma lá t‘a-sá-ri-i]d i -tù ma-tum i- a-li-mu ù ma-lá té-er-tí a-biσ-
kà-ma e-pu-u -ma tí-ib-a-ma a-tal-kam)Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢṢṬ: Since we keep hearing here that the land is in unrest, and
that the order of the Colony is strict … (l. σ-7: ki-ma ni-i -ta-na-me-ú ma- tum ‘d]a-al-ha-at-ni ú tí-ir-tí kà-ri-
im da-na-at-ni)Ş BIN σ, ṭσ: Here I keep hearing that the country is in turmoil. When the country settles down …
Ṭ9
The problematic word sikkātum, the meaning of which has been much discussed, appears
frequently in the Assyrian texts as the reason why trade is disrupted.ṣṭṬ Until recently, attesta-
tions of the word were rare and they appeared in ambiguous contexts. The sikkātum would
demand the king s attention, take place at a given time, reach a climax, disturb the trade,
block the roads, enter and leave and involve the local population. In reference to the Ak-
kadian homonym, meaning peg or nail , Kryszat suggested that the sikkātum was a reli-
gious festival or celebration.ṣṭṭ More recently, Brinker proposed that it was a type of extramu-
ral marketplace.ṣṭσ The following paragraphs suggest that sikkātum really means war and
army , and that the most common disturbance in the Assyrian trade was caused by warfare
and not feasting or trade. None of the examples given below offer decisive proof when stand-
ing alone, but together they present a case against the interpretation of sikkātum as a particu-
lar type of market or a religious festival:
What is this thing about you having written in regard to the tablets of Ikun-piya and Enna-
Suen and the quittances from the naruqqum-partnership belonging to our father? Here the
king has fallen in the sikkātum, and a revolt has taken place within the city itself, so that
we now fear for our own life. Since the country is hostile for a mile and a half around, no
one can escape into the countryside. They constantly try to send us out to arms with him,
so God forbid that anything like debt-notices are written while this goes on, lest we be-
come indebted to our investors for more than a talent of silver. When the country has
calmed down, and a king has established himself, our tablets can go anywhere.ṣṭτ
We hear that the king has fallen in the sikkātum – presumably meaning that he died. This has
triggered a revolt and made life dangerous for the Assyrians staying in the city. Trade is sus-
(l. 7-ṣṢ: a-na-kam á -ta-na-me-ma ma-tum sá-ha-a-at a-ma-tí ma-tim a-na á -ri- a li-tù-ur). CCT ṭ, Ṭ7b: The
country is in turmoil, and I haven t brought you the tin you gave me for (buying) the lulā um-metal (l. Ṭ9-ṭṬ:
ma-tum sà-hi-at-ma AN.NA a a-na lu-li-im ta-dì-na-ni ú-la u -te9-bi-la-kum)Ş kt c/k ṭṬ9: The country of Zalpa
is in turmoil. It is not feasible that I should rely on any of the residents and have anything dispatched (l. ṣṣ-ṣτ:
ma-at Za-al-pá sà-hi-a-at lá na- ù-ma ma-ma-an i-na wa-á -bu-tim a-da-gal-ma mì-ma lá ú- é-té-eq)Ş kt n/k
ṣṬτṣ: If you are still in Kaneš, then go to Wašhaniya, but do not enter before the land has settled down (l. ṣṭ-ṣ7:
u-ma a-dí-ni i-Kà-ni-i wa-á -ba-tí a-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a et-qá-ma a-dí ma-tum i-nu-hu lá té-ra-ba-am)Ş kt n/k
ṣσ6σ: The country is in turmoil. I will leave when it grows quiet (l. Ṭτ-Ṭ6: ma-tum sà-hi-at ki-ma iš-li-mu ú- í-
am)Ş LB ṣṬṢ9b: Do you not hear that the country of Kunanamit is in turmoil? It is not feasible to demand pay-
ment from people who owe ten minas of copper (l. ṣṬ-ṣ8: lá ta-á -ta-na-me-i ‘k]i-ma ma-at Ku-na-na-mì-it sà-
ah-a-at-ni-ma lá na-a -ù-ma a- ar ṣṢ ma-na URUDU-am ha-bu-lu-ni lá né-ri-i )Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣ7 (referring to unrest
in Babylonia): About the price of the Akkadian textiles which you wrote to me about: no Akkadians have entered
the City since your departure – their land is in turmoil. If they arrive before winter, and a price that will keep you
going is possible, we will buy them for you (l. σ-ṣṣ: a- u-mì í-im TÚG a a-ki-dí-e a ta-á -pu-ra-ni i -tù tù-u -ú
a-ki-dí-ú a-na a-limki ú-la e-ru-bu-nim ma-sú-nu sá-hi-a-at-ma u-ma a-ku- í im-ta-aq-tù-nim-ma í-mu-um a
ba-la- í-kà i-ba- í ni- a-a-ma-ku-um)Ş CCT σ, σb: A blockade must not be instituted, lest the goods are delayed
(l. ṣṭ-ṣτ: sú-ku-ur-tum e i- í-ki-ma lu-qú-tum e i-ki- í-id)Ş BIN σ, ṭτ: A blockade was declared, so I was delayed
for ive to six months (l. ṣ6-ṣ8: sú-ku-ur-tum i-ta-á -kán-ma ITU.τ.KAM ù ITU.6.KAM a-sú-hu-ur)Ş TC ṭ, ṣσ:
Since there is a blockade, I am staying here (l. ṭ-σ: ki-ma sú-ku-ur-tù-ni a-na-kam-ma wa-áš-ba-ku)Ş kt c/k σστ:
Because there was a blockade here, he went from Ulama to Kaneš (l. 8-ṣṣ: a-na-kam ki-ma sú-ku-şurš-tù-ni
i -tù Ú-lá-ma a-na Kà-ni-i ki i-tal-kam-ma).
ṣṭṬ. For attestations and the extensive literature on the subject, cf. Brinker ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣṭṭ. krYsZat ṬṢṢσa: ṣ8. günBatti ṣ996: ṭσ proposes a meaning fair or market .
ṣṭσ. Brinker ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣṭτ. Kt 9Ṭ/k τṬ6 (l. Ṭ-Ṭṣ): mì-nu-um a a-na ‘ ]up-pè-e a I-ku-pí-a ù I-na-Sú-in ù up-pé-e a a-ba-e a na-ru-uq a-
bi-ni a ta-á -pu-ra-ni a-na-kam ru-ba-um i-sí-kà-tim ma-qí-it-ma i-na qé-ra-ab a-limki sí-hi-tum a-ak-na-at ù
a-na qá-qá-da-tí-ni pá-al-ha-ni i -tù GÁNA-lúm bé-ra ù zu-za na-ak-ru-ma a-na GÁNA-lim ma-ma-an ú- a-am
lá i-le-e a-na kà-ki-im qá-dí- u-ma u -té-né- ú-ni-a-tí-ma a-sú-ri i-na me-té-qí-im up-pu-ú mì-ma i-né-pí- u-ma
KÙ.BABBAR ṣ GÚ a-na um-me-a-ni-ni e ni-hi-bi-ilτ i-nu-mì ma-tum i- a-li-mu ù ru-ba-um i -dí- u i-ra-ku-sú
up-pu-ú a-a-e-ma i-lu-ku.
ṭṢ
pended, and the merchants hope that a new king will re-establish law and order. The king may
have died during a festival or a fair, causing a ight among different factions ighting for the
throne. But his death in war seems more likely in light of the reference to the ensuing conlict.
The problem is how to understand the crucial verb maqātum, which may equally well be
translated as to fall (upon) , and to arrive (suddenly) .
A number of texts contain the phrase the sikkātum has/is/will turn back (tuārum), which
can refer to the periodic return of a festival or market, or to an army coming back from war.
In the following example, the word may appear in its abstract sense (as a war ), and in the
physical sense (as armed forces ):
Since there is sikkātum, the rest of the tin remains stored. When the sikkātum returns I
will sell you your tin, and then I will get up and leave. The sikkātum is ierce. Take care
of yourself, and do not enter until the return of the Kanešite (king).ṣṭ6
The trade is paralysed during the sikkātum and the Assyrians are unable to enter the city and
bring their merchandise into the palace for taxation and the approval for further trade. Most
of the population has left they city, there is no law and order, and the recipient of the letter is
urged to take care of himself until the sikkātum returns. Obviously, large parts of the popula-
tion could have left Kaneš during a fair or festival, but it is hard to see why this would cause
problems for those who chose to stay behind.
You keep hearing there, that due to the country being in upheaval here, and silver being
expensive, for that reason they have caused me to delay here at least a couple of months.
I said: Put the silver under seal, and before you (sg.) leave for the sikkātum, I will set off
and come, lest I get blocked up with you (pl.). Today we will go out to the sikkātum from
šalatuwar. My dear brother and lord: when the sikkātum returns, I will take care of the
men and produce the money for them. You should not worry about a single month.ṣṭ7
This example suggests that the sikkātum lasted for months, and that as a result the country
was in upheaval. It is dificult to see why this would happen as a consequence of a drawn-out
fair or feast. The reason why an Assyrian involved himself in a sikkātum is less clear, although
the passage implies that the author and the recipient of the letter were to draw near to the
event from different directions.
Examples of Assyrians participating in or being present at a sikkātum can not be used to
dismiss the translation of sikkātum as war Ş the Assyrian traders could have gone to the
sikkātum because of the business opportunities (as the train of merchants, tinkers and prosti-
tutes who followed the armies of Xenophon and Alexander), and some might even have be-
come involved in local politics. At any rate, the author of this letter knew in advance that a
sikkātum would cut off communication and delay his journey. A feast or fair could feasibly do
ṣṭ6. Kt 87/k ṭ8σ (l. Ṭ7-ṭσ): í-tí AN.NA-kà ki-ma sí-kà-tù-ni a-dí-ni na-dí i-na tù-wa-ar sí-kà-tim AN.NA-kà a-da-ma
a-ta-be-a-ma a-ta-la-kam sí-kà-tum da-na a-dí tù-wa-ar kà-ni- í-im ra-ma-kà a- é-er la té-ra-ba-am. Contra
Brinker ṬṢṣṢ: τσ the kà-ni- í-im is singular (pl. kà-ni- í-ú) and usually (if not always) it refers speciically to the
ruler of the city, cf. e.g. ATHE 66Ş kt g/t ṭτŞ I τ99Ş KTK ṣṢŞ KTP σŞ TC ṭ, ṣ66.
ṣṭ7. Kt v/k τ7 (l. ṭ-Ṭσ): ta-á -ta-na-me a-ma-kam ki-ma a-na-kam ma-tum8 da-al-ha-at-ni ú KÙ.BABBAR da-nu-ni
a-dí ki-a-am a-na-kam wa-ar-ha-am i -té-en6 ú é-na ù u -ta-as-hi-ru-ni um-ma a-na-ku-ma KÙ.BABBAR ku-
un-kà-ma lá-ma a-na sí-kà-tim tù- a-ni lá-at-bé-ma lá-ta-lá-ak-ma i -tí-ku-nu lá a-sà-ke-er ú-ma-am i -tù a-lá-
tù-a-ar a-na si-kà-tim ni-tí- í a-hi a-ta be-lí a-ta i-na tù-a-ar si-kà-tim a-wi-li a-na-hi-id-ma KÙ.BABBAR ú- a-
ak-na- u-nu wa-ar-ha-am i -té-en6 lá ta-ha-da-ar.
ṭṣ
that, but why would one continue the feast or trading during an upheaval?ṣṭ8 The fact that
sikkātum and political turnmoil regularly go together in other texts favours the interpretation
that sikkātum means war:
Do you not keep hearing that there is sikkātum in šalatuwar: that inside the city itself
their assembly is in revolt, and that […] keeps giving offence and has turned […] to
sin […]?ṣṭ9
Perhaps the best indication against the meaning of the word sikkātum as a feast is reached
by combining information found in the following two letters:
To U ur-ša-Ištar from Ikun-piya. If the wool has been cleared, then send it off, and if it
hasn t, then sell it there. Concerning the fact that the copper is ready, but that I haven t
sent it yet – their sikkātum is in disarray, and they say that they are now falling upon the
land of Wahšušana. For this reason, the porters refuse to leave. Within ive days I will
learn whether the sikkātum has calmed down, and then I will send off the copper.ṣσṢ
To U ur-ša-Ištar from Aššur-damiq. As to the fact that I have not yet come: Ikun-piya has
left as envoy to Kuburnat. His copper has been stored in the land of Wahšušana, and so,
because the land is in a state of revolt, I have gone to save the copper. When I reach
Wahšušana I will entrust the copper to his representatives, and then I will leave and come
to you. Dear father, concerning the fact that I have been delayed until this day – have you
not heard, time and again, about all the burdens I have had to shoulder? That I have been
ill since the day I entered Durhumit?ṣσṣ
The letter from Ikun-piya was clearly written before the letter from Aššur-damiq. The situa-
tion described is one of crisis and danger: the sikkātum is in disarray, and rumour has it that
the Land of Wahšušana will be the next target. The copper that the Assyrians have stored there
is in danger of being lost. The Assyrian retainers refuse to leave their current location, and
Ikun-piya has to wait for ive days to ind out whether the sikkātum is about to calm down.
The second letter explains that Ikun-piya was chosen to represent the Assyrian community in
the town of Kuburnat, and that he was unable to take care of the copper stored in the Land of
Wahšušana. Aššur-damiq has gone off instead of Ikun-piya in an attempt to save the goods.
He hopes to bring the copper into the city and leave it there under the protection of company
ṣṭ8. krYsZat ṬṢṢσ: ṭ7 suggested a reading of line ṣṣ in the letter KTP 6 as: [a?-s]í?-kà-tim-ma. Collation of the tablet
shows that the passage reads [l]i-bi-ni-ma, cf. larsen ṣ976: Ṭ7σ-Ṭ7τ n. 6τ.
ṣṭ9. AKT 6, ṭ9Ṭ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ9): a-ta ú-lá [ta-á ]-ta-na-me ki-ma i-na ‘ a-lá-tù]-ar sí-kà-tù-ni-ma ‘ù i-na] qé-ra-áb a-li-ma
‘i-na pu-ù]h-ri- u-nu sí-hi-tù-ni-ma ‘x x x (x) ih]- á-na-ta a-na hi- im ‘x x x x x x (x)] i-tù-ru-ma.
ṣσṢ. Kt n/k 8σ (l. ṣ-ṣ7): a-na Ú- ur- a-I tar qí-bi-ma um-ma I-ku-pì-a-ma u-ma a-áp-tum za-ku-a-at a-áp-tám é-
bi-lam u-ma lá za-ku-a-at a-ma-kam-ma dí-in- í a-dí-i URUDU er-sú-ú-ni-ma lá ú- é-biσ-lu sí-kà-tù- u-nu ma-
á -ha-a um-ma u-nu-ma a-na ma-at Wa-ah- u- a-na i-ma-qú-tù ú a bi-lá-tim a-lá-kam lá i-mu-ú a-dí τ uσ-me-e
a- ar sí-kà-tum i-ta-qú-na-ni a- a-me-ma ù a bi-lá-tim a-gar-ma URUDU a-ba-ak. For the verb ma ā um to
despoil (Old Assyrian: ma āhum), here in the plural, cf. CAD s. v. In the present context it stands in opposition
to taqānum to become orderly, secure . For the construction with a ar cf. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṣ9 n. σσṢ. For maqātum
in the sense to fall upon, to invade see also kt g/t ṭτ and KTP ṣṢ and n. ṣṭτ. Once again, one can also translate
the verb: to arrive suddenly . For a different translation, see Dercksen ṣ996: ṣσṬ n. σσṭ. Note the related text
kt n/k σ98 (kuZuoğlu in press): To U ur-ša-Ištar from Ikun-piya. Since the land is in turmoil, I am held back
(l. ṣ-τ: a-na Ú- ur- í-I tar qí-bi-ma um-ma I-ku-pí-a-ma ki-ma ma-tum sà-hi-at-ni ak-ta-lá).
ṣσṣ. Kt n/k Ṭṣ8 (kuZuoğlu in press): a-na Ú- ur- í-I tar qí-bi-ma um-ma A- ùr-SIGτ-ma a-dí lá a-li-kà-ni I-ku-pí-a
a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at a-na í-ip-ru-tim i-li-ik URUDU-ú- u i-na ma-at Wa-ah- u- a-na na-dí-ma ki-ma ma-tum
sà-hi-at-ni a-na URUDU a-lá-hi-im a-ta-lá-ak a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a-kà- a-ad URUDU-ú- u a-na a ki-ma
u-a-tí a-pá-qí-id-ma a-ta-bé-a-ma a-ta-lá-kam a-bi a-ta a-na a a-dí uσ-mì-im a-nim as-hu-ru ma-na-ah-tám a
ú-ta-ni-hu lá ta-á -ta-na-me-e ki-ma i -tù uσ-mì-im a a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it e-ru-bu ma-ar- a-ku-ni.
ṭṬ
representatives. Instead of mentioning the sikkātum, Aššur-damiq informs us that the land is
in disorder, endangering the copper in the same way the sikkātum did in the letter from Ikun-
piya. One may of course argue that a fair or festival was taking place outside the city when it
was attacked. Then the attackers set their course to Wahšušana while the market or feast was
brought back in order. In the meantime a revolt would then have broken out in the land. But
it seems more feasible to translate the word sikkātum with host or army in the irst of the
two letters, and to interpret it as yet another reference to a local Anatolian conlict threatening
the Assyrian trade.ṣσṬ
The fact that some of the texts mentioning the sikkātum imply that the Assyrian traders
would know in advance when the event was going to take place is not an argument in favour
of interpreting the word as referring to a fair or religious festival. In ancient Greek society
warring poleis would often agree in advance upon the time and place to ight their battles, and
it would be unusual for the actual combat to go on for long periods of time. Wars could last
for decadesŞ but the technology of warfare, limited resources and a fundamental dependency
of the city-state upon the same limited number of individuals for military and agricultural
duties usually meant that battles usually lasted only a day. In Athens in σṭṣ BC, the army
demanded the participation of ṭṢ to τṢ percent of the total free working male population,
which meant that long wars would have catastrophic effects on state economy.ṣσṭ Siege war-
fare was a rare occurence among the Greek states. Instead armies would meet in pitched
battle, and the losing side would accept the peace offered during a prescribed ceremony.ṣσσ
A similar situation may have applied to Anatolia in the Colony Period. Siege warfare is
attested in the evidence, e.g. in the letter of Anum-Hirbi and in the letters from Mari dealing
with the siege of Razama,ṣστ but presumably such prolonged attacks were rare until the forma-
tion of the larger territorial states and armies in Anatolia during the late Ib-period.ṣσ6 It is
probably no coincidence that sikkātum is associated with the months of spring, when the
weather allowed armies to march and the peasants had sown their ields. A few Old Hittite
texts refer to war-chariots,ṣσ7 and several Old Assyrian texts refer to donkeys and perdum (an
expensive type of equid, perhaps a mule) ridden to the sikkātum. But in general the battles
appear to have been fought by infantry, presumably drawn from the male freemen of the state.
This would explain why towns were largely empty and all normal administrative functions
discontinued during the sikkātum: the great majority of the men were not feasting or trading,
but had gone out to ight. This was dangerous, disruptive and troublesome for the Assyrian
traders. Large sums of money were at stake while investments lay idle, and when states were
at war the roads were closed and trade could not pass. If one accepts the interpretation that
sikkātum means war , then armed hostilities were by far the most common hindrence to trade
mentioned in the Assyrian records. If not, it was when local populations held their religious
celebrations or fairs.
ṣσṬ. In turn, one could argue that the Anatolian armies were led by a chief of the sikkātum (rabi sikkitim), as implied
e.g. by kt 87/k ṭ87: The rabi sikkitim of Wahšušana is in the sikkātum (l. Ṭ6-Ṭ8: ra-bi sí-ki-tim a Wa-ah- u- a-
na i-sí-kà-tim wa- a-áb). But the vowel-harmony of sikkitim implies that a different word is meant. The only at-
testation of a *rabi sikkātim occurs in TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ where it is a mistake for the rabi sikkitim, cf. τ.ṣṭ.
ṣσṭ. scHwartZ ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭτ7.
ṣσσ. See oBer ṣ996Ş krentZ ṬṢṢṬŞ scHwartZ ṬṢṢ9.
ṣστ. Balkan ṣ9τ7Ş viDal ṬṢṢ9.
ṣσ6. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣσ7. CTH ṣṭ (keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ) refers to a chariot-battle near the city of Parsuhanda.
ṭṭ
1.7 Logistics of Trade
Passing through distant regions with heavy loads, the Assyrian caravans would have depend-
ed upon inns (bēt wabrim) spread along the main routes of Anatolia and Syria for provi-
sions.ṣσ8 Any understanding of the Assyrian trade as well as the reconstruction of the histori-
cal geography of Anatolia during the early Middle Bronze Age must take into account the
system of logistics, including the network inns, which was organised for the beneit of mer-
chants and travellers.
In many ways, we are trying to force answers out of our sources that they were never meant
to give, and a large number of fundamental questions about the way in which the trade was
organised in practical terms remain unanswered. How large were the Assyrian caravans?
What was the capacity of an average inn? Did the travellers stop at inns every night, or did
they carry equipment with them to set up occasional camp?ṣσ9 It seems clear that the inns were
key points along the trade routes plied by the Assyrian caravans: most of the trafic would
have passed by them, and they were vital to the way in which people and goods could move.
If inns were anything like their namesakes in later times, they were as essential as the roads
for the low of trade along the routes of Syria and Anatolia. The inns not only offered the
trader, his goods and his animals protection, provisions and a bed. They were presumably the
very precondition for larger caravans to travel at an acceptable speed.
Clearly the Assyrian caravans did not carry their own provisions for the entire τ-6 week
trek, and it is hard to imagine that the merchants allowed their donkeys time to graze eight
hours each day. As in all later periods of history, the caravan leader had to have conidence in
the ability of the inns en route to provide the water, fodder and food that his caravan required.
From this it follows that travelling distances would have been relatively formalised, that mes-
sages could move easily between the inns, and that people would meet colleagues going in
the same or opposite direction on a regular basis.
Inns occur often in the records and appear to have had several functions beyond providing
the caravans lodgings and a meal. In medieval times, inns and caravanserais played a key part
in the long-distance trade due to their function as banks, as stations for hiring guides, agents
and packers, and as places from which to store, stack and send goods. We have only a few
indications of the exact services offered by the inns to Assyrian traders, but it is feasible that
guides, translators and packers may also have been available at such places.ṣτṢ A few texts
show that inns could be used to stable donkeys, and that at least some inns were equipped
with storage facilities for the safekeeping of goods:
ṣσ8. The phrase bēt wabrim literally means house of the stranger , and was used by the Assyrian merchants not only
to refer to inns, but also in a more general sense as guesthouse – for instance a house with which the irm had a
close relation and could depend upon to ind a place to stay for a night. The word usually occurs in the plural and
is simply translated as lodgings throughout the book. A number of texts also refer to our bēt wabrim in Kaneš,
which may have been the guesthouse or even the living-quarters of the extended family and employees, e.g.: kt
9σ/k σṬṣ: I left two textiles to Azu in our bēt wabrim in Kaneš (l. ṣσ-ṣ7: Ṭ TÚG.HI.A i-na Kà-ni-i a-na A-zu
i-na É ub-ri-ni e-zi-ib). The Old Assyrian term for a small trading Station (wabartum) presumably grew out of the
word (bēt) wabrim, and it may originally have been towns where a guesthouse frequented by the Assyrians was
located.
ṣσ9. There are no direct references to tents used for camping. The ma kunum, which normally means tent, canopy
(attested e.g. in kt 87/k ṭ9ṬŞ BIN 6, ṣσṢŞ ICK ṣ, 98), is also used e.g. to wrap wool (cf. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣστ) and
may have been simple waterproof textiles similar to a modern tarpaulin. Caravan records give only unspeciied
totals for the equipment (unūtum) bought for a trip, and it remains uncertain what gear the travellers actually
brought with them.
ṣτṢ. Cf. e.g. kt c/k 7ṣτ that seems to refer to the purchase of a donkey in a bēt wabrim in Purušhaddum.
ṭσ
ṣ.7 LOGISTICS OF TRADE
I deposited ṭ8 textiles (and) the tin weighed according to the standard of the palace. It
has been sealed by the royal seal, and is now at the inn.ṣτṣ
On the routes between Assur and Kaneš, as well as in large parts of Central Anatolia, access
to water would not have been a serious problem. Water was available in the settlements situ-
ated at regular intervals between Assur and the Euphrates, and there are a multitude of springs
and streams in the Taurus. But in some places, such as on the plateau in Lycaonia south and
west of the Salt Lake, water would have been scarce and its presence dictated the position of
the routes and inns. This must be taken into account when reconstructing the roads used by
caravans and wagon trains.
Animal Daily consumption of water during the dry season

Donkey ṬṢ – ṭṢ l (can go without water for up to σ days if necessary)
Mule ṬṢ – σṢ l (depends on the breed)
Horse ṭṢ – 7Ṣ l (varies a lot, depending on breed, work and temperature)
Ox τṢ – 7Ṣ l (more if there is no possibility for grazing for at least a few hours)
Table σ: Average daily consumption of water of modern household breeds during the dry season. (Information gathered from various
U.N. agricultural statistics in ṭrd-world countries on www.fao.org).
Large caravans, consisting of hundreds of men and animals travelling from Assur to Kaneš
are attested exclusively during the late period of Assyrian trade in Anatolia that is contempo-
rary with the layer Ib at Kültepe. At this time, passage through Syria may have been either
more dangerous or subject to stricter control than it had been a century earlier. The Assyrian
caravan consisting of ṭṢṢ donkeys and a comparable number of men mentioned in a letter
from the Syrian kingdom of Mari would have required precise organization:ṣτṬ the animals
alone would have consumed at least 6 tons of water per day, and in areas where no rivers or
large springs were available such large convoys probably could not pass. Also, the challenge
of feeding this number of animals would have required that detailed agreements were made
beforehand with providers along the route.ṣτṭ During the earlier period of trade the political
situation seems to have been more favourable to trafic in Northern SyriaŞ and, although the
evidence is scarce, it appears that the Assyrian caravans crossing the region were smaller and
more lexible. The large number of different inns mentioned in the records implies that a con-
stant and lively trafic was the rule rather than the exception.
It is impossible to determine how common inns were in the landscape, but it is interesting to
note that even small and rarely attested settlements in Anatolia and Northern Mesopotamia had
inns. They must have depended on a trafic beyond that of the occasional Assyrian merchant.
In addition to the wide distribution of inns, the table above shows that the services pro-
vided by them were paid in cash – silver, copper or tin. Prices luctuate wildly, presumably
ṣτṣ. Kt 8σ/k ṬṬ9 (l. ṣ9-Ṭσ): TÚG.HI.A AN.NA aban É.GAL-lim addi-ma ina kunuk rubā im kanikma bēt wabrim
iba i. Cf. Bilgiç ṣ998: ṭ8. Several texts offer examples of items and goods stored in a bēt wabrim, and BIN σ,
ṣτ7 implies that one could use it to stage an auction of sheep and cows and to slaughter sheep there, presumably
to sell their meat.
ṣτṬ. ARM Ṭ6/Ṭ, σṭṬ. The letter refers to a caravan of ṭṢṢ animals and ṭṢṢ men. In would appear that each animal usu-
ally had a sāridum individually assigned to it (see Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: Ṭ8ṭ)Ş so the size of the caravans and the lo-
gistic problems grew rapidly with each animal added to the train.
ṣτṭ. veenHof ṣ989: τṬṬ n. ṬṢ collects the evidence from the Old Babylonian ration lists found at Chagar Bazar in
Northern Syria to calculate the fodder consumed by donkeys on a daily basis.
ṭτ
because they relect the number of men and animals catered for, as well as the fact that pay-
ments for several different inns in the area of a city were sometimes recorded in a single total
sum. For the same reason, one must be careful in using records of travelling expenditures to
estimate the travelling distance between two places.
Reference Location Price and comments

kt 8ṭ/k ṣ8ṣ Between Enišpaka and Karamaku 6 shekels of silver
kt 9ṣ/k ṭστ Between Ulama and Purušhaddum ṭ shekels of silver w. transport of ṭṢ textiles
kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ šalatuwar ṭ minas (of ikku-copper?)
Purušhaddum ṭ shekels of silver
Wahušana [x] copper
kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 āl Bu nātim ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin
Hanaknak territory 6 shekels of tin
Hanika ṭ shekels of tin
Wazida ṭ shekels of tin
Hanaknak ṭ shekels of tin
Wahšušana ṣṢ minas of ikku-copper including expenses
kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣ Hurama ṣ shekel of silver
Timelkiya ṣ shekel of silver
Hahhum Ṭ shekels of silver
Burullum ṣ shekel of silver
kt 9σ/k ṭ96 Unknown ṭ shekels of tin
Unknown ṣ/σ shekel of silver
kt 9σ/k σττ šamuha τ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin
kt 9σ/k σ88 Unknown τ shekels of silver
kt 9σ/k ṣṭτṬ Qa ara Goods valued at ṭ shekels of tin
AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ Between Kaneš to Wašhaniya ṣṢ shekels of tin for food and boarding
Wašhaniya Ṭ minas of copper
Between Wašhaniya and Ninašša ṣ mina of copper
AKT 6, σ9ṣ [Hura]ma x shekels of silver
Kuššara τ shekels of silver
(Kaneš) to Timelkiya ṣṢ shekels of silver – perhaps speciied below:
šalahšuwa τ shekels of silver
Hurama τ shekels of silver
kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ6 Unknown ṣṢ shekels?
kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ8 On the way to Hahhum τ? shekels of silver
AKT ṭ, ṭσ šalatuwar ṣ mina ττ shekels of copper, including
dātum-taxes and fodder for the donkeys
AKT ṭ, 9Ṭ Timelkiya ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of tin
BIN σ, ṣṬσ Razama territory τ8 ṭ/σ shekels of tin
kt c/k ṣṬ6 Anatolia ṣ/ṭ mina of silver
kt c/k ṣσσ šalatuwar ṭ minas of copper, not including provisions
kt c/k Ṭṭ6 Timelkiya ṣτ shekels of silver (long stay)
Between Timlekiya and Zalpa ṭ shekels of silver
kt c/k τ9σ After the River bank in Anatolia Ṭ shekels of copper
kt c/k 9Ṣ8 Between Zalpa and Dadaniya ṣṬ shekels of silver
CCT ṣ, Ṭ9 Wilušna ṭ ṣ/6 shekels of silver w. kirātum
CCT τ, Ṭ7c Tegarama One sheep, one um um, one panārum
CCT τ, ṭṢa Mamma Ṭ/ṭ of a shekel of silver
CCT τ, σσc Between Assur and Qa ara 6 ṣ/σ shekels of tin
KTP Ṭ6 Unknown ṣ/Ṭ a mina of good, pure copper
ṭ6
ṣ.7 LOGISTICS OF TRADE
Reference Location Price and comments

KUG Ṭσ Between Talpa and Supana ṣτ shekels at the inn where the servant died
MAH ṣ6ṣτ8 Between Abrum and Hurupša ṭ shekels of tin in nails and bits
kt n/k ṣṭṢ7 Daša σ shekels of good copper
OIP Ṭ7, τσ Wašhaniya ṣṬ shekels of tin
kt t/k ṣ šalatuwar ṭ shekels of silver (lodgings)
ṣ mina of copper (grazing)
Wahšušana τ minas of copper (partial duplicate of t/k Ṭτ)
kt t/k Ṭτ šalatuwar ṭ shekels of silver (partial duplicate of t/k ṣ)
TC ṭ, ṣτ6 Unknown, paid out in Kaneš τ shekels of tin
TC ṭ, ṣ6τ Between Kaneš and Wašhaniya Ṭ minas of tin w. fodder and guards
Between Wašhaniya and Ninašša ṣṢ minas of copper w. fodder
Between Ninašša and Ulama ṣṢ minas of copper w. fodder and grazing
From Ulama to Purušhaddum ṣṢ minas of copper
TTC 9 āl SAL-at (ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: ṭṬṢ Frauenstadt?) Ṭ/ṭ of a shekel ṣτ grains
Table τ: Locations and prices of inns attested in the Old Assyrian texts.
The amounts spent on inns were substantial and probably included in some of the expendi-
tures subsumed under the general heading fees / taxes (dātum) that occurs in hundreds of
caravan accounts. The constant low of traders spending part of their proceeds en route
through Syria and Anatolia must have affected the economy and subsistence of the communi-
ties affected by the trafic. Each donkey ate Ṭ - ṭ kg of fodder each day to survive, and in
Northern Syria, where hundreds of men and donkeys passed through a single inn each year,
growing the fodder necessary to run such a business would have been a full-time occupation.
The food consumption of an inn catering to large caravans would have equalled that of a vil-
lage, and the presence of an inn would no doubt have had notable consequences for the local
agricultural production and distribution. Manufacture had to be restructured to accommodate
the increased consumption, and the inns would have tied down a part of the available local
work force on a seasonal basis at least. The money pouring into the roadside communities
would have transformed the local economic base and the structures of political and social
power. Likely, the long-distance trade had a lasting impact not only on the communities
where the goods were bought and sold, but also by its effect on physical infrastructure and the
political and economical geography of the areas through which traders passed.
ṭ7
CHAPTER ṣ: APPENDIX ṣ:
Appendix 1:
Appendix 1.1 Selected references to guides (rādium)
Kt 87/k σ79 (l. σ-ṣṢ) Ú-lu-ma-ilτ ra-dí-ú-um a GAL sí-ki-tim Ulumail, the guide of the rabi sikkitim will
a-mì- a-am i-la-kam ak-lam ma-la ù é- go there, feed him a few times.
ni- u a-ki-ilτ- u
Kt 9σ/k 6Ṭ8 (l. σ-7) šÀ.BA ṭṢ ku-ta-ni a-na u-pu-nu-ma-an We gave ṭṢ kutānum-textiles thereof to
ni-dí-in τ TÚG a-na ra-dí-im I -hi-a-ni- šupunuman. Five to the guide from Išhianit.
tí-im
Kt 9σ/k 76Ṣ (l. ṣτ-ṣ9) τ ku-ta-ni ṣ i -tí-in ri-ik-sà-am a SÍG. We gave τ kutānum-textiles and one single
HI.A Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN ig-ru- u a-na ra-dí-im a package of wool – his wages were Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ
Ha-tim ni-dí-in shekels – to the guide from Hattum.
Kt 9σ/k ṣṣṬ6 (l. σ-8) mì- u a ‘a]-na-kam ra-dí-ú e-ta-wu-ú Why is it that the guides have been arguing
um-ma u-nu-ma ú-ha-ru-kà ú- á-tám here, saying: Your servants refuse to
a-ba-kam lá i-mu-ú transport the grain.
AKT ṣ, ṭ9b (l. ṣσ-ṣ6) IGI Lu-ùh-ra-ah- u ra-dí-ú a Ha-ra-á -tal Witness: Luhrahšu, the guide of Haraš-atal.
AKT Ṭ, Ṭσ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ6) ṭ TÚG.HI.A a ṣṢ GÍN.TA a-na a-wi- Give ṭ textiles, worth ṣṢ shekels each, to the
ilτ-tim dí-na-ma ra-dí-e lu tù-lá-biσ-i . lady so she can dress the guide.
BIN σ, ṬṢṭ (l. ṣṬ-ṣσ) ṣ/Ṭ GÍN í-im ki-ri-im a a-na ra-dí-im. Half a shekel (of silver was) the price of the
cup that was for the guide.
BIN 6, ṣṬṬ (l. σ-ṣṬ) lu ku-ta-nam ‘x x] lu a a-ki-dí-e [(x x)] Nobody is to take any kutānum-textiles, any
ma-ma-an lá ilτ-t‘a-na-qé] ú a-na ra-dí-im […] or any Akkadian textiles, and you (pl.)
ú DUB.SAR TÚG.HI.A i -‘té-e]n6 ú AN.NA should not give a single piece of textile or a
ṣ ma-na lá ta-da-na a-wa-at É-GAL-lim single mina of tin to the guide or the scribe.
da-‘na]. The orders from the palace are strict.
C ṣ6 (l. τ-ṣṬ) ṣṬ TÚG ku-ta-ni a Puzurσ-A- ur e-zi-ba- The ṣṬ kutānum-textiles that Puzur-Aššur left
ku-ni TÚG.HI.A a-na En-na-nim DUMU behind with you – assign those textiles to
A-biσ-a pí-qí-id-ma ù u-ut a-na ra-dí-e Ennam-Anum, son of Abiya, so that he
li-dí- u-nu-ma lu-ub-lu-ni-im. personally can give them to the guides to
bring them here.
CCT ṣ, Ṭ9 (l. Ṭ8-ṭṢ) [ṣ/]ṭ ma-na Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im ṬṬ shekels of silver, the price of the kutānum-
[ṣ TÚG] ku-ta-nim a a-ra-dí-im ni-dí-nu. textile that we gave to the guide.
CCT Ṭ, ṣ9b (l. ṣṣ-ṣ6) ki-ma í-lá-tám lá i- u-ú É.GAL-lúm ra- Since he did nothing wrong, the palace sent
dí- u a-na pá-tí i -pu-ra-ma a-na Wa-ah- u- its guide to the frontier and I will return to
a-na a-tù-ar. (Coll. Larsen). Wahšušana.
CCT τ, ṭb (l. ṭ-ṣṣ) ki-ma té-er-ta-kà a-na Za-al-pá i-li-kà-ni Since your message reached me in Zalpa, in
um-ma a-ta-ma a-ma-kam lá wa-á -ba-tí which you said: You should not stay there.
ra-dí-ú a-ma-kam e-mu-ru-kà-ma i-a-um The guides will see you there, and I refuse to
a-na-kam li-bi e am-ra-a a-na Té-ga-r‘a- worry here. Go to Tegarama and stay in
ma] e-tí-iq-ma i-na Té-ga-ra-ma lu wa-á - Tegarama! .
ba-tí
Kt c/k ṬṢσ (l. ṬṬ-Ṭσ) Ṭ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na Ṭ ki-re-en I paid Ṭ/ṭ shekels for Ṭ jars for the guides
a-na ra-dí-e a i -tí-a i-li-ku-şniš á -qúl who went with me.
Kt c/k σσṣ (l. ṭ9-σṢ, σ qá-tí a-na ra-dí-e ... mì-ma a-nim i-na σ … to the guides … all this I gave in
στ-σ6) Bur-hi-im a-dí-in Burhum.
ṭ8
APPENDIX ṣ.ṣ
I σṬ9 (l. σσ-σ6, ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.[BABBAR] a- a tí-tù-ri a- I paid half a shekel of silver to the bridge-
τṭ-ττ) u-mì dIM-ba-ni a-dí-in … 7 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ. keeper on behalf of Adad-bani … I paid 7 ṣ/Ṭ
BABBAR a- a ma- a-‘ra-tim] á -qúl ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the guard. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-dí-e a pá-ni shekels of silver for the guides who went out
Li-bur-be-lí ú- ú-ú-ni a-dí-in before Libur-beli.
ICK ṣ, ṣτ (l. σ-τ, ṣ TÚG Dam-na ù A- u-la ra-dí-ú a a-na- The guides Damna and Ašula, who are here,
Ṭ7-Ṭ8) kam ub-lu-ni-kum … a- u-mì ṣ TÚG brought ṣ textile to you … Let your message
a ra-dí-ú ub-lu-ni-ku-ni té-er-ta-kà li-li- come here regarding the textile, which the
kam guides brought you.
ICK ṭ, Ṭṣb (l. Ṭ-6) [KIšIB ...] DUMU Pu-li-n‘a KIšIB ... [Sealed by PN] son of Pulina, [Sealed by PN]
D]UMU Tí-ri-ku-da [KIšIB ...] ra-dí-im son of Tirikuda, [Sealed by PN] the guide of
a ru-ba-im [KIšIB A- í-e-et a-lá]-hi-nim the king, [Sealed by Ašiet], the alahinnum of
a Ta-ta- a KIšIB Hi-i -ta-ah- u] GAL Tataša, [Sealed by Hištahšu], his chief of
a-biσ- u forces.
Kt m/k Ṭσ (l. Ṭṭ-Ṭ8, ṣ/Ṭ ma-na τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i‘ -t]í ṭτ shekels of silver are with šupunahšu of
ṭ8-ṭ9) u-pu-na-ah- u a na- í-i‘r] a-limki ṣṬ GÍN the City Guard, ṣṬ shekels of silver are with
KÙ.BABBAR KI Kà-ri-a GAL pá- u-ri 9 Kariya the chief of the table, 9 shekels are
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tí I-na-ar-me-i with Inar-mei, the envoy of Bēt Marila ...
a-pí-ri-im ‘ ]a É Ma-ri-lá … ṣṢ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN ṣṢ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver are with Kapu-uman,
KÙ.BABBAR KI Kà-‘pu]-ú-ma-an ra-dí- the guide of šupunahšu.
im a u-pu-na-ah- u
Kt m/k ṭτ (l. ṭ7-ṭ8) ṣṢ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR KI Kà-pu-ú- ṣṢ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver are with Kapu-uman,
ma-an ra-dí-im a u-pu-na-ah- u the guide of šupunahšu.
Kt m/k ṣṬ7 (l. ṣσ-ṣτ) σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-n‘a] ra-dí-im σ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver to the guide of the rabi
a GAL s‘í-ki-tim] sikkitim.
Kt m/k ṣṭṭ (l. σ-6, ṣ GÍN [a]-na ra-dí-im a a-dí ‘t]í-tù-ri-im ṣ shekel of silver for the guide who went as
ṣṭ-ṣσ) i-li-ku … σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KU.BABBAR a-na far as the bridge … σ ṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver to
ra-dí-im a GAL sí-ki-tim the guide of the rabi sikkitim.
KTH ṣσ (l. 6-8) ra-dí-e ù ú-ha-ar-kà URUDU a-na (The rabi sikkitim said:) let my guide and
KÙ.BABBAR ù KÙ.GI li-dí-nu-ma your retainer give the copper for silver and
gold
KTK 6σ (l. 8-ṣτ) ki-ma a-Tí-me-‘e]l-ki-a e-ru-bu té-er- tù - u When he enters Timelkiya he should send a
a- é-ri-kà li-li-kam-ma ra-dí-am i -tí A-zu message to you, and you should ask for a
e-ri-i -ma a- é-er A-lá -biσ-im ù-ru-sú-ma guide from Azu (king of Luhuzattiya), and
… then you must send him to Ali-abum.
KTP σ (l. ṣσ-Ṭσ) um-ma ‘ ]u-ut-ma a-na bu x u […] a He said: Do not release them for the … of
‘W]a-ah- u- a-na lá tù- ar- u-nu a-na-ku Wahšušana . It is not I who will release them
a -na pu-úz-ri-im lá ú- ar- u-nu um-ma to (take) shelter. I said: The elders give
a-na-ku-ma í-bu-tum a-na ru-ba-im ù advice to the king and the envoys, and why
í-ip-ri i-ma-li-ku mì-nam á-hu-ú té-i-ra- do they interfere? As to the messages for the
tim ‘a]-na ru-ba-im ra-dí-um a up-pá-am king – the guide who brings the letter to you
‘na]- á -a-ku-nu-‘tí]-ni na- í also brings them.
KTS ṣ, τṭc (l. 6-8) ṣτ GÍN a-na ra-dí-im ni-dí-in We gave ṣτ shekels (of tin) to the guide.
ṭ9
Kt n/k Ṭṣṣ (l. ṭ-ṣ8) a-na-kam ru-ba-um ‘x x] Ha-na-um ra-dí-am Here the king […] summoned Hanaum the
i -tí ‘x- ]í-a ú- á-hi-ma um-ma u-ut-ma a-na guide, together with […] iya, saying:
Ha-tù- a-im pí-qí-sú-ma ú a Ha-tù- a-um Entrust him to the man of Hattuš, and let
i-qá-biσ-ú- u-ni ha-ra-nam a- ar a-lá-mì- u him go where it is safe (to go) according to
li-li-ik a-na u-pì-lu-li-a ha-ra-nam what the man of Hattuš will tell him. He (i.e.
i-dí- u-um-ma um-ma u-ut-ma u-pì-lu-li-a- the man of Hattuš) made him travel to
um a-na Kà-ra-ah-na li-ir-de8-e-kà í-a-tí šuppiluliya, saying: Let the man of
e-zi-ib-ma a- ar li-bi- u-ma i-ta-lá-ak um-ma šuppiluliya lead you (on) to Karahna , but he
Ha-tù- a-um-ma mì- u-ba a- ar aq-biσ-ú- u- (i.e. […] iya) ignored this, and he went as he
ni ú ra-dí-i i-ra-de8-ú- u-ni-ma lá i-lik pleased, so the Man of Hattuš said: Why did
he not go where I told him, and where my
guide would lead him? .
Kt n/k ṭ88 (l. ṭ8) Ṭ ra-dí-ú a Lu-ha-i-im i -tí-a wa-á -bu The two guides of the man of Luha are
staying with me.
Kt n/k ṣṣ99 (l. ṣṢ-ṣ7) Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ig-ri ra-dí-e dí-in Give Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver as hire for the
ṣ/Ṭ ma-na LÁ 7 GÍN pá- u-um i-ku-nu-ki-a guides. The guide brings to you an axe
kà-ni-ik-ma ra-dí-ú-um na-á -a-ku-um weighing half a mina less 7 shekels sealed
with my seal.
Kt n/k ṣστṬ (l. σ-ṣσ) 7 kà-ar-pát ki-ra-na-am ra-dí-e-um ù The guide and Ennam-Aššur are bringing
En-um-A- ur na-á -ú-ni-kum a-ma-kam you 7 jugs of wine. There you are to dress
ra-dí-a-am lu ku-sí-ta-am a Ma-ma lu the guide in a kusītum from Mamma or
Ta-al-a-at la-biσ- u Talhat.
OIP Ṭ7, τσ (l. ṣṭ-ṬṬ) [x] GÍN AN.NA ig-ri ra-de8-e-em a i -t‘ù] [x] shekels of tin: hire for the guide, who
U -ha-ni-a a-na Ma-li-‘ta] i -tí-ni i-li-ku ṭ went with us from Wašhaniya to Malitta.
ma-na URUDU í-ku-um i -tù Ma-li-ta-a From Malitta to Wahšušana I paid ṭ minas of
a-dí Wa-ah- u- a-na ig-re-e ra-de8-e-em ikkum-copper for the hire of a Malittian
Ma-li-ta-i-im á -qúl guide.
OIP Ṭ7, ττ (l. σ9-τṣ) 8 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- a ma- a-ra- I paid 8 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the guard. I
tim Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-dí-im a paid Ṭ shekels of silver for the guide who
a-pá-ni Li-bur-be-lí ú- ú-ú. went out before Libur-beli. (Cf. I σṬ9 and
KTB ṣṬ).
Kt s/k τσ (l. ṣṣ-ṣṭ) IGI Pé-ru-a ra-dí-im a É Ma-ri-la Witness: Peruwa, the guide of Bēt Marila.
TC ṭ, ṣ66 (l. τ-ṬṬ) ṣ TÚG ku-ta-nam i-na Za-al-pá ANšE A donkey was lost in Zalpa and they took a
ih-li-iq-ma ilτ-qé-ú ṣṢ TÚG.HI.A i-na kutānum-textile. ṣṢ textiles were lost in
Da-da-ni-a ih-li-qú-ma ṣ TÚG ku-ta-nam Dadaniya and the Dadaniyan (king) took a
Da-da-na-i-um ilτ-qé ṣ TÚG ra-dí-ú ilτ-qé-ú kutānum-textile. The guides took a textile.
ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.GI pá- a-lúm a-na ru-ba-im ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of pa allum-gold for the king.
ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na ni-ga-li a-na kà- í-im i-na ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of sickles for the ka um in
Za-al-pá Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- ar Zalpa. He left Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver with the
TÚG.HI.A e-zi-bu σ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na textiles. σ shekels of silver for the Kanešite
ra-dí-im kà-ni- í-im a á -pu-ru σ GÍN guide that I sent. σ shekels of silver was their
ni-is-ha-sú-nu a e-kál-lim import-tax for the palace.
TC ṭ, Ṭṣṣ (l. σṭ-σ9) Ṭ6 ma-na LÁ ṭ GÍN AN.NA a-na É.GAL- I paid Ṭ6 minas less ṭ shekels of tin to the
lim á -qúl ṣ ṣ/ṭ ma-na AN.NA a-na ra-dí-im palace. I paid ṣ ṣ/ṭ minas of tin to the guide
a ru-ba-tim á -qúl ṣ/Ṭ ma-na τ GÍN AN.NA of the queen. I gave ṣ/Ṭ a mina and τ shekels
ú sà-he-er-tám a-na ma-li-ki-im a ru-ba-im of tin and some small goods to the king s
a-dí-in mì-ma a-nim i-na Ti-me-el-ki-a counsellor. All of this in Timelkiya.
Kt t/k ṣ (l. Ṭ7-ṭτ) ṣṢ ma-na URUDU a-na ra-dí-im a-na I gave the alahinnum ṣṢ minas of copper for
a-lá-hi-nim a-dí-in-ma a-dí a-pá-at na-ri-im the guide (and) he led me to the river bank. I
ir-de8-a-ni ṣ ma-na a-na ma-lá-hi-im a-dí-in paid ṣ mina to the boatman. All this I paid
mì-ma a-nim i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a- u-mì out in Wahšušana because of the perdum.
pé-er-dí-im ú- a-qí-ilτ
σṢ
APPENDIX ṣ.Ṭ
Kt t/k Ṭτ (ṣ6-ṬṬ) τ ma-na URUDU a-na ra-dí-im a-dí-in-ma I gave τ minas of copper to the guide, and he
a-na a-pá-at na-ri-im ú- é-ra-ni mì-ma took me to the river bank. All this I paid out
a-nim i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a- u-mì pé-erin Wahšušana because of the perdum.
dim ú- a-qí-ilτ
VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6 (l. σ-ṣσ) 6 ANšE.HI.A ṣτ GÚ URUDU SIGτ 6 donkeys and ṣτ talents of copper of good
mì-i -lu-um ma-sí-um mì-i -lu-um ha-bu-ra- quality – half of it reined and half of it from
ta-i-um ù ú-ha-ru-a i-na Tí-ta-tim de8-ku ù Haburat – and my servants have been killed
URUDU-i i-tab-lu ra-dí-am ù ANšE-ri ú-lá in Titatum and they have led away my copper.
ar-tí- í a-du-um URUDU-i-a ù da-me a I have not obtained (new) donkeys or a guide.
ú-ha-ri-a i-na Tù-ùh-pì-a wa-á -ba-ku ... I am staying in Tuhpiya due to my copper and
the blood money for my servants ...
Appendix 1.Ṭ Selected references to fast transports (bātiqum)
Kt 9σ/k σσṣ (l. Ṭ6-Ṭ9) ki-ma té-ru-ba-ni i -tí ba-tí-qí-im pá-ni-im- When you enter, let your message come here
ma té-er-ta-ku-nu li-li-kam with the irst bātiqum.
Kt 9σ/k 9Ṭṭ (l. ṣτ-ṣ9) ‘x k]u-un-kà-ma a-na E-ni-i -ta-ri-im Seal the [object], give it to Eniš-tarim and
dí-na-ma i -tí ba-tí-qí-im a a-na pá-ni send him with the bātiqum that will come
ILLAT-tim i-lá-kà-ni ahead of the caravan.
Kt 9σ/k ṣṭ6σ (l. na-á -pè-ra-tim a A-limki a En-na-num Pay attention to the missives from the City
ṣṣ-ṣ7) ub-lá-ku-ni i-hi-id-ma a-ba-tí-qí-im pá-ni- that Ennanum brought to you, and give it
im-ma dí-in-ma lu-ub-lu i -tí wa-‘ ]í-im (your answer) to the very irst bātiqum so
pá-ni-im-ma lu- í-am they may bring it. He should leave with the
irst travellers to depart.
Kt 9σ/k ṣσττ (l. τ-9, u-ma-a-mì-in hu-ru-um a-mì-um pá-té-a- If indeed that opportunity was open for me
Ṭ7-Ṭ9) ma ma-a á -ri- a-am ú- u-ra-ku a-dí-mì-in and I would indeed be free to go there, would
uσ-mì-im a-nim a A-lu-wa i-li-kà-ni ma-a then until this day, when Aluwa came, at
KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ ma-na pá-ni-am-ma i -tí least ṣṢ minas of silver not have come to you
ba-tí-qí-im lá i-li-kà-ku-ni … A-lu-wa quickly with a bātiqum? … and send Aluwa
i -tí ba-tí-qí-im ù-ur-da-ma lá-li-ik-ma. with a bātiqum.
Kt 9σ/k ṣτṬτ (l. 6-ṣṣ) i-hi-id-ma KÙ.BABBAR a li-bi-kà ù a Take care to send me the silver in your
e -tí a-hi-im ù eb-ri-im té-ri- a-ni ì -tí possession as well as what you may ask for
ba-tí-qí-im é-biσ-lam from brother and friend with a bātiqum.
AKT 6, Ṭṭṣ (l. ṣτ-ṣ8) up-pá-am u-a-tí za-ku-sà a-na A-lu-wa Give this cleared tablet to Aluwa and send
dí-na-ma i -tí ba-tí-qí-im pá-ni-im-ma him with the irst bātiqum.
ù-ur-da-ni- u
AKT 6, Ṭσṭ (l. ṭ7-ṭ9) ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-pá-ni-a i -tí Send half a mina of silver to me personally
ba-tí-qí-im pá-ni-e-ma é-biσ-lam with the irst bātiqum.
AKT 6, ṭṣṢ (l. Ṭτ-Ṭ7) za-ku-sà a-na mì-ma ‘tí]-ir-tí-a i -tí Send me a report concerning all my
ba-tí-qí-im u-up-ra-nim-ma úz-ni pè-té-a instructions with a bātiqum to inform me.
AKT 6, ṭ8ṭ (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ8) KÙ.BABBAR ṣ ma-na tí-ri i-na Get every mina of tiri-silver from our
KÙ.BABBAR-áp a-bi-ni le-qé-a-ma i -tí father s silver and send it here with a
ba-tí-qí-im ú-lá i -tí ú-ha-ri-a é-biσ-lá- bātiqum or with my servant, so our father s
nim-ma lu-qú-ut a-bi-ni a- ar u-ul-mì-im goods may be retrieved safely.
li- í-li-ih
CCT ṭ, ṣτ (l. ṭ7-σṣ) Ṭ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR mu-lá KÙ. Make the Ṭ/ṭ mina of silver, the remainder of
BABBAR-pí- u a a-na bé-a-lim ta-dí-na- his silver, which you gave to him to dispose
u-ni i -tí ba-tí-qí-im a-ak- í-dá-ni over, catch up with me by bātiqum.
σṣ
CCT ṭ, σṣb (l. Ṭ6-Ṭ9) u-ma a-hi a-ta i -tí ba-tí-qí-im a-wa-at-kà If you are truly my brother, let your word
li-li-kam-ma úz-ni pì-té come here with a bātiqum and inform me.
CCT σ, Ṭ8b (l. ṣṭ-ṣ8) i-na UTU- i a up-pá-am ta- a-me-ú The day you hear my tablet, write the
na-á -pé-ra-tim lá-pí-ta-ma a-na ba-tí-qí-im messages and give them to a bātiqum so that
dí-in-ma lu- a-ak- í-du-nim they can come here.
CCT σ, ṭ7b (l. ṣ7, up-pá-am a kà-ri-im … i -tí ba-tí-qí-im Send … the tablet of the colony … with a
Ṭṭ-Ṭσ) é-biσ-lam bātiqum.
CCT σ, σṣb (l. 7-ṣṬ, KÙ a TÚG.HI-tí me-eh-ra-tim ki-ma Send me silver equivalent to the (value) of
ṣτ-ṣ9) ta-ga-mì-la-ni KI ba-tí-qí-im pá-ni-e-ma the textiles – as much as you (pl.) are willing
é-biσ-la-nim … i-nu-mì tù- é-ba-lá-ni-ni to do me a favour – with the very irst
u-mì la tù-wa-da-a u-mì DAM.GAR bātiqum … When you send it to me, then do
-ri-im wa-dí-a ih-da-ma i-ba-tí-qí-im not advertise my name. Have it sent
é-biσ-lá-nim anonymously (lit. belonging to a merchant ).
Take care and send it with a bātiqum.
CCT σ, σ8b (l. ṣ7-Ṭσ) ṣ TÚG ra-qá-tám SIGτ GA-ta-tám a-ma- Buy a thin, good … textile and send it here
nim-ma i -tí a ha-ra-na-tim é-biσ-lá-nim with the travellers on the road. Write to me
í-im-ş uš u-up-ra-ni-ma KI ba-tí-‘qí]-im the price (of the texile), and I will send it to
lu- é-biσ-lam you with a bātiqum.
CCT τ, τb (l. ṣṭ-ṣ6) i-na e-ra-ab AN.NA a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà Upon the entry of the tin, we will do business
ni- a-a-ma-ku-um KI ba-tí-qí-im nu- é-ba- for you according to your instruction, and we
lá-ku-um. will make purchases for you. We will send it
to you with a bātiqum.
Kt c/k ṣṬṬ ki-ma up-pá-am ta-á -me-a-ni ṭṢ ma-na When you hear the tablet, seal ṭṢ minas of
KÙ.BABBAR ku-un-kà-ma i-ba-tí-qí-im silver and send it to šalim-beli in the irst
pá-nim-ma a-lim-be-lí urσ-da-nim bātiqum.
I σσṬ (l. σ8-τṢ) ki-ma ru-ba-um i-mu- u i -tí ba-tí-‘qí]-im When the king has departed, let your
té-er-ta-kà li-li-kam-ma ur-ki lu-qú-tim a message come here with a bātiqum and then I
DAM.GÀR lá-ak- u-ud u-ma ba-tí-qú-um will come for the merchant s goods. If there
i-pá-ni-a i-ba- í up-pá-kà ú-lá pá-ni is a bātiqum before me, your message need
not come here irst.
I 678 (l. Ṭ -σ ) ki-ma té-er-tí ta-á -me-ú-ni té-er-ta-kà i -tí When you hear my message, let your
ba-tí-qí-im pá-nim-ma ‘li-li-kam] message come with the very irst bātiqum.
KTS ṣ, 9a (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ6) KÙ.BABBAR é-bi-lam i-pá-ni-im-ma Send the money with the very irst bātiqum,
ba-tí-qí-im i-hi-id-ma KÙ.BABBAR ma-la and take care to send me as much silver as
é-bu-li-im é-bi-lam possible.
KUG στ (l. ṣτ -ṣ6 ) ù a-ta TÚG.HI-tí KI b‘a-tí-qí-im] ‘pá-n]i- And you should personally send the textiles
im-ma é-bi-lam with the very irst bātiqum.
Kt m/k 7Ṭ (l. ṣσ -ṣτ ) i-ba-tí-qí-im pá-n‘im-ma] té-er-ta-kà Let your message come with the very irst
li-l‘i-kam-ma] bātiqum.
Kt n/k ṣ7ṣ (l. Ṭτ-Ṭ9) AN.NA ma-lá ta-á -a-ma-ni-ni ú u-ma a Let your message come to me with a bātiqum
é-ep I-ku-pì-a lu-qú-tí mì-ma ta-ra-dé i -tí about all the tin you bought and whether you
ba-tí-qí-im té-er-ta-kà li-li-kam-ma lead in any of my merchandise that was
transported by Ikun-piya.
Kt n/k ṬṢ6 (l. ṬṢ-Ṭ6) i-na wa-ar-ki-tim i-li-kà-ma um-ma u-ut-ma Later he came, and said: There is a bātiqum
ba-tí-qú-um a- é-er a-bi-a i-ba- í up-pá-am (leaving) for my father. Write a letter so that
lá-pí-ta-ma lu-ub-lu a-na-ku ú Ú- ur- a-A- they may bring it . I myself, and U ur-ša-
ur nu-lá-pí-sú-ma um-ma né-nu-ma a-lik Aššur, we wrote it, and said: Go and give it
a-ba-tí-qí-im dí-in to the bātiqum .
σṬ
APPENDIX ṣ.ṭ
TC ṣ, 7 (l. τ-ṣṬ) ki-ma té-er-tí ú- é-ri-ba-ku-ni ṭ GÍN i-na When he leads in my message to you, give
KÙ.BABBAR-pí-a dí- u-ma τ uσ-me-e lá him ṭ shekels out of my silver and don t let
i-sà-hu-ur i -tí ba-tí-qí-im ù-ur-da- u him tarry for (more than) τ days. Send him
with a bātiqum.
TC Ṭ, 7 (l. ṣṢ-ṣτ) ANšE ṣṢ ù ṬṢ bu-tù-uq-tum i-na giτ-gam-lim The donkeys that are lacking – ṣṢ or ṬṢ –
a-am-ú e-ru-bu-nim-ma AN.NA ni- a-am- have been bought at the gigamlum. As soon
ma i-ba-tí-qí-im pá-nim-ma nu- é-ba-lá-kum as they enter (Assur), we will buy the tin, and
send it with the irst bātiqum.
VS Ṭ6, 67 (l. Ṭσ-Ṭ6) ih-da-ma lu a ba-ab-tí-a a uσ-me lu a Take care and send me a inal report
i-ta-a -lim lu a ni-kà-sí-a i -tí ba-tí-qí-im concerning my outstanding claims on terms,
za-ku-tám u-up-ra-nim that which has been sold for cash, and that
which has been accounted for with a
bātiqum.
Appendix 1.ṭ Selected references to roads:
Kt 9σ/k ṭ7τ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ8) ku- ú-um ma-ad e-ma-ru-um a-na a-lá- There is a lot of cold (snow), and it is not
ki-im lá na- ù-ú i-na na-áp-tí ha-ra-nim … feasible for the donkey to walk. When the
roads open …
AKT 6, στṣ (l. σ-6) a-na-ku ù u-ut i-na ga-bar-tí ha-ra-nim He and I met each other on the … of the
ni-mì-hi-ir-ma road.
Kt 9σ/k 769 (l. 6-7) i-na ha-ra-nim ni-mì-hi-ir-ma um-ma We met each other on the road, and I said.
a-na-ku-ma
Kt 9σ/k ṣṣṬ7 (l. Ṭτ) ki-ma ha-ra-num na-áp-tù As the road opens …
AKT 6, ṭ66 (l. 9-ṣτ) sí-hi-tum i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ha-ra-num … There is turmoil in Purušhaddum. There is no
a- ar e-ra-bi-im ú-lá i-ba- í road to enter (either Ulama or šalatuwar or
here to šabaya).
Kt a/k τ79 (l. 6-8) a-na a-lá-tí-wa-ar ha-ra-na-tum lá na- ù The roads to šalatuwar are not feasible, so I
a-tù-ar-ma a-na Ú-la-ma e-li will turn around and go up to Ulama.
Kt c/k σ7σ (l. Ṭ7-Ṭ8) ha-ra-na-tum a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at lá The roads to Kuburnat are not feasible.
na- ù-ma
Kt c/k τṭ8 (l. ṣṢ-ṣ6) u-ma a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ‘ha-ra-num lá If the road to Wahšušana is not open, have
pá]-tí-a-at ‘ú-lu] a-Ha-na-ak-na-ak lu my goods brought here to Hanaknak or to
a-Ku-bu-ur-na-at a- ar ha-ra-nu-um Kuburnat where the road is open.
pá-tí-a-at-ni lu-qú-tí é-bi-lam
CCT Ṭ, ṬṢ (l. ṬṬ-Ṭ6) a- a-me-ma ha-ra-nam ú- í-ru ki-ma I hear that they opened the road. When they
ha-ra-nam ú- í-ru-ni lu-qú-tí áb-kà-nim open the road lead my goods here. I will
lá-at-be-a-ma lá-tal-kam take off and come.
CCT ṭ, Ṭ6a (l. ṭ-ṣṣ) a-dí KÙ.BABBAR a AN.NA-ki-kà mì-ma Regarding the silver for your tin, do not
li-ba-kà lá i-pá-ri-id KÙ.BABBAR i -tí worry. I did not have the silver sent to you
a-li-ki a a-aq-tù-ni lá ú- é-biσ-lá-kum i-na with the travellers who were mugged. When
na-áp-tù ha-ra-nim ú- é-ba-lá-kum the road opens, I will have it sent to you.
σṭ
CCT ṭ, σ9b (l. ṭ-ṣτ) a-du-um URUDU-i-kà a-na a biσ-lá-tim Concerning your copper, Adad- ulluli and I
a-na-ku ù dIM- ú-lu-li ni-i -pu-ur-ma ki-ma have sent for porters, but because glazed
sú-ur-pí-li-nu ha-ra-na-tim ú-kà-lu-ni frost is on the roads, they refused to go. I
a-lá-kam lá im-tù-ú-nim a-na ANšE.HI.A have just sent a message to Ili-wedaku for
a- é-er Ì-lí-we-da-ku á -ta-pár u-ma ANšE some donkeysŞ if he does not bring donkey(s)
lá u -té-ri-am i-a-ú-tum-ma ANšE.HI.A to me, and if my own donkeys have
sú-ri li-id-ni-nu-ma i-a-ú-tim-ma ANšE. recovered, I will load my own donkeys.
HI.A e-ma-a‘d]
Kt g/t ṭτ (l. ṭσ-ṭ7) uσ-ma-am ta-á -pu-ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma Now you wrote to me, saying: Why do you
a-mì-nim ha-‘ra-nam] lá tù- a-ra-am not open the road for me? I will open the
ha-ra-nam lu- í-ir road (from here).
Ka ṣṣṣṭ (l. Ṭ -τ ) u-ma ha-ra-nu-um i- a-ar-tum lá na- ù a-na If the direct road is not feasible, then have
A-al-i-a- a é-tí-qam (the copper) travel here to Aliašša.
Kt m/k ṣṭ (l. Ṭσ-Ṭ8) i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim sí-hi-tum we-dum-ma There is turmoil in Purušhaddum. I can not
ú-lá e-ra-áb i-na na-áp-tù ha-ra-nim i -tí enter on my own. When the road reopens, I
pá-nim-ma e-ra-áb-ma will enter without delay, and …
POAT Ṭ8 (l. ṭ-7) ki-ma sí-kà-tù-ni-ma ù ha-ra-nu-um Since there is a sikkātum and the roads are
da-na-at-ni Hu-ut-kà lá a -ru-da-am ki-ma dangerous, I have not led (the shipment) to
ha-ra-nu-um i- í-ru-ma a-li-ku pá-ni-ú-tum Hutka. When the road is free and the irst
i -li-mu-ni-ni caravan arrived safely here, (I will send
Hutka with silver).
VS Ṭ6, ṣ8 (l. 8-ṣṬ) TÚG.HI kà-lá- u-nu ú a-na-tim a-na Entrust all the textiles and the kettles to
Ì-lí-we-da-ku pì-iq-da-ma ha-ra-an Ili-wedaku, so that he can pack them for (the)
Durσ-hu-mì-it li-is-ri-dam Durhumit road.
Appendix 1.4 Selected references to transport-wagons (eriqqum)
Kt 87/k ṭ8ṣ (l. 6-7) ṣṬ GÍN a-sú-ba-ri-im a-na σ e-ri-qá-tim e- í ṣṬ shekels to the Subarean7 τ/6 shekels (of
8 LÁ ṣ/6 GÍN silver) for σ wagonloads of wood.
Kt 87/k σṭṬ (l. 7-8) σ e-ri-qá-tim a tí-ib-nim σ wagonloads of straw (as interest).
Kt 87/k σṭ6 (l. ṬṬ-Ṭṭ) ṣσ ma-na URUDU ig-ri e-ri-qí-im ṣσ minas of copper as rent for a wagon (to
Wahšušana).
Kt 87/k σ6σ (l. ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ lu ga-am-ru-um lu ig-ri I paid half a mina of silver for the expendi-
ṬṢ-Ṭṭ) e-ri-qá-tim á -qúl tures and for the rent of wagons.
Kt 88/k 7ṣ (l. Ṭṭ) ṣ GÍN a-na e-ri-qí-im a tí-ib-nim ṣ shekel for a wagonload of straw.
Kt 88/k ṣṢσ6 τ e-ri-qá-tim a e- í τ wagonloads of wood
Kt 9ṣ/k ṣṭṢa (l. ṭ e-ri-qá-tim a e- í i- é-er Ha-pu-a- u ú Hapuaššu and Kapasili owe ṭ wagonloads of
τ -8 ) Kà-pá-sí-li Ha- u-i i- u wood to Haššui.
Kt 9ṣ/k σ66 (l. Ṭ-ṭ) ṣ ṣ/ṭ GÍN a-na e-ri-qí-im qá-nu-e á -qúl I paid ṣ ṣ/ṭ shekels of silver for a wagonload
ṣ Ṭ/ṭ a-sú-ba-ri-im á -qúl of reed. I paid ṣ Ṭ/ṭ shekels to the Subarean.
Kt 9ṣ/k τσ9 (l. 8-9) i -té-et i-ri-qám a tí-ib-nim […] a single wagon of straw.
Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ6) 7 GÍN AN.NA i -tù a-al Kà-ni- í-e a-dí 7 shekels of tin for the hire of a wagon from
Tí-me-el-ki-a a-na ig-ri e-ri-qí-im āl Kani ī ē to Timelkiya.
σσ
APPENDIX ṣ.σ
Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭṣṭ (l. σ-8, a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà ṣṢ GÚ URUDU SIGτ In accordance with your message (about the)
ṣσ-ṬṬ) a-na-kam kà-ni- i-e ni-guτ-ur-ma i-na ṣṢ talents (ṭṢṢ kg) of copper, we hired some
e-ri-qí-im ù-bu-lu-ni-ku-um … šU.NÍGIN Kanešites here and they will bring it to you
ṣ/ṭ ma-na ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na in a wagon … Pay in all Ṭṣ shekels of silver
kà-ni- i-e a ha-ra-na-tim u-qú-ul ṭ to the Kanešite transporters. ṭ bags of copper
i-lá-tù-um URUDU ku-nu-ku-kà e-ri-qú-um are under your seal. A wagon is at your
ku-a-tí i-za-za-ku-um a-na-kam Puzurσ-A- ur disposal. Here, Puzur-Aššur spent τ minas of
τ ma-na URUDU a-na ú-ku-ul-tí- u-nu copper for their food. We paid τ Ṭ/ṭ minas of
ig-mu-ur τ Ṭ/ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na copper for the wagon.
e-ri-qí-im ni-i -qú-ul
Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭṣ9 (l. 6-ṣṢ) LUGAL-Sú-in uσ-ma-am i -tí-in kà-ru-um The colony has detained šarrum-Suen for a
ik-ta-lá e-ri-qá-tù- u ṣṢ uσ-me-e i-pá-ni- u single day. His wagons have left ten days
i-tal-kà ahead of him.
Kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ ṣ na-ru Ṭ kàr-pát ki- í-ni ù ṭ e-ri-qá-tim a One naruq and Ṭ karpat of ki anu-seed and
tí-ib-nim i -tí GUDUσ a ‘x-x]-kà- í-a ṭ wagonloads of straw are with the […]
ub-ri-ni kaššiya priest, our guest.
Kt 9σ/k ṣτṭ (l. ṣσ-Ṭ6) URUDU a-na a-lá-tù-ar é-bi-lá-ma Have the copper transported to šalatuwar and
KÙ.BABBAR í-im URUDU é-biσ-lá-nim send me the silver, the proceeds of the
[x+]σ ṣ/Ṭ GÙ URUDU í-ku-um DUMU copper. [x+]σ ṣ/Ṭ talents of ikku-copper is
Pu-zu-ur-Sú-i‘n] Ha-hi-um ha-bu-u‘l] owed by Puzur-Suen, the Hahhean. I left that
URUDU ù- é-zi-ba-m‘a] a-á -qí-lá- u-m‘a] copper behindŞ make him pay, and … in a
i-na e-ri-qí-‘im] a-ma-ma ‘ù a]-na Pu-ru- wagon so that he can bring it to
‘u -ha-dim UR]UDU lu-ub-‘lam]. Purušhaddum.
Kt 9σ/k σσ7 (l. Ṭṣ-ṬṬ) Ṭ ṣ/6 GÍN a-na e-ri-qí-im tí-ib-nim Ṭ ṣ/6 shekels for a wagonload of straw.
Kt 9σ/k τττ (l. ṣṣ-ṣσ) Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN ṣτ šE a-na Ṭ e-re-qé-en a Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ shekels ṣτ grains for Ṭ wagonloads of
tí-ib-nim ṣ ṣ/σ GÍN a-sú-ba-ri-im straw. ṣ ṣ/σ shekel for the Subarean.
Kt 9σ/k 67ṭ (l. ṣṬ-ṣτ) ṣτ GÍN AN.NA a-na e-ri-qí-im á -qúl I paid ṣτ shekels of tin for a wagon.
Kt 9σ/k ṣτṣṬ (l. 9-ṣṣ) τ e-ri-qá-tim a e- é-e a-ni i- a-da-dam He will haul τ wagonloads of wood to me
now.
Kt a/k τṭ7 (l. ṣ-6) ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na e-ri-qí-im a I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for a wagonload
e- í á -qú-ul ṣ ṣ/6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na of wood. I paid ṣ ṣ/6 shekels of silver for
e-ri-qí-ma á -qúl Ṭ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR another wagonload. I paid Ṭ/ṭ shekel of
a-na ha-me-e á -qúl silver for (wood) shavings.
AKT 6, ṣ76 (l. Ṭ6-ṭṣ) a í-tí lu-qú-tí-kà URUDU í-kam ú For the remainder of your goods – ikkum-
URUDU ma-sí-am e-ri-qá-tim a-sí-dí-ir-ma copper and reined copper – I have outitted
a-na DUMU um-me-a-nim ke-nim áp-nu-ma wagons and turned to a reliable afiliated
i -tí e-ri-qá-tí- u-ma IGI A-lu-wa-ma i -tù trader, who left with his own wagons before
ṣṢ uσ-me-e i-ta- a-ma Aluwa ten days ago.
AKT 6, ṭ89 (l. ṣṬ-ṣτ) a-na-kam i-nu-mì e-ri-qá-tim a-na Pu-ru-u - Here, when I sent off the wagons to
ha-dim i -tí Dan-A- ur DUMU Puz‘urσ-A- Purušhaddum with Dan-Aššur, son of
ur] a-bu-ku Puzur-Aššur.
AKT 6, στ9 (l. Ṭ7-Ṭ8) 6 e-ri-qá-tum i -tí A- í-ú-ma-an 6 wagons are owed by Ašiuman.
ATHE 67 (l. σ-τ) ù σ e-ri-qá-tum a e- í [...] and σ wagonloads of wood (as a claim).
στ
Kt b/k 66τ (l. ṣ-Ṭṣ) ṣṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-nu-mì A-bi-lá-ma-sí I gave ṣṣ shekels of silver on behalf of
a-na Hu-ra-ma i-li-ku a- u-mì Na-áb-Sú-in Nab-Suen when Abi-lamassi went to
a-dí-in ṣτ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR Na-áb-Sú-in Hurama. Nab-Suen took ṣτ shekels of silver
a-na qá-tí- u ilτ-qé ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR for his disposition. I paid ṣṢ shekels of silver
a-na e-ri-qá-tim a ú- í-tim á -qúl 6½ GÍN for the wagons with grain. I paid 6 ṣ/Ṭ shekel
KÙ.BABBAR a-na e-ri-qí-im a ú-nu-ut-kà of silver for the wagon with your equipment.
á -qúl [x GÍN] a-na ‘ a ma- a-r]a-tim á -qúl I paid […] for the guards. I paid […] shekels
ṣ+[x GÍ]N a-na a-lá-ni ù eb-li-im σ GÍN of silver for acorns and ropes. We paid σ
KÙ.BABBAR i-na ma- a-ra-tim ni-dí-na- shekels of silver for you in the guardhouse.
kum [x]+ṣ/Ṭ GÍN a- a ma- a-ra-tim. […+]ṣ/Ṭ shekels for the guards.
BIN σ, ṣṭṢ (l. ṣ-ṭ) ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na Ṭ e-ri-qá-tim I paid ṭ shekels of silver for Ṭ wagons … .
a-tí-ib-nim á -qúl
BIN σ, ṣ69 (l. ṣṬ-ṣσ) Ṭ GÍN Ṭ e-ri-qé-en a tí-ib-ni-im ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN Ṭ shekels for Ṭ wagonloads of straw. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
a-na qá-nu-e shekels for the reed.
BIN 6, 9σ (l. 8-ṣṬ) ANšE.HI.A i-lá-tim ú-nu-sú-nu ù e-ri-qá-tim Send me donkeys, bags, their harness and
urσ-da-am wagons.
BIN 6, Ṭτ8 (l. ṣṣ-ṣ6) ‘x e]-ri-qá-tum … Ṭ e-ri-qá-an … ‘ṣ e-r] [X] wagons … Ṭ wagons ... ṣ wagon without
i-qum qá-dum a-wi-tí- a a load. (cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢ7a)
Kt c/k ṣτσ (l. ṣṣ-ṣṬ, ṭ8 ma-na URUDU ig-ri e-ri-qá-tim … ṣ ṭ8 minas of copper for the rent of the wagons
ṣτ-ṣ6) ma-na URUDU a-na ki-ri-im a-na a ... ṣ mina of copper for a cup for the
e-ri-qá-tim wagon-driver.
Kt c/k Ṭτσ (l. ṭṢ-ṭṣ) ṬṢ ma-na URUDU ig-ri e-ri-qí-im á -qúl I paid ṬṢ minas of copper for the rent of the
wagon.
Kt c/k Ṭ6ṭ (l. ṣ8-Ṭσ) ur-kà-num 6 GÚ ma-sí-am ù ṣσ GÚ í-kam Subsequently, Ali-ahum and Waliya brought
ṣṢ GÍN-tum a- é-er ṣṢ ma-na-e ta-ur-ma 6 talents of reined (copper) and ṣσ talents of
i-na e-ri-qí-im a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ikkum (copper) – a ṣṢ shekel weight added
A-lá-hu-um ù Wa-li-a ub-lu- um Ṭṣ ma-na to (every) ṣṢ mina weight – to him to
ig-ri e-ri-qí-im Purušhaddum by wagon. Ṭṣ minas for the
rent of the wagon.
Kt c/k 7ṭτ (l. ṬṬ-Ṭσ) … i-na e-ri-qí-im a-Pu-ru-u -ha-dim Ali-ahum and Waliya brought (the copper) to
A-lá-hu-um ù Wa-li-a ub-lu- um. him to Purušhaddum in a wagon.
CCT ṣ, ṣτa (l. ṣṢ-ṣṬ) σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na e-ri-qá-tim I paid σ ṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver for the wagon.
á -qúl
CCT Ṭ, ṭṣa (l. ṣṭ-ṣ6) a-dí URUDU a tù-na-hi-dí-ni ma-ú-qá-ku- As for the copper about which you gave me
ma i-na a-am- í e-ru-bu e-ri-qá-tim ú-lá instructions, I was feeble and did not
a-bu-uk dispatch the wagons on the day I entered.
CCT σ, σ7a (l. σ-ṣṢ) um-ma a-ta-ma URUDU-a-kà a-na da-mu- You said as follows: I will exchange your
qí-im ù-ta-ar-ma i -tí URUDU-i-a a-na copper for that of a better quality and bring it
Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ù-ba-al ‘ù] e-ri-qá-tim Ṭ together with my own copper to
dí-in-ma URUDU-i i -tí URUDU-i-kà biσ-ilτ Purušhaddum, so give two wagons and bring
my copper together with your copper .
CCT τ, ṭṬb ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na e-ri-qí-im a I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the wagon
kà- í-ri-im á -qúl ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na for the caravan leader, I paid ṣ shekel of
á-áb-tim á -qúl ṣ/6 GÍN e-ri-ib-tí a- a silver for salt, I gave ṣ/6 shekel of silver as
ma- a-ra-tim a-dí-in ṣ/σ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR entry? to the guards, ṣ/σ of a shekel for
wa- í-tám. exit-tax.
CCT 6, σc (l. ṣ9-Ṭσ) 7 e-ri-qá-tim a tí-ib-nim τ a e- í a 7 wagonloads of straw. τ wagonloads of

wood.
σ6
APPENDIX ṣ.σ
Kt d/k ṣ6 a+b (l. 8, ṭ e-ri-qá-tim a e- í … KÙ.BABBAR ù ṭ wagonloads of wood … The silver and the
ṣτ-ṬṢ) e-ri-qá-tum a e- í i-qá-qá-ad ál-mì- u-nu ù wagonloads of wood are bound to them
ke-ni- u-nu ra-ki-is jointly.
Kt d/k Ṭ8a (l. ṣṢ-ṣṬ) ṬṢ ma-ak-ri-e-i ṬṢ a- í-i a e-ri-qí-im ù a ṬṢ makrī i and ṬṢ a i parts for a wagon or
e-pí-nim for a seed-plow.
Kt e/k σ6 (l. ṣτ-ṣ6) ṭ ½ ma-na AN.NA í-im ANšE ½ ma-na ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas of tin was the price for ṣ donkey.
AN.NA í-im e-ri-qí-im ṣ/Ṭ mina of tin was the price for a wagon.
Kt f/k 8ṣ (l. 8-ṣṢ) ṭ e-ri-qá-tim a ki-is-na-tim ṭ wagonloads of tree branches.
Kt f/k ṣṬṢ (l. τ-8) a-ha-ma tí-ib-nam e-ri-qá-am ù a-ba-na-am In addition to a wagonload of straw and a
e-ri-qá-am wagonload of stone.
Kt f/k ṣ86 (l. τ-7) σ e-ri-qá-tim a e- í a-ah- ù-tim a-a-ma Buy and let there be σ wagonloads of peeled
li-ib- í wood.
Ka ṭ67 (l. 8-ṣṣ) 6 e-ri-qá-tim a ki-is-na-tim 6 e-ri-qá-tim a Buy 6 wagonloads of tree roots and 6
e- í a-ma-ma-ni i-na hu-ur- í-im pì-ih-a-ma wagonloads of wood for me. Close it up in
the shed.
KTK 9σ (l. 6-9) ṣ UDU ú-pá-am ṬṢ NINDA ù e-ri-qá-am a They will give ṣ white sheep, ṬṢ loaves of
ki-is-na-tim i-na a-tim i-na-dí-nu bread and a wagonload of tree branches per
year.
KTS ṣ, ṭb (l. ṣτ-ṣ7) a- u-mì URUDU u-pu-ur-ma i-na e-ri-qí-im As for the copper, give a written order to load
li-dí-ú-nim it on a wagon.
KTS Ṭ, σ6 (l. ṣṬ-ṣṭ) ṣ/ṭ ma-na LÁ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN ig-ri e-ri-qá-tim ṣ9 ṣ/Ṭ shekels for the rent of wagons.
Kt n/k 8Ṣ (l. ṣṭ-ṬṬ) ṭ ma-na a-na É wa-ab-ri ṣ ma-na a-na ṭ minas for lodgings. ṣ mina at the ford. Ṭ
né-bar-tim Ṭ ma-na ig-ri e-ri-qí-im ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas: the rent of a wagon. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas:
ma-na ú-ku-ul-tí e-ma-ri ù a- ar i-zi-zu-ni fodder for the donkeys. I also gave ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na a-dí-in mina for where they stand.
Kt n/k ṭ66 (l. τ-ṣ8) ṣτ mu-ta-tí-im a AN.NA 9 mu-ta-tí-im ù σ ṣτ half-packs of tin, 9 half-packs and σ
e-li-a-ştimš a TÚG.HI.A a- ar Ú- ú-ur- a- top-packs of textiles (c. 7τṢ kg) are where
I tar e-zi-ib a-ba-ú-a a-tù-nu ki-ma En-um- U ur-ša-Ištar left them. Dear fathers. When
A- ur ù A-hu-DUṣṢ e-ru-bu-ni-ni ú-nu-tám Ennam-Aššur and Ahu- ab arrive, let them
i-na e-ri-qí-im li-dí-ú-ma lu-ub-lu-nim put the load into a wagon and bring it here.
Kt n/k σ9Ṣ a-ma-lá té-er-tí-ni AN.NA ù TÚG.HI.A a According to our instructions, you are to
a-na Ú- ú-ur- a-I tar e-zi-bu-ú a-na entrust the tin and textiles left behind by
A-hu-DUṣṢ ù En-um-A- ur pì-iq-da-ma i-na U ur-ša-Ištar to Ahu- ab and Ennam-Aššur
e-ri-qá-tim li-dí-ú-nim-ma lu-ub-lu-nim and let them load it onto wagons to carry it.
Kt n/k 696 (l. τ-9) a-na-ku e-ri-qú-um i- i-ra-am-ma ANšE-ri I will personally ix the wagon, and lead the
a-mì- a-am a- á-ra-dam e-ri-qú-um mì-ma lá donkeys there. But the wagon has not been
i-ta-á -ra-am ixed at all.
Kt n/k ṣτṢṣ (l. 9-ṣṢ) ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- a e-ri-qám a ṣ shekel of silver to those who drove the
ş uš-um-ki i -du-du-ni wagonload of onions.
Kt n/k ṣ88σ (l. ṣṣ-ṣτ) σ na-ru-uq ar- a-tim σ na-ru-uq e-um Ṭ é-na They will pay σ sacks of barley, σ sacks of
e-ri-qá-tim a e- í-im í-ib-tám i-na-ar-pì-im wheat and Ṭ wagonloads of wood as interest
i-du-nu (on the loan) in autumn.
OIP Ṭ7, ṭṬ (l. ṣ-σ) [x x] GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im Ṭ í-ta e- a-tim […] shekels of silver was the price of Ṭ
[x x] GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im e-ri-qí (wagonloads) of wood. [...] shekels of silver
was the price of a wagon.
σ7
TTC ṣṭ (l. ṣ-ṭ) ṣ/ṭ ma-na ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ṣ UDU ú Ṭṣ shekels of silver: one sheep, and a
e- í e-ri-qú-um wagonload of wood.
TC Ṭ, ṣ8 (l. 7-ṣτ) ki-ma URUDU-i-ú i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim Because the (market for) copper in
ma-ah- ú-ni i-ri-qám lá ni-guτ-ur-ma a-na Purušhaddum has been hit, we did not hire a
Pu-ru-u -ha-dim lá nu- é-ri-ib e-ma-ri-i wagon and we did not let it enter
é-ri-a-ma URUDU-ú- u a-na Pu-ru-u - Purušhaddum. Send us donkeys, and then we
ha-dim lu nu- é-ri-ib will let his copper enter Purušhaddum.
TC ṭ, ṭ (l. 9-ṣ8) ù a-na Wa-wa-li um-ma a-na-ku-ma And I said to Wawali: Ask the palace for
e-ri-qá-tim i -tí É.GAL-lim e-ri-i -ma a-dí wagons so that they are ready when the
ú-ha-ru i-ma-qú-tù-ni-ni lu er-sú-wa servants arrive . (But) he gives to no-one,
a-ma-ma-şanš lá i-da-nam uσ a-na and he will not speak to the palace about the
É.GAL-lim a-dí-i e-ri-qá-tim lá i-qá-bi-ma wagons, so that we cannot send the wagons.
e-ri-qá-tim lá nu- é- a-ar
TC ṭ, τ (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭσ) σṢ LÁ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU lá-mu-nam ṭ ṭ wagons including their harnessing cost ṭ9
e-ri-qa-tim ú qá-dum ma-ar-sí- í-na it-ba-lá ṣ/Ṭ minas of poor copper.
TC ṭ, ṣτ (l. σ-ṣṭ) um-ma a-ta-ma i-na a-nim uσ-mì-im a You said: on the day after you entered, lead
té-ru-bu e-ri-qá-tim a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim the wagons to Purušhaddum. I have been
a-bu-uk am-ta-ra-a -ma a- í-a-tí a-dí sick, which is why I did not send off the
uσ-mì-im a-nim e-ri-qá-tim ú-lá a-bu-uk i-na wagons until this day. I will lead off the
a-am- í u-Be-lúm ú -a-ni i-na a-ni-im wagons on the day after šu-Belum sets out
uσ-mì-im e-ri-qá-tim a-ba-ak (cf. TC ṭ, Ṭ8).
TC ṭ, ṣ97 (l. ṣσ-ṬṢ) a-ha-ma ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ú-ku-ul-tí In addition, I took ṭ shekels of silver, the
ú-ha-ri- u ú ANšE-ri- u ṣ GÍN KÙ. food of his servants and his donkey, and ṣ
BABBAR e- í e-ri-qá-am a-na a- í-tí- u shekel of silver for a wagonload of wood for
al-qé his wife.
TPAK ṣ, ṬṢσ (l. τ-ṣσ) ṭ ṣ/6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ig-ri e-ri-qí-im a The rent of a wagon from Barkahšiya
i -tù Bar-kà-ah- í-a Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR onwards was ṭ ṣ/6 shekels of silver. The
ga-am-ru a ma- a-ra-tim i -té-en6 a-ru-um expenses for the guards were Ṭ shekels. He
ú ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ilτ-qé took a single ox hide and ṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver.
Kt v/k ṣ6τ (l. ṣṢ-ṣṣ) τ e-ri-qá-tim e- í ú- ú-bu They will add τ wagonloads of wood.
Appendix 1.5 Selected references to guards, and guard posts
Kt 86/k 98 (l. ṣ-7) [ x GÍN KÙ].BABBAR a-na mu-‘x-(x)-i]m [... shekel] of silver to the donkey-[...]er, ṣ/6
ANšE ṣ/6 GÍN τ ṣ/Ṭ šE a-na a ma- a-ra- shekel τ ṣ/Ṭ grains for the guards. ṣ/σ shekel
tim ṣ/σ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ki-ri-im of silver for the cup. ṣ/6 shekel τ/Ṭ grains for
ṣ/6 GÍN τ ṣ/Ṭ šE a-na mu- í-a my mū i um.
Kt 87/k Ṭ7σ (l. Ṭ) KIšIB Zu-pa a ma- a-ra-tim Sealed by Zupa, the guard.
Kt 87/k ṭ7Ṣ (l. 6-ṣṭ) Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na a ma- a-ra- Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the guards. All this
tim mì-ma a-nim a-na A- ùr-be-el-a-wa-tim we entrusted to Aššur-bel-awatim when he
i-nu-mì a-na Du-ur-hu-mì-it i-li-ku-ni left for Durhumit.
ni-şipš-qí-sú-um
Kt 87/k στσ (l. ṣσ-ṣ7) mì-ma a-nim En-nam-A- ùr a-na Wa-ah- u- All this Ennam-Aššur brought into
a-na ú- e-ri-ib ṭ LÁ ṣ/σ GÍN AN.NA a-na Wahšušana. Ṭ ṭ/σ shekels of tin for the
a ma- a-ra-tim guards.
Kt 9Ṭ/k τṬ6 ? ṣṬ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na kà- í-im ú We paid ṣṬ shekels of silver to the ka um-
ma- a-ra-tim ‘ni-i -qúl] oficial and the guards.
σ8
APPENDIX ṣ.τ
Kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ (l. 9-ṣ6) i -tù Durσ-hu-mì-it URUDU a-na Pu-ru-u - He packed the copper (to go) from Durhumit
ha-dim is-ri-id-ma ṣ ANšE- u URUDU a-dí to Purušhaddum, and he packed his own
Wa-ah- u- a-na is-ri- id-ma i-na ma- a-ra- donkey to (go) as far as Wahšušana, and then
tim a ha-ra-an Ú-la-ma ú- é- í- u-nu ù a-tù- I led them (the remaining donkeys) out with
ra-am the help of the guard posts on the Ulama road
and I returned.
Kt 9σ/k ṣṢṢṬ (l. σ-Ṭṭ) a-n‘a-k]am ki-ma ni-i -ta-na-me-ú When we heard repeatedly here that the land
ma- tum ‘d]a-al-ha-at-ni ú tí-ir-tí kà-ri-im is in uproar and that the orders of the colony
da-na-at-ni tí-ir-tí-ni a-dí ma-lá ú í-ni- u are strict, we sent word to you once or twice.
i-li-kà-ku-um a-ta ú-za-ni-ma lá ta-áp-té-té-e But you have not informed us. For the sake
a-ma-kam ki-ma a-lu-um KÙ.BABBAR ṣ of the safety of every mina of silver that we
ma-na.TA a na-á -a-ni-ni u-ma ha-ra-an bring, send us word and inform us whether
sú-qí-ni-im a-al-ma-at tí-ir-ta-kà li-li-kam the Narrow Track is safe. Send word whether
ú-za-ni pì-té lu i-na ma- a-ra-tim AN.NA ṣṢ we shall let some ṣṢ minas of tin enter the
ma-na nu- é-ra-ba-am tí-ir-ta-kà li-li-«ÁB»- guard posts, and pay attention to our
kam-ma a-na tí-ir-tí-ni i-hi-id instructions.
Kt 9σ/k ṣσ76 (l. a-ma-kam u-ma a-li-ku-um kà-li-i ṭ GÍN If the traveling party is detained there, then
ṣ9-Ṭṭ) KÙ.BABBAR a-na ma- a-ra-tí-im dí-na-ma give ṭ shekels of silver to the guards and
Ú-‘ku]-ú ù-ur-da-ni- im send Uku to me.
AKT ṣ, 8Ṣ (l. Ṭ-τ) ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na a ma- a-ra-tim I paid ṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver to the guards.
á -qúl
AKT ṭ, 97 (l. ṣ7-ṣ8) ṣτ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR A-da-na a ma- a-ra- ṣτ shekels of silver (is owed by) Adana, the
tim guard (cf. kt k/k 9ṣ).
ATHE 6Ṭ (l. ṭṢ-ṭṭ) pá-zu-ur-tù- u DUMU Èr-ra-a a- é-er The son of Erraya sent his smuggled goods to
Pu- u-ke-en6 ú- é-ri-a-ma pá-zu-ur-tù- u Pušu-ken, but his contraband was caught, and
i- í-bi-it-ma Pu- u-ke-en6 É.GAL-lúm Pušu-ken has been seized and put in jail by
i -ba-at-ma a-na ki- é-er- í-im i-dì ma- a- the palace. The guard posts are strong.
ra-tum da-na
BIN 6, Ṭṭτ ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR mì-i -li- u a GAL ṭ shekels of silver, half of it belonging to the
ma- a-ra-tim i-li-biσ A-sá-nim chief of the guard, is owed by Asanum.
CCT ṣ, σσ (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭσ) ma- a-ra-tum da-na a-dí τ uσ-me-e a-ta-lá-ak The guards are strong. I will come within
ive days.
CCT τ, ṭṬb ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na e-ri-qí-im a I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the wagon of
kà- í-ri-im á -qúl ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na the caravan leader, ṣ shekel of silver for salt,
á-áb-tim á -qúl ṣ/6 GÍN e-ri-ib-tí a- a I gave ṣ/6 shekel of silver as entry to the
ma- a-ra-tim a-dí-in ṣ/σ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR guards, ṣ/σ of a shekel for exit-tax.
wa- í-tám
Kt c/k 99 (l. ṭ-ṣṢ) a-na-kam ru-ba-um lá- u ṣṢ TÚG.HI.A a The king is not here. The Captain of the
qá-tim ú Ṭ TÚG.HI.A SIGτ-tim ra-biσ Guard took ṣṢ regular textiles and Ṭ good
ma- a-ar-tim ilτ-qé um-ma u-ut-ma be-lí textiles, saying: My lord will come back,
i-lá-kam-ma ú mì-giτ-ir-tám i-da-na-ku-nu-tí and then he will give you the permission .
ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9ṭ (l. ṣσ-ṣ7) 8 ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR şaš- u-mì-ká I paid 8 ṣ/ṭ minas of silver on your behalf.
á -qú-ul ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a ma- a- ṣ/Ṭ shekel for the guards.
ra-tim
σ9
I σṬ9 (l. σσ-σ6, ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- a tí-tù-ri a- u-mì I paid ṣ/Ṭ shekel of silver to the bridgekeeper
τṭ-τ7) d
IM-ba-ni a-dí-in … 7 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ. on behalf of Adad-bani … I paid 7 ṣ/Ṭ
BABBAR a- a ma- a-ra-tim á -qúl ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the guard. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-dí-e a pá-ni shekels of silver for the guides who went out
Li-bur-be-lí ú- ú-ú-ni a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN before Libur-beli. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of
KÙ.BABBAR a-na a ra-qá-tim ú- é-ri-ba- silver to those who brought in the thin
ni a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na (textiles). I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels to […]aya the
[…]-a-a í-ip-ri-im a-dí-in envoy.
Kt k/k 9ṣ (l. ṣ8-ṬṢ) 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR A-ta-na : a ma- a-ra- Adana the guard made 6 shekels of silver
tim ú- a-zi-za-kà available for you (cf. AKT ṭ, 97).
KTB ṣṬ 7 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na a ma- a-ra- I paid the guards 7 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver. I
tim á -qúl Ṭ GÍN a-na ra-dí-e-em a a-pá-ni paid Ṭ shekels of silver to the guide, who
Li-bu-ur-be-lí ú- ú-ú a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN went out ahead of Libur-beli. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
KÙ.BABBAR a-na a-wi-li-im a ra-qá-tim shekels of silver to the man who led in the
ú- é-ri-şşrišš-ba-ni á -qúl thin textiles. (cf. I σṬ9Ş OIP Ṭ7, ττ).
KTP Ṭ6 ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU SIGτ za-kà-e ub-ru I paid half a mina of good clean copper (for)
á -qúl ṣ ma-na URUDU SIGτ ag-ra-am lodgings. I gave him ṣ mina of good copper
a-guτ-ur-ma a-dí tí-tù-ri-im a-dí- u-um … for the hire of a hireling as far as the bridge
‘…] a-na a ma- a- ra-tim a-dí-in mì-ma … I paid [...] for the guards. All this is
a-nim ga-am-ra-am i-ra-mì-ni-a ag-mu-ur accounted for, and I have paid it on my own
(account).
Kt m/k ṣṬ7 (l. ṣ-6) τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-bi ma- a-ra- τ shekels of silver to the Captain of the
tim Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN a-na GAL a-biσ- u ṣ/ṭ GÍN Guard. Ṭ ṣ/σ shekels to his sergeant. ṣ/ṭ
ṣτ šE a-na a ma- a-ra-tim-ma a a-na shekel ṣτ grains for the guards who went to
tí-tù-ri-im i-li-ku the bridge (cf. kt m/k ṣṭṭ).
Kt m/k ṣṭṭ (l. ṣ-6) 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ku-sí-tim a a-na 6 shekels of silver for the kusītum-cloth,
GAL ma- a-ra-tim ni-dí-nu Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN a-na which we gave to the Captain of the Guard.
GAL a-biσ- u ṣ GÍN a-na ra-dí-im a a-dí Ṭ ṣ/σ shekels to his sergeant. ṣ shekel for the
tí-tù-ri-im i-li-ku guide who went with us until the bridge (cf.
kt m/k ṣṬ7).
Kt m/k ṣτσ (l. ṣ-Ṭσ) u-ma e-ma-ru a-na KÙ.BABBAR ta-ad-nu If the donkeys have been sold for silver, then
KÙ.BABBAR i-na sí-ki-kà ú ta-ma-lá-ki a have the silver in your hem and the tablet-
up-pì-im ha-ru-mu-tim i-na pá-ni-kà container with the certiied tablets brought
é- í-a-am u-ma KÙ.BABBAR-áp-kà a-na out to here before yourself. If you have
í-mì-im tù-ta-e-er-ma ma- a-ra-tum da-na already turned your silver into goods, then
í-im-kà ku-nu-uk-ma É E-lá-li-i -kà pí-qí-id consider that the guards are alert! Seal your
ú a-ta i -ti í-ip-ri-im a na-á -pá-ar-tám goods and entrust them to the house of
ú-ba-lá-ku-ni şşú-ba-lá-ku-nišš a-ta-al- Elališka, and leave together with the envoy
şşmašš-kam who brings the missive.
OIP Ṭ7, ττ (l. σ9-τṣ) 8 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- a ma- a-ra-tim I paid 8 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the guard. I
Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-dí-im a paid Ṭ shekels of silver for the guides who
a-pá-ni Li-bur-be-lí ú- ú-ú went out before Libur-beli (cf. I σṬ9Ş KTB
ṣṬ).
TC ṭ, Ṭ8 (l. σ-8) i-na a-ni-im uσ-mì-im a u-Be-lúm DUMU On the day after šu-Belum, son of šalim-
ál-ma-A- ùr ú- a-ni ANšE-ri-a sá-ar-du- Aššur, entered, Ennam-Aššur led back my
tim En-na-A- ur i -tù ma- a-ra-tim ú-ta-e-ra- loaded donkeys from the safe deposits (cf.
am TC ṭ, ṣτ).
TC ṭ, ṣ6Ṭ (l. ṭṢ-ṭṬ) ṣ GÍN i-na ma- a-ra-tim ṣ GÍN a-na a ṣ shekel in the guard post. Another shekel for
ma- a-ra-tim-ma the guards.
τṢ
APPENDIX ṣ.τ
TC ṭ, ṣ6τ (l. ṣ-σ) Ṭ ma-na AN.NA lu ma- a-ra-tim lu É I paid Ṭ minas of tin for guards, lodging and
wa-áb-ri lu ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE i -tù Ka-ni-i donkey fodder from Kaneš to Wašhaniya.
a-dí Wa-á -ha-ni-a ag-mu-ur
TC ṭ, ṣ69 (l. ṣ-σ) ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a- u-mì Ku-du-ur- I paid ṣ/ṭ mina of silver to the guards on
Ì-lí a-na a ma- a-ra-tim á -qúl behalf of Kudur-ili.
TPAK ṣ, τṢ (l. ṣṬ-ṬṬ) a-ma-lá na-á -pár-tí-kà ṭṢ TÚG.HI.A a In accordance with your missive, I entrusted
qá-tim ṣτ TÚG.HI.A SIGτ i-na Kà-ni-i a-na ṭṢ ordinary textiles and ṣτ textiles of good
d
UTU-e-nam IGI í-be-e áp-qí-id ṭ TÚG. quality to šamaš-ennam in front of witness-
HI.A a-na ni-is-ha-tim ilτ-qé-ú Ṭ TÚG É es. They took ṭ textiles as nishātum-tax, the
kà-ri-im ilτ-qé-ú 7 TÚG.HI.A i-na pá-zu-ur- colony ofice took Ṭ textiles, 7 textiles were
tim ú- é-ri-ib-ma ṣ ṣ/σ GÍN.TA KÙ. smuggled into (Kaneš), and I paid each of the
BABBAR a-na a ma- a-ra-tim a-dí-in guards ṣ ṣ/σ shekels of silver.
TPAK ṣ, ṬṢσ (l. τ-ṣṢ) ṭ ṣ/6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ig-ri e-ri-qí-im a The rent of a wagon from Barkahšiya
i -tù Bar-kà-ah- í-a Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR onwards was ṭ ṣ/6 shekels of silver. The
ga-am-ru a ma- a-ra-tim expenses for the guards were Ṭ shekels.
τṣ
Historical Geography
Ṭ.1 The Written Sources
Historical geography is generally deined as the branch of human geography that seeks to
understand physical or ictional geographies of the past. Commonly, it entwines space and
time in studies of landscape, settlement, representation, identity and environmental change,
deriving its theoretical perspectives, subject matter and methodological tools from both the
disciplines of history and geography. Various theoretical directions, from post-structuralism
to visual culture studies, inform the contemporary debate, and often research questions focus
on how the geographies of the past relate to the present.ṣτσ
Among ancient historians, linguists and archaeologists the term has traditionally been ap-
plied in a more limited sense to refer to studies identifying the physical location of toponyms
mentioned in early historical records. Such studies irst appeared in the early ṣ9th century,
frequently as accounts of exploratory travels tracing the footsteps of the great classical au-
thors, e.g. the march of Xenophon s ten thousand, the geographies of Strabo and the Carthag-
inian wars.ṣττ They offer valuable deliberations on wider social, environmental or topograph-
ical issues, but their essential goal was to identify and describe the remains, routes and places
of present and past.ṣτ6
With the decipherment of the Hittite language in the early ṬṢth century and the irst publica-
tions of the Old Assyrian texts, a new and much earlier geographical horizon opened up for
Anatolia. But with some important exceptions, explorations into the historical geography of
Bronze Age Anatolia have been done by historians and philologists from the vantage point of
their writing desk, and mostly their studies emphasised textual evidence over topographical
considerations and physical traces of human activity in the landscape. More recently, research
in the historical geography of the Greco-Roman world has been broadened dramatically with
input from the discipline of archaeology and methodologies drawn from the general branch
of historical geography.ṣτ7 For the Syro-Mesopotamian area, researchers have begun integrat-
ing archaeological and textual data and combined remote sensing techniques, satellite imag-
ery, socio-ecological modelling, spatial analyses based on mathematical models and network
theories to expand their scope of study.ṣτ8
ṣτσ. cosgrove & Daniels 1997; Baker ṬṢṢṭŞ HoelscHer ṬṢṢ6 s. v. Historical Geography .
ṣττ. Of particular importance for this study are: ainswortH 1842; HaMilton 1842; texier 1842-52; BartH ṣ86ṢŞ
tscHiHatscHeff ṣ867Ş HogartH ṣ89ṭŞ anDersson ṣ898.
ṣτ6. HogartH ṣ89ṭŞ raMsaY 1890; anDerson 1898; Diest 1898; taescHner 1924; 1926; Bittel ṣ9σṬ.
ṣτ7. HilD 1977; HilD & restle 1981 with reviews in foss ṣ98σŞ olsHausen 1991; 1996; 2002; talBert 2000; Hansen
& nielsen 2004; Bintliff ṬṢṢṬŞ ṬṢṢ7.
ṣτ8. wilkinson 2000; wilkinson, ur & casana 2004; wäfler 2001; casana 2003; ur 2004; knappett, evans & riv-
ers 2008; wilkinson et al. ṬṢṢ7Ş altaweel ṬṢṢ8 and cf. http://www.archatlas.dept.shef.ac.uk for ongoing re-
search. Of particular importance for the Turkish area are the Pahlagonian project (cf. MattHews & glatZ ṬṢṢ9)
and the Konya Plain Survey directed by Douglas Baird from Liverpool University. Two of Matthews PhD-stu-
dents at UCL, Michele Massa and Alessio Palmisano, currently work on projects that combine archaeological
τṭ
CHAPTER Ṭ: HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY
For pre-classical Anatolia, however, evidence remains fragmentary at best, and nothing
comparable to Pounds books on the historical geography of early Europe or Olshausen s col-
loquia on the classical world is available at present.ṣτ9 Instead, there is often little to distin-
guish the way in which the historical geography of Bronze Age Anatolia is studied today from
the approaches used a century ago. Names in texts are linked to routes by internal criteria, and
arguments are often randomly supported by material observations. Mostly this is born out of
necessity, since studies of key issues, such as climate change,ṣ6Ṣ hydrography, deforestation,ṣ6ṣ
and the access to natural resources remain in their infancy for Anatolia. However, also a
shortage of reliable archaeological results and the lack of a consistent methodology set in a
wider framework of research has impaired progress.
The present study does not expect to set that image straight. After a century of scholarship,
the historical geography of Anatolia in the Bronze Age has not yet moved beyond the basic
task of identifying and delineating the physical theatre of history. Nevertheless, an effort is
made to include as varied a selection of data as appropriate and set it within the framework of
an explicit methodology. Developments within the ield in recent years justify the inclusive
reappraisal of the evidence at hand. Detailed archival studies have come to characterise the
work some practitioners of the historical text-based disciplines, and intensive archaeological
and archaeometallurgical surveys have the potential to change our perspective on the ancient
landscape. More importantly, an integrative study of the archaeological and textual record
may help to challenge long-held historical understandings and stimulate analytical innova-
tion. Analyses of objects, places and activities that seem to be on the edges of signiicance can
be a powerful agent for reforming our understanding of particular aspects of the past, and add
a much needed level of complexity and sensitivity to the analysis.ṣ6Ṭ
Here follows a brief overview of the various sources used in the present study, as well as a
short assessment of the history of research in the ield. Then a detailed statement of purpose
for the inquiry is offered, and various alternative approaches are put forward and discussed.
Finally, a consistent methodology for the study of the historical geography of ancient Anato-
lia in the Bronze Age is suggested.
Ṭ.1 The Written Sources
Texts are a key source in any attempt to deal with the historical geography of a given region.
They contain references to names, journeys and topographical features, and reveal details
about resources and production, trade, political organisation etc. that are all essential to the
study of human activities in the physical past. A text can be anything from a lengthy literary
composition or travelogue to a short inscription on a coin or a seal, although obviously not all
evidence, topographical and spatial analyses through GIS, computer modelling and textual sources to trace re-
gional interaction and commercial routes in Anatolia in the Bronze Age. Cf. also çifçi & greaves ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣτ9. pounDs ṣ97ṭŞ ṣ979Ş olsHausen passim (the Stuttgarter Kolloquia zur historischen Geographie des Altertums).
For the historical geography of Upper Mesopotamia during the Classical period, cf. DilleMann ṣ96Ṭ.
ṣ6Ṣ. For the Middle Euphrates cf. e.g. kuZucuoğlu, fontugne & Mouralis ṬṢṢσŞ wossnik ṬṢṢ9.
ṣ6ṣ. The projects at Arslantepe, ‘atalhöyük, Gordion and Hirbemerdon Tepe in particular have addressed paleo-envi-
ronmental issues. See for instance fairBairn 2002; HelBæk 1961; Herveux 2007; kealHofer 2005; Hopf 1992;
laneri et al. ṬṢṢ8Ş N. F. Miller 1999; neef 2001; nesBitt ṣ99ṭaŞ ṣ99ṭbŞ segscHneiDer 1995; sMitH 2007; will-
cox 1974; van Zeist 2003; van Zeist & Bakker-Heeres 1974. For a general overview, cf. Brice ṣ978Ş asouti in
press. For an updated bibliography of paleo-botanical studies conducted in Anatolia, see http://www.sas.upenn.
edu/~nmillerṢ/. For paleoclimatic studies, see e.g. algaZe & pournelle ṬṢṢṭ, and the contributions in kuZucuoğlu
& Marro ṬṢṢτ. For analyses of faunal remains, see atici ṬṢṢṭŞ ṬṢṢτŞ ṬṢṢ6.
ṣ6Ṭ. MaYne ṬṢṢ8.
τσ
Ṭ.Ṭ THE OLD ASSYRIAN TEXTS
sources are equally informative or reliable. Each text must be evaluated through contrast and
comparison according to its contents, the author, where and when it was written, and for what
purpose. Although the texts dating to the Old Assyrian Colony Period form the basis of the
present analysis, an integration of the written testimonies from other periods is central to the
study.
Ṭ.Ṭ The Old Assyrian Texts
The written record of the Old Assyrian Colony Period in Anatolia consists mainly of a large
number of relatively short texts inscribed chiely on clay tablets in the Assyrian dialect of the
Akkadian language in the cuneiform script. Mostly they were written by members of the As-
syrian community of traders who lived and worked in Anatolia, although a smaller group of
texts belonged to native Anatolians who made use of the Assyrian system of writing for their
own purposes. The documents kept by members of the Anatolian community originate from
the palace administration as well as a few private townhouses, whereas virtually all of the
texts written by the Assyrians came out of archives belonging to merchants and craftsmen
residing in Anatolia.
By far the largest part of the Old Assyrian corpus – c. Ṭṭ,ṢṢṢ tablets in all – comes from
the site of Kültepe near the modern Turkish city of Kayseri.ṣ6ṭ Some σ,ṢṢṢ of these texts were
unearthed by local farmers during the late ṣ9th and early ṬṢth centuries, and therefore come to
us without any archival context beyond what one can reconstruct on the basis of an internal
analysis.ṣ6σ The Czechoslovak mission at Kültepe in ṣ9Ṭτ unearthed an additional ṣ,ṢṢṢ tab-
lets, mostly from trenches dug around the pits excavated by the locals.ṣ6τ Since ṣ9σ8, a Turk-
ish team working at the site has uncovered ṣ7,τσ9 tablets (as of year ṬṢṢṢ), with new inds
coming out of the soil every summer.
Regrettably, the excavators never recorded the exact position in which these tablets were
found, and all objects recovered from the various soundings dug in a single season carry a
common siglum that can not be directly assigned to an original context. For instance, all inds
(including tablets) excavated in ṣ9σ8 carry the designation a , objects from the following
season are named b and so forth until ṣ97Ṭ. From ṣ97ṭ items are numbered directly accord-
ing the year in which they were dug, e.g. 7ṭ or ṬṢṢṣ . This system of nomenclature also
includes a general reference to the locus in which each object was recovered: inds from the
citadel are appended with the letter t and items from the lower town are assigned the letter
k followed by a serial number. The tablet b/k Ṭ6τ was thus recovered during the season of
ṣ9σ9 in the lower town as object no. Ṭ6τ, whereas 8ṣ/t ṣτṢ came out during the season of
ṣ98ṣ on the citadel as item no. ṣτṢ. Since the serial numbers are consecutive, and the tablets
tend to be numbered as a part of the group they are found, it is sometimes possible to assign
individual texts to their original context on the basis of nomenclature. In combination with
information derived from the excavation reports and an internal analysis of the texts one can
in some cases partially reconstruct lost archival information for individual groups of texts. In
ṣ6ṭ. For a complete inventory of the Old Assyrian texts, their physical location and the attempt to establish their
original context as far as it is possible, see MicHel ṬṢṢṭ with additions in MicHel ṬṢṢτ-ṬṢṢ6.
ṣ6σ. Some attempts have been made to re-assemble archives dug by looters, see e.g icHisar 1981; larsen 1982 (the
archive of Imdi-Ilum); MicHel 1991b (the archive of Innaya)Ş larsen 2002 (the archive of Aššur-nada)Ş strat-
forD ṬṢṣṢ (the archive of Pušu-ken) but much work remains to be done. For a discussion of the reconstructed
archives as compared to the excavated ones, see larsen ṬṢṢ8.
ṣ6τ. See larsen ṣ98Ṭ with an attempt to reconstruct the original context of the archive of Imdi-Ilum on the basis of
the early Czechoslovak excavation reports and text editions.
ττ
the past two decades more attention has been paid to the archaeological context of the Kül-
tepe tablets. A number of scholars are currently engaged in publishing newly excavated ar-
chives deined on the basis of their archaeological context, although the information available
tends to be far from ideal.ṣ66
Only some τṢ tablets come from the oficial buildings on the citadel mound. Instead, the
bulk of the texts are found in private houses located at the foot of the mound in the so-called
kārum area where both the Assyrian merchants and local townspeople lived. The chronologi-
cal distribution among these records is far from even. The great majority of the texts date to
the second occupational level of the lower town (kārum II) that was destroyed in a conlagra-
tion in c. ṣ8ṭṬ BC., and only ive hundred or so tablets have been found among the ruined
houses belonging to the subsequent kārum Ib layer dated to the period after ṣ8ṭṬ BC.ṣ67 Fur-
thermore, although the texts found in the kārum II-level cover more than a century of Assyr-
ian activities in the city, the body of the evidence is narrowly focussed on the three decades
between ṣ889 and ṣ8τ9 BC. Plainly, this carries important implications for the analysis of the
historical geography, since the evidence as we have it primarily lends itself to a chronological
snapshot of the political situation in Central Turkey in the Middle Bronze Age rather than a
diachronic section.
Smaller groups of Old Assyrian texts have been discovered at various sites in Central Tur-
key. The two main inds come from Boğazköy near of ‘orum, and Ali ar in the vicinity of
Sorgun. Here actual archives have been discovered in and around dwellings belonging to As-
syrian traders, and a total of some ṣτṢ tablets add much needed geographical depth to the
material from Kültepe. In addition, a few texts and fragments has been recovered from the
sites of Kaman Kalehöyük near Kır ehir and at Kayalıpınar near Sivas, and texts composed
in the Old Assyrian dialect have also appeared in small numbers at Assur itself and at various
sites in Syria and Mesopotamia.ṣ68
The textual record of the Old Assyrian period may be divided into four general genres:
letters, accounts, judicial texts and other records. For the purpose of reconstructing the his-
torical geography, letters and administrative accounts contain most of the pertinent data. The
letters describe travels and events, and they are the only set of sources to offer any informa-
tion about alternative routes between places. Letters also show which areas were linked by
trade, but they rarely offer accurate information about the physical distances between them.
The accounts kept by the Assyrian merchants may instead give fairly precise data about the
relations and distances between cities, as well as relevant information regarding expenditures,
organization and taxation related to the trade. Judicial texts quote legal testimonies that can
be useful in localising a city in much the same way as a letter, and they are also often the only
source informing us whether a given Assyrian community ranked as a Colony (kārum) or
Station (wabartum) in the colonial administrative network. Finally, texts other than those
belonging to the three groups mentioned above may contain facts relevant for the topic of the
ṣ66. Only three of the archives excavated by the archaeologists at Kültepe have so far been published as a group and
in their entirety: Bilgiç & günBatti 1995 (the archive of Ennam-Aššur)Ş MicHel & garelli 1997 (the archives of
šumi-abiya and Aššur-muttabbil)Ş veenHof ṬṢṣṢ (Kuliya)Ş larsen ṬṢṣṢ (šalim-Aššur, vol. ṣ). Another one is
currently in print: larsen forthcoming (šalim-Aššur, vol. Ṭ). More are in preparation (e.g. Barjamovic: Irma-
AššurŞ Dercksen: Ali-ahum, Michel: Aššur-taklaku, Veenhof: Elamma). For a recent discussion of the Old Assyr-
ian archives, see veenHof ṬṢṢṭc. For the most explicit discussion of this new approach to archival studies, see
larsen ṬṢṢ8. All other publications of the Old Assyrian texts to date have either been of tablets from the illicit
excavations, or else they present more or less random samples of excavated archives, which prevents their use in
this type of studies.
ṣ67. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣ68. For references, cf. MicHel op. cit. with the recent addition of a fragment from an Old Assyrian tablet found at Tall
Arbid in Northern Syria.
τ6
Ṭ.ṭ PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY
historical geography, and bits of topographical information can be gathered from state trea-
ties, marriage contracts, slave-sale documents, royal inscriptions, administrative sealings and
even house sales.
Apart from the direct evidence found in the texts, all four groups give us important data
about business relations, transactions and individuals tied to activities in certain cities. Such
information adds crucial information to the study of historical geography and gives us the
opportunity to investigate the habits and specialization of the individual families. Unfortu-
nately, as already stated, archive-based text studies are a recent development in the ield, and
the greater context of the trade has largely been ignored in discussions of the historical geo-
graphy. Instead, the common approach has been to gather isolated statements from individual
texts in a kaleidoscopic attempt to interconnect evidence for a larger synthesis. This book
hopes to show how essential an overall familiarity with the system and organisation of the
Assyrian trade is to a correct interpretation of the historical geography, and that archival in-
formation, internal analyses and prosopographical evidence all have to be taken into consid-
eration to properly understand the individual source in its wider context. Without such delib-
eration it is virtually impossible to comprehend the implications of our sources, and when
actions and issues referred to in the texts are not correlated with the actors, their place in so-
ciety and their pattern of operation, the evidence often becomes incomprehensible or even
misleading. It is surely one of the great faults of the analysis at hand that it is not possible to
include archival and prosopographical studies in a consistent way at the core level of the re-
construction (cf. Ch. 6).
Ṭ.ṭ Previous studies of the Historical Geography
Most of the literature on the historical geography of Anatolia during the Old Assyrian Colony
Period was summarised by Forlanini and di Nocera in their book devoted to the subject from
ṣ99Ṭ.ṣ69 Prominent among early studies are the works of Landsberger, Bilgiç and J. and H.
Lewy,ṣ7Ṣ followed by Garelli and Orlin.ṣ7ṣ Discussions have often focussed on a single top-
onym or set of toponyms and will be addressed in the main body of the analysis when rele-
vant. Complete overviews of the material only appeared relatively recently, and in addition to
the work by Forlanini and di Nocera, Nashef collected the toponyms from all published and
numerous unpublished Old Assyrian texts for the geographical register in Tübingen. In addi-
tion, Nashef wrote a separate volume with a reconstruction of the Old Assyrian trade-routes,
mainly focussing on the roads between Assur and Kaneš.ṣ7Ṭ In recent years, discussions of the
topic have appeared in works by Dercksen, Michel and Veenhof, while Forlanini continues to
write on the geography of selected areas in Turkey and Syria.ṣ7ṭ For the past two decades or
so, scholars have mostly followed the results of Forlanini and Nashef, although the location
of the important city-state of Purušhaddum continues to be the topic of some debate.ṣ7σ
ṣ69. Di nocera & forlanini 1992, Vol. σ.Ṭ of the Atlante storico del Vicino Oriente Antico. An unpublished disserta-
tion on the subject (kuZuoğlu 2007a) has appeared recently, and its author kindly shared his results with me for
the present book.
ṣ7Ṣ. J. lewY 1922; 1950; 1962; 1965; lanDsBerger 1925; Bilgiç 1945-51; lanDsBerger 1950; H. lewY 1963.
ṣ7ṣ. garelli 1963; orlin ṣ97Ṣ.
ṣ7Ṭ. nasHef ṣ976Ş ṣ987Ş ṣ99Ṭ.
ṣ7ṭ. Dercksen 1996; MicHel 2001, veenHof 2006; forlanini ṣ977Ş ṣ979Ş ṣ98ṢŞ ṣ98τŞ ṣ988Ş ṣ99ṬaŞ ṣ99ṬbŞ ṣ999bŞ
ṬṢṢṣbŞ ṬṢṢṬŞ ṬṢṢσaŞ ṬṢṢ6Ş ṬṢṢ7a, ṬṢṢ7b, ṬṢṢ8aŞ ṬṢṢ9aŞ ṬṢṢ9b.
ṣ7σ. Dercksen ṣ996Ş MicHel ṬṢṢṣŞ kawakaMi ṬṢṢ6: forlanini ṣ988Ş ṣ99ṬŞ ṬṢṢ8a contra alp ṣ99ṭŞ steiner 1993;
Hawkins ṣ99τaŞ kuZuoğlu 2007a. See also erteM ṣ99τ.
τ7
Map 1: The geography of Anatolia and Northern Mesopotamia during the Old Assyrian Colony Period ac-
cording to nasHef ṣ99Ṭ. Note that only four sites in Anatolia have been identiied with an ancient toponym.
The three maps reproduced here represent some of the reconstructions of the historical
geography in Anatolia during the Old Assyrian period and serve to illustrate the main results
and disagreements in the ield. The examples come from Nashef s work for the TAVO-proj-
ect, from Forlanini and di Nocera s study for the Italian historical atlas, and from the intro-
duction to the recent edition of the Assyrian merchant correspondence by Michel.ṣ7τ An un-
fortunate didactic by-product of such maps is their tendency to leave an impression of
inality that is very rarely supported by positive results. Without further qualiication maps
often take on a deceiving authoritative appearance. Yet, they are simply graphic models and
can be misleading. As new evidence becomes available the added information will often re-
veal that former presumptions rested upon false assumptions and need to be changed. Pre-
sumably for this reason Nashef chose to locate only four toponyms on his map of Anatolia,
offering a potent image of the uncertain state of our understanding of the geography in the
Middle Bronze Age. In reality, only two Assyrian settlements in Anatolia have been conclu-
sively identiied so far, namely Kaneš near Kayseri, and Hattuš at Boğazköy. However, emp-
ty maps defy their own purpose and are not of much use. The more detailed maps drawn by
Forlanini and Michel serve as better tools for the writing of political and commercial history,
even though their degree of uncertainty is proportionate to their level of speciicity.
The main justiication for a comprehensive reinterpretation of the historical geography of
the Old Assyrian Colony Period at present is the substantial number of new texts that have
ṣ7τ. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ; Di nocera & forlanini ṣ99ṬŞ MicHel ṬṢṢṣ.
τ8
Ṭ.σ EARLY SOURCES AND SOURCES
Map 2: The geography of Anatolia in the Old Assyrian Colony Period according to Di nocera & forla-
nini ṣ99Ṭ (reproduced with kind permission from the authors).
been made available for study through the collaborative effort of the Old Assyrian Text Proj-
ect. In addition to the c. σ,τṢṢ tablets published so far, more than τ,ṢṢṢ texts with a more-or-
less deined archival context have been included in the present analysis owing to the kindness
of my colleagues currently engaged in their publication.ṣ76 With the added proposal for a con-
sistent methodology for the study of the historical geography of the Assyrian texts, the hope
is to suggest a more stable reconstruction, and produce a model of the historical geography
that will be in less need of regular modiication.
Ṭ.4 Early sources and sources contemporary with the Assyrian trade
from Syria and Mesopotamia
A small number of very early sources give information relevant to the geography of Northern
Syria in later times. The texts from Ebla have helped to locate a few cities south of the Taurus
mountains,ṣ77 and also administrative and literary texts from Lagaš and the Ur III Empire add
elements to the analysis.ṣ78 In recent years Archi, Astour and Bonechi in particular have dis-
cussed the geography of Northern Syria in the third millennium,ṣ79 while Westenholz has
ṣ76. See Preface. For a comprehensive list of the texts and archives in question, see Hertel ṬṢṢ7:86.
ṣ77. BonecHi ṣ99ṭŞ arcHi ṬṢṢ8.
ṣ78. eDZarD & farBer ṣ97σ, and cf. sections σ.ṣ and σ.ṣṬ.
ṣ79. arcHi ṣ988Ş ṣ989Ş esin ṣ989Ş astour ṣ997.
τ9
32° 34° 36° 38° 40° 42° 44°

Realization : Cécile Michel and Martin Sauvage
42°
meters
3000 Kayseri: modern name

Kani$: ancient name
2000 42°
BLACK SEA Ku$$ar: uncertain location
1500 ancient route
1000
Taritar N
500 Zalpa
200 Merzifon
100 0 50 100 km
ak Çorum
rm Kuburnat
0 zŸlŸ
KŸ
40° Ankara ›attu$a
Kunanamit Tawin‰ya
§amu‹a 40°
Sawit
Amkuwa
Ti$murna Durhumit
Tuhp‰ya Ku$$ar
Wah$u$ana
Kani$
§aladuwar Lake Nina$a
Tuz Kayseri
Ulama Wa$han‰ya Murat
§alah$ua Tegarama
Buru$hattum Aksaray
Hurrama Ergani Maden Lake Van
U$a
38°
Malatya
e
Elbistan
ic
Yen
Konya Ni‚de su Luhasadd‰ya Diyarbakir

Gök Göksün
Amida T 38°
Karahöyük Ere‚lŸ i gris
han
an
Karaman Hahhum
PazarcŸk
yh
ey
Kozan C Derek
Timilk‰ya
Se
Midyat
Mama Nihr‰ya
Gaziantep Eluhhut Mardin
Sam’al
Tarsus Unipkum §ubat-Enlil
Zalpa Ras el-’Ain
Ur$um ›arrªn Apum
Karkemi$ Nagar Razamâ
ab
tZ
Alala‹ Ninive
rea
36° Antioche Andarig
Qa##arâ
G
Bali
Alep Emªr
Tuttul
kh
MEDITERRANEAN SEA 36°
Eu Little Zab
Orontes
Ebla phrates Ekallªtum

Ugarit
bur
Arap‹a
Ta
A$$ur
US
Kha
rt
CYPR Nuzi
ar
32° 34° 36° 38° 40° 42° 44°
The Old Assyrian Trade routes in Cappadocia

Map 3: The geography of Anatolia and the Old Assyrian trade routes according to MicHel ṬṢṢṬ (repro-
duced with kind permission from the authors).
examined the written record and literary traditions about Anatolia in the Old Akkadian
Period.ṣ8Ṣ
In addition to the records of the Assyrian traders, an abundant group of texts written in the
Syro-Babylonian dialect of the Akkadian language offer valuable information for the study of
Anatolian historical geography in the early second millennium BC. Most important are the
state archives excavated in the palace of the ancient city of Mari in modern Syria, where let-
ters and administrative records give detailed information about the historical geography of
Northern Mesopotamia during the period contemporary with the texts found in the archaeo-
logical layer Ib at Kültepe. The texts from Mari help us contextualise the political and his-
torical framework of the Assyrian trade in Anatolia, and provide evidence to anyone working
with the Old Assyrian period on everything from organizational patterns to chronological and
lexicographical problems.ṣ8ṣ
A number of additional sites in Syria and Iraq have yielded texts from the early second
millennium BC. relevant for the geography and history of the region.ṣ8Ṭ The literature on the
historical geography of Northern Mesopotamia in this period is abundant, and continues to
grow with the speed of the excavation and publication of new material. A recent study of the
ṣ8Ṣ. J. westenHolZ ṣ998.

ṣ8ṣ. Cf. cHarpin & DuranD 1997. For the geographical horizon of the texts from Mari, see e.g. nasHef 1992; MicHel
2001; forlanini 2006; guicHarD 2008 with further references.
ṣ8Ṭ. Most important are the texts excavated at Tell Leilan (eiDeM 1991; isMail 1991; vincente 1991; eiDeM 2008),
Chagar Bazar (gaDD 1940; snell 1983; talon ṣ99ṣ), Tell Rimah (DalleY et al. ṣ976) and Shemsharra (eiDeM
1992; eiDeM & læssøe ṬṢṢṣ). For further references from the Syrian and the Babylonian area, see goetZe ṣ9τṭŞ
MicHałowski & Misir 1996Ş MicHel ṬṢṢṭ.
6Ṣ
Ṭ.τ HITTITE SOURCES
geography includes a comprehensive overview of the literature in the ield, and compiles both
a catalogue of general studies and a list of speciic discussions and references that follow each
ancient toponym.ṣ8ṭ
Ṭ.5 Hittite Sources
Apart from the Old Assyrian tablets themselves, texts written in Anatolia during the time
when the region was controlled by the Hittite state comprise the most important set of sourc-
es for the task of reconstructing the geography of Anatolia in the Old Assyrian period. For a
large part, the texts were written in the Hittite language using cuneiform characters on clay
tablets, but inscriptions in other languages, materials and scripts are common in the area. The
main part of the corpus comes from the royal archives in the state capital, but a few groups of
texts have been found in excavations elsewhere. Diverse genres are represented in the corpus,
including administrative and historical records, legal texts, lexical material, literature, hymns,
prayers, omens and oracular texts, ritual instructions, cultic inventories and a few letters.
There is a profound continuity in the Anatolian toponomy between the Old Assyrian Col-
ony Period (c. ṣ97Ṣ–ṣ7ṣτ) and the Old Hittite Kingdom (c. ṣ6τṢ–ṣστṢ).ṣ8σ Several of the
main political entities in Anatolia were conquered and destroyed by the early Hittite kings,
while other cities were spared and survived for centuries, turning up at regular intervals in
later imperial Hittite sources (c. ṣστṢ–ṣṬṢṢ). This political and cultural continuity lasted
throughout the Bronze Age, and ended only with the downfall of the empire, meaning that the
Hittite toponomastic evidence often needs to be integrated on equal terms with the Old Assyr-
ian texts in the analysis. Unfortunately, also the study of the Hittite historical geography has
been troubled by great dificulties, and there are still numerous moot points in the reconstruc-
tion. The diversity of the sources is both their greatest strength and their main weakness. The
various genres represented in the corpus provide very different perspectives, and plainly all
are not equally suited for the purpose of understanding historical geography. Great consider-
ation must be taken not to use all sources in the same way and for an identical purpose. The
Hittite annals and historical preambles to treaties are favoured sources in the study of histori-
cal geography due to their vivid descriptions of campaigns and movements of armies. But the
texts often tend to telescope events and jump in time and may be notoriously misleading if
used as simple itineraries. A lot of actions are subsumed and go unmentioned by their authors,
and for narrative purposes, as well as because of the divine and aristocratic audience of the
texts, certain aspects and episodes were inlated and others entirely omitted. Annalistic texts
are therefore best used when a number of individual texts provide consistent series of top-
onyms and indicate that the listed places belong together, either along a route or in a region.
In addition to the annalistic preambles, some vassal treaties also contain detailed descriptions
of the borders drawn up as part of the agreement. Such descriptions of the physical features,
including towns and villages, plainly add highly valuable data for the geographical recon-
struction, although the way in which to read them is subject to debate.
ṣ8ṭ. cHarpin & Ziegler ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭ7Ṭ-Ṭ76. For recent contributions on the historical geography of Northern Syria in the
Middle Bronze Age, see astour 1995; BeitZel 1992Ş ogucHi ṣ999Ş joannès ṣ996Ş forlanini ṬṢṢσaŞ ṬṢṢ6Ş Mar-
ro ṬṢṢσŞ gawlikowski ṬṢṢ9. See also Mellaart ṣ98Ṭ. A detailed analysis of the geography of the eastern corner
of Northern Syria during the Old Babylonian period based upon a gravitational model (see below) appeared in
wäfler ṬṢṢṣ. He also offers an extensive bibliography, and a valuable update on all attested toponyms in the texts
from Northern Syria. Note also BelMonte Marín ṬṢṢṣ.
ṣ8σ. Cf. arcHi 1980; ünal ṣ99τ.
6ṣ
In addition to the annals and treaties, oracular queries in which the Hittite king asks the
gods what route to follow during a campaign produce important and presumably fairly unbi-
ased itineraries. A further valuable source of information comes from the ritual itineraries that
describe the king s journeys around Anatolia during the religious festivals. Unfortunately,
such texts can be particularly deceiving because the kings apparently often backtracked, made
loops and zigzagged between the cultic installations in a bewildering fashion. Furthermore,
some cultic ceremonies involved the participation of representatives from cities all over the
Hittite Empire, and the order in which such representatives were called upon by the royal
herald can not be used as a primary tool for understanding the Hittite geography.ṣ8τ In a simi-
lar way, religious and administrative texts often list groups of cities in well-known series,
which has led to the obvious conclusion that the cities mentioned have to be geographically
related. Again, this proves not always to be the case, and administrative and religious princi-
ples may govern the sequence of cities in the lists rather than geographical considerations. It
is therefore often preferable to give precedence to campaign oracles and annalistic texts,
when compared to cultic and administrative lists, in attempts to understand the geographical
principles governing the toponyms listed in the texts.
Apart from the annalistic texts, state treaties, cultic texts, administrative lists, literary com-
positions, laws, land grants and letters all add important evidence to the analysis.ṣ86 The ar-
chive of a Hittite provincial governor excavated at Ma at Höyük near Zile gives us rich infor-
mation about the historical geography of the Tokat and Amasya region, and the few documents
published so far from the site of Ortaköy east of Boğazköy show how much more could po-
tentially be available.ṣ87 Also archives from the peripheral areas of the Hittite Empire may
contain useful data for the topic. The letters, treaties and administrative records from Tall
Atchana (ancient Alalakh) and Ras Shamra (Ugarit), and the early letter from the kingdom of
Tikunani in the vicinity of Diyarbakır, help to narrow down or even exclude certain elements
in the study of the geography.ṣ88
The scholarly literature devoted to the study of the historical geography of the Hittite state
is immense. The most prominent early studies belong to Forrer, Goetze, Garstang and Gurney,
followed by Haas, Cornelius and Ertem.ṣ89 Del Monte and Tischler oversaw the massive task
of collecting and editing all the toponyms attested in the Hittite texts for the TAVO-project,
while Forlanini and Marazzi collected all archaeological and textual evidence and produced a
map of the Hittite Empire for the Italian historical atlas.ṣ9Ṣ Important studies of individual re-
gions and settlements in the empire include the works of Freu, Alp, Astour, Güterbock, Kess-
ṣ8τ. güterBock ṣ96ṣ in his review of garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9 discusses the general problem in using cultic rituals
as itineraries, stating that it is a priori quite possible that a ceremonial visit of various cult places should have
proceeded in a line that was a detour , forming a curve, or a loop or a zigzag. For instance, the itinerary of the
nuntarriyasha-festival touches Katapa and Tahurpa twice and thus must have made a loop. On p. 96 he concludes
To sum up, we have tried to show that the lists taken as basis for geographical systems ever since Goetze s article
in RHA I (goetZe ṣ9ṭṢ) cannot be used as such. That is not to deny that they may group some names together
which belong in the same regionŞ but they are no itineraries! .
ṣ86. For the use of literary texts for the study of the historical geography in Anatolia, see e.g. J. L. Miller ṣ999. For
the siege of Uršu (CTH 7) see güterBock ṣ9ṭ8: ṣṣṭ-ṣṭ8 (edition)Ş BrYce ṣ998: 77-78. For the Hittite Laws, see
Hoffner ṣ997. For the land-grants CTH ṬṬṭ-ṬṬτ see iMparati ṣ97σ.
ṣ87. For the Hittite letters from Ma at Höyük, cf. alp ṣ98ṢŞ ṣ99ṣŞ klinger ṣ99τ. For the texts from Ortaköy, cf. süel
ṣ99ṬŞ ṣ99τŞ ṣ997Ş ṣ999Ş ṬṢṢτŞ ünal ṣ998.
ṣ88. For Ras Shamra (RS. ṣ6τ), see lackenBacHer 1982; singer 1985; Harrak 1987Ş galter ṣ988. For Atchana, see
wiseMan ṣ9τṭ. For the Tikunani-letter, cf. salvini ṣ99σŞ J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣŞ DuranD ṬṢṢ6Ş Hoffner ṬṢṢ9 and cf.
section σ.ṣ.
ṣ89. forrer ṣ9Ṭ6Ş ṣ9Ṭ7Ş ṣ9Ṭ9Ş goetZe ṣ9ṬσŞ ṣ9σṢŞ ṣ9τ7Ş ṣ96ṢŞ garstang 1943; 1944; garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9Ş
güterBock 1961; Haas ṣ97ṢŞ cornelius ṣ9ττŞ ṣ9τ8aŞ ṣ9τ8bŞ ṣ9τ8cŞ ṣ9τ9Ş ṣ96ṣŞ ṣ96ṭŞ ṣ967Ş ṣ97ṭŞ erteM ṣ97ṭŞ
ṣ99τ.
ṣ9Ṣ. Del Monte & tiscHler 1978; Del Monte 1992; forlanini & MaraZZi ṣ986.
6Ṭ
Ṭ.6 LATER TEXTUAL SOURCES
ler, Steiner and Klengel.ṣ9ṣ In recent years, Dinçol, Forlanini, Hawkins, Singer and Yakar have
all produced a number of publications on the subject, but due to the discoveries of new evi-
dence for the location of the Arzawan states and Tarhuntassa, discussions of the geography
have been concentrated primarily on the western extension of the Hittite Empire.ṣ9Ṭ
Ṭ.6 Later textual Sources
Texts dated to the period following the collapse of the Hittite Empire also contain useful evi-
dence for the historical geography of Anatolia in the Old Assyrian Colony Period. The written
sources of the Iron Age are mainly lapidary display inscriptions of local Anatolian kings writ-
ten in Hieroglyphic Luwian, although some of the annalistic inscriptions of the Middle- and
Neo-Assyrian kings also contain relevant references to Anatolia.ṣ9ṭ Both corpora refer mainly
to the eastern and southern areas of Anatolia, whereas the few short inscriptions from the
northern and western areas dominated by the Phrygian state offer little evidence relevant to
the geography of earlier periods.ṣ9σ
The classical Greek and Roman sources are important for the study of the geography of the
Bronze Age for several reasons. First, a number of toponyms survive into and are recorded
during this period. Given that the historical geography of late antiquity tends to be far better
known than the previous periods, the identiication of a toponym in Roman times may some-
times point to the location of an earlier settlement. Second, the old routes, which are often to
some extent dictated by the topography, tend to be relatively well known from this period.ṣ9τ
The Roman and medieval authors gave detailed descriptions of the main routes through
Anatolia,ṣ96 and numerous itineraries and inscribed milestones have survived, giving an ex-
cellent view of the stations along the routes. Third, general descriptions of the geography, the
economy and the local traditions of particular regions in Anatolia given by authors, such as
Strabo and Ptolemy sometimes add valuable evidence to the analysis.
Finally, later sources, such as Byzantine annals and pilgrim itineraries, Arab geographers,
Armenian and Persian chroniclers, Seljuk and Ottoman travellers, early maps, and books
written by the early modern travellers, all contain traces of an earlier toponomy and contain
important information about routes, the landscape and conditions of travel in Anatolia before
the advent of cars.
Ṭ.7 Archaeological Evidence
Thousands of archaeological sites all over modern Turkey have been identiied by surface
collection and excavation, many of them with remains dated to the Old Assyrian Colony Pe-
riod. Artefact typologies and chronologies have been continually reined through stratiied
ṣ9ṣ. alp 1979; astour 1995; 1997; freu 1980; güterBock 1958; 1961; 1986a; 1990; kessler 1980; steiner 1993;
klengel 1998; arcHi & klengel ṣ98Ṣ.
ṣ9Ṭ. For the developments in Hittite geography in the past decade, see the comment by Hawkins 2002: ṣσσ and Dinçol
et al. 2001. Cf. forlanini passim; Hawkins ṣ99τaŞ ṣ99τbŞ ṣ998aŞ ṣ998bŞ singer 1996. Note also Dinçol & Yakar
1974; Yakar 1980; Yakar & Dinçol ṣ97σ.
ṣ9ṭ. For the Luwian inscriptions, see Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ. For the Assyrian annals, see graYson 1987; 1996; YaMaDa
2000a; fucHs 1994; Borger ṣ9τ6Ş ṣ996.
ṣ9σ. One exception is Mellink ṣ979.
ṣ9τ. frencH ṣ97τŞ HilD ṣ977Ş HilD & restle ṣ98ṣŞ talBert ṬṢṢṢ.
ṣ96. See e.g. the Tabula Peutingeriana, the Itinerarium Antonini, the travels of ‘elebi (cf. BuğDaY ṣ996) and the
works of various Ottoman geographers (cf. tascHner ṣ9ṬσŞ ṣ9Ṭ6).
6ṭ
excavation, and ongoing archaeological surveys now cover large parts of modern Turkey. It
makes little sense to offer even a brief summary of this enormous material in the present con-
text. Rather, it is of essence to discuss the use and importance of archaeological data for the
study of historical geography.
In studies of the historical geography of Anatolia a direct correlation between a toponym
attested in the written record and a given archaeological site is often tentative to the point of
being useless. Even at places where excavations have been going on for decades there is often
doubt about the ancient identity of the site. Plainly it is not the purpose of archaeology to
provide direct answers to such an analysis, but archaeological data may inform a study of
historical geography in several crucial ways. The identiication of ancient settlements through
archaeological survey allows us to produce site maps and propose the likely course of his-
torical roads and routes. Similarly, Roman milestones or Hittite display reliefs mark the posi-
tion of ancient transport networks. However, extensive site catalogues are not per se of much
value for the study of ancient geography. Only when patterns of tangible human conduct can
be deined in the form of populated zones, ixed river crossings, defensive lines and roads are
such iles of key importance. Of course, numerous sources of error, such as imperfect cover-
age of the surveys, modern alluviation, a limited sampling, and a poor comprehension of the
ceramic sequences need to be taken into account in the inal analysis.
Material and written sources are normally treated as two separate categories of evidence
and are divided between the disciplines of history and archaeology. Although they are fre-
quently used complement one another in examinations of particular problems, it is often with
the notion that texts are best used as a source of past events and material culture as a source
for the social settings of such events. Attempts at actually integrating the two are rare, and
they seldom succeed in bridging the gap between them. Yet, it is the capability of archaeology
to decentre our historical understanding of the past that is its essential contribution to the in-
terpretive level of a study in historical geography. A recognition and control of the ambiguity
between the written and the material record can drive further interpretationŞ it can shed new
light on aspects of materiality and ethnicity, class and gender, space and ecology, and ques-
tion, deconstruct, or illuminate problems, and add social focus and historical sensitivity to our
grasp of the past. ṣ97
The steadily growing number of excavations and surveys in Turkey therefore ought to
constitute a potential treasure-trove of information for the student of historical geography.
Unfortunately, a fundamental problem for the present study has been the dificulty in using
the available archaeological data for Anatolia in the Middle Bronze Age. For a large part this
is due to a lack of articulated research questions, ill-deined methodologies and a deicient
publication practice for the key archaeological sites in Turkey. Quite simply, the excavations
have failed to produce and publish results that would allow any complex level of interpreta-
tion. Similarly, there has been a tendency to publish archaeological surveys only in the most
preliminary way without any regard to synthesis or even a presentation of the data in a verii-
able fashion. With a few outstanding exceptions, the approach has remained years behind the
methodologies developed by Adams, Nissen and Gibson in Southern Iraq almost half a cen-
tury ago.ṣ98 Much needed information about population density, settlement hierarchies and
demographic change is almost entirely lacking.
Data generated by the growing research into ancient mining and metallurgy in Anatolia has
come to play an important role in the present analysis. Metal, unlike most other commodities
traded by the Assyrians, can in theory be traced to its source by physical analysis. Since the
ṣ97. gallowaY ṬṢṢ6: σṬŞ MaYne ṬṢṢ8: ṣṣṣŞ BeauDrY ṬṢṢ6: 7.

ṣ98. aDaMs ṣ96τŞ ṣ98ṣŞ aDaMs & nissen ṣ97Ṭ.
6σ
Ṭ.8 METHODOLOGY
Assyrian trade in metal focussed on a few cities that seem to have controlled the access to
particular ores, an integration of surveys of resources areas and production sites, experimen-
tal archaeology, excavations, trace-analyses and an understanding of the underlying mechan-
ics of the business can be used to produce decisive arguments in the study of historical geo-
graphy.
Also studies in ethno-archaeology have proven valuable for the current topic. Aspects of
the local agricultural tradition, transhumance patterns, foresting, ishing, mining, pottery and
textile production informs particular elements of the analysis.
Ṭ.8 Methodology
In spite of numerous studies of the historical geography of Anatolia in the Bronze Age, no
consistent methodology has ever been devised for the purpose, and most approaches have
been undeined and commonsensical. The question discussed in the following section is
therefore, whether and how such a general methodology for the study of Anatolian Bronze
Age geography may be developed.
The study of human geography has forcefully reintroduced the importance of spatiality
and landscape into our analysis of society in recent years, emphasising the interplay between
physical surroundings and the individual s perception of his environment and conceptualiz-
ing landscapes as a conlict-ridden medium through which individuals act and are acted
upon. ṣ99 Dealing with trade and colonial encounters as evidenced in the Old Assyrian Colony
Period, an understanding of the physical setting of the system of exchange lies at the very
heart of analysis. Two essential questions lie at the core of the interpretation: where ? , so as
to know how things are arranged in space, and: why there ? , in order to appreciate the ar-
rangement found.ṬṢṢ The study of distribution is of fundamental importance because it reveals
the variation between one place and the next. Most things are not scattered over an area at
random, but show deinite arrangement in space. Furthermore, an in-depth analysis of each
local pattern, as well as the comparison between such patterns, serves to bring out the charac-
teristic features of each place and establishes its individuality and geographical unity.
To appreciate the way in which trade was organised, the impact the Assyrian merchants
had upon local Anatolian society, and the sheer volume and range of Assyrian dealings in
Anatolia, we require a thorough understanding of its physical setting. Although one might
easily think that traders archives, full of business letters, accounts and memoranda, constitute
an excellent tool for the reconstruction of the active geographical horizon of those merchants,
the material hands over such information reluctantly. Letters exchanged between agents and
inancers, along with private notes and judicial records, all presume a common knowledge of
the geography, markets and resources that is now lost to us. The actual degree of detail in the
available documentation varies enormously.
The traditional approach has been to isolate a given toponym in an ancient text and then
identify it with a modern place-name in the proposed vicinity of the events described in the
text. Matches between an ancient and a modern sites were sought on the basis of two top-
onyms that sound or look similar, and for which one may reconstruct a feasible linguistic
development from one to the other. In fact, this simple way of creating ixed points in a
network of toponyms and combining the results with data from ancient travelogues has
proved highly successful for the study of the historical geography in parts of Southern Meso-
ṣ99. HoDDer 1986: 7-8Ş tillY ṣ99σ: ṣṣ.

ṬṢṢ. MitcHell ṣ9τσ: τ-7.
6τ
potamia and the Levant. This is due to the fact that large parts of the ancient toponomy in
those areas remained amazingly conservative through the past four millennia, and numerous
places today have a name that may be directly recognised in the ancient sources.
Anatolian history, on the other hand, contains several signiicant breaks in the political and
cultural continuity, and so the linguistic approach has fared much worse. A select few of the
suggested reconstructions are convincing to the point of being universally accepted, but in
most cases ancient toponyms are not easily recognised in this way and with very few excep-
tions even the largest Hittite cities have not been securely identiied. With thousands of top-
onyms in any given region of Turkey, there is always bound to be a place-name similar to the
one sought for. It has therefore proven very dificult to ascertain whether a suggested match
is genuine, or whether it derives from an ancient homonym, the same root, or simply sounds
alike by coincidence. The linguistic approach is notoriously unreliable when it is not sup-
ported by other facts, and the method easily deteriorates into what Benno Landsberger once
termed Gleichklangspielerei.
Such kling-klang etymologies have caused much confusion, having little bearing on the
actual situation in ancient times. But a number of additional factors are responsible for mud-
dling the picture. All too often, points of misunderstanding have arisen from the incidence of
homonymsŞ several cities bore identical, or near-identical names, leading scholars into exten-
sive debates about likely interpretations of a particular set of data that might relate to one or
several localities. On the one hand, we have an intuitive doubt towards the conjecture of a
homonym each time a reference does not it a given model. On the other hand, homonyms in
Anatolia were presumably as common as everywhere else, and attempts to conlate informa-
tion that in fact relates to two identically named places often end up causing worse turmoil in
the study of geography. Unfortunately, the occurrence of homonyms is often exceptionally
dificult to prove, and it may be even harder to decide which references should be assigned to
which homonymous city. As a rule of thumb, the number of homonyms grows with the degree
of detail in the written record. For instance, the occurrence of two homonymous countries or
provinces may be considered rare and unlikely, while it is easy to assume the existence two
or more identically named villages. Thus, the further one moves down into a detailed the
description of a particular area, the larger is the chance that a village homonymous with an-
other known settlement occurs.
Problems also arise from the widespread habit of studying the geography of only one par-
ticular region at a time. Since the geographical system forms an inseparable whole in which
all elements are interdependent, the failure to consider the structure of the system in its en-
tirety can lead to faulty conclusions. On the other hand, all pertinent information should be
identiied and registered, and only then can the connections between toponyms be assessed.
On the other hand, the limit has to be drawn somewhere and the size of a geographical system
is open to deinition.
Finally, an important fact to consider is that texts and entire archives may have been moved
in antiquity. For this reason it is risky to base a conclusion about the identiication of a par-
ticular site exclusively upon references in texts excavated there. The inborn desire one has to
identify with a site where one has spent years working easily leads to premature conclusions
about its ancient name. Once identiications are proposed, they tend to stick even if they may
initially have been based upon scanty evidence. As a case in point, one may consider possible
conclusions about the identiication of the site of Acemhöyük, where broken bullae addressed
to the Kaneš Colony were found, had excavations at Kültepe not already been in progress.
A complete and systematic approach to the evidence is the only way to avoid such pitfalls.
Each text must be judged according to its contents and context, and the archive analysed ac-
cording to its function. Only then can it be decided whether the toponyms attested therein are
66
Ṭ.8 METHODOLOGY
listed according to a geographically meaningful principle that is compatible with the sur-
rounding area.
As an alternative to the linguistic approach, the two geographers Tobler and Wineburg
proposed a statistical gravity model based upon an analysis of recurring strings or clusters of
place-names (seriations) in the Old Assyrian records.ṬṢṣ When seriations are used to establish
connections between places, only a few ixed points on the map will allow one to construct
an extensive grid of toponyms that commonly occur in relation to one another and to those
ixed points. As a measure of interaction between settlements, the authors used the numbers
of tablets found in one settlement that mentioned another settlement. Under the assumption
that interaction would decline systematically with distance once appropriate normalizations
had been applied, Tobler and Wineberg used metric scaling methods to estimate the missing
locations. Their two basic suppositions were that places mentioned together frequently lie
closer together than places that are not mentioned together frequently, and that the names of
large settlements occur more frequently than the names of small settlements. The total expec-
tation was therefore that the degree of interaction between places depends on their size and
the separation between them.
The statistical material available at the time when Tobler and Wineberg made their compu-
tations was limited to 7τσ references, or about one ifth of the total number of attestations
used in this book. For this reason alone, a number of their conclusions can be proven wrong.
However, a more serious problem was the inability of the model to take the local topography
into account. Statistical gravity models were developed on the basis of Christaller s Central
Place Theory that operates in a ictional two-dimensional landscape of points and hexagons.
Another fundamental issue was the failure to consider the commercial bias of the Old Assyr-
ian sources. For instance, the frequency of a speciic toponym might depend upon its function
as a transit station for the trade rather than its size, as one would expect Suez to be mentioned
more often than Rome in the records of a modern shipping company. Likewise, places might
be mentioned together frequently due to their terminal positions on a trade route rather than
geographical proximity, as Rotterdam and Singapore would in the modern case.
In order to compensate for such statistical anomalies one irst needs to understand each text
and deine its function. For different reasons, some records simply list panoramas without any
apparent geographical principle. Others refer to alternative destinations on several routes.
Such cases must be identiied and excluded prior to the statistical analysis. Plainly, this entails
a close reading and a subjective decision in the case of each individual text.
Yet the basic notion of the statistical gravity model that toponyms occur in coherent groups
or clusters that relect a geographical relation is useful. By irst including all records men-
tioning a particular toponym into the analysis one can suggest the general outline of each
cluster. Texts referring to actual physical journeys from A to B can then be analysed sepa-
rately to identify the relations between each toponym and the cluster. Combined with any
information about physical features occurring in the texts (roads, bridges, rivers or moun-
tains), and relations to the ixed points in the grid, the entire framework of connections can
then ideally be applied onto the physical map. Here the local topography comes into account,
not only as a guideline or an underpinning, but at the very root of the model.
Already the Scottish classicist Sir William M. Ramsay, who was a pioneer in the discipline,
proposed a topographical approach to the study of the historical geography in Anatolia.ṬṢṬ
Based upon a reading of the Greek and Roman authors and his own exploratory travels
ṬṢṣ. toBler & wineBurg ṣ97ṣ.

ṬṢṬ. raMsaY ṣ89ṢŞ ṣ9ṢṬ. See also HogartH ṣ89ṭ.
67
through Anatolia, Ramsay concluded that topography is the foundation of history ,ṬṢṭ and
claimed that a key to understanding Anatolian geography is the realization that there had al-
ways been only a limited number of routes crossing the country as dictated by the topography.
He advanced the theory that all the important centres of trade and political power that rose
and declined through history moved from epoch to epoch, but that they were invariably tied
to one such route.
Ramsay saw only one principal route crossing Turkey north-to-south. From the Black Sea
at Samsun it would pass Amasya, Tokat and Sivas to Kayseri and Aksaray, and then descend
through the Cilician Gates to the Mediterranean.ṬṢσ The exact course of the road could vary to
accommodate the trafic to rising cities, but throughout history it has remained the main thor-
oughfare.ṬṢτ Likewise, he identiied two major routes across the country from east to west. A
southern route, which has always been the more important of the two, runs from the Euphra-
tes at Malatya via Kayseri, Aksaray and Konya to Afyon and Izmir. A northern road follows
the line from Sivas via Yozgat, Ankara and Eski ehir to Bursa and Istanbul. Ramsay s idea
was that one could:
trace in outline the history of these roads, to show how they are marked out by nature,
and how their variation in comparative importance, produced by historical reasons, has
reacted on the distribution of the chief centres of population.ṬṢ6
Due to issues of defence and access to water and agricultural land, successful cities only arose
in a limited number of places,ṬṢ7 and where the main routes intersected, cities invariably grew
to facilitate and protect trade and trafic in a road-knot .ṬṢ8 Such road-knots , Ramsay pre-
dicted, would have fostered a dominant cityŞ if one could identify a road-knot, then there
would probably be a major ancient settlement in its vicinity. For the same reason, he claimed
that:
a modern centre is the representative of some ancient city, and conversely … almost
every ancient city has a modern representative.ṬṢ9
Ramsay s book is more than a century old now, and yet in some respects it remains surpris-
ingly modern. He refrained from using the methods of his contemporaries, avoiding kling-
klang etymologies and a straightforward exegesis of Roman itineraries. Instead he sought to
develop a structural model based upon topographical and functional features of settlements
and landscape, focussing his gaze at the identiication of the main lines of movement rather
than the cities. Remarkably, David French could successfully apply Ramsay s approach in a
slightly modiied form almost a century later to retrace the Roman itineraries of Anatolia.ṬṣṢ
Unfortunately, the ancient Assyrian evidence does not include true itineraries, milestones or
paving to help identify the routes used by the ancient traders. But Ramsay s key observations
on the importance of the regional topography narrows down the number of possible roads
ṬṢṭ. raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: τṣ.

ṬṢσ. ibid. Ṭ6ṭ and Ṭ68.
ṬṢτ. Routes could change for other reasons as well. For instance, a bridge built over the Kızılırmak in Byzantine times
re-opened the southern route, and led to the rise of the city of Kır ehir as an important road-knot in the region.
ṬṢ6. ibid. Ṭ6.
ṬṢ7. ibid. 8σ.
ṬṢ8. ibid. σ9 ff.
ṬṢ9. ibid. 8ṭ.
ṬṣṢ. frencH ṣ97σŞ ṣ99ṭ.
68
Ṭ.8 METHODOLOGY
considerably, and if one identiies the ancient routes before the sites as French did, the num-
ber of workable reconstructions is diminished even further.
Both Ramsay and French used ieldwork and personal experience of the landscape as a
central, if not always explicit, element in their identiications of the ancient routes. Starr ap-
plied a similar approach in his search for the Roman roads of Anatolia, deining the following
ive-step routine for his explorations:Ṭṣṣ
a) Study the pertinent information in ancient sources

b) Narrow down the area of search for a particular road to a band
c) Conduct an area search
d) Question local inhabitants
e) Re-examine the ancient writers in the light of the newly discovered data
A comparable approach is used in this book. Having gone through all the written sources, I
spent almost a year in Turkey. However, instead of an extensive regional survey that I was
neither competent nor sanctioned to undertake, my area search remained virtual in the sense
that I used published survey-results, travelogues and geographical handbooks for the purpose.
I paid visits to all larger sites in a given area with a known assemblage dated to the Early and
Middle Bronze Age, as well as sites with an unknown assemblage that are situated in what
appears to be strategic positions along natural routes, passes, crossings etc. The published
material was combined with a personal experience of the landscape in order to estimate and
identify the possible or likely ancient routes.ṬṣṬ I spent hours talking to locals about what sort
of crops they grew, whether they remembered where the tracks had been before the modern
road was built, if they ever crossed that mountain on foot, which other villages they were in
close contact with, etc. This method will of course produce subjective results, and rely heav-
ily upon my interpretation of local memory and recent technology. Nevertheless, a territory is
not an open land that may be crossed in every direction, and the old roads and social contacts
to neighbouring communities often follow natural routes. This sense of topographically de-
termined continuity was supported by looking at the course of the roads on maps produced
prior to the introduction of the automobile and the regular occurrence of ancient settlements
along these roads. Experiencing the landscape irst hand is inevitably subjective, and plainly
the technology with which one moves through the countryside today is ininitely different
from that of the ancient Assyrians. Nevertheless, the countless observations made during the
ieldwork have proven of central importance for the results of the present study, even if they
are not always apparent in the inal text.
The Turkish landscape of today is very different from that of the early second millennium
BC. Modern irrigation, infrastructure, industry and a dramatic increase in population have
changed the face of the land. A ieldwork in historical geography must therefore pursue such
changes and attempt to identify them and their impact whenever possible. Even when one
drives on the modern highway at maximum speed, it is possible to get a feeling for what it
must have been like to cross that same area on foot with a donkey four millennia ago. The
accounts of the early travellers, the irst guidebooks and handbooks for intelligence oficers,
reports by early rail and mining prospectors, and early archaeological travelogues add invalu-
able evidence for life and movement in the pre-industrial landscape. They give speciic infor-
mation on roads and river crossings, as well as a sense of what was customary before the in-
troduction of cars and asphalt. The past is still very much present in the Turkish countryside,
and can often be perceived irst hand: the ruins of the fortress that guards the valley, the local
Ṭṣṣ. starr ṣ96Ṭ: 6.

ṬṣṬ. For the results of an investigation in one such area, see BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ.
69
source of metal A
River
contemporary
Mountains
donkey-track
Fixed point
well-known Roman road
City X City Y (known location of
well-known ancient city)
ford – probable location
centre of trade (site of a large mound) of bridge recorded in
in metal A source between fixed
point and City Y
Fig. 4: The Location of City X: a sample regional model. City X is a known market of the metal A. The city
appears in the same cluster as city Y. Between city Y and the Fixed Point a bridge is attested. The Fixed
Point guards a pass into the mountains. A well-known Roman road connects the Fixed Point to a large
mound known from surveys on the opposite side of a river. One or more strata of habitation on the mound
can be dated to the correct period. A source of the metal A has been identiied in the vicinity to city A. A
modern donkey-track still connects the source of metal to the Roman road. The area where the two roads
intersect has not been surveyed, but the connection with the City Y and the large mound makes it a likely
location of City X.
spring, or the old track leading across the hills to the next village. To work with historical
geography one must work diachronically and examine the landscape and environment of a
given region through time. But to work with historical geography is also to work synchronic-
ally, and to study the area in its entirety at a given point in time. One must pursue changes in
nature and technology and attempt to envision movement through the ancient landscape.
By combining a statistical, a text-critical and a topographical approach based on ieldwork,
this book attempts to produce a more precise and stable model of the historical geography of
Anatolia in the early Ṭnd millennium BC. An analysis of recurring seriations of ancient topo-
nyms in the Old Assyrian texts will be used to delineate geographical clusters. This part of
the approach is further discussed and developed under section σ.ṣ. Combined with the evi-
dence gathered from written records listing toponyms in a contextually meaningful order,
these clusters will be positioned in a grid. The likely course of the ancient routes and roads is
suggested on grounds of topographical criteria, the distribution of relevant archaeological
sites, and the location of natural resources (metals) and resource areas (water, pastures etc.).
The grids will then be positioned in relation to the ixed points in the geography of Anatolia,
the likely position of the ancient routes and road-knots, and in agreement with the available
archaeological evidence (see ig. σ).
Only a select number of the hundreds of toponyms attested in the Old Assyrian sources are
included in the analysis. The selection is done on the basis of relevance: if a particular place
is mentioned a signiicant number of times, then there is a chance that it may be located on a
map and so it is included in the analysis. In addition, places that are attested only a few times
may be relevant to include for other reasons: it may be a well-known toponym in later Hittite
texts, or perhaps one very clear reference helps to place the toponym. A total of some ṭτ
places are included in the analysis.
The division between Syria and Anatolia in the present study is not drawn according to
modern state boundaries. Rather, in accordance with the perspective of the Assyrian traders,
the Euphrates River is seen as the mental and physical frontier between the area that the cara-
7Ṣ
Ṭ.8 METHODOLOGY
Luhuzattiya Ku ara
Zalpa
Kane Hurama
Timelkiya Hahhum
alah uwa
Fig. 5: Sample model of a cluster. Toponyms in the cluster are shown inside separate squares. Connections
between the toponyms attested in the sources are shown as lines between the squares. In this particular
example, Hurama and Timelkiya are knots in the cluster from where the trafic can move in several direc-
tions. In the course of the study the various clusters are assembled into larger regional networks and are
associated with the topography and the archaeological evidence.
vans had to pass (Syria) and the area that they could trade in (Anatolia). This study covers
only the historical geography of Anatolia, and does not include Northern Syria, although the
location of a few towns east of the Euphrates are taken into consideration for the purpose of
identifying some of the river-crossings. Each toponym discussed is granted a separate section
in one of two parts of the analysis. The irst deals with the area south and east of Kaneš. The
second part deals with the toponyms north and west of that city. For each toponym a table is
provided to show the number of times it occurs alongside other place names. Direct connec-
tions attested between the toponyms will be drawn as a grid in which boxes (cities) are linked
by lines (routes). Together, the table and the grid are used as the basis for an identiication of
the geographical cluster to which the toponym belongs.
Obviously, the number of pages devoted to the discussion of each toponym relects the
available number of sources rather than its historical importance. Because a reconstruction of
the historical geography of a region relies upon the analysis of the entire system of interde-
pendent units, the discussion of each toponym involves a discussion of its relation to all other
toponyms. This obviously makes it a didactic challenge to present the material, since the
reader has to be kept informed about the results of an argument he or she did not yet read. For
this reason, a concluding section in each of the two parts of the analysis summarises the evi-
dence and gives the overall reconstruction of the historical geography in the region. Finally,
a concluding chapter reviews the results of the study in its entirety and evaluates the conse-
quences of the suggested reconstruction for our understanding of the political, economic and
historical development in the region during the Old Assyrian Colony Period.
7ṣ
CHAPTER Ṭ: APPENDIX Ṭ
Appendix Ṭ:
This appendix provides tables and maps of the principal excavated and surveyed sites in Cen-
tral and Eastern Anatolia and the Black Sea region dated to the early second millennium BC.
References to some of the key sites in neighbouring areas have been included. Often chrono-
logical terminology is unclear and inconsistent – particularly in the earlier literature – and the
terms Old Hittite and Early Hittite have been used alternately to refer either to the period
contemporary with the Old Hittite State or to the time of the Assyrian colonies preceding it.
This list attempts to include sites that were in fact occupied around the period contemporary
with the Assyrian trade in Anatolia, i.e. the years corresponding to the archaeological layers
III-Ia at Kayseri Kültepe. References are given either to the most recent works on the site, or
to analyses with a particular bearing on the site during the early Middle Bronze Age.
A Ṭ.1 – List of excavated sites (Map 4)
No. Name of Site Selected References
ṣ Acemhöyük n. ÖZgüç ṣ966Ş ṣ98σŞ ṣ988Ş eMre ṣ966Ş ÖZtan ṣ99ṢŞ ṣ998Ş ṬṢṢṣŞ ṬṢṢṬŞ
ṬṢṢṭŞ ṬṢṢσŞ ṬṢṢτŞ ṬṢṢ6Ş ṬṢṢ7aŞ ṬṢṢ7bŞ ṬṢṢ8Ş ṬṢṢ9
Ṭ Alaca Höyük arik ṣ9ṭ7Ş koŞaY ṣ9τṣŞ akok & koŞaY ṣ966Ş ṣ97ṭŞ gürsan-salZMann
ṣ99ṬŞ çinaroğlu & genç ṬṢṢσŞ çinaroğlu & çelik ṬṢṢ9
ṭ Ali ar oğuZ ṣ9ṭṭŞ von Der osten ṣ9ṭ7Ş von Der osten & scHMiDt ṣ9ṭṢŞ ṣ9ṭ7Ş
gornY ṣ99ṢŞ aksu & DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢσ
σ Arslantepe frangipane 1992; Di nocera 1993; ṣ996Ş ṣ998Ş ṬṢṢṣ
τ Beycesultan lloYD & Mellaart ṣ96ṬŞ ṣ96τŞ lloYD ṣ97ṬŞ Mellaart & MurraY ṣ99τ
6 Boğazköy fiscHer ṣ96ṭŞ ortHMann ṣ96ṭŞ gunter ṣ98ṢŞ Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ
7 Boyalı sipaHi ṬṢṢ9
8 Büklükkale (Kapalıkaya) forrer ṣ9Ṭ7Ş oMura ṣ99ṭŞ varDar ṬṢṢṭŞ MatsaMura ṬṢṣṢŞ BarjaMovic
ṬṢṣṢ
9 ‘adır (Sorgun) gornY et al. 2000; gornY 2006; paleY 2007; 2008
ṣṢ ‘engeltepe ünal ṣ966
ṣṣ Dede mezari arisoY et al. 2007; üYüMeZ et al. 2007; 2008; 2009
ṣṬ Değirmentepe Duru ṣ979
ṣṭ Demirci Höyük kull ṣ988
ṣσ Dündartepe kÖkten et al. 1945; t. ÖZgüç 1948
ṣτ Eskiyapar ÖZgüç & teMiZer ṣ99ṭ
ṣ6 Ferzant ÖZgüç 1986b
ṣ7 Gaziantep Kalehöyük kulakoğlu et al. 2008
ṣ8 Geyre Höyük (Aphrodisias) joukowskY ṣ986
ṣ9 Gritille ellis & voigt ṣ98Ṭ
ṬṢ Hanözü eMre ṣ99Ṭ
Ṭṣ Hirbemerdon Tepe laneri 2007; laneri et al. 2008a; ṬṢṢ8b
ṬṬ Hisarlık (Truva/Troy) Blegen et al. 1953
Ṭṭ Horum Höyük Marro, tiBet & Bulgari ṬṢṢṢŞ Marro ṬṢṢ7Ş wossnik ṬṢṢ9
Ṭσ Ikiztepe Mellink 1977; u. B. alkiM et al. 1988; 2003
Ṭτ Imamoğlu uZunoğlu ṣ98τŞ ṣ987Ş ṣ989
7Ṭ
A Ṭ.ṣ – LIST OF EXCAVATED SITES (MAP σ)
Ṭ6 Imiku ağı sevin 1984; 1985; 1995; sevin & kÖroğlu 1986; sevin & Derin 1987;
konYar ṬṢṢ7b
Ṭ7 Kaledoruğu (Kavak) kÖkten et al. 1945; t. ÖZgüç 1948; DÖnMeZ 1999
Ṭ8 Kaman Kalehöyük oMura ṬṢṢ7a
Ṭ9 Karahöyük (Elbistan) grotHe 1911: 275 ff.Ş N. ÖZguç & t. ÖZgüç ṣ9σ9
ṭṢ Karahöyük (Gedikli) U.B. alkiM & H. alkiM ṣ966Ş Duru ṬṢṣṢ
ṭṣ Karahöyük (Konya) alp ṣ9τ6Ş ṣ96ṣŞ ṣ96σŞ ṣ967Ş ṣ968Ş ṣ98ṣŞ ṣ988Ş ṣ99ṬŞ ṬṢṢσ
ṭṬ Karaoğlan arik ṣ9ṭ9Ş ṣ9σ8
ṭṭ Kazane MicHałowski & Misir ṣ996
ṭσ Kayalıpınar Ökse 1994; 1999; 2000a; a. Müller-karpe 2000; 2006
ṭτ Kayapınar Höyüğü teMiZer ṣ9τσŞ DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬb
ṭ6 Kenan Tepe parker et al. 2009
ṭ7 Kinet Höyük (Issos) gates ṬṢṢṢŞ ZiMMerMan ṬṢṢτŞ akar ṬṢṢ6
ṭ8 Korucutepe van loon ṣ97ṭŞ ṣ97τŞ ṣ978Ş ṣ98Ṣ
ṭ9 Kurban Höyük algaZe ṣ99ṢŞ wilkinson ṣ99Ṣ
σṢ Kusura laMB 1936aŞ ṣ9ṭ6bŞ 1937
σṣ Külhöyük (Haymana) MerMerci 1994; teMiZsoY 1995; kaYa 1996; ercan et al. 1997; çetin
1997; 2003; teMiZsoY et al. 1996aŞ ṣ996b; 1999; 2000; DeMirDelen 2002
σṬ Kültepe (Kayseri) N. ḫ T. ÖZgüç ṣ9τṭŞ T. ÖZgüç 1950; 1959; 1986a; 1999; ṬṢṢṭ
σṭ Lidar Höyük kascHau ṣ999
σσ Liman Tepe erkanal et al. ṬṢṢ9
στ Ma at Höyük t. ÖZgüç ṣ9σ8Ş ṣ978Ş ṣ98ṬŞ DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬb
σ6 Mercimektepe Zoroğlu ṣ977Ş scHacHner ṣ999: ṣ7τ
σ7 Nor untepe scHMiDt ṣ996Ş ṬṢṢṬ
σ8 Oluz Höyük DÖnMeZ 2002aŞ ṬṢṢṬb; DÖnMeZ & naZa-DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢ9aŞ ṬṢṢ9b
σ9 Oymaağaç Höyük Dengate 1978; DÖnMeZ 200ṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬbŞ cZicHon 2009; 2010
τṢ Panaztepe günel ṣ999Ş erkanal-Öktü & karaaslan ṬṢṢ9
τṣ Polatlı lloYD ḫ gÖkçe 1951
τṬ Salat Tepe Ökse ṬṢṢ6Ş ṬṢṢ9
τṭ Samsat N. ÖZgüç ṣ986Ş ṣ987Ş N. ÖZgüç ṬṢṢ9
τσ Sultanhanı (Kayseri) eMre ṣ97ṣŞ t. ÖZgüç 1971: 65-70/117-119
ττ Suluca Karahöyük (Hacibekta ) Balkan ḫ süMer 1967; 1969
τ6 Tekkeköy (Samsun) kÖkten et al. 1945; t. ÖZgüç 1948
τ7 Tepecik (Keban) Esin 1970; 1971; 1972; 1974; 1976; 1979; 1982
τ8 Tepecik (‘ine) günel ṬṢṢ7
τ9 Tilbe ar keMpinski-lecoMte 2001; kepinski ṬṢṢτŞ kepinski & Bulgan ṬṢṢτŞ
ṬṢṢ7Ş kepinski & Önal ṬṢṢ8
6Ṣ Tilmen Höyük u. B. alkiM ṣ96ṢŞ ṣ96ṬŞ ṣ969aŞ ṣ97ṭŞ Duru 2003; MarcHetti ṬṢṢ7Ş
ṬṢṢ8Ş ṬṢṢ9
6ṣ Topaklı polacco ṣ967Ş ṣ968Ş ṣ97ṢŞ ṣ97ṣŞ ṣ97ṭaŞ ṣ97ṭbŞ ṣ97ṭcŞ ṣ97ṭdŞ ṣ97σaŞ
ṣ97σbŞ ṣ97σcŞ ṣ97τaŞ ṣ97τbŞ ṣ976
6Ṭ Topraktepe (Sivas) T. ÖZgüç ṣ9σ7aŞ ṣ9σ7bŞ ṣ9σ7cŞ DurBin ṣ97ṣ
6ṭ Yanarlar eMre ṣ978Ş ṣ99ṣ
6σ Yassıhöyük (Gordion) voigt ṣ99σ
6τ Yassıdağ (Palas) eMre ṣ97ṭ
66 Zank sever 1993; 1994Ş 1998
67 Zeytınlı Bahçe frangipane et al. ṬṢṢσŞ frangipane & Balossi 2009
7ṭ
A Ṭ.Ṭ – list of important surveyed sites (Map 4)
No. Name of Site Selected References
ṣ Alibeyhüyüğü Mellaart 1958; frencH 1970; güneri 1988; BaHar et al. 2004
Ṭ Ayvalıpınar M. ÖZsait ṣ99ṣŞ ÖZsait & ÖZsait ṣ998
ṭ Ballıkuyumcu Belke 1984: 138; erteM 1995: 100
σ Boğazlıyan / Yoğunhisar oMura 1992
τ Bolus (Aktepe) DurBin 1971; t. ÖZgüç 1978
6 Bolvadin Üçhöyük lloYD & Mellaart 1962; 1965; MerMerci 1979; kocak 2004; Barja-
Movic2010
7 Büyükkale / Küçükkale 5. oMura 2002c
8 Büyüknefes (Bronze Age Site) gerBer 1999; 2003; stroBel & gerBer 2000; 2003; 2008
9 ‘omaklı / İlmez güneri 1987; BaHar et al. 2004
ṣṢ Doğantepe DÖnMeZ ṣ999Ş ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬb
ṣṣ Domuzboğazlıyan Mellaart 1958; güneri 1988; BaHar et al. 2004
ṣṬ Gediksaray Höyüğü DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṢaŞ ṬṢṢṢbŞ ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬb
ṣṭ Gerdekkaya Ökse 2000a: 95-96; engin 2009
ṣσ Göksun DÖnMeZ & Brice 1949; Brown 1967
ṣτ Harmandalı HilD 1981: 247; oMura ṣ998a (nos. Ṭτ-Ṭ6)
ṣ6 Kalkankaya Ökse 1999; 2000a
ṣ7 Karaözü Yakar & gürsan-salZMann 1979
ṣ8 Kepen von Der osten 1929; BarjaMovic 2010
ṣ9 U aklı/Ku aklı Höyük MaZZoni et al. 2010
ṬṢ Küllü Tepe (Akkı la/Gömürgen) güneri 2005
Ṭṣ Limpara Höyük Brown 1967 (Under the name Himepara)
ṬṬ Onhoroz Höyük ÖZsait 1998; DÖnMeZ ṣ999Ş ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬb
Ṭṭ Ortakaraviran II Mellaart 1958; Meriggi 1963; BaHar et al. 2004
Ṭσ Sarız garelli 1963; Brown 1967 (who possibly mistook the small Kalehöyük
inside town with the larger site mentioned by Garelli, τ-6 km to the
southwest on the Daridere).
Ṭτ Süleymanhaci güneri 1989; BaHar et al. 2004
Ṭ6 Tiladir Mellink 1991: 136-137; 1992: 34; erarslan 2009
Ṭ7 Topakhöyük Yücel enyurt (personal communication)
Ṭ8 Üyük DurBin 1971; ÖZgüç 1978
Ṭ9 Varavan oMura 1993
ṭṢ Yalak (Boz Höyük) garelli 1963; Brown 1967
ṭṣ Yassıhöyük (Tanır) raMsaY 1890; t. ÖZgüç 1949; Brown 1967
ṭṬ Yassıhöyük (‘oğun / Kır ehir) M. oMura 2001b; M. oMura 2009
ṭṭ Yassıhöyük (Yozgat) gerBer 2008; stroBel & gerBer 2008; 2009
7σ
A Ṭ.ṭ – LIST OF SURVEYS (MAP τ)
A Ṭ.ṭ – List of surveys (Map 5)
1 algaZe, Breuninger & knuDstaD ṣ99σ
2 algaZe et al. ṣ99Ṭ
3 u. B. alkiM, 1973; 1974; 1975; Yakar ḫ Dinçol 1974; Yakar 1980; ṬṢṢ8Ş DÖnMeZ ṣ999Ş ṬṢṢṢaŞ ṬṢṢṢbŞ
ṬṢṢṣaŞ ṬṢṢṣbŞ ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬbŞ Bilgi et al. ṬṢṢτ
4 u. B. alkiM, 1966
5 arcHi et al. 1971
6 BaHar 1996; 1997; ṣ998Ş ṬṢṢ8Ş ṬṢṢ9Ş BaHar et al. 2004
7 BairD ṬṢṢṣŞ ṬṢṢσ
8 BlaYlock, frencH & suMMers 1990
9 Branting 1996; gornY et al. 2000
10 Brown 1967
11 BurneY 1956
12 carter 1999
13 cZicHon 1999; 2000
14 cZicHon & klinger 2006
15 D’alfonso 2009
16 Di nocera 2005, 2008
17 Donceel-voûte 1979
18 DurBin 1971
19 efe 1997
20 erteM 1992
21 frencH 1965
22 frencH 1970
23 gÖkoğlu 1952
24 gülçur 1999; 2002; 2003
25 güneri 1987; 1988; 1989; 1990; 2005
26 isin 1997; Doonan et al. 1999; 2001
27 kealHofer 2005
28 koçak 2009; ÖZsait 1990
29 konYar 2007a; ṬṢṢ8aŞ ṬṢṢ8b
30 kÖkten 1944; 1945; 1947; kÖkten et al. 1945
31 kuZucuoğlu et al. 1997; ÖZDoğan et al. 1997; 1999; 2000
32 MattHews 2000; MattHews & glatZ 2009a
33 Mellaart 1954; 1958; lloYD & Mellaart 1965
34 MerMerci 1979
35 oMura 1989; 1990; 1991; 1992; 1993; 1994; ṣ99τaŞ ṣ99τbŞ ṣ996Ş ṣ997Ş ṣ998aŞ ṣ998bŞ ṬṢṢṢaŞ ṬṢṢṢbŞ
ṬṢṢṣaŞ ṬṢṢṣbŞ ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢṬbŞ ṬṢṢṭŞ ṬṢṢσŞ ṬṢṢτŞ ṬṢṢ6Ş ṬṢṢ8Ş MikaMi & oMura 1987; Mori & oMura 1989
36 Ökse 1993; 1994; 1995; 1996; 1997; 1998; 1999; 2000a; 2000b; 2001aŞ 2001b, engin ṬṢṢ9
37 ÖZgen, Helwing ḫ engin 2002; ÖZgen, greaves ḫ engin 2002
38 ÖZgüç, t. 1978; 1982
39 ÖZsait, M. 1994 a; 1999bŞ 2002; 2004
40 ÖZsait, M. 1991; 1994b; 1998; 1999a; 2000; 2002; 2003; 2005; 2006; 2007; ṬṢṢ9aŞ ṬṢṢ9b; ÖZsait ḫ ÖZsait
1998; 2001; DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṬa ṬṢṢṬb;
41 russel 1980 (survey by Burney)
42 serDaroğlu 1977; ÖZDoğan 1977; 1983; o.D.t.u. ṣ987
7τ
43 seton-williaMs 1954
44 sever et al. 1992
45 sevin 1989
46 stroBel & gerBer 2006; 2007; 2009; gerBer 2008
47 teZcan 1958
48 ŞenYurt 1999, 2000
49 waelkens et al. ṬṢṢṢ
50 wHallon & kantMan 1970; wHallon 1979
51 Yakar ḫ gürsan-salZMann 1979; 1981
52 YarDiMci 1992; 1994; 2005; 2006; 2007
53 Yener 2005
54 YilDiriM & sipaHi 1999; 2003; 2009; sipaHi & YilDiriM 2000; 2004; 2008; sipaHi 2003; süel 1990; 1991
76
Landscape
If topography is decisive for the location of cities and trade routes then a study of the histori-
cal geography of a given region must base itself upon an understanding of its physical terrain.
The modern state of Turkey covers an area of 78Ṣ,τ8Ṣ kmṬ of mostly mountainous terrain
broken by coastal plains, valleys and highland plateaus with large lakes and rivers. The natu-
ral forces that created this uneven relief are still felt today. Floods, droughts and landslides are
common, and earthquakes occur with disturbing frequency: at least one violent tremor hits
Turkey each decade.Ṭṣṭ The volcanic cones of Ağrı (τ,ṣṭ7 m), Erciyas (ṭ,9ṣ6 m) and Hasan
Dağ (ṭ,Ṭτṭ m), the North Anatolian Fault Zone between Erzincan and the Sea of Marmara,
and the two dominant mountain chains that run the entire length of the country from east to
west bear silent witness to the daunting powers that lifted the Anatolian Plateau during the
Pleistocene era. Plainly, the Turkish landscape exerts a strong and ever changing inluence
upon all who reside in it, and its rugged terrain will often limit the positions of roads and
settlements within closely set boundaries.
Climate and access to natural resources are decisive as well. The diversity in landscape,
plant and animal life is so profound that even neighbouring biotopes can offer completely
dissimilar conditions for life. In general, the coastal areas have a Mediterranean climate with
cool, rainy winters, and hot, moderately dry summers. The interior, which is shielded from
the seas by mountains, experiences wider daily and seasonal temperature variation, with cold
winters and dry, hot summers. The eastern mountainous area has the most inhospitable cli-
mate, with hot, extremely dry summers and bitterly cold winters. Rainfall varies enormously,
ranging from annual average of more than Ṭ,τṢṢ millimetres on the eastern coast of the Black
Sea, to less than ṬτṢ millimetres in some corners of the Central Plateau.
The purpose of the present chapter is to provide an introduction to this varied landscape
and the routes through it, both as it appears today and as it may have looked in earlier history.
Given the particular focus of the study the account will largely leave the western and eastern
parts of Turkey out of consideration, even though both trade and culture connected the entire
area during the Bronze Age. Instead, it concentrates on the topographical description of those
parts of South-eastern, Central and Black Sea Anatolia that are likely to be directly attested in
the Assyrian sources.Ṭṣσ
A deining element for the topography of Central Turkey are the two mountain ranges that
delineate its northern and southern borders. In the south the Taurus chain crosses the country
from the Mediterranean Sea to Iran, with many peaks reaching a height of over ṭ,ṢṢṢ m. In
the north a second major range follows the coast of the Black Sea, principal among them the
Ṭṣṭ. Cf. nur ṬṢṢṢ.

Ṭṣσ. Yakar ṬṢṢṢ assembles all the relevant results from studies in the geography, topography, archaeology and ethnol-
ogy in Anatolia, which allows him to present a very comprehensive analysis of what life and living conditions
have been like for the inhabitants of Turkey since ancient times. The reader may refer to his work for a thorough
study of most of what is discussed in the present chapter.
77
CHAPTER ṭ: LANDSCAPE
Pontic Mountains with peaks as high as ṭ,9ṭṣ m (Kaçkar Dağı). Between the Taurus and the
Pontic Mountains lies an extensive central massif, the Anatolian Plateau, composed of up-
lifted blocks and downfolded troughs covered by fairly recent deposits that give it the appear-
ance of a plateau with rough terrain. This plateau, with altitudes steadily rising from 6ṢṢ m to
ṣ,ṬṢṢ m west to east, is crossed by numerous rivers, and is the site of several large lakes and
extensive plains. The country s second largest lake, the shallow and salty Tuz Gölü, drains a
large part of the western half of the Plateau. The lakes Ak ehir, Bey ehir, Eber and Eğirdir lie
further west and collect the waters from a large part of the western Taurus Range, the Sultan
Dağ and the Emirdağ. Karstic features – issures, sinkholes, underground streams and caverns
produced by erosion in irregular local limestone deposits – are common throughout the west-
ern area of the plateau, causing occasional shifts in local water discharge with importance for
the historical geography of the region.
Along the eastern frontier of the plateau runs the longest river of the Middle East, the Eu-
phrates, which in ancient geographical terms marks the border between Anatolia and Meso-
potamia. Also the Tigris river has its source in Turkey, somewhat south and west of that of the
Euphrates in the Taurus Mountains. The longest river that lows completely within Turkey is
the Kızılırmak (ṣ,ṭττ km), which follows a twisted path through Central Anatolia forming a
broad half-circle just east of Ankara and lowing irst southwest but eventually curving all the
way to the northeast to empty into the Black Sea at the headland of Bafra. Other major rivers
in Central Turkey are the Delice, Ye ilırmak and ‘ekerek rivers in the east and the Sakarya in
the west.
ṭ.1 The Black Sea Region
One of the most characteristic features of Turkish topography is the strong alignment of the
landscape along an east-west axis. In large parts of the country trafic and waterways are ixed
by the direction of the mountain valleys that run like corridors through the terrain. This is
particularly true for the Black Sea region, where a series of long and narrow ridges rise
steeply from the Black Sea to an average height of ṣ,ṢṢṢ m above it. Coastal plains are virtu-
ally nonexistent along the northern coast of Turkey, with the exception of a few wide and
fertile deltas that have formed where the large inland rivers penetrate to the sea. Only a few
narrow passages carry the rivers and roads from east to west, and mountain valleys often form
distinct and fairly isolated geographical units. Even today trafic towards and along the coast
is slow and arduous, and the heavy annual rainfall means that the region is covered in dense
forests that separate communities.
Timber has always been a valuable resource in the region, and in many places the moun-
tains carry rich veins of metal and mineral ore.Ṭṣτ With accessible metal deposits and abundant
irewood, it is little wonder that the Pontic metalworkers were among the earliest of their
kind.Ṭṣ6 Ancient copper and silver mines were concentrated in the eastern part of the chain
south of Ordu and Giresun, but remnants of numerous workings of copper, silver and arsenic
ores have been documented all over the Black Sea region. Alongside a ishing and lumber
industry, mining always seems to have played a vital part in the regional economy.
Traditionally, the rural communities of the mountainous areas of the Black Sea region have
adapted to a life of sedentary pastoralismŞ in times of peace combined with small-scale agri-
culture, horticulture and ishing. The constant shift in the settlement patterns through antiq-
Ṭṣτ. See De jesus 1980; kaptan ṣ98ṢŞ ṣ986Ş ṣ988Ş ṣ99ṣŞ ṣ99ṬŞ ÖZBal et al. ṬṢṢṢ.
Ṭṣ6. Bilgi ṬṢṢṣ.
78
ṭ.ṣ THE BLACK SEA REGION
Fig. 6: The valley of the Kelkit Çay at Niksar leads the road from east to west across the Black Sea region.
uity seen in the archaeological surveys of the area suggests that the basic mode of adaptation
favours territorially based communities to less sedentary ones only when the political stabil-
ity of the area allowed it.Ṭṣ7 Large urban conglomerations from the Middle Bronze Age are
rare in the northern part of this region, and they are found almost exclusively on or along the
wider plains between the Ye ilırmak and the Kızılırmak north of the Tav an Dağ. Yet, the area
around the Kızılırmak delta and the plains south of Havza can support a substantial popula-
tion, and numerous smaller settlements indicate that the area was densely settled also in an-
cient times.
With the exception of the Sivas-Tokat-Amasya-Havza-Samsun road, all the main routes
crossing the area run east to west rather than north to south. This has always been the major
outlet from Central Anatolia to the Black Sea, and large communities have sprung up along
the route through history – Ikiztepe, Comana Pontica, Amasya and so forth. The main route
between east and west runs just south of the Black Sea region and follows the geological fault
line from Amasya and Merzifon via Tosya to Bolu and the Sea of Marmara. Subsidiary roads
connect Tokat to ‘orum via Turhal or Zile and Amasya to ‘orum via Mecitözü. Only one
road passes directly through the Black Sea region, connecting Erzincan via Niksar and Lâdik
to Vezirköprü and crossing the Kızılırmak to Kastamonu through the Gökırmak valley. The
rugged character of the terrain implies that the importance of these individual roads may have
changed over time, but the routes themselves were limited by the landscape until the intro-
duction of dynamite.
Ṭṣ7. See Yakar 1980; ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ87Ş DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṬaŞ MattHews ḫ glatZ ṬṢṢ9a. This pattern may be further emphasised
by local building techniques, which favour the extensive use of timber and leave little trace archaeologically.
79
ṭ.Ṭ The Taurus
The southern folded zone is wider and even higher than the northern range and it forms a
natural barrier between the Anatolian Plateau and the Arabian Platform. To the east and south
the main part of the chain, known as the Taurus, is steep and nearly impenetrable. Only to-
wards the west does it latten out to create a complex topography of valleys, sunken basins
and short low ranges. The limited number of passes through the eastern zone of the Taurus has
always determined the course of the routes between Mesopotamia and Anatolia. The most
famous such succession of passes are the so-called Cilician Gates that connect Mediterra-
nean Cilicia and Northern Syria to the western part of the Anatolian plateau through a narrow
corridor rising to ṣ,ṭ7Ṣ m above the sea. Several other roads exist along the chain and allow
people and goods to move to and from the highlands, but crossing the mountains was never
an easy task, and although the gradient rarely rises above τḪ, a number of the commonly
used roads lead the trafic up to almost Ṭ,ṢṢṢ m above sea level.
Today the two main roads through the Taurus east of Cilicia cross the mountains from
Kahramanmara via Göksun, or from Diyarbakır via Elazığ, Malatya and Gürun to Kayseri.
Other options include the pass between Adiyaman and Elbistan, and between Adana and Kay-
seri. Some are little used in modern times, but conjoining ancient settlements, caravanserais
and fortiications show that they were once the preferred places of crossing.
The hot summers and cold winters in the region today make the natural regeneration of the
forest a dificult and slow process, but during the time of the Assyrian colonies four millennia
ago parts of the Taurus would have been covered in deciduous and conifer forests, the latter
being predominant.Ṭṣ8 Countless springs and brooks are still found all over the region, and in
antiquity running water was abundant and facilitated both trafic and permanent settlement. A
number of large intermontane valleys in the Eastern Taurus are particularly well-suited for
supporting signiicant populations, and the Göksun, the Elazığ and Elbistan plains all provide
rich and fertile habitats for farming communities and pastoralists. As in the Black Sea region,
the only large settlements dating to the Middle Bronze Age are centred on these mountain
plains. However, unlike the Pontic Zone, large areas of the Taurus appear to have been almost
totally uninhabited during the Old Assyrian Colony Period, and as a general rule large settle-
ments are rare in this region.
ṭ.ṭ The Arabian Platform and Southeast Turkey
South of the Taurus lies a relatively lat expanse of land made up of a series of plateaus de-
scending towards the Syrian-Turkish border zone, often referred to collectively as the Ara-
bian Platform. Occasionally low mountains and hills follow the Taurus, but a small number
of volcanic massifs create the only serious obstacles for a traveller moving from east to west.
Instead the main barriers in the region are the formed by the Tigris and the Euphrates rivers,
which necessitate the use of bridges, ferries or fords for people to cross them. In consequence,
the two large rivers have traditionally marked political, and sometimes cultural, frontiers.
Conversely, river trafic provided cheap transport over large distances downstream and tied
remote areas together.
Ṭṣ8. Paleobotanical data for the region is patchy at best, and analysis often concentrate on cultivated crops, but see van
Zeist & Bakker-Heeres ṣ97σ (Korucutepe), Hopf ṣ99Ṭ (Boğazköy), pasternak ṣ998 (Ku aklı), N. F. Miller
ṣ999 (Gordion), van Zeist ṬṢṢṭ (Ikiztepe), and sMitH ṬṢṢ7 (‘adır).
8Ṣ
ṭ.σ CENTRAL ANATOLIA
Today the region receives its extreme summer heat from the Syrian Desert, whereas the
continental cold creeps down from the mountains during winter. Many of the smaller streams
and rivers dry up in late spring, and water is often only available along the large rivers or from
wells. As a result, local agricultural communities traditionally rely upon a combination of dry
farming in the plains and the seasonal grazing of livestock. Vegetation in the region may well
have changed since ancient times due to deforestation and over-grazing, and water may have
been more abundant four thousand years ago.Ṭṣ9
A number of large settlements thrived in Southeast Turkey during the Old Assyrian Colony
Period, especially in the low-lying basins and river valleys where prime conditions for agri-
culture were present. Settlement density appears to have luctuated a great deal throughout
the region, but the area in general appears to have been a densely populated, even though the
increase in economic wealth and prosperity evidenced in Southeast Turkey during the Middle
Bronze Age was concentrated to a limited number of sites.ṬṬṢ
Since there are few natural obstacles on the Arabian Platform, routes could always move
according to political rather than topographical constraints. The steppe surrounding the river
valleys has traditionally been the domain of pastoralists, and a complex system of political
agreements was fundamental in keeping lines of communication open across the region. Traf-
ic moving from east to west is for a large part guided by the possible crossings of the Euphra-
tes. One of the main roads followed the direction of the Tur Abdin from Mardin via Viran ehir
to anlıurfa and forded the river at Birecik. Other routes were used throughout history, and
the preferred crossing-points of the Euphrates have changed continually through time. An
alternative route to the Central Plateau led through Mardin over the mountains directly to the
north of that city and connected to Malatya and Elazığ via Diyarbakır and Maden. Basically,
the choice of route depends upon where one is headed after crossing the river. If one intends
to cross the Taurus into Central Anatolia there are three main passes from which to choose. In
addition to the northern route from Mardin via Diyarbakır, Elazığ and Gürun to Kayseri, and
the southern road over Birecik, Kahramanmara and Pınarba ı to Kayseri, a short but arduous
path climbs from Samsat via Elbistan and Sarız to Kayseri. All three routes have seen con-
tinuous use throughout the ages, and from a topographical point of view they are all equally
well suited to lead the trafic across the Euphrates and the Taurus onto the Anatolian Plateau.
ṭ.4 Central Anatolia
Bounded by the Taurus and the Pontic Chains, the Central Anatolian Massif is made up of a
series of high plains separated by numerous minor mountains of varying type and origin. The
area covers a total of some ṬṢṢ,ṢṢṢ kmṬ of relatively open land in which no topographical
features restrict the movements of people and trade in any serious way. The climate is conti-
nental, with hot dry summers and friezing cold winters. Snow can easily stay on until March,
and the summer heat is oppressive between July and late August. Dificulties for agriculture
and human settlement in Central Anatolia have always been primarily of a climatic rather
than a topographical nature, and trade and travelling has often been a seasonal activity. Today
the region may be drier than it was in antiquity, but the scarcity of water has had a critical
effect upon patterns of human settlement and the dominance of particular routes in the west-
ern part of Central Anatolia since the earliest times.ṬṬṣ
Ṭṣ9. çetik ṣ98τŞ wilkinson ṣ999Ş Yakar ṬṢṢṢ: σσ6Ş kuZucuoğlu, fontugne & Mouralis ṬṢṢσŞ wossnik ṬṢṢ9.
ṬṬṢ. Yakar ṬṢṢṢ: στ7Ş erarslan ṬṢṢ9.
ṬṬṣ. ibid. ṬṬ7.
8ṣ
The Kızılırmak divides the Central Anatolian plateau into an eastern and a western part.
Within its bend the two smaller rivers of Delice ‘ayı and ‘ekerek İrmağı lead the water from
the eastern part of the Anatolian plateau into the sea.ṬṬṬ The southern part of the bend is dry
and sparsely settled, but north of the Ankara-Yozgat-Sivas-line the region turns fertile and
hospitable with rich farmlands and hilly pastures. In today s terms the area is comprised by
the ‘orum and Amasya provinces, as well as a part of the territories of Yozgat, Tokat and
Sivas. This was the heartland of the Hittite Empire, and here one inds a number of the largest
settlements dating to the Middle Bronze Age. In this north-eastern half of Central Anatolia
water and timber is abundant, and rich deposits of metal ore are known to have been exploit-
ed since ancient times.ṬṬṭ Only the ṣ,τṢṢ - Ṭ,ṣṢṢ m high volcanic plateau in the easternmost
corner of Central Anatolia, the Uzunyayla, is less suited for agriculture. Instead the area pro-
vides excellent livestock pasture.
Southwest of the Uzunyayla, the Kayseri Plain and Cappadocia form the frontier toward
the western part of the Anatolian Plateau. Bronze Age mounds in this region are scarce, and
only the large site of Kültepe near Kayseri stands out as a truly signiicant settlement from the
early second millennium BC. The Cappadocian limestone hills, created by the actions of wa-
ter and wind through the millennia, are a truly spectacular sight that must have made anyone
passing through them wonder who or what made them. The shortage of mounds in the area
makes it likely that the tradition of subterranean dwelling in this region goes back into ancient
times. However, a scarcity of suitable agricultural land may also mean that fewer people
could live there in the Bronze Age.
Central Anatolia west of the Kızılırmak is much drier and more inhospitable than the re-
gion inside the bend of the river. Currently, annual average percipitation in the Konya area is
ṭṬṭ mm, decreasing to Ṭ9ṭ mm around Cihanbeyli. The lake of Tuz Gölü (c. ṣ,6ṢṢ kmṬ, 9Ṣτ
m above sea level) drains a great part of the western plateau internally through evaporation,
deriving its name from its high salt content (currently c. ṭṬḪ in summer) that prevents all but
the hardiest life forms from surviving in its vicinity. In addition to its function as a hunting
ground for a large variety of water birds (lamingo, avocet, goose, crane, duck, etc.), the lake
provides the nearby settlements with a rich harvest of salt, which appears to have been col-
lected here since ancient times. The dry plain stretches across the Cihanbeyli and Haymana
Plateaus to the Sakarya River Basin, and extends south of the Tuz Gölü to include the Obruk
Plateau and the volcanic lats all the way to the foothills of the Taurus. Large parts of the re-
gion are of steppe character and agriculture depends heavily upon timely rainfall and modern
deep drilling. In areas where the precipitation is too low for cereal agriculture, pastoralism
has traditionally provided sustenance for a surprisingly large population. However, a signii-
cant part of the dry areas west of Cihanbeyli and south of Aksaray are largely empty of human
settlement to this day. Trafic through the area used to be possible only along a few well-es-
tablished routes where caravanserais would provide the travellers and their animals with wa-
ter and provisions. With so little data about ancient forest coverage and climate on the plateau
it is dificult to decide whether local climatic conditions may have been very different on the
Anatolian Plateau during the Middle Bronze Age. Judging by the pattern and extent of ancient
settlement established through archaeological surveys it seems unlikely to have changed
much. Few sites appear to have risen above the level of village in the area between Haymana,
ṬṬṬ. For a general study of the rivers and their watersheds in Turkey, see akYol ṣ9σ8.
ṬṬṭ. This applies to both Central Anatolian sites and the mines in the Taurus Region. Cf. De jesus ṣ98ṢŞ kaptan ṣ99τ
(general overview)Ş Yener ṬṢṢṢ (Kestel Mine (‘amardi - Niğde) with earlier references)Ş caneva et al. ṣ989Ş
palMieri et al. ṣ996 (Malatya/Ergani area with additional references).
8Ṭ
Fig. 7: View of the dry Konya Plain.
Konya, Tuz Gölü and the Sakarya River, and the urban expansion of the late Early Bronze
Age appears to have centred on the Konya and Ak ehir plains.
West of the arid steppe area lie the fertile plains north and west of the volcano of the
Emirdağ (ṬṬ8ṣ m) and the Sultan Dağ mountains. The two large lakes of Eber and Ak ehir
gather the water from both mountains as well as the river Akar ‘ay coming from the west.
The latter has formed an extensive alluvial plain north of the Sultan Dağ, and its waters have
been used for irrigational agriculture at least since antiquity. Today the region is known for its
lush orchards and extensive ields of poppies, and also in early historical times the area is
described as exceptionally fertile. The plain stretching between the cities of Ak ehir and
Afyonkarahisar forms a central road-knot where trafic on the two major east-west routes
through Turkey converges and branches out. Finally, the plain marks the geographical fron-
tier between Central and Western Anatolia, and as such it has always been the location of or
more major settlements and points of transit.
The south-western corner of the Plateau is made up by the Konya Plain, which includes
the largest alluvial deposits in Central Anatolia. At an altitude of ṣṢṢṢ m above sea level, the
only natural features rising out of the lat land are the eroding scars of ancient volcanic erup-
tions. The entire area is watered by the ‘ar amba River system, which descends from the
Bey ehir valley through Suğla and onto the plain where it fans out and evaporates. During
periods of centralised political organisation the water from the ‘ar amba system could be
diverted for use in agriculture, and in the Konya area the presence of a number of very large
mounds dated to the Middle Bronze Age indicates that irrigational waterworks would have
supported a substantial local population. In addition to agricultural activities, transhumant
pastoralism presumably always played a vital part in the regional economy, and problems of
8ṭ
semi-aridity and salinity, as well as periods of political turmoil, meant that the dominant
mode of adaptation would have luctuated, with a general emphasis on animal husbandry in
marginal lands.
West of the Ak ehir and Konya Plains the terrain becomes mountainous. A number of large
rivers descending into the sea have cut wide fertile valleys that channel the trafic between the
Plateau and the Mediterranean. Two main arteries exist, a northern and a southern one. The
northern route reaches Erzerum from the east and passes Erzincan, Sivas, Yozgat, Ankara,
Sivrihisar, Eski ehir and Bursa on its way to the Marmara. The southern route, in earlier times
always the more commonly used road by traders, warriors and pilgrims, connects Diyarbakır
and Malatya to Kayseri, Aksaray, Konya and Ak ehir. At ‘ay just west of Ak ehir a road
coming from Sivrihsar and the northern route intersects the southern road and a branch con-
tinues south through Dinar to the Meander Valley. This route was commonly referred to as the
trader s road in the ancient Greek sources, as opposed to the army road that reached the sea
at Izmir through Afyon and U ak. A number of important routes cross the plateau in diagonal
direction and link the two great east-west roads. The road coming from the Cilician Gates
latches on to the main artery in Aksaray, whereas two routes from Kayseri led to the north,
one of them through Kır ehir and Kaman to Polatlı, the other through Boğazlıyan to Sorgun.
Finally, an important route along the Kızılırmak connected Kayseri to Sivas and linked both
of the east-west going routes to the road leading to the Black Sea past Tokat and Amasya.
Routes in Central Anatolia are less dependent upon topographical features than those
through the Pontus or the Taurus, and instead the access to water plays a decisive role in the
distribution of settlements. In summer, water south and west of the Tuz Gölü is sometimes
drawn from a depth of Ṭτ – στ meters, and it is easy to see why the seasonal scarcity of water
can lead larger caravans on long detours, particularly in the western part of the plateau.ṬṬσ
Although a number of small mounds show that there was some settlement in the area, larger
mounds dating to the Middle Bronze Age are non-existent, and trains of traders and their
animals probably avoided the region entirely during the hot season unless a system of inns
existed to help them across.ṬṬτ
In any case, conditions of travel during the Old Assyrian Colony Period in some places
may have been very different from what they are today. It is dificult to know exactly how
forested Central Anatolia was during second millennium BC, but parts of the region may have
been covered in woods or shrubland. The surviving patches of ancient forest are rich in lora,
and include the chestnut-leaved oak, beech, plane, hazel cedar, pine, ir, azalea and vines,
which grow wild on higher elevations. Also some of the inland lakes may have been larger
during the Ṭnd and ṣst millennium BC., and lakes that have since turned into mud lats and salt
pans could have kept local humidity at a higher level than today and permitted passage
through certain regions.ṬṬ6 Parts of the Ye ilhisar plain south and east of Incesu and the marshy
grounds north-west of Ereğli may have been perennial or even permanent lakes in antiquity.
ṬṬσ. HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. ii): ṣ86 complains how he is unable to travel directly to Aksaray and Tuz Gölü from Ak ehir.
He is told that this road may only be used in winter when water is available, and instead he and his retinue must
travel south via Karapınar. Even here the locals complain that their wells have all but dried up, and that water for
the animals has to be drawn from a depth of Ṭτ – ṭṢ fathoms (almost τṢ m). Tongue in cheek perhaps, Hamilton
compares his situation (p. Ṭṣ9) to Strabo s claim (lib. xii) that water in Soatra or Sabatra north of Iconium was so
scarce in summer as to be an article of sale. On pp. ṣ87 and Ṭṣṣ-ṬṣṬ Hamilton describes the effect of the heat
during his crossing of the region in early July.
ṬṬτ. For surveys of this sparsely populated area, see güneri ṣ99ṢŞ oMura ṬṢṢṣaŞ ṬṢṢṬaŞ ṬṢṢ7Ş oMura & kasHiMa
ṬṢṢṬ (note esp. the map on p. ṣṬ6).
ṬṬ6. Yakar 2000: 15-18. For changing water levels and climatic change, see oMura & kasHiMa ṬṢṢṬ with numerous
references. For general report on the regular annual climatic variation and its effect upon local agriculture (wheat
growing) in the arid regions of Turkey, cf. tüMertekin ṣ9ττ.
8σ
The carstic nature and tectonic activity of western Anatolia means that lakes appear and col-
lapse at regular intervals, and that entire regions have dried up or become submerged.ṬṬ7 Dur-
ing the Hittite imperial period (c. ṣστṢ-ṣṬṢṢ) humidity in the region was probably higher
than today, and summer temperatures may have been considerably lower.ṬṬ8 Also the luctua-
tion in glaciation on the Erciyas indicates that summer temperatures have oscillated over the
past millennium.ṬṬ9 Even so, it would seem that human deforestation was a gradual process,
and that forest cover may have exerted some effect on the movement of people and trade,
especially in the mountains.
ṬṬ7. oğuZkurt ṬṢṢṣŞ BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ and cf. section τ.ṣ6.

ṬṬ8. Yakar ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭṭṣ.
ṬṬ9. erinç ṣ9τṣ.
8τ
The Lands East of Kaneš
An Assyrian merchant travelling between Assur and Anatolia could choose between a number
of different roads, and his exact itinerary would depend upon his intention to head directly for
Kaneš or aim for a route that entered Anatolia the east of that city. The reasons to select one
or the other could vary: the cargo might be intended for a city in north-eastern Anatolia, the
trader might be attempting to evade taxes, or one of the roads leading to Kaneš could be tem-
porarily closed for trafic. But the choice of inal destination would determine where he would
aim to cross the Euphrates.
The records of the Assyrian merchants mention a large number of place names along the
various routes crossing Northern Syria towards the Euphrates,ṬṭṢ but for the purpose of the
present study, such itineraries are exclusively of interest if they help localise the river cross-
ings and the territories on the Anatolian side of the bank. The most commonly mentioned
toponyms along the frontier are Hahhum and Zalpa, which both occur in well over one hun-
dred Old Assyrian texts. Both appear to have functioned as entrepôts for the goods coming
from Assur, and numerous Assyrian families owned a house in one city or the other. In addi-
tion, both cities were preferred locations for changing teams of packers and for sending status
reports to Assur and Kaneš. Before reaching Hahhum or Zalpa the Assyrian caravans kept
their shipments under seal, but from here business began. Hahhum and Zalpa thus marked a
mental and iscal border between Syria and Anatolia, and it seems appropriate to begin with
an examination of those two toponyms.Ṭṭṣ
4.1 HahhumṬṭṬ
Numerous records show that Hahhum was a hub for goods coming from Assur and going to
Kaneš. It was a place where caravans met, people crossed paths, and messages were ex-
changed on the trip to and from Anatolia:
ṬṭṢ. Cf. nasHef ṣ987Ş ṣ99Ṭ.

Ṭṭṣ. For examples of trade taking place in Hahhum, see ATHE 6ṬŞ KTS ṣ, ṭ6c and OAA ṣ, σ. For examples of trade in
Zalpa, see BIN 6, ṣ8σŞ CCT τ, σσaŞ kt k/k 6Ṭb.
ṬṭṬ. Attestations of Hahhum are found in: kt 7τ/k 8ṣŞ kt 86/k 99Ş kt 87/k ṣσ6Ş kt 87/k ṭṬ6Ş kt 87/k σ7ṢŞ kt 87/k τṭṬŞ kt
87/k τṭ8Ş kt 89/k ṬττŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9ṭŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6ṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt
9ṭ/k 7τŞ kt 9ṭ/k 9ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṣ8ṢŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṭṢσŞ kt 9σ/k ṭτṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ68Ş kt 9σ/k σṢṭŞ kt 9σ/k τṣṬŞ kt 9σ/k 66ṭŞ kt
9σ/k 7Ṣ6Ş kt 9σ/k 7Ṭ6Ş kt 9σ/k 7σ9Ş kt 9σ/k 8ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k 9σṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṬσ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσṬṭŞ 9σ/k ṣσṬσŞ
kt 9σ/k ṣ69ṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş kt 99/k ṣṭŞ kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢŞ kt a/k ṬτṢbŞ kt a/k στ7Ş AKT ṣ, ṬṬŞ AKT ṭ, 66Ş
AKT ṭ, 86Ş AKT ṭ, 89Ş AKT τ, 6σŞ AKT 6, ṭŞ AKT 6, ṭ9Ş AKT 6, τ6Ş AKT 6, τ8Ş AKT 6, 6ṢŞ AKT 6, 66Ş AKT 6, 67Ş
AKT 6, 7ṭŞ AKT 6, ṣṭ9Ş AKT 6, ṬσṭŞ AKT 6, ṭσσŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ kt b/k Ṭ7Ş kt b/k 6ṣṬŞ BIN σ, 7Ş BIN σ, ṣṭ6Ş BIN σ,
ṣστŞ BIN σ, ṬṬṣŞ BIN 6, ṭτŞ BIN 6, ṭ8Ş BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ BIN 6, ṣṭ6Ş BIN 6, ṣ89Ş C ṭṭŞ kt c/k σ7Ş kt c/k 86Ş kt c/k ṣ7ṣŞ
kt c/k Ṭτ8Ş kt c/k ṭτṭŞ kt c/k ṭ9ṬŞ kt c/k ṭ9τŞ kt c/k στ6Ş kt c/k σ76Ş kt c/k σ9ṣŞ kt c/k τσ7Şkt c/k τ8τŞ kt c/k 6ṢṭŞ
kt c/k 6Ṣ7Ş kt c/k 69τŞ kt c/k 7Ṭ9Ş CCT ṣ, ṭṣaŞ CCT Ṭ, ṬṬŞ CCT Ṭ, ṭ6bŞ CCT Ṭ, σ9aŞ CCT ṭ, ṬṣaŞ CCT ṭ, ṭσbŞ
87
CHAPTER σ: THE LANDS EAST OF KANEš
In total: σ talents and ṬṢ minas of tin under the seal of the City, ṣ69 kutānum-textiles, 8
black donkeys and their harness – all of this I have entrusted to Alla and Miti in Hahhum
under my seal.Ṭṭṭ
In Hahhum, on my way up (into Anatolia), I will sell this tin, which I have at my dis-
posal, to Asanum for his silver.Ṭṭσ
To Aššur-emuqi from Ma i-ili. I am carrying σ talents of tin and extras sealed in the City.
ṬτṢ textiles – thereof ṬṢ textiles of good quality, and ṣ7 textiles of good quality belong-
ing to your ikribum – as well as ṣṭ black donkeys, all of this I am bringing to you. Your
goods are well. Your donkeys are well. Do not worry about a thing. Take care and send
ṣ mina of silver in advance of me to Hahhum. If you are my father, buy τ shekels of
silver worth of small goods, seal it with your seal, and send it to me. We have just left
Eluhhut.Ṭṭτ
Likewise, as already stated, Hahhum was a preferred place to change packers and calculate
travel expenses:
I hired τ packers for transport from the City until Hahhum. They returned from Hahhum
to the City. Here [you should return] all the retainers who enter (Kaneš) to me to act as
packers.Ṭṭ6
ṣσṢ […] kutānum-textiles, ṣ talent and 6 minas of tin and τ black donkeys – all of this
under the seal of our father – Aššur-rabi son of Azua will bring to you. From the City
until Hahhum the fees and transport costs, fodder, wages for the packer and their ex-
penses have been paid in full to Aššur-rabi and the son of Manniya. From Hahhum to
Kaneš the fodder, the wages for the packer and the expenses for the τ donkeys and the
packer have been paid in full to Aššur-rabi son of Azua. I gave it to him proportional to
Ṭ/ṭ mina per talent of tin as dātum-tax from Hahhum until Kaneš.Ṭṭ7
CCT σ, ṣ8aŞ CCT σ, Ṭ8bŞ CCT σ, ṭṢaŞ CCT σ, ṭτbŞ CCT σ, σṬaŞ CCT τ, ṬṭaŞ CCT τ, Ṭ9aŞ CCT τ, ṭτaŞ CCT 6, 6bŞ
kt e/k τ8Ş kt g/k ṣ99Ş kt h/k 7ṭŞ I σṭṢŞ I σσ9Ş I σ69Ş I ττṢŞ I ττ8Ş I 6Ṣ9Ş I 6ṭ7Ş I 7Ṣ9Ş ICK ṣ, 9ṢŞ ICK Ṭ, ṣṭṭŞ ICK
ṭ, Ṭa+bŞ kt k/k τŞ Kay ṬτŞ KBo 9.7Ş KBo 9.Ṭ8Ş KBo 9.ṭ8Ş KTB τŞ KTH ṣ p. 6 n. Ṭ: KTK ṣṬŞ KTP ṣ7Ş KTS ṣ, ṭσaŞ
KTS ṣ, ṭ6cŞ KTS ṣ, σ7bŞ KTS Ṭ, 7Ş KTS Ṭ, ṬṬŞ KTS Ṭ, σσŞ KUG ṭŞ KUG ṣṭŞ KUG ṬṬŞ LB ṣṬτṢŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ kt m/k
8Ş kt m/k 9Ş kt m/k 7τŞ kt n/k ṣσ8Ş kt n/k ṬṬσŞ kt n/k ṭ89Ş kt n/k σ8ṢŞ kt n/k τṣṢŞ kt n/k τṣ8 (māt)Ş kt n/k 79σŞ kt
n/k ṣṢτṬŞ kt n/k ṣτṢ9Ş OIP Ṭ7, 7+Ş POAT ṣ7Ş RA τ8, ṣṬ6Ş RA τ8, 6ṢŞ RC ṣ7σ9 EŞ TC ṣ, ṣ8Ş TC ṣ, σṣŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ
TC Ṭ, ṬτŞ TC Ṭ, 7σŞ TC ṭ, ṬσŞ TC ṭ, σ8Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢτŞ TC ṭ, ṬṢ8Ş TMH ṣ, ṣbŞ TMH ṣ, Ṭ7aŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ97bŞ TPAK ṣ,
ṬṣṬŞ Unv. B ṬṣŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṣṢbŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṬṭŞ VS Ṭ6, 6τŞ Zabel.
Ṭṭṭ. CCT τ, Ṭ9a (l. 8-ṣτ): i -té-ni-i σ GÚ ṬṢ ma-na AN.NA ku-nu-ku a a-limki ṣ me-at 69 ku-ta-nu 8 ANšE a-lá-mu
ú ú-nu-sú-nu mì-ma «mì-ma» a-nim i-na Ha-hi-im ku-nu-ki-a a-na A-lá ú Mì-tí áp-qí-id.
Ṭṭσ. KTS ṣ, σ7b (l. σ-ṣṣ): i-na Ha-hi-im i-na e-lá-i-a AN.NA a-ni-am a i-qá-tí-a i-ba- í-ú a-na A-sà-nim a
KÙ.BABBAR-pì- u a- a-qal- u-um. Cf. also TC Ṭ, 7σ.
Ṭṭτ. Kt e/k τ8 (l. ṣ-Ṭτ): a-na A- ùr-e-mu-qí qí-bí-ma um-ma Ma- í-ì-lí-ma σ GÚ AN.NA ù it-ra-sú ku-nu-ki a A-limki
na-á -a-kum Ṭ me-at ù τṢ TÚG.HI.A šÀ.BA ṬṢ TÚG.HI.A SIGτ ṣ7 TÚG.HI.A SIGτ a ik-ri-bi-kà ṣṭ e-ma-ru
a-la-mu mì-ma a-nim a-ra-de8-a-kum lu-qú-ut-kà ál-ma-at e-ma-ru-kà ál-mu-ú mì-ma li-ba-kà la i-pá-ri-id i-
hi-id-ma ṣ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-pá-ni-a a-na Ha-hi-im é-bi-lam u-ma a-biσ a-ta a τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
sà-ha-ar-tám a-a-ma i-ku-nu-ki-kà : ku-nu-uk-ma a-pá-ni-a é-bi-lam i-na E-lu-hu-ut ni-ta- a-am.
Ṭṭ6. KTK ṣṬ (l. ṭ-ṣṢ): i -tù a-limki τ sá-ri-de8 a-na ig-ri a-na ta- í-a-tim a-dí Ha-hi-im a-guτ-ur i -tù Ha-hi-im a-na
a-limki i-tù-ru a-na-kam ma-lá ú-ha-ru e-ru-bu-ni a-na pá-ni-a a-na sá-ra-dim ‘x x x].
Ṭṭ7. Kt m/k 9 (l. ṭ-ṣ9): ṣ me-at ṣṢ [+ṭṢ k]u-ta-ni kà-a‘b-x] ṣ GÚ 6 ‘ma]-na AN.NA ù τ ANšE a-al-me mì-ma a-nim
ku-nu-ki a a-bi-ni A- ùr-G[AL] DUMU A-zu-a i-ra-de8-a-ku-nu-tí i -‘tù] a-limki a-dí Ha-hi-im da-tám ta- í-a-tim
ú-ku-ul-tám ig-ri sà-ri-dim ù ga-ma-ar- u-nu A- ùr-GAL ù DUMU Ma-ni-a a-bu-ú i -tù Ha-hi-im a-dí Ka-ni-i
ú-ku-ul-tám ig-ri sà-ri-dim ú ga-ma-ar- u a τ ANšE ù sà-ri-dim A- ur-GAL DUMU A-zu-a a-bu a-na a-pí-i a-
wi-tí-a a-na ṣ GÚ-tim Ṭ/ṭ ma-na.TA AN.NA da-tám i -tù Ha-hi-im a-dí Kà-ni-i a-dí- u-um. For ana a-pí-i
awtītīya, cf. also KTB ṭ: 9fŞ CCT σ, Ṭṭa: 6, I 6ṢṢŞ I 6Ṣ7: ṣ6ff, and see Dercksen ṣ997: τṢ7 n. ṭ. Additional examples
88
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Out of ifteen preserved texts that give explicit information about the change of caravan pack-
ers (sāridum) on the route between Assur and Kaneš, ten of the transfers took place in
Hahhum:
Text Packer hired between Text Packer hired between

Kt 9ṭ/k ṣ8Ṣ Assur – Hahhum KTH p. 6, n. Ṭ Buruddum – Hahhum – Kaneš
Kt 9σ/k 8ṭ8 Assur – Hahhum Kt m/k 9 Assur – Hahhum – Kaneš
AKT Ṭ, ṣσ Assur – Buruddum Kt m/k ṣσ9 Assur – Zalpa
Kt c/k ṭ9τ Assur – Apum – Hahhum Kt n/k ṬṬσ Assur – Hahhum
Kt c/k στ6 Assur – Buruddum – Hahhum TC ṭ, Ṭσ Hahhum – Kaneš
CCT ṣ, ṭṣa Qa ara – Hahhum TC ṭ, ṣ6σ Eluhhut – Haqa
Kt g/k ṣ99 Assur – Zalpa – (Hahhum) TPAK ṣ, ṣσṭ Zalpa – Assur
KTK ṣṬ Assur – Hahhum
Table 6: The use of packers (sāridum).
Also the dātum-fees, which were paid by the Assyrian caravans passing through Northern
Syria, were frequently calculated as far as Hahhum. Since the amounts paid as dātum seem to
have a direct relation to the distance travelled, the documents which list the payments of
dātum have been used as indicators of the relative positions of the cities en route to Kaneš.Ṭṭ8
When Veenhof irst assembled the data in ṣ97Ṭ he had only about a third of the texts that are
now available, but the later material conirms his suggestions. Below is a list of accounts re-
cording the payment of dātum-fees, with additions to Veenhof s data marked with an asterisk:
Text Journey Percentage Comments

Kt 9ṣ/k ṭṢṣ* 7.Ṣ8 %
Kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭ* Assur-Kaneš 6.8σ % And duplicate kt 9ṣ/k σ86
Kt 9σ/k ṭτṣ* Hahhum-[Kaneš] ṣ.7ṣ % ṣṭ7½ shekels of 8,ṢσṢ shekels. Duplicate of kt 9σ/k ṭ68
Kt 9σ/k ṭ68* Hahhum-[Kaneš] ṣ.7Ṣ % Duplicate of above, but tax deducted on 8,ṣṢṢ shekels
Kt 9σ/k ṣṬτ8* Assur-Kaneš 8.ṬṬ %
Kt c/k ṣṢ9* Assur-Zalpa ṭ.ṭṭ %
Kt c/k ṬṭṬ* Assur-Zalpa 6.66 %
Kt c/k Ṭ6ṭ* Kaneš-Wahšušana τ.ṢṢ % Unclear
Kt c/k ṭ9Ṭ* Hahhum-Kaneš No declared value of shipment (awītum)
Kt c/k σττ* Assur-Zalpa 6.66 %
Kt e/k σ6* [Assur]-Kaneš ṣṣ.ṢṢ %
Kt g/k ṣ99* Assur-Hamizanum Ṭ.στ % Via Hahhum. The total is 7.Ṣ8 %
Hamizanum-šimala ṣ.ṣ7 %
šimala-Zalpa ṭ.τ6 %
Kt m/k 9* Hahhum-Kaneš ṣ.ṣṣ % Partial duplicate of kt m/k 8. Only a fraction of total
Kt n/k σ8Ṣ* Assur-Hahhum ṣṬ.Ṣ8 %
Hahhum-Kaneš ṣ.69 %
AKT ṭ, 7τ* 7.Ṭṭ %
AKT ṭ, 76* 8.σ7 %
AKT 6, σ [Assur]-Zalpa 7.ṭ6 % Early text
of Hahhum as an important stop on the trip to Kaneš are found in ICK ṣ, 9ṢŞ I ττ8Ş KTS ṣ, ṭσaŞ KTS Ṭ, ṬṬŞ KTS Ṭ,
σσŞ TC Ṭ, ṬτŞ TC ṭ, σ8Ş TC ṭ, ṬṢ8Ş TPAK ṣ, ṬṣṬŞ kt n/k ṬṬσŞ kt n/k ṭ89Ş kt 87/k ṣσ6Ş kt 87/k σ7ṢŞ kt 87/k τṭṬ.
Ṭṭ8. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: Ṭṭ7-ṬσσŞ nasHef ṣ987: ṣτ (w. qaqqadātum head-tax on p. σσ)Ş J. L. Miller ṣ999: 8ṭ-8σ.
89
Text Journey Percentage Comments

AnOr 6,ṣ* ṣṢ.ṢṢ %
BIN σ, Ṭ9 9.6Ṣ %
BIN 6, 79 Assur-Timelkiya 6.ṣṢ %
Timelkiya-Kaneš Ṣ.Ṭ6 %
CCT ṣ, ṭσb 8.87 %
CCT Ṭ, 6 [Hahhum]-Kaneš ṣ.79 %
CCT Ṭ, Ṭṣb Assur-Puhitar ṭ.ṢṢ % See also CCT σ, σ6b
CCT ṭ, ṭσb [Assur]-Zalpa 8.6Ṭ % Coll. Larsen: τ ma-na ṣṢ ṣ/ṭ GÍN ṣτ šE
KTS Ṭ, ṭτ* 7.77+ % Maximum 8.ṢṢ %
LB ṣṬτṢ [Assur]-Hahhum ṣṣ.ṣṣ % Total ṣṬ.ṭṣ %
Hahhum-Kaneš ṣ.ṣ9 %
Lewy ṣ9τṬ, Ṭ88ṣ Hahhum-Kaneš ṣ.ṣ9 % Perhaps identical to LB ṣṬτṢ
RA 8ṣ, 6ṣ Eluhhut-[....] ṬṬ.τṢ % Doubtful
H.K. ṣṢṢ8-ττṭ7 8.ṭṭ % τ ma-na.[TA] da-tum
TC ṣ, ṣṢ6 6.ṭ9 %
TC Ṭ, τ7 [Assur]-Apum ṭ.7Ṭ % Total ṣṢ.σṬ %
Apum-Abrum Ṭ.78 %
Abrum-Kaneš ṭ.9Ṭ %
TC ṭ, Ṭσ [Assur]-Kaneš ṣṢ.ṢṬ %
TC ṭ, ṣτ7 8.ṭ6 % Coll. Hecker (l. Ṭ): τ ma-na
TC ṭ, ṣ8τ τ.67 %
VS Ṭ6, σṭ Razama-Burallum Ṭ.Ṭ9 %
Burallum-Kaneš σ.9Ṭ %
VS Ṭ6, ṣτṢ* 7.6ṣ %
Table 7: The percentage of the total value of a tin-load paid as dātum-tax on the road between Assur and Anatolia (except kt c/k Ṭ6ṭ).
New attestations are marked with an asterisk.
It is noteworthy that Hahhum appears so many times in texts that give explicit calculations of
dātum-fees paid on the way to Kaneš. It is also signiicant that the taxes paid between Hahhum
and Kaneš were on average less than Ṭ% of the total value of the shipment. In Northern Syria
taxes amounted to an average ṣṢ% of the value of the goods. This can not be a function of the
distance between the two cities, and instead it would appear that Hahhum marked the bound-
ary into a different iscal zone.
Rather than using the dātum-fees as a basis for calculating the distances between the cities,
one can compare the salaries paid to packers (sāridum) on different parts of the road.
As seen below (Table 8), the average wages for a packer between Assur and Hahhum or
Zalpa were around ṣτ-ṣ7 shekels of silver. Similarly, the wages between Hahhum and Kaneš
were about 7-8 shekels. Accordingly, a packer for the entire trip would cost some ṬṬ-Ṭσ shek-
els of silver, which also its a couple of the attestations. If the wages of a sāridum are by any
means indicative of the distances for which they were hired – which seems plausible given
that their salary included food, lodging and other expenses that were directly linked to the
length of the journey – and, allowing for a difference in prices in the regions travelled,
Hahhum would be located about two thirds of the way from Assur to Kaneš.Ṭṭ9
Ṭṭ9. In comparison, the distance from Assur to the Euphrates is c. τṢṢ km, and from the river to Kültepe c. ṭτṢ km by
the shortest route.
9Ṣ
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Text No. Translation and comment

Kt 9σ/k 8ṭ8 I hired a sāridum until Hahhum for ṣ7 shekels of silver .
Kt 9σ/k ṣṣ6ṭ I paid a working-capital of σṢ shekels of silver for one and a half sāridum . (Ṭ6 Ṭ/ṭ shekels per
sāridum).
Kt 9σ/k ṣṭτṬ We paid Ṭσ Ṭ/ṭ shekels of silver for one and a half sāridum for the carriage (ṣ6 shekels 8Ṣ šE
per sāridum).
AKT Ṭ, ṣσ Ṭ9τ shekels (of tin) came on as expenses for fodder for a donkey and a sāridum until Buruddum .
(A value of ca. ṣ9 Ṭ/ṭ shekels of silver in Assur).
CCT ṣ, ṭṣa ṣṣ shekels of silver for the wages of a sāridum from Qa ara to Hahhum .
CTMMA ṣ, 7τ We paid Aššur-malik 8 shekels of silver for half a sāridum . (ṣ6 shekels per sāridum).
Kt c/k στ6 I myself paid ṣτ shekels of silver for the wages of a sāridum from Assur to Hahhum (probably
related to the letter kt c/k ṭ9τ, in which a sāridum is said to have fallen ill in Apum. The author
hires a replacement straight away but asks for a really strong sāridum to be sent to meet him in
Hahhum as a more permanent substitute).
Kt d/k τ6 Aššur-emuqi paid Iddin-Aššur 7 shekels of silver for half a sāridum . (ṣσ shekels per sāridum).
Kt e/k σ6 ṣτ shekels were the wages of a sāridum .
Kay ṭṣṬ Half a mina for the sāridum (ṭṢ shekels).
KTS Ṭ, ṣṢ ṣ7 shekels were the wages of a sāridum for the carriage .
KUG Ṭ7 I further gave him Ṭ ṣ/σ shekels of silver for the wages of a sāridum .
Kt n/k 8Ṣ ṭṢ shekels for a sāridum . (The form of payment is not stated).
TC ṭ, Ṭσ He provided 7 shekels of silver for the wages of a sāridum from Hahhum to Kaneš.
TC ṭ, ṣṭ9 The wages for the sāridum were 8 shekels of silver .
TC ṭ, ṣτ7 He deducted τ shekels of silver for the wages for a sāridum .
TC ṭ, ṣ6σ ṣṬ shekels of silver for a sāridum from Eluhhut to Haqa .
VS Ṭ6, σṭ ṭ minas (of tin) were the wages of the sāridum . (A value of ca. ṣṬ-ṣσ shekels of silver in Assur).
VS Ṭ6, ṣτṣ Two and a half sāridum – their wages were σṢ shekels (of silver) . (ṣ6 shekels per sāridum).
Table 8: Wages of caravan packers (sāridum).
Individually, the sources showing that Hahhum was a common stop on the trip to Kaneš,
the texts related to the change of packers, and the accounts listing the payments of dātum may
not present a strong case for placing Hahhum on the frontier between Syria and Anatolia. But
when taken together, the complementary sets of data give good reason to believe that this was
in fact the case – at least from an economic point of view. The notion that Hahhum held a
special position in the Assyrian colonial network is further supported by the sheer number of
references to the city in the sources. Finally, a large number of Assyrian families seem to have
owned a house, had access to a depot there, or had permanent agents stationed in the city. A
few examples follow:
We have bought you a Ṭ ubat large house for 6 ṣ/ṭ minas of silver, formerly belonging
to Ahu-waqar of Hahhum, located in the alley across from Ziziya s house ...ṬσṢ
I hear that your tin and carnelian are in the house of Iddin-Aššur son of Dadiya in
Hahhum.Ṭσṣ
ṬσṢ. BIN σ, ṬṬṣ (l. ṣ7-ṬṬ): í-ta u-ba-at É A-hu-qar a Ha-hi-im a a-pá-at sú-qí-nim a É Zi-zi-a a-na 6 ṣ/ṭ ma-na
KÙ.BABBAR ni-i -a-ma-ku-ma. The house could be located elsewhere.
Ṭσṣ. CCT σ, ṣ8a (l. ṭ-6): a- a-me-ma AN.NA-kà ù NAσ.GUG i-na Ha-hi-im É I-dì-A- ùr DUMU Da-dì-a i-ba- í.
9ṣ
As for the goods belonging to šalim-Aššur that were in Hahhum in the house of Issu-
arik ...ṬσṬ
He will store Ṭ packages containing ṣ6 minas of silver belonging to Aššur-re i and ṣ

package containing ṣṢ minas of silver belonging to Uzua in Hahhum.Ṭσṭ
The frequent attestations of Hahhum in the Assyrian records mean that the city often occurs
alongside other place-names in the texts. In order to deine the cluster of toponyms to which
Hahhum belongs, a list of the instances in which the city is attested in a text that also mentions
other toponyms has been compiled below. To begin with, this is done without regard to the
context in which the names appear and whether or not the city igures as part of an itinerary:Ṭσσ
Apum ṣ Hurama 7 šimala Ṭ

Badna ṣ Kuburnat Ṭ širwun ṣ
Buraddum τ Kumulhum ṣ šuna ṣ
Burallum ṣ Kuššara ṣ Talhat ṣ
Durhumit σ libbi mātim ṣ Tegarama ṣ
Eluhhut ṭ Luhuzaddiya ṭ Timelkiya ṬṬ
Gaširum ṣ Mamma Ṭ Tišmurna ṣ
Habnuk ṣ Nahur ṣ Tuhpiya ṣ
Habura ṣ Nihriya Ṭ Uršu Ṭ
Hamizanum ṣ Purušhaddum 7 Wahšušana 8
Hattum ṭ Qa ara ṭ Wašhaniya Ṭ
Hirida ṣ šalahšuwa τ Zalpa 6
Table 9: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hahhum (Kaneš and Assur excluded).
ṬσṬ. AKT 6, 7ṭ (l. ṣ-ṭ): lu-qú-tám a a-lim-A- ur a i-na Ha-hi-im É I-sú-ri-ik. Additional examples of Assyrian
ownership of real estate in Hahhum are found in CCT ṭ, ṬṣaŞ KBo 9.ṭ8Ş TPAK ṣ, ṬṣṬ (a tomb). The issue is ad-
dressed in a separate stipulation in the treaty between the Assyrian merchants and Hahhum, cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a:
ṣ9σff. Kt h/k 7ṭ quotes the complaints of a woman, who stayed in Hahhum for an entire year. Presumably, she
lived in the house of her husband. For a general discussion of the role of Hahhum in the Assyrian network of trade,
see garelli ṣ998.
Ṭσṭ. KTS Ṭ, 7 (l. ṣ-τ): Ṭ né-pí- a-an ṣ6 ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a A- ùr-re- í ṣ né-pí- um ṣṢ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a
Ú-zu-a i-Ha-hi-im i-na-dí. Numerous examples of Assyrians with access to storage facilities in Hahhum are known,
cf. e.g. kt c/k Ṭτ8Ş I σṭṢŞ I 6ṭ7Ş I 7Ṣ9. Kt 9σ/k ṣτṭ (l. ṣ9-ṬṢ) refers to the son of Puzur-Suen, the Hahhean .
Ṭσσ. Attestations of Hahhum alongsinde with other toponyms are found in: Apum: kt c/k ṭ9τ, Badna: kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢ,
Buruddum: kt c/k στ6Ş I ττṢŞ kt c/k 6ṢṭŞ KTH s. 6, n. ṬŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Burallam: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣ, Durhumit: kt 9ṣ/k
σṣ6Ş AKT 6, ṬσṭŞ AKT 6, ṭσσŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Eluhhut: kt 9ṭ/k ṭṢσŞ kt c/k σ9ṣŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Ga irum: kt c/k στ6, Hab-
nuk: I σ69, Habura: VS Ṭ6, ṣṬṭ, Hamizanum: kt g/k ṣ99, Hattum: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş AKT 6,ṣṭ9, Hirida:
kt 89/k Ṭττ, Hurama: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş ATHE 6ṬŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṣṢb,
Kuburnat: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş AKT ṭ, 89, Kumulhum: kt 89/k Ṭττ, Ku ara: kt k/k τ, libbi mātim: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9Ṣ, Luhu-
zaddiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş ATHE 6ṬŞ TC ṣ, σṣ, Mamma: kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ OAA ṣ, ṣ8, Nahur: TC ṭ, ṣṢτŞ Nihriya: CCT
Ṭ, ṬṬŞ CCT Ṭ, σ9a, Puru haddum: kt 9σ/k σṢṭŞ kt c/k 69τŞ kt h/k 7ṭŞ I σṭṢŞ KUG ṣṭŞ kt m/k 7τŞ kt n/k ṣτṢ9,
Qa ara: kt 9ṭ/k 7τŞ CCT ṣ, ṭṣaŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ alah uwa: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 9ṭŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ,
imala: AKT ṭ, 66Ş kt g/k ṣ99, irwun: BIN σ, 7, una: kt 89/k Ṭττ, Talhat: AKT 6, ṭσσ, Tegarama: BIN 6, ṣṭ6,
Timelkiya: kt 7τ/k 8ṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k ṭṢσŞ AKT 6, τ6Ş AKT 6, τ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢŞ
ATHE 6ṬŞ BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ CCT σ, ṣ8aŞ kt c/k στ6Ş kt c/k 6Ṣ7Ş kt h/k 7ṭŞ I σ69Ş KTH s. 6, n. ṬŞ kt k/k τŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ POAT
ṣ7Ş TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ TC ṭ, ṬṣṣŞ Zabel, Ti murna: KTB τ, Tuhpiya: kt n/k ṣṢτṬ, Ur u: CCT 6, 6b (coll. Larsen)Ş OAA
ṣ, ṣ8, Wah u ana: kt 87/k σ7ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ BIN 6, ṭ8Ş BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ OAA ṣ, 7τ (RC
ṣ7σ9e)Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣṬṭ, Wa haniya: kt 9σ/k 7Ṭ6Ş kt n/k ṣṢτṬ, Zalpa: kt 9ṭ/k 7τŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσṬṭŞ CCT ṭ, ṭσbŞ CCT σ,
Ṭ8bŞ kt g/k ṣ99Ş kt n/k ṣσ8. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that
unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys
from A to B).
9Ṭ
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Buruddum
Durhumit
Eluhhut
Hattum
Hurama
Kuburnat
Luhuzaddiya
Mamma
Mama
Nihriya
Purušhaddum
Qaṭṭara
Šalahšuwa
Šimala
Timelkiya
Uršu
Wašhaniya
Wahšušana
Zalpa
0 5 10 15 20 25
Graph 1: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hahhum.
Half of the toponyms (ṣ8 out of ṭ6) occur only in a single text together with Hahhum. Such
single attestations can not be taken as statistically signiicant, and they are excluded from
further consideration. In addition, some of the toponyms that appear more frequently show up
exclusively due to their role as important termini in the trade, and not as a function of their
proximity to Hahhum. However, it is still too early to say which places to exclude on this
basis. If one draws a graph that incorporates all the toponyms mentioned alongside Hahhum
in more than a single record – though not necessarily in a meaningful geographical connec-
tion to it – the following picture emerges (Cf. Graph ṣ).
Seven toponyms appear in ive or more texts alongside Hahhum and present themselves as
possible candidates for the geographical cluster. Note that the main termini of the trade, Kaneš
and Assur, have been omitted from this and all other graphs in the book. They turn up so fre-
quently in the texts (about ṣ,ṢṢṢ and τṢṢ times, respectively) and for so many different rea-
sons, that they are left out of the statistical analysis. In order to exclude other toponyms that
occur alongside Hahhum for commercial reasons rather than geographical proximity, a sec-
ond graph has been produced below. Unlike the irst graph, it distinguishes those occurrences
in which Hahhum appears in direct contextual relation to the other toponym – texts that un-
equivocally portray a physical movement from, towards, or via the given toponym and
Hahhum, and which one might call implicit itineraries (cf. Graph Ṭ).
Some toponyms play a much less signiicant role compared to what they did in the irst
graph. For instance, Wahšušana and Hahhum only occur together twice in a direct geograph-
ical relation out of the eight records in which both appear. The apparent importance of Zalpa
and Purušhaddum in the cluster is also reduced. Conversely, although Hurama turns up less
often together with Hahhum than Wahšušana, in six out of seven examples the two occur to-
gether as part of an itinerary . On the basis of the statistical distribution, it appears that the
9ṭ
Buruddum
Durhumit
Eluhhut
Hattum
Hurama
Kuburnat
Luhuzaddiya
Mamma
Nihriya
Purušhaddum
Qaṭṭara
Šalahšuwa
Šimala
Timelkiya
Uršu
Wašhaniya
Wahšušana
Zalpa
0 5 10 15 20 25
Graph 2: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hahhum. Itineraries are shaded in a darker co-
lour.
frequency with which Wahšušana occurs alongside Hahhum is related to its importance in the
regional system of trade rather than its geographical proximity.
A comparison between the total number of times two given toponyms are recorded to-
gether in the same text and the number of times they occur together in a meaningful geo-
graphical context can be used to identify geographical clusters and distinguish them from the
toponyms that appear only in consequence of their importance in the trade. After this proce-
dure has been repeated independently for each toponym, the clusters that are deined on the
basis of each individual analysis can be compared and adjustments made if necessary. In this
case, the role of Zalpa in the Hahhum cluster is unclear because three out of six attestations
are itineraries . Their geographical interdependence only becomes apparent when this is
later compared to the importance of Hahhum in the Zalpa cluster.
Thus, the fundamental principle behind the statistical model is that when a toponym occurs
regularly in a cluster but the proportion of itineraries tying that toponym to the cluster is low
compared to the total number of attestations of the toponym in the cluster, it is likely that the
given toponym occurs in the cluster due to the mechanics of the Assyrian trade rather than
geographical proximity. This counters the basic premise of the statistical gravity model dis-
cussed under section Ṭ.8, which presupposes that the regularity with which two toponyms
occur together increases in direct proportion to their mutual geographical proximity.
Had the analysis been based upon Graph ṣ only the high number of attestations of
Wahšušana and Hahhum together would place them in the same cluster. Conversely, had the
analysis been based upon the itineraries alone, the evidence would have pointed out only
Hurama and Timelkiya as obvious candidates for the cluster, and would not permit a distinc-
tion between the importance of Luhuzaddiya and Purušhaddum. Only a comparison between
the number of attestations and itineraries reveals the apparent difference between
9σ
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Purušhaddum (7 attestations, ṭ itineraries ), and Luhuzaddiya (ṭ attestations, ṭ itineraries ),

which implies that Luhuzaddiya should be included in the Hahhum-cluster, while the position
of Purušhaddum is uncertain.
A fundamental issue for this type of analysis is of course one of representativity. In the case
of Hahhum there is a reasonable number of attestations of the main toponyms occurring
alongside it, but occasionally the statistical calculations have to be made on the basis of very
few records (see e.g. section σ.6). It is of course a basic premise of any analysis that it must
deal with whatever data is available also when the evidence is scanty. A possible way of un-
derpinning the statistical analysis is to check the toponyms of each cluster against all other
clusters. For instance, a comparison between the independently deined clusters of Zalpa,
Luhuzaddiya, Purušhaddum and Hahhum reveals that all four toponyms do not belong to the
same cluster: Hahhum plays a fairly prominent role in the Luhuzattiya and Zalpa clusters,
whereas Hahhum, Zalpa and Luhuzattiya are virtually invisible in the Purušhaddum cluster.
By using this simple statistical method, Hattum, Hurama, Luhuzaddiya, šalahšuwa, šimala
and Timelkiya appear as good candidates for the Hahhum cluster, while the position of
Purušhaddum and Zalpa cannot be decided. Furthermore, the analysis implies that Timelkiya
and Hurama had a particularly close relation to Hahhum.
–––––
Now follows a review of some the itineraries and other selected texts mentioning Hahhum,
and their contents is compared to the results of the statistical analysis. It is necessary to estab-
lish the individual relations between Hahhum and the other toponyms attested in those itin-
eraries in order to reveal in what sequence the toponyms appear.Ṭστ The analysis begins with
an examination of the location of Zalpa, whose position in the cluster was undecided on the
basis of the statistical analysis alone. It is unclear whether the city occurs this often in relation
to Hahhum because of its importance in the trade, or whether the two places were located in
the same area. A number of texts help point to the fact that Zalpa and Hahhum were associ-
ated in a direct geographical way:
In accordance with my message, you should write to Hahhum that they are to bring my
tin to Zalpa.Ṭσ6
τ minas, ṣṢ ṣ/ṭ shekels and ṣτ grains per talent came on as dātum-fees until Zalpa. I
said: Let us […] to the goods until Hahhum … .Ṭσ7
šu-Kubum has led out Ṭ talents and ṣṢ minas of sealed tin, ṣ6 textiles and ṬṢ minas of
hand-tin on one donkey. In total, the declared value of your consignment was ṭ talents
and σ minas (of tin). From the City to Hamizanum the datum-fees were ṣ ṣ/Ṭ mina minus
Ṭ shekels per (talent), σ ṣ/Ṭ minas came on for you. The remainder of your goods were
(valued at) τ talents and ṣ7 minas. From Hamizanum to šimala Ṭ/ṭ minas and Ṭ shekels
per (talent) came on as dātum-fees, amounting to σ ṣ/Ṭ mina τ shekels. The remainder of
Ṭστ. Unique series of toponyms need to be considered with care. Caravan records that note down expenses incurred
during a journey can be misleading by their tendency to telescope events and insert or omit things. For instance,
the three texts BIN σ, ṣṬσŞ BIN σ, ṣ9ṭ and TC ṭ, ṣ6ṭ all relate to the same trip. The irst text records expenses in
Razama and Apum, the second text in Razama, Abitiban and Qa ara and the third text in Razama, Abitiban,
Qa ara, Razama, Darkum and Apum (all in that order). By deining statistical clusters one can to some extent
avoid the problem of random seriations.
Ṭσ6. Kt n/k ṣσ8 (l. ṭ-6): a-ma-lá té-er-tí-a : a-na Ha-hi-im u-up-ra-ma AN.NA-ki a-na Za-al-pá lu- é-tí-qú-nim-ma.
Ṭσ7. CCT ṭ, ṭσb (l. ṭ-9): τ ma-na ṣṢ ṣ/ṭ GÍN ṣτ šE bi-ilτ-tám da-tù-um a-dí Za-al-pá ik- u-dam um-ma a-na-ku-ma
a-na (ras: x x) é-er lu-qú-tim a-na Ha-hi-im lu ni-ig-‘…] … (coll. Larsen).
9τ
your goods were (valued at) τ talents and ṣṬ minas. From šimala to Zalpa Ṭ minas and
τ shekels less ṣ/σ per (talent) came on as dātum-fees, amounting to ṣṢ τ/6 minas less ṣ
shekel. The head-tax was ṣṢ shekels. 6 ṣ/Ṭ shekels were the expenses for Ṭ top-packs
from the City to Qa ara, (and) from Burullum to šimala. Ṭ/ṭ mina less ṣ shekel was the
rent of one donkey. One donkey died in Hahhum. From Hahhum to Zalpa Ṭ/ṭ mina was
the hire of one donkey.Ṭσ8
None of the examples are entirely clear, but together they show that the Assyrians would at
least occasionally travel between Zalpa and Hahhum. It is of particular importance that the
text describing šu-Kubum s travel from Assur to Zalpa via Hamizanum and šimala only ap-
pears to mention Hahhum because a donkey died there. This implies that a number of the
recorded journeys between Assur and Zalpa may actually have gone through Hahhum.
On grounds of these three texts, the link between Hahhum and Zalpa seems relatively
clear, but the line of movement between the two cities is ambiguous. The irst and the third
example refer to goods going from Hahhum to Zalpa, whereas the second one refers to a
journey from Zalpa to Hahhum. This may be an indication that the two cities were located in
relative proximity to one another. An additional example in support of this is found in the let-
ter kt 9σ/k ṣσṬṭ:
In Hahhum we set aside our goods for you. Both in Zalpa and here we keep hearing that
the Narrow Track is dificult. It is not a good idea for us to enter it.Ṭσ9
The statement that news keeps reaching them in Zalpa and in Hahhum, as well as the refer-
ence to the Narrow Track, which led north from Hahhum s neighbours, Timelkiya and Hura-
ma (cf. section σ.9), indicates that the two cities were located in the same region. This in itself
argues against the location of Zalpa in the Hatay Region and Hahhum around Samsat or in the
vicinity of Elazığ as previously suggested.ṬτṢ The consequence of this observation is dealt
with in the section on Zalpa, and in the following discussion it is simply noted that the two
cities belong to the same geographical cluster. In contrast to Zalpa, there are a number of
sources for identifying the remaining neighbours of Hahhum, and they can in turn be used to
corroborate that Zalpa and Hahhum belong in the same general area.
The statistical analysis indicated that Timelkiya was located near Hahhum. This is corrobo-
rated by a clause from the treaty between the people of Hahhum and the Assyrian merchants:
If you (pl.) become the enemy of the ruler of Timelkiya or of the ruler of Badna, you are
not to say thus: ...Ṭτṣ
Ṭσ8. Kt g/k ṣ99 (l. Ṭ-Ṭ6): Ṭ GÚ ṣṢ ma-na AN.NA ku-nu-ki ṣ6 TÚG ṬṢ ma-na AN.NA qá-tim ṣ ANšE u-Ku-bu-um
ú- é- í-‘am] šU.NIGIN a-wi-tí-kà ṭ GÚ σ ma-na i -tù A-limki a-dí Ha-mì-za-nim ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na LÁ Ṭ GÍN.TA da-
tum σ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na ik- u-ud-kà í-tí a-wi-tí-kà τ GÚ ṣ7 ma-na i -tù Ha-mì-za-nim a-dí í-ma-la Ṭ/ṭ ma-na Ṭ GÍN.
TA da-tum ik- u-ud σ ṣ/Ṭ [ma-na] τ GÍN ik- u-ud-kà í-tí a-wi-tí-kà τ GÚ ṣṬ ma-na i -tù í-ma-la a-dí Za-al-pá
Ṭ ma-na τ LÁ ṣ/σ GÍN.TA da-tum ik- u-ud ṣṢ τ/6 ma-na LÁ ṣ GÍN ṣṢ GÍN qá-qú-dum 6 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN ta- í-a-at Ṭ
e-li-ti-in ‘i ]-tù A-limki a-dí Qá- á-ra i -tù Bu-ru-lim a-dí í-ma-lá Ṭ/ṭ ma-na LÁ ṣ GÍN ig-ri ANšE ṣ ANšE i-Ha-
hi-im me-et i -tù Ha-hi-im a-dí Za-al-pá Ṭ/ṭ ma-na ig-ri ANšE (günBatti ṬṢṢṬ: 8Ṭ-8ṭ). See also Dercksen
ṬṢṢσa: ṣττ for a slightly different translation.
Ṭσ9. Kt 9σ/k ṣσṬṭ (l. ṭ-9): ina Ha-hi-im ú-nu-ut-ni : nu- a-li-ha-ku-ni i-na Za-al-pá ù a-na-kam ni-i -ta-na-me-ma
ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim da-na-at lá na- ù-ma lá né-ra-áb. Note also the reference in kt 9ṭ/k 7τ: I paid Enna-Suen, son
of Aššur-malik, ṭ ṣ/σ shekel of silver in Hahhum ... I paid Aššur-emuqi, son of A[...], τ shekels of silver in Zalpa
(l. ṬṢ-ṬṬ): ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na En-um-sú-in DUMU A- ur-ma-lik i-na Ha-hi-im a-dí-in ... (l. Ṭ6-Ṭ8):
τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR A- ur-e-mu-qí DUMU A-‘x-x-x] i-na Za-al-pá a-dí-in.
ṬτṢ. For references, see Del Monte & tiscHler 1978; Del Monte 1992; nasHef ṣ99ṬŞ forlanini ṬṢṢσa.
Ṭτṣ. Kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢ (col. iii): Ṭ6 –Ṭ9 : ‘ u-ma i -t]í Tí-me-el-ki-a-e-im ú Ba-ad-na-e-im ‘ta]-na-ki-ra-ni lá ta-qá-bi-‘a-ni]
‘um-ma a-tù-nu]-ma, cf. günBatti ṬṢṢσŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8b.
96
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Although the remainder of the sentence is too broken for translation, the context implies that
Badna and Timelkiya were either the direct neighbours of Hahhum or its long-established
enemies. This particular stipulation was meant to prevent a conlict in the region from affect-
ing the Assyrian trade in a negative way.
The city of Badna is otherwise rarely attested in the texts, and before the publication of the
treaty with Hahhum it had been impossible to locate it with any precision.ṬτṬ The list of accounts
TC ṭ, Ṭṣṣ that has been known for almost a century mentions Badna in close relation to Timel-
kiya, but the passage is not suficiently clear to establish an exact association between the two:
I paid Ṭ6 minas minus three shekels of tin to the palace. I paid one and a third mina of tin
to the guide of the queen. I gave half a mina and ive shekels of tin and the trinkets to the
king s counsellor. All of this in Timelkiya. I paid one mina of tin in Badna to the house
of šu-Laban.Ṭτṭ
Instead, the account BIN 6, Ṭ6τ describes a caravan moving from Assur that goes via Badna
to Zalpa. With the information that Badna and Hahhum were probably neighbouring states,
this text suggests that Zalpa also has to be sought in the general vicinity. In addition, the re-
cord also shows that Badna was located in the direction of Assur as seen from Hahhum. It
follows that if Hahhum marked the frontier to Anatolia then Badna would be the last city in
Northern Syria on the route to Anatolia.Ṭτσ
Also the Syrian city of Buruddum appears in both the Hahhum and the Zalpa cluster. An
account of expenditures records that:
Ten shekels of silver (were) for the wages for my three packers from Buruddum to
Hahhum ... Ten shekels of silver (were) for the wages for my three packers from Hahhum
to Timelkiya.Ṭττ
Firstly, the quote shows that BuruddumṬτ6 preceded Hahhum on the route from Assur to Ana-
tolia. Secondly, the identical wages paid to the packers for two legs of the journey could be
taken to indicate that Buruddum and Timelkiya were roughly equidistant from Hahhum. Bu-
ruddum (with the variant spelling Burundum) appears a number of times in the corpus of Old
Assyrian texts,Ṭτ7 twice in close association with the city of šimala,Ṭτ8 which is a possible
candidate for the Hahhum cluster, and which also igures in the Zalpa cluster.
ṬτṬ. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8b.

Ṭτṭ. TC ṭ, Ṭṣṣ (l. σṭ-τṣ): Ṭ6 ma-na LÁ ṭ GÍN AN.NA a-na É.GAL-lim á -qúl ṣ ṣ/ṭ ma-na AN.NA a-na ra-dí-im a
ru-ba-tim á -qúl ṣ/Ṭ ma-na τ GÍN AN.NA ú sà-he-er-tám a-na ma-li-ki-im a ru-ba-im a-dí-in mì-ma a-nim i-na
Ti-me-el-ki-a ṣ ma-na AN.NA i-na Ba-ad-na a-na É u-Lá-ba-an a-dí-in.
Ṭτσ. The text kt c/k ṣ6ṣτ accounts for the journey from Badna to Ragama (hapax), OAA ṣ, ṣṭṢ relates to the unfortu-
nate experience of an Assyrian trader in Badna. For further attestations, see TC ṣ, 8ṭŞ kt m/k ṣσṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k στṣ.
OAA ṣ, ṣṭṢ and kt c/k σṢ9 refer to an Assyrian Station (wabartum) in Badna. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8b: ṣṭ-ṣ6.
Ṭττ. KTH p. 6 n. Ṭ: ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ig-ru ṭ sà-ri-dí i -tù Bu-ru-dim a-di Ha-hi-im ... ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
ig-ru ṭ sà-ri-dí i -tù Ha-hi-im a-dí Ti-me-el-ki-a. Note also I ττṢ.
Ṭτ6. Variously written Baraddum and Buruddum (in Old Assyrian texts) and Burundum (at Mari).
Ṭτ7. For a location of Buruddum as the eastern neighbour of Eluhhut, cf. guicHarD ṬṢṢṬ: ṣσ9-ṣτσ, forlanini ṬṢṢσa:
ṣ6ṣ and MicHel ṬṢṢ6a. Further attestations of Buruddum in the Old Assyrian texts are found in: kt 87/k ṭτṭŞ kt
88/k Ṭ6ṭŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ7ṣŞ kt 9σ/k σṣσŞ AKT Ṭ, ṣσŞ ATHE σ6Ş Cσσ (Holzmeister)Ş CCT ṭ, ṭ6aŞ CCT 6, ṬṬaŞ kt c/k ṣ79Ş
kt c/k στ6Ş kt c/k 6Ṣṭ, CTMMA ṣ, ṬṬaŞ ICK ṣ, 8σŞ I ττṢŞ KTS Ṭ, σṭŞ kt m/k 78?Ş kt n/k ṣ7ṭṢŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ. According
to kt 9ṣ/k ṣ7ṣ and kt n/k ṣ7ṭṢ Buruddum had an Assyrian colony (kārum) and a ten-man board (cf. veenHof
ṬṢṢ8a: 78) during the heyday of the trade. Kt 88/k Ṭ6ṭ refers to the house of Ištar-pilah in Buruddum and Cσσ
refers to an individual named Tazkul in Buruddum.
Ṭτ8. CCT ṭ, ṭ6aŞ ICK ṣ, 8σ.
97
A general impression of the geography in the region is gained from the letter ARM Ṭ8.6Ṣ,
found at Mari in Syria, in which an oficial claims that, as he is staying near to the Upper
Lands, he is well informed of events regarding Eluhhut, the Lulleans, Hahhum, the land of
Zalmaqqum, Burundum and Talhayum.Ṭτ9 Although the perspective of the statement is pan-
oramic, the regional picture drawn from the province of Zalmaqqum in the region of Harran,
to Eluhhut, located at or near Mardin,Ṭ6Ṣ supports the notion that Buruddum and Hahhum
were seen as belonging to the same overall region. Buruddum also occurs a single time in
connection with Zalpa in the following memorandum:
ṣτ shekels of tin for the envoy we sent to Kaneš. ṣ shekel of silver to šuli. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekel
of silver to šimnuman. ṣ/ṭ mina of tin and a kusītum-textile of the mardātum-type, as
well as (assorted) small goods to the barullum-oficial of Pahatima. 7 shekels of tin for
the envoy we sent to Tegarama. Two shekels for wine in Zalpa. ṣ/ṭ mina and Ṭ shekels,
the price of one kutānum-textile, and Ṭ shekels of silver, as well as ṣ mina for the barul-
lum-oficial and the ka um-oficial in Baraddum ... ṣṢ shekels of tin for drinks and [...]
in Harana. τ shekels was the price of the sheep. ṭ and ṣ/6 shekel of silver was the price
of the cup and the lodgings that I myself paid for. In Wilušna ...Ṭ6ṣ
The text lists travelling-expenses of an individual who was sent by the Assyrian authorities
on some sort of oficial mission to a number of places in the Anatolian and Syrian area, and
the author meticulously documents his expenses and personal outlays for gifts, drink, food
and lodgings – doubtless in hope of a later reimbursement. He carefully differentiates be-
tween the actions he undertook together with his companions and his own personal transac-
tions. First, the traveller goes to Pahatima, a toponym that is otherwise only attested in a few
Hittite documents.Ṭ6Ṭ In the present text the settlement of Pahatima is associated with an indi-
vidual with the Hittite name šimnuman, but it would be ill-advised to draw any conclusions
on the basis of this fact alone. From Pahatima the author travels to Zalpa, while apparently
sending some silver for the envoy stationed in Tegarama. Subsequently, he spends a small
amount of money on buying wine in Zalpa and moves on to Baraddum. Finally, the author
travels to a place named Harana (probably making one or two stops, lost in the break in the
tablet), and then to the unknown town of Wilušna.Ṭ6ṭ
The link in the present text between Zalpa and Buruddum, and the connection between
šimala, Buruddum, Zalpa, Hahhum, Badna and Timelkiya elsewhere, suggests that Zalpa
has to be included in the cluster of toponyms that surround Hahhum in spite of the ambigu-
ity of the statistical analysis. As argued in the next section, Zalpa was also located on the
frontier between Anatolia and Syria, and a number of the toponyms from the Hahhum-
Ṭτ9. ARM Ṭ8.6Ṣ (l. Ṭ6-ṭṬ): a-na ma-tim e-li-tim ‘q]é-er-bé-ku-ma eσ-e-em E-lu-hu-utki LÚ Lu-ul-li-i Ha-ah-hi-imki
ma-a-at Za-al-m‘a-q]í-im ‘B]u-ru-un-di-imki ù Ta-al-ha-‘y]i-imki ‘ma-ah-r]i-ia a-ki-‘in] a - um ki-a-am ‘ eσ-e]-
em- u-nu a e- ‘e-m]u-ú a-na be-lí-ia ú-ta-a-ar. Cf. cHarpin ṬṢṢ8: ṣṢṢ-ṣṢṣ.
Ṭ6Ṣ. Cf. DuranD ṬṢṢṢ: στσ.
Ṭ6ṣ. CCT ṣ, Ṭ9 (l. ṣ-Ṭ6): ṣτ GÍN AN.NA a-na í-ip-ri-im a a-Kà-ni-i ! ni-i -pu-ru ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na u-li ṣ
ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- í-im-nu-ma-an ṣ/ṭ ma-na AN-NA ù ṣ TUG ku-sí-tám ma-ar-da-a-tám ù sà-he-er-tám
a-na ba-ru-lim a Pá-ha-tí-ma 7 GÍN AN.NA a-na í-ip-ri-im a ‘a-Te-ga]-ra-ma ni-i -pu-ru Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BAB-
BAR a-ki-ra-nim i-Za-al-‘pá] ṣ/ṭ ma-na Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im TÚG ku-ta-nim! ù? ṣ ma-na lu a-ba-ru-lim lu
a-k‘à- í-im] i-Ba-ra-dí-im [x GÍN] KÙ.BABBAR a-na UDU.[HI.A x] ù-ra-dí τ ma-‘na x] a- ar-ma ba x ‘x x (x
x)] a- u-mì ‘x] bu ‘x x (x x)] 7 GÍN AN.NA a- ‘é-er x (x x)] ‘ ]a A-ta-ta a- u-l‘i x (x)] ṣṢ GÍN AN.NA a-ki-ri-im
ù ‘x x x] i-Ha-ra-na τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im UDU.HI.A ṭ ṣ/6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im ki-ra-tim ù É ub-ri a-
na-ku-ma a-pu-ul i-WI-lu-u -na. Collations in ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: 9ṭ-9τ.
Ṭ6Ṭ. KUB ṣ7.ṣ9: τ Ş KUB 6.στ (col. ii): ṭṬ, and probably KUB 6.σ6 (col. iii): ṣ. Unfortunately none of them help to
locate the city.
Ṭ6ṭ. To judge by the name alone, Wilušna (Walušna, Wulušna) would have been located in the Anatolian area where
the –sna sufix is a common element in Luwian and Hittite toponomy.
98
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Zalpa Šimala
Timelkiya Hahhum Badna
Fig. 8: The basic outlay of the Hahhum cluster.
cluster reappear in the Zalpa-cluster. Both facts support the idea that Zalpa and Hahhum
belong together.
A number of itineraries connect Hahhum to Central Anatolia via Timelkiya, and in fact
there seems to have been no other connecting Hahhum and Kaneš directly. A few examples
will sufice:
Ṭ/ṭ minas of tin was (the dātum-fee) for the goods valued at ṣṢ minas (of tin) [... for the
hire] of the donkeys from Hahhum to Timelkiya. From Timelkiya to šalahšuwa Ṭ ṣ/σ
shekel each. From šalahšuwa to Hurama the head-tax was Ṭ ṣ/σ shekel each.Ṭ6σ
From Wahšušana to Kaneš ṣ ṣ/ṭ shekel of silver came on as my expenses. One shekel I
took out for the ka um-oficial in Kaneš, and (then) I spent ten shekels of silver. One
shekel for lodgings in Hurama. One shekel for lodgings in Timelkiya. Two shekels for
lodgings in Hahhum. One shekel for lodgings in Burullum. I spent ṣṢ shekels of silver
on my fodder (for the donkeys) from Kaneš to the City (Assur).Ṭ6τ
The four textiles belonging to Hanu son of Itur-ili that Damqaya brought from Hahhum
to Timelkiya, and which were entrusted to Iddin-Suen in Timelkiya, he de[posited] in the
house of šu-Nunu.Ṭ66
The location of Timelkiya depends upon the identiication of Hahhum and so the discussion
of the exact relation between the two toponyms is covered in the section on Timelkiya. For
the present discussion it is of interest to note that the Assyrian texts consistently state that
one goes up from Assur to Hahhum, up from Kaneš to Hahhum, up from Kaneš to Timelkiya
but down from Hahhum to Central Anatolia. One can understand why the general notion of
going up to Anatolia and going down to Assur was evident for any traveller (as in Xeno-
phon s Aνά ι , going up ). The fact that Hahhum was seen as being up in relation to
Kaneš and Timelkiya is more surprising. A feasible explanation would be that the city was
located high up on a mountainside or a rocky spur. Alternatively one could maintain that the
Assyrian use of the verbs that indicate a movement up and down has no direct relation to the
Ṭ6σ. LB ṣṬ8ṭ: Ṭ/ṭ ma-na AN.NA a ṣṢ ma-na? a-wi-tí- u? iš? zu? x ‘x] x [ ]a? ANšE.HI.A i -tù Ha-hi-im a-dí Tí-me-el-
ki-a i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a a-dí a-lá-ah- u-a ṣ/σ GÍN.TA i -tù a-lá-ah- u-a a-dí Hu!-ra-ma! Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN.şTA> qá-
qá-da-tum?. Published in nasHef ṣ987: ṭ9. Dercksen kindly collated the text for me (twice), to make absolutely
sure that the dificult line ṣṬ actually reads: Hu!-ra-ma!.
Ṭ6τ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣ: i -tù Wa-ah- u- a-na a-dí Kà-ni-i da-tum ṣ ṣ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ik- u-dí ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
a-na kà- í-im i-na Kà-ni-i áb-ri-ma ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-ku-ul ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na É wa-áb-ri i-na
Hu-ru-ma ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Tí-me-el-ki-a a-na É wa-áb-ri Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Ha-hi-im a-na É
wa-ab-ri ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Bu-ru-lim a-na É wa-áb-ri ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tù Kà-ne-e a-dí a-limki
a-na ú-ku-ul-tí-a a-ag-mu-ur.
Ṭ66. Kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṬ (l. ṣ-8): σ TÚG a Ha-nu DUMU I-turσ-DINGIR a Dam-qá-a i -t‘ù] Ha-hi-im a-na Tí-me-e‘l-ki-a]
ub-lá-ni-ma i-na Tí-me-el-ki-a a-na I-dí-Sú-en6 ip-qí-‘du] É-tí u-Nu-nu i-d‘í-x-(x)].
99
physical topography.Ṭ67 The problem will be discussed again later in the course of this analy-
sis.
One very important piece of evidence for the location of Hahhum is the recurring reference
to a large river in the vicinity of the city. The aforementioned treaty between the citizens of
Hahhum and Assur states that:
You (pl.) are not to incite the boatmen by lies and evil, so that they do not sink a boat or
cause the loss of any goods. Should a boat go down on the river, or should any loss occur
in your mountains or in your land, then you must compensate all losses, down to rope
and peg and stick.Ṭ68
The reference to trafic by boat shows that the body of water referred to in the treaty can not
have been any small stream, and since only a few rivers in the region are wide and deep
enough for shipping – and none are navigable throughout their course – this fact, combined
with the information found in the later Hittite sources (see below), and the idea that Hahhum
has to mark a feasible frontier between Syria and Anatolia, makes it virtually certain that
Hahhum was to be located along the Euphrates. Furthermore, the reference to mountains in
the treaty text, the fact that one moves up to Hahhum from Assur as well as Kaneš, and the
reference by Gudea to receiving gold that came from the mountains of Hahhum ,Ṭ69 all imply
that the territory of Hahhum included a mountainous region.
The treaty dates to the late period of the Assyrian trade in Anatolia contemporary with the
settlement of level Ib at Kültepe, but it seems certain that the territory of Hahhum bordered
directly onto the Euphrates in earlier times as well. A letter found in the level II settlement at
Kültepe runs as follows:
I met Elali in Hahhum while I was staying there at the bank of the river in Habnuk. Ṭ7Ṣ
On account of this reference it is tempting to see Habnuk as the name of the crossing at
Hahhum, although the toponym is hapax legomenon and it might also simply be a village in
the city territory. The memorandum kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ8 lists the fees paid at a ford as well as at the
river on a trip to Hahhum:
When I went to Hahhum, τ shekels of silver for sundries, τ shekels of silver I paid for
lodgings, I paid τ shekels at the place where the donkeys stood, I gave ṣ shekel for the
crossing, I paid [X] shekels of silver for the attorney, I paid σ ṣ/ṭ shekels of silver for the
packer, I paid [X] shekels of]silver to the [boatman?] of the river.Ṭ7ṣ
Ṭ67. KTB τ: Up from Anatolia to Hahhum (elā um). Kt c/k στṭ: Down from Hahhum to Assur (warādum). KTS ṣ, σ7b:
Up from Syria (elā um). POAT ṣ7: Up from Kaneš to Timelkiya ( ēlu um). Kt h/k 7ṭ: Up to Hahhum from Kaneš
(elā um). Kt 87/k ṣσ6: Up from Syria to Hahhum (elā um). Kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6: Down from Hahhum towards Anatolia
( ērudum). Also ICK Ṭ, ṣτ6 and kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣσ: Up from Assur to Zalpa (elā um). Cf. also section τ.7.
Ṭ68. Kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢ (col. ii) : l. ṣṣ-ṣ8: a ‘ne]-bi-ri-im i-na sá-ar-tim ú lá-mu-‘t]im lá tù- a-ha-za-ni-ma i-‘l]i-pá-am lá
ú- a-bu-ú-ma ú-nu-tám lá ú-ha-lu-qú-ni i-li-pu-um li-i -b‘i-m]a i-na na-ri-im SÁ.TU-e-ku-nu ú ma-tí-ku-nu ‘mì]-
ma hu-lu-qá-um a i-ha-li-qú-ni a-dí-i eb-li-im ú sí-kà-tim ga-am-li-im ú ‘m]ì-ma u-‘um- ]u lu tù-ma-lá-a-n‘i x
x x (x)] x ‘x x]. For for a revised reading and interpretation of the layout of the text, cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ96-ṬṢṢ.
Ṭ69. RIME ṭ/ṣ.ṣ.7.StB (col. iv): ṭṭ-ṭ7. It could of course be alluvial gold.
Ṭ7Ṣ. I σ69 (l. Ṭ-6): ‘i-na] Ha-hi-im i-na wa-‘ a-bi-im] i-na Ha-áb-nu-uk ‘i-na] a-pá-at na-ri-‘im] E-lá-lí a-am-h‘u-ur-ma].
Ṭ7ṣ. Kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ8 (l. ṣ-ṣτ): i-nu-mì a-na Ha-hi-[im] a-li-ku τ GÍN KÙ.[BABBAR] a-na sà-he-er-tim τ GÍN KÙ.
BABBAR a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- ar ANš[E].HI.A i-zi-zu-ni a-dí-in ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
a-[n]a [n]é-ba-ar-tim [a]-dí-[in] [x GÍ]N KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-biσ?- í-im [x x x] σ ṣ/ṭ GÍN [x x a-n]a sà-ri-dim
[x x x x] KÙ.BABBAR [x x x]-a a na-ri-im ‘á -q]úl. Cf. also kt c/k στ6 (l. ṬṢ-ṣṬ): ṣṢ ma-na AN.NA a-na r‘a]-
di-şimš a na-ri-im in relation to Hahhum.
ṣṢṢ
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Although the text gives no direct information about the direction in which the travellers
moved, the presence of a packer indicates that it refers to a shipment going from Assur to
Hahhum. If so, this passage would prove that Hahhum was situated on the western bank of
the river, and thereby render much of the following discussion superluous.
With the location of Hahhum on the Euphrates established, it is necessary to return to the
issue of its function as a frontier territory between Syria and Anatolia. The Euphrates River
constitutes a principal topographical feature of the Arabian Platform and an important ob-
stacle to trafic moving east-west. As already shown, it was a place people met and it pre-
sented a mental as well as administrative border to the Assyrian traders. Note the following
passages from a letter and from an Assyrian slave-sale contract:
(When) you left Kaneš on a trip to the City, and I, together with my brother (was coming)
from the city, we met on the bank of the river ...Ṭ7Ṭ
Take the slve-girl along, either to Hattum or to the Land, but you must not sell her in
Kaneš or in the Land of Kaneš. Papandahe answered: I will take her across the Euphra-
tes .Ṭ7ṭ
The fact that the girl was taken across the river would presumably mean that she left Anatolia
entirely, and the statement by Papandahe can only be explained by assuming that her sale into
slavery would not cause the Assyrian merchant any trouble once she had left Anatolia.
As already mentioned, the Old Hittite sources also associate Hahhum with the Euphrates,
but the very unclear geographical setting in which the city igures in those sources gives no
irm indication about where along the course of the river, or even how far from it, the city may
have been located. The annals of Hattusili I provide a detailed description of the king s cam-
paign against the city of Hahhum, but intertwines the narrative with a complex episode about
his crossing of the river Euphrates, and comparisons between his own achievements and
those of the legendary Akkadian king Sargon. The location of Hahhum has been iercely de-
bated because of this text. In addition, a dificult passage in the so-called Apology of the
much later ruler, Hattusili III (CTH 8ṣ), mentions a place named Hahha that has tradition-
ally been connected to the earlier Hahhum, and so led to further confusion about its localiza-
tion. A full translation of the relevant passages from the Akkadian and the Hittite version of
the annals of Hattusili I, as well as the Apology of Hattusili III, reads as follows:
(Annals, Akkadian version): I the Great King Tabarna went [to the city of Zippaš]na, and
I scowled at the city of Hahhu like a lion (as) I destroyed Zippašna. I dedicated its gods
to the Sun-goddess of Arinna. I went to the city Hahhu, and he did battle at the gate three
times and I destroyed it. I brought its possessions to Hatti, my city. [Four] carts of gold,
two beds of silver, one table of gold and one table of silver, those gods of Hahhu, an ullu-
ox made of silver, and a boat with a prow of silver, I the Great King Tabarna took away
from Hahhu and presented it to the Sun-God. The Great King Tabarna removed the
hands of its slave girls from the grindstone and its slaves hands he removed … he re-
leased their belts and he put them in the temple of the Sun-Goddess of Arinna ... The
great river Euphrates, no one had crossed it. [The Great Kin]g Tabarna crosses it on foot,
and his troops crossed it [on] foot after him. Sargon had crossed it: [he smot]e the troops
Ṭ7Ṭ. TPAK ṣ, σṬ (l. ṭ-7): i -tù Kà-ni-i i-wa- a-i-kà ha-ra-kà a-na A-limki ú a-na-ku i -tí ‘a-hi]-a i -tù A-limki i-na ‘ a-
pa-at n]a-ri-im ni-me-he-er-ma. Cf. krYsZat ṣ999b: ṣ7τ.
Ṭ7ṭ. Kt 87/k Ṭ7τ (l. ṣṣ-ṣ7): u-ma a-na Ha-tim lu a-na ma-tim am-tám ri-de8-e i-na Kà-ni-i ù ma-at Kà-ni-i lá ta-da-
an- í um-ma Pá-pá-an-da!-ah-e-ma Pu-ra-tám ú- é-ba-ar- í. Cf. Hecker ṣ997: ṣ6τ-ṣ67Ş veenHof ṬṢṢ8b: ṣ8.
ṣṢṣ
of Hahhu, but he did nothing to the city of Hahhu, he did not set it on ire, and he did not
show [sm]oke to the Storm-God. When the Great King Tabarna for the King of Hassu
vanquished şthe city of Hassu>, and for the King of Hahhu he had destroyed the city of
Hahhu, and when he had set ire to them, he showed smoke to the Sun-deity of Heaven
and the Storm-God, and the King of Hahhu I yoke to a cart.Ṭ7σ
(Annals, Hittite version): I the Great King Tabarna went to Zippasna. Like a raging lion
I scattered (the troops of) the city Hahha, and I destroyed Zippasna. I took up its gods and
brought them to the Sun-goddess of Arinna. I went to Hahha and in Hahha I fought battle
in the city gates three times. I destroyed Hahha. Its goods I took up and brought them
away to Hattusa my city. Two pairs of carts were loaded with silver. One litter, a stag of
silver, one table of gold, one table of silver – these, the gods of Hahha – one great ox of
silver and one ship, its prow plated with gold, I the Great King Tabarna ştook away from
Hahha and presented to the Sun God. I the Great King Tabarna> took the hands of its
slave girls from the millstoneŞ I took the hands of the slaves from the workŞ and I eman-
cipated them from toil and forced labour. I released their belts, and I remitted them to the
Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady ... No [one] (had) [crossed] the Mala River, but I, the
Great King T[abarna] crossed it [on foot, my] troop[s] crossing it [after me] on foot.
Sarg[on (had) crossed it] (and) smo[te] the troops of Hahha, [but] di[d] nothing to [Hahha
(itself)Ş with ire] he does not burn it down [and the smoke] to the Storm-god of Heaven
[he did] not [show]. But I, the Great king Tabarna, the city [Hassuwa] and the city Hahha
[I] destroyed and [burned] them down by ire. The smoke [to the Storm-god of Hea]ven
[I showed]. The şking of the> city Hassuwa [and] the king of the city Hahha I yoked to
a cart. T[ablet ...] of the virile deeds of Hatt[us]il[i].Ṭ7τ
(Apology of Hattusili III) Further, during the years that my brother Muwatalli was in
Hatti, all Kaska Lands became hostile and they destroyed the lands of Saduppa and
Dankuwa. So he laid siege to the city of Pittiyariga. And my brother Muwatalli sent me,
but gave me troops (and) chariots in small numbers. I took along auxiliary troops in
small numbers from the country and went: I oppressed the enemy at the city of Hahha
and fought him. The Lady, my lady, marched ahead of me, I defeated him and erected a
monument.Ṭ76
Based largely upon the suggestion by Landsberger that Hahhu(m) was to be identiied with
Byzantine Cacon, a place conquered by emperor Basileos I during a campaign in Eastern
Anatolia, and the connection between the attack of the Kaska people and the battle of Hat-
tusili III at Hahha, various scholars have proposed a localization of Hahha/Hahhum near
Kangal or Divriği in the eastern part of the Sivas province.Ṭ77 Because of the attestations of
Hahhum found in the Old Assyrian texts, this has gradually moved to a position on the Elbi-
stan Plain,Ṭ78 or the plain at Elazığ,Ṭ79 where the city has been identiied with Yukari Hôh about
8 km. west of Gölcik (Hazar Gölü) on the basis of linguistic criteria.Ṭ8Ṣ Orlin argued that
Hahhum should be sought in the general area around Elazığ due to Gudea s reference to gold
coming from the mountains of Hahhum, pointing out that the only known sources of gold in
Eastern Anatolia are found there. Disregarding other possible explanations he used this as his
main argument for localizing the city east of the Euphrates River. The solution to the problem
Ṭ7σ. KBo ṣṢ.ṣ (rev): ṣ-Ṭτ. Cf. MelcHert ṣ978Ş J. L. Miller ṣ999: Ṭτ-Ṭ7.
Ṭ7τ. J. L. Miller ṣ999: Ṭ7-ṭṭŞ iMparati ṣ96σŞ iMparati & saporetti ṣ96τ.
Ṭ76. Transl. van Den Hout ṣ997b: ṬṢṣ.
Ṭ77. Cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: 6ṣf.
Ṭ78. garelli ṣ96ṭ: 97, ṣṢ9.
Ṭ79. orlin ṣ97Ṣ: ṭ9 n. τṭŞ astour ṣ99τ: ṣσṢ9.
Ṭ8Ṣ. astour: ibid.
ṣṢṬ
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
Map 8: The two possible locations of Hahhum, and associated routes.
of Hahhum and Hahha, namely to distinguish the city that was razed by Hattušili I from the
town where Hattusili III fought the Kaska alliance three centuries later, was only suggested
by Forlanini in ṣ979.Ṭ8ṣ Forlanini located the Hahhum known from the Old Assyrian sources
on the important crossing of the Euphrates at Samsat and suggested that the Hahha of Hat-
tusili III was to be sought much further to the north.
Most scholars now seem to agree with this reconstruction, although Astour continues to
favour the localization of Hahhum at Yukari Hôh. Indeed, a distinction between the early
Hahhum and the later Hahha is not unproblematic either, but the Old Assyrian evidence now
seems overwhelmingly in favour of locating Hahhum on an important crossing of the Euphra-
tes River in the general area of Badna, Buruddum and even Zalmaqum. This solution seems
more convincing than the problem of accepting the existence of a homonymous Hahha in
north-eastern Anatolia close to Pittiyariga. To some extent the location of Hahha depends
upon the location of Pittiyariga, which again depends upon the location of Hittite Samuha.
The problem of whether to locate Samuha on the Upper Euphrates or the Upper Halys is dis-
cussed in sections σ.6 and σ.ṣσ.
An important question related to the localization of Hahhum is to decide on which bank of
the Euphrates it was situated. Those arguing for a location of Hahhum near Elazığ ind sup-
port in the passage from the annals of Hattusili I about the crossing of the river. Why else
would the Great King go into such detail about it? For the same reason, but favouring a south-
ern location of Hahhum, Liverani in ṣ988 suggested that the city had to be located on the
eastern bank of the river opposite Samsat, perhaps at the large mound of Lidar Höyük.Ṭ8Ṭ His
Ṭ8ṣ. forlanini ṣ979: ṣ8Ṭ n. 8σ. The irst to locate Hahhum at Samsat was falkner ṣ9τ7: ṣṢ-ṣṣ.
Ṭ8Ṭ. liverani ṣ988: ṣ66. See also J. L. Miller ṣ999: 89 (who offers a number of possible identiications of Hahhum,
ṣṢṭ
suggestion has since been followed by Charpin and Miller.Ṭ8ṭ The latter supported his claim
with evidence found in a letter from the Hittite king Hattusili I to Tuniya (Tunip-Teššup),
ruler of a place named Tikunani. The letter reads:
Speak to Tuniya, my servant. Thus the Labarna, the Great King. You are my servant. Pro-
tect me, and I will protect you, my servant. Tikunan is my city and you are my servant,
and your land is my land, and I will protect you. My campaign is ready, and the man of
Hahhum has prepared his forces. Devour his provisions like a dog. The oxen you take will
be yours. The sheep you take will also be yours. There will be two assaults against him: I
from here, and you from there. Now send me the iron and the lion, which I heard that they
have returned from Nihriya, and then, whatever you wish for, as much as you want, write
to me and I will send it to you – silver, horses, prisoners and local slaves I will send. When
I arrive at Zalpar, send my servant Bulli and your servant to me. If there are qani at hand,
then send that to me. Also, have them bring white or black horsehairs to me. Also, do not
listen to the lies he utters, beware of the bull s horns, watch out for the tail of the lion, and
do not hold on to the tail of the fox – the one who constantly produces lies. What I did to
Zalpar, I will do to him. Do not ever listen to words on the right or left. Heed my words.Ṭ8σ
The origin of the letter in Tikunani somewhere on the Upper Tigris gave Miller reason to
believe that Hahhum, which he suggests the Hittite king planned to attack in a pincer move-
ment through an alliance with Tunip-Teššub, had to be located on the same bank of the Eu-
phrates River as Tikunani.Ṭ8τ According to Miller, the Euphrates is wide and dificult to cross
with an army, and so the Hittite king could not expect from his vassal to direct an attack on
Hahhum if it had been located on the western bank the river.Ṭ86 It is dificult to see this as a
decisive argument, and furthermore, the crossing of the Euphrates referred to in Hattusili s
own annals is not directly linked to the attack on Hahhum. Instead, the crossing presumably
represents a symbolic act and demonstration of power towards allies and enemies. An act of
honour, and the echo of a great king s deeds. For a home audience it seems worthwhile to
leave a few sentences in the annals describing the occasion, even if it had no direct relation to
the attack on Hahhum. If the Old Assyrian evidence for its location is to be taken into account,
it seems that the passage had nothing to do with the battle itself. Hahhum belongs to a cluster
e.g. Lidar Höyük, Tatar Höyük, Kurban Höyük, or a kan Büyüktepe). To this, krYsZat ṬṢṢσa: ṣ7 n. 8 adds
Kazane Höyük.
Ṭ8ṭ. cHarpin ṬṢṢ6Ş J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa.
Ṭ8σ. salvini ṣ99σ: a-na Tu-ni-ia ”R-di-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma La-ba-ar-na LUGAL GAL-ma ”R-di at-ta ú- ur-an-ni ù a-
na-ku ”R-di şlušú- ur-ka uruTiσ-ku-na-an URU-lim ù at-ta ”R-di ù KUR-at-ka KUR-ti lu-ú- ur-ka KASKAL-ti-ia
pí-te-et ù it-ti LÚ uruHa-hi-ia-ú lu-ú i-la-at šE.BA- u ki-ma UR.GI7 a-ku-ul- u GUD.HI.A a ta-la-qè lu-ú ku-ú
U8.UDU.HI.A a ta-la-qè-ma lu-ú ku-ú-ma a-na mu-hi- u lu-ú Ṭ? i-la-at a-na-ku i -tu an-na-nu-um ù at-ta i -tu
a-nu-um-ma-nu AN.BAR-zi-lu-ú ù UR.MAH a i -tu uruNi-ih-ri-ia ú-te-ru e -me i-na-an-na u-bi-lam ù ha- i-ih-
ta-ka ma-la ha-a -ha-tam u-up-ra-am-ma lu- a-bi-la-kum lu-ú KÙ.BABBAR lu-ú ANšE.KUR.RA ù ”R-di húp-
ti ”R-di É-ti lu-ú- a-bi-la-ak-kum i-nu-ma i-na uruZa-al-pa-ar a-la-kam-ma mBu-ul-li ”R-di ù ”R-ka u-up-ra-a - u-
nu-ti um-ma qa-ni?-iKUš i-ba-a - i-ma u-bi-lam ù za-ap-pí ANšE.KUR.RA lu-ú pé- ú-ti lu-ú a-al-mu-ti
u-bi-şlaš-a - u-nu-ti ù a-wa-ti a-ra-ti a i-dá-bu-ub la ta- a-mi qa-ni ri-mi ú- ur ù i-bá-a UR.MAH ú- ur
i-bá-a e-la-bi-i la ta-a -ba-at a a-ra-ti i-te-né-pu-u ki-ma uruZa-al-pa-ar-ma e-pu- u ù a-tum qa-tam-ma
e-pu-u i-mi-tum ù şşù šš u-mé-lum a-wa-ti la te-e -te-né-mi a-wa-ti-ia ú- ur. van De Mieroop ṬṢṢṢ: ṣṭτ be-
lieves that it represents later scribal iction. See J. L. Miller: ṬŞ De Martino 2002: 80 for the authenticity of this
letter. Two recent translations are Hoffner ṬṢṢ9Ş DuranD ṬṢṢ6. The latter suggests a number of improved read-
ings, some of which have been adapted here. The reading: mBu-ul-li ”R-di is based on the photo provided by Sal-
vini. For zappu cf. e.g. kt b/k ṣ9 (which mentions ṣṢ.ṢṢṢ white, and ṣṢ.ṢṢṢ black ones)Ş KBo 9.ṭŞ kt a/k σ79 and
Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: 6τ. The letter comes from a private collection and is of unknown provenience.
Ṭ8τ. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣb.
Ṭ86. For a different translation cf. salvini ṣ99σŞ J. L. Miller ṣ999: I (advance) from here and you from there, (like)
iron and lion! Have sent to me now (that), which they have returned, (as) I have heard from Nihriya .
ṣṢσ
σ.ṣ HAHHUM
of toponyms that includes Timelkiya, Hurama, Badna and Zalpa, and that the city should be
situated on the Euphrates at a central gateway to Anatolia. A more accurate proposal for its
location has to depend upon the analysis of Zalpa (σ.Ṭ) and Uršu (σ.ṣṬ).
–––––
Hahhum belongs among the earliest attested toponyms located on the periphery of the Anato-
lian region. According to later Babylonian legend, Sargon of Akkade fought Hahhum in con-
nection with his crossing of the Euphrates in the Ṭσth century BC., and the city was included
on the list of Naram-Sin s antagonists in the Great Revolt .Ṭ87 As already mentioned, Gudea
of Lagaš in the ṬṬnd century had gold brought to Southern Mesopotamia from the mountains
of Hahhum, and a list of items dating to the very early period of the Ur III Empire, possibly
the reign of Ur-Namma, mentions woollen and linen fabric, as well as oil and a TÚG.PÚL-
textile from Ha-hu-umki.Ṭ88 Hahhum is infrequently mentioned in the Mari texts, once in as-
sociation with the cities Haššum, [...] and Zalwar,Ṭ89 and it appears to have been located in the
periphery of Mari s zone of political interest.Ṭ9Ṣ
Garelli argued for the importance of the kārum in Hahhum as a regional market and cross-
road where textiles and tin from Assur meet the trafic in copper from the Ergani region.Ṭ9ṣ
However, there is nothing to indicate that Hahhum held any part in the copper trade, and there
is no sign that the copper mines in Ergani were active during the Old Assyrian period, or that
they supplied Assur.Ṭ9Ṭ It may have been the case, but then it is never mentioned in the geo-
graphically biased texts from Kültepe.
In Old Assyrian times the city was known for its production of a particular attire, the
Hahhitēn, a term that always appears in the dual form, and which may therefore refer to a
certain type of shoes, gloves or the like. Other types of textiles are also said to have derived
from the city, including itrum and the Anatolian type pirikannum and tisābum.Ṭ9ṭ The city
may have been linked to trade in olive oil too, and already Lewy suggested that Hahhum
might have been a centre for production. This in turn led him to believe that Hahhum should
be sought below an elevation of 7ṢṢ m above sea-level, which he states is the upper limit for
the growth of olive trees.Ṭ9σ Miller recently threw in a word of caution by pointing out that the
trade in an object does not necessarily require a local production,Ṭ9τ and if Hahhum did indeed
hold a position as the gateway between Syria and the Anatolian Plateau then this could ex-
plain why a number of texts refer to the trade in oil.Ṭ96
Ṭ87. See westenHolZ ṣ998.

Ṭ88. RTC ṬṭṬ (col. i): τ .
Ṭ89. A.ṭṭ6ṣ (l. 9-ṣṢ): ‘ma-a]-at Ha-‘a]h-hi-imki Ha-a - i-im k[i] ‘x x x] Za-al-wa-ark[i].
Ṭ9Ṣ. Note also the attestation of Hahhum in text vincente ṣ99ṣ, No. ṣṢσ from Tell Leilan, which records a gift given
to a messenger from Hahhum: [x] a pair of (footwear) to Lašše-[...], the messenger of the ruler of Hahhum ([x]
ta-pa-al kuš a-na La- e-‘x] DUMU i-ip-ri LÚ Ha-ah-hiki).
Ṭ9ṣ. garelli ṣ998: στ6. For the kārum in Hahhum and its ten-man board, cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: 78. The list on pp. ṣτσ-
ṣττ omits Hahhum – surely by mistake.
Ṭ9Ṭ. See Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṣ7.
Ṭ9ṭ. MicHel & veenHof ṬṢṣṢ, with the added references: ēpi um (kt c/k 7Ṭ9)Ş pirikannum (kt c/k σ7) and itrum (kt c/k 86).
Ṭ9σ. lewY ṣ9τṬ: Ṭ7ṭ n. ṭ. His assertion is not entirely convincing. According to the annual of Agricultural Structure
and Production issued by the T. C. Ba bakanlık devlet istatistik enstitüsü in ṣ968 (i.e. prior to the introduction of
new, more sturdy varieties), the dry low-lying provinces of Urfa (with Ṭ8σ 9ṢṢ trees), Mara (Ṭτ6 τṢṢ trees) and
Gaziantep (σ τ6ṣ 8τṢ trees) had a substantial production of olives. Urfa province in particular produced 8ṣ9 tons
of olive oil in ṣ967, cf. p. ṣṭ7.
Ṭ9τ. J. L. Miller ṣ999: 8τ.
Ṭ96. See e.g. CCT σ, ṣ8Ş kt k/k τŞ kt 89/k ṬττŞ kt 9σ/k 7Ṣ6, but note kt c/k 6Ṣ7 (l. 9-ṣṬ): Send me two measures of
prime oil or some oil from Hahhum (Ṭ qa ”.GIš ri-i -tam ú-lá a Ha-hi-im e-biσ-lam), which does indicate the
existence of a local production of oil.
ṣṢτ
As already stated, Hahhum must have been located in the vicinity of both the river and
the mountains. The fact that one always moves up to Hahhum could be taken as an indica-
tion that the capital city or the ruler s palace was homonymous with the state and located
high above the surrounding plain. Hilltop fortresses are well-known in Anatolian medieval
cities such as at Afyonkarahisar, Osmancik, and Kahramanmara , and are known from Hit-
tite settlements e.g. at Büyükkale in Boğazköy and Büklükkale at Köprüköy. The Assyrian
treaty with Hahhum clearly distinguishes between your city and your land and gives an
idea of the conceptual division between the central settlement and its territory (cf. section
σ.ṣσ).
During the main period of Assyrian trade, a king or royal couple ruled Hahhum,Ṭ97 but at
some point a revolt in the city seems to have disrupted the dynastic succession. The event can
be followed through a number of letters belonging to the correspondence of the merchant In-
naya:
To Innaya from Elali. Since I arrived, Iddin-Kubum and his company, the ten-man board
of Hahhum, and I myself – we have repeatedly gone up to the palace but the nobles keep
answering us in the same way. There! Copies of the oath that they offer to us have been
written for the colony. After we agreed with them on a settlement the men changed their
minds. The king has committed a bloody deed and his throne is blemished. The agree-
ments are suspended. The nobles keep watching each other.Ṭ98
To Innaya from Elali. They refused to hear the message from the Colony that was written
to the nobles, and so I made the ten-man board seal the missive that was noted down for
the ten-man board and myself, and then the ten-man board committed the statement that
the rulers refuse to hear into writing and I carry it. Because I heard your message in
Timelkiya, I have stayed back in Hurama.Ṭ99
To Innaya and Anah-ili from Adada ... If the palace (in Kaneš) promises you … then you
should reply within ṣṢ days, and say: Since there is a revolt going on in Hahhum, he has
so far been detained .ṭṢṢ
The later treaty with Hahhum mentions no king and refers instead to a group of people in the
plural as the partner of the accord. A possible interpretation would be that Hahhum experi-
enced a patrician revolt, and that the city went through a period without a king before it re-
verted to a monarchic rule some time prior to Hattusili s attack. Instead of a king, the treaty
refers to a palace and a number of important city oficials – the mū ium, the hatunum (lit. the
son in law ) and the inahilum (deputy) – who are all guaranteed the right to buy a certain part
of each passing Assyrian shipment of textiles at a set price.
Ṭ97. Cf. e.g. kt b/k 6ṣṬ.

Ṭ98. CCT σ, ṭṢa (l. ṣ-ṣ7): a-na I-na-a qí-bi-ma um-ma E-lá-lí-ma i -tù a-li-kà-ni I-dí-Ku-bu-um ù ILLAT-sú ṣṢ-tum
a Ha-hi-im ù a-na-ku a-na É.GAL-lim né-ta-na-li-ma ru-ba-ú ki-ma i-ta-pu-lim i-ta-na-p‘u]-lu-ni-a-tí a-ma me-
eh-ra-at ma-mì-tim a ‘ú-k]à i-lu-ni-a-tí-ni a-na kà-ri-im lá-pu-ta-nim ù í- ki -‘tám] ni-im-guτ-ur- u-nu-ma a-wi-
lu-ú i-ta-ba-al-ku-tù LUGAL da-me e-ta-pá-á -ma ku-sí- u lá ta-aq-na-at í-ik-na-tum a-hu-ra ru-ba-ú i-na ba-
ri- u-nu i-ta- ù-lu. Cf. larsen ṣ976: Ṭ7ṣ.
Ṭ99. CCT 6, ṣτb (l. ṣ-ṣ8): [a-na] I-na-‘a qí]-bi-ma ‘um-m]a E-lá-lí-ma na-á -pè-er-tám a kà-ri-im a a-na ru-ba-e
lá-pu-ta-at-ni a-ma-am ù-lá i-mu-ú ù na-şá š-pè-er-tám a kà-ri-‘im] a a-na ṣṢ-tim ú i-a-tí lá-pu-ta-at-ni ṣṢ-
tám ù- a-ak-ni-ik-ma ù na-á -pè-er-tám a ru-ba-ú a-ma-am lá i-mu-‘ú-ni] ṣṢ-tum ú-lá-pì-t‘a-m]a na-á -a-ku
ki-ma na-á -pè-ra-‘tí]-kà i-na Tí-me-el-ki-a á -me-ú a- í-a-tí i-na Hu-ra-ma ak-ta-lá. (Coll. Larsen).
ṭṢṢ. CCT σ, σṬa (l. ṣ-Ṭ): a-na I-na-a ù I-na-ah-DINGIR qí-bi-ma um-ma A-da-da-ma … (l. ṣṭ-Ṭṣ): u-ma a- é-e-im
É.GAL-lúm i-qá-biσ-a-ku-nu-tí a-dí ṣṢ uσ-me i-ta-pá-lá- u um-ma a-tù-nu-ma ki-ma i-na Ha-hi-im sí-hi-tù-ni
a- i-a-tí a-dí uσ-‘mi-im a-nim] ik-‘ki-lá].
ṣṢ6
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
According to Hattusili I s version of history, the Hittite army sacked and burned down the
city and transferred its population to temple lands in Hatti. However, he also claims to have
freed the citizens in Hahhum of taxes and forced labour, which may give some indication of
the local political organisation, labour and economy immediately prior to the Hittite con-
quest.ṭṢṣ Although the narrative of rich booty of several wagonloads of silver and gold may
contain elements of literary topos, there can be little doubt that Hahhum was a rich city. The
same passage contains the only bit of evidence for religious life in Hahhum, referring to di-
vine furniture, a stag of silver, an ox of silver and a boat with its prow overlaid with gold. The
bull is well known throughout Syria and Anatolia as a divine symbol, whereas the stag-god is
more particular to the Anatolian area, and the sacred boat may be linked to the location of
Hahhum on a major river. The annals of Hattusili also speak of the neighbouring city of Zip-
pasna, which appears either to have been an ally of Hahhum or a town located within its ter-
ritory. Since the toponym never occurs in the Assyrian sources, it may be a later urban forma-
tion.
In later times Hahheans are attested as part of Hittite court ceremonial,ṭṢṬ and both ma i-
textiles and wool from Hahhu are mentioned,ṭṢṭ although it may well be that these terms ei-
ther refer to northern Hahha or to the vestige traditions of a dead city. No one appears to have
rebuilt Hahhum on the spot where the city had been located during the Old Assyrian Colony
Period. It had fought for its life and lost, allegedly after it drove the Hittite army from its gate
three times. In return it was put to the torch, and its ruler was tied to the booty-train headed
for Hattusa. There, rich gifts from the ruler of Tikunani awaited Hattusili in acknowledge-
ment of his victory.ṭṢσ
4.Ṭ ZalpaṭṢτ
The location of Zalpa has presented great dificulties for students of Anatolian historical ge-
ography, and it has only gradually become clear that several places with similar names occur
in the sources.ṭṢ6 One settlement (Zalpah) was located on the Balih River in Syria close to
Tuttul (Tell Bi a)Ş another larger city (Zalwar) was located in south-western Turkey, possibly
ṭṢṣ. For the ownership of land and the possible existence of a system of corvée in Kaneš during the Old Assyrian pe-
riod, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσb.
ṭṢṬ. jakoB-rost ṣ966: Ṭṣ9. güterBock & van Den Hout ṣ99ṣ: ṭṬ-ṭσ.
ṭṢṭ. NBC ṭ8σṬ (obv. l. ṭ-σ, ṣṬ-ṣσ, ṣ9): sígHa-ti-ti and túgma - a-a , cf. finkelstein ṣ9τ6: ṣṢṭ.
ṭṢσ. KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. iii): Ṭτ-Ṭ8.
ṭṢτ. Attestations of Zalpa are found in: kt 86/k ṣ8ṢŞ kt 86/k ṣ9ṬŞ kt 87/k ṣṬṢŞ kt 87/k ṣ79Ş kt 87/k τσ7Ş kt 87/k τσ9Ş kt
87/k ττṣŞ kt 88/k 96ṭŞ kt 89/k ṬṭṢŞ kt 9Ṣ/k ṣṣ9Ş kt 9Ṣ/k ṣṬ8Ş kt 9Ṣ/k ṬṬτŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣσ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ67Ş kt
9ṣ/k ṣ76Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ97Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṬṣσŞ kt 9ṣ/k τṣṢŞ kt 9ṭ/k τ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 7τŞ kt 9σ/k τṢṢŞ kt 9σ/k 6τ6Ş kt 9σ/k 799Ş kt
9σ/k 989Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσṬṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ6ṬṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ667Ş Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ AKT ṣ, Ṭ6Ş AKT Ṭ, σṣŞ AKT Ṭ, σ6Ş AKT ṭ, ṣṢṭŞ
AKT ṭ, σ7Ş AKT σ, Ṭ7Ş AKT σ, ṭṢŞ AKT σ, σṬŞ AKT σ, σṭŞ AKT τ, τ7Ş AKT 6, σŞ AKT 6, ṣ9σŞ AKT ṭ, ṭṣσŞ AKT 6,
ṭṬ9Ş AKT 6, ṭṭṢŞ AKT, σ77Ş ATHE σṣŞ ATHE σ8Ş ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN σ, ṣṣ6Ş BIN 6, ṣ67Ş BIN 6, ṣ8ṢŞ BIN 6, ṣ8ṬŞ BIN
6, ṣ8σŞ BIN 6, Ṭ6τŞ BIN 6, 8σŞ kt c/k τŞ kt c/k στŞ kt c/k 8ṣŞ kt c/k 9ṣŞ kt c/k ṣṢ9Ş kt c/k ṣ9ṭŞ kt c/k ṬṭṬŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş
kt c/k Ṭτ6Ş kt c/k ṭṬ9 (māt)Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k ṭ67Ş kt c/k στσŞ kt c/k σττŞ kt c/k στ8Ş kt c/k τ9ṣŞ kt c/k 6Ṣ6Ş kt c/k
6ṭσŞ kt c/k 6σṬa+bŞ kt c/k 67τŞ kt c/k 676: kt c/k 689Ş kt c/k 7σṬŞ kt c/k 76ṢŞ kt c/k 778a+bŞ kt c/k 8σ8 a+bŞ CCT
ṣ, Ṭ9Ş CCT ṣ, ṭ8aŞ CCT ṣ, τṢŞ CCT ṭ, ṭσbŞ CCT ṭ, σṢaŞ CCT σ, Ṭ8bŞ CCT σ, 9aŞ CCT τ, ṭbŞ CCT τ, σσaŞ CCT τ,
σ7aŞ CCT 6, ṣṬbŞ CCT 6, ṣσŞ CCT 6, 7cŞ Chantre ṣṣŞ DTCFD ṭṣ, ṣ9ṣŞ kt g/k ṣ99Ş I τστŞ I τ7ṬŞ ICK ṣ, ṣτŞ ICK ṣ,
6σŞ ICK Ṭ, ṣτ6Ş JCS Ṭ6, 68Ş kt k/k ṬṬŞ kt k/k 6ṬbŞ kt k/k 9σŞ kt k/k 98Ş Ka σṭσŞ KTK ṣ9Ş KTK τṣŞ KTS Ṭ, τ6Ş kt
m/k ṣṣŞ kt m/k ṣσσŞ kt m/k ṣσ9Ş kt n/k ṣṢŞ kt n/k ṣṭṣ6Ş kt n/k ṣσ8Ş kt n/k στ7Ş kt n/k 6ṢṬŞ OIP Ṭ7, τŞ OIP Ṭ7, 6Ş
kt o/k ṬσŞ RA τ8, 6σŞ RA 6Ṣ, ṣṣṣŞ TC ṣ, 6ṣŞ TC ṣ, ṣṢṬŞ TC Ṭ, σσŞ TC ṭ, ṣṣ8Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6σŞ TC ṭ, ṣ66Ş TC ṭ, ṣ8Ş TC
ṭ, Ṭ69Ş TC ṭ, σŞ TC ṭ, τṢŞ TC ṭ, 8τŞ TMH ṣ, ṬṣaŞ TMH ṣ, Ṭ6dŞ TMH ṣ, Ṭ7c.
ṭṢ6. Cf. e.g. goetZe ṣ9τṭŞ garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9Ş otten ṣ97ṭŞ Haas ṣ977Ş rÖllig ṣ978Ş Del Monte & tiscHler
ṣ978Ş BeitZel ṣ99ṬŞ steiner ṣ99ṭŞ MicHel & garelli ṣ997Ş DuranD ṣ998Ş ṬṢṢ6.
ṣṢ7
at Tilmen Höyük.ṭṢ7 Finally, a state or kingdom (Zalpuwa) in the Hittite texts must be sought
somewhere in the Black Sea region. Often the settlements were distinguished in the writing,
but the system is by no means consistent and it can be dificult to assign a given reference to
one Zalpa or the other.
Miller conducted a detailed analysis of the evidence in an attempt to assign the attestations
in the Hittite and Mari sources to one or the other Zalpa.ṭṢ8 Unfortunately, he more or less left
out the Old Assyrian records from his analysis, stating that the Assyrian material has pro-
duced near consensus ... with the locations of northern Zalpa and Zalpa on the Balih .ṭṢ9 But
as the analysis of Hahhum has just shown, this is in fact not the case. The location of Hahhum
somewhere along the Euphrates and fairly close to Zalpa its badly with a location of Zalpa
near the Amanus or on the Balih.
For this, and several other reasons, Forlanini argued that there must be four similarly
named toponyms attested in the sources.ṭṣṢ To avoid confusion, those four toponyms will be
normalised in a consistent and individual way in the following discussion even when this is
not the case in the ancient records. The northern Anatolian city is written as Zalpuwa , the
town on the Balih is Zalpah , the city in the Amanus is Zalwar , and the Assyrian colony
close to Hahhum is referred to as the Assyrian Zalpa , or simply as Zalpa . In order to prove
the existence of a separate toponym in the Assyrian sources, the analysis will begin by deter-
mining the geographical cluster to which the city belonged. Since it is possible that the Assyr-
ian texts refer to several of the similarly named places, the picture may appear less distinct
than in the case of Hahhum.
Abrum ṣ Harranu ṣ šalahšuwa Ṭ
Badna ṣ Hattum ṣ šimala ṣ
Buruddum ṣ Hattuš ṭ Tawiniya ṣ
Burallum ṣ Hurama σ Tegarama ṭ
Dadaniya Ṭ Kuššara ṣ Timelkiya 6
Durhumit ṣ Kuburnat ṣ Unipsum ṣ
Eluhhut ṣ Luhuzattiya ṭ Uršu ṭ
Haburat ṣ Mamma σ Wahšušana 7
Hahhum 6 Nihriya Ṭ Wilušna ṣ
Hamizanum ṣ Pahatima ṣ Zimišhuna ṣ
Hanaknak ṣ Purušhaddum 7
Haqa σ Qa ara ṣ
Table ṣṢ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Zalpa.ṭṣṣ
ṭṢ7. See e.g astour 1995; j. l. Miller ṬṢṢṣaŞ forlanini ṬṢṢσa: σṣṢ. The reference in KUG Ṭ9 is to a household or
family of a person named A-ru-ar and text should be omitted from the discussion of Zalpa. For Aruwar as a topo-
nym, cf. section σ.ṣṬ For attestations of Zalwar in Mari, see J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣaŞ guicHarD ṣ99ṭŞ Charpin apud
DuranD ṬṢṢ6. For the attestations from third-millennium Ebla, cf. BonecHi ṣ99ṭ. For attestations from Alalakh,
cf. BelMonte Marín ṬṢṢṣ s. v. and von Dassow ṬṢṢ8: τṢτ. astour ṣ96ṭ: Ṭṭ8 links Zalwar with the Crusader-
period toponym Selorie and the ancient name of the nearby Karasu River, Salu(w)ara (cf. YaMaDa ṬṢṢṢa for the
Neo-Assyrian references). lipiński ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭσṣ n. τσ proposes a Syriac etymology (Salwāra eel river, Arabic as-
Sallawar). For a Hurrian rendering of Zallurbi mountain ([HUR.SA]G?Za-al-lu-úr-bi-ni) and its possible link with the
toponyms Salu(w)ara and Zalwar in Kp 9τ/ṬṬ6, cf. Wilhelm apud A. karpe et. al ṬṢṢ6: Ṭṭτ.
ṭṢ8. J. L. Miller ṣ999Ş ṬṢṢṣaŞ ṬṢṢṣb.
ṭṢ9. J. L. Miller ṣ999: τṬ.
ṭṣṢ. forlanini ṬṢṢσaŞ cf. also Charpin apud DuranD ṬṢṢ6.
ṭṣṣ. Note also Kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ6ṭ (cf. BaYraM ṣ99σ: Ṭṣτ), which reads: The wife of Inar of Maha, son of Aba, lady of Hi-
hhi, issue of Hurki the Zalpean (DAM mI-na-ar a Ma-ha-a DUMU A-ba a-wi-ilτ-tim Hi-hi-a-i-tim DUMU Hu-
ur-ki Za-al-pá-i-im). Maha may be a toponym or a personal name. The use of Personenkeil and the text as a
whole is highly unusual.
ṣṢ8
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
Dadaniya
Hahhum
Haqa
Hattuš
Hurama
Luhuzattiya
Mamma
Nihriya
Purušhaddum
Šalahšuwa
Tegarama
Timelkiya
Uršu
Wahšušana
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Graph 3: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Zalpa. Itineraries are shaded in a darker colour.
This time only a single graph is drawn to show both the frequency with which other toponyms
appear in the same texts as Zalpa and the times they occur together in an itinerary .ṭṣṬ
Hahhum, Haqa and Timelkiya dominate the Zalpa cluster, but only ive toponyms appear
more than once in the same itinerary as Zalpa. Purušhaddum and Wahšušana never appear in
a direct geographical connection with Zalpa, and the two records citing Dadaniya refer to the
same journey.ṭṣṭ There is nothing in the statistical analysis to suggest that the Assyrian records
deal with more than one place named Zalpa.
A closer look at the itineraries substantiates the notion that neither Zalwar nor Zalpah were
involved in the Assyrian trade. Firstly, it can be shown that Zalpa was linked to Tegarama,
although perhaps not in a direct way. In the memorandum CCT ṣ, Ṭ9 (cf. section σ.ṣ) the As-
syrian travelling from Pahatima in the Anatolian interior went to Zalpa, while sending off a
messenger with a payment for an envoy stationed in Tegarama. The letter CCT τ, ṭb links the
two toponyms directly:
ṭṣṬ. The attestations of Zalpa together with other cities are found in: Abrum: kt 86/k ṣ9Ṭ, Badna: BIN 6, Ṭ6τŞ Burud-
dum: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9, Burallum: TC ṭ, ṣ6σ, Dadaniya: BIN 6, ṣ8ṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣ66, Durhumit: AKT τ, τ7Ş Eluhhut: TC
ṭ, ṣ6σ, Haburat: AKT 6, ṣ9σ, Hihhiya: kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ6ṭ, Hahhum: kt 9ṭ/k 7τŞ 9σ/k ṣσṬṭŞ CCT ṭ, ṭσbŞ CCT σ, Ṭ8bŞ
kt g/k ṣ99Ş kt n/k ṣσ8, Hamizanum: kt g/k ṣ99, Hanaknak: kt 89/k ṬṭṢ, Haqa: kt 86/k ṣ9ṬŞ ATHE σṣŞ kt c/k τ9ṣŞ
TC ṭ, ṣ6σ, Harranu: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9, Hattum: kt k/k 9σ, Hattu : CCT ṣ, τṢŞ kt n/k ṣṢŞ TPAK ṣ, σ, Hurama: AKT ṣ,
Ṭ6Ş ATHE 6ṭŞ kt c/k 77bŞ CCT 6, ṣσ, Ku ara: kt 87/k τσ7, Kuburnat: kt 9ṣ/k ṣ76, Luhuzattiya: kt 87/k ττṣŞ kt
c/k ṭ67Ş kt m/k ṣσσ, Mamma: Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ CCT 6, ṣσŞ AKT 6, ṬṭṣŞ kt n/k ṣṢ, Nihriya: kt 86/k ṣ9ṬŞ AKT 6, σ77,
Pahatima: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9, Puru haddum: ATHE σ8Ş ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN 6, ṣ67Ş CCT 6, 7cŞ kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k ṭ67Ş Ka
σṭσ, Qa ara: AKT Ṭ, σṣ, alah uwa: kt c/k 6Ṣ6Ş OIP Ṭ7, τ, imala: kt g/k ṣ99, Tawiniya: ATHE 6ṭ, Tegarama:
Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ CCT ṣ, Ṭ9Ş CCT τ, ṭbŞ Timelkiya: kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k 6Ṣ6 kt c/k 778a+bŞ kt c/k 8σ8a+bŞ
I τ7Ṭ, Unipsum: AKT 6, Ṭṭṣ, Ur u: kt 87/k ṣ79Ş AKT 6, ṬṭṣŞ CCT 6, ṣσ, Wah u ana: kt 9ṭ/k τ9Ş AKT 6, ṭṣσŞ
ATHE 6ṭŞ CCT 6, 7cŞ kt c/k τŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7, Wilu na: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9, Zimi huna: TPAK ṣ, σ. All itineraries
have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical
relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṭṣṭ. For the alleged location of Dadaniya on a crossing of the Euphrates, see goetZe ṣ9τṭŞ rÖllig ṣ978: 76Ṭ.
ṣṢ9
To Innaya from Aššur-re i. Since your message reached Zalpa, in which you said: You
should not stay there. The guides will see you there, and I refuse to worry here. Go to
Tegarama and stay in Tegarama! – because times are dificult, and since šu-Suen himself
is not well, I have left the servant, šu-Suen, and the slave girl behind in Zalpa.ṭṣσ
In the section on Hahhum, the geographical relation to Zalpa had to be partially inferred
through a shared proximity to a number of neighbouring cities. Due to the scarcity of ex-
plicit itineraries, this approach also helps to locate Zalpa. As indicated in the statistical analy-
sis, Zalpa stood in close connection to the city of Haqa, and four texts record journeys be-
tween the two. By establishing a connection between Zalpa and Haqa, and then linking Haqa
to the toponyms in the Hahhum cluster, one can show that Zalpa also belongs in this region.
The passages that connect Zalpa and Haqa are:
I paid ṭ minas and τ shekels of tin to the ka um-oficial. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ mina and ive shekels of
tin for your envoy to Kaneš. I paid ṣ mina, ṣ ṣ/6 sila of high-quality oil and sundries to
your envoy in Nihriya. Half a mina of tin to šu-Aššur, our herald. I … τ/6 mina of tin for
one garment in Haqa. When we went to Zalpa, we spent half a mina and ṣ shekel of tin.
I paid one shekel of silver in Abrum.ṭṣτ
Twelve shekels from Eluhhut to Haqa for a packer. Five shekels of silver from Aššur to
Burallum. Seven shekels of silver I left with Aššur-taklaku in Eluhhut ... I paid four
shekels of silver for the hire of a donkey from Zalpa to Kaneš.ṭṣ6
When I went to Zalpa, you said: take the tablet belonging to Aššur-idi son of Amur-
Aššur, and go to him, to Haqa .ṭṣ7
I am currently residing in Haqa ... Dear brother, let your message reach me in Zalpa so
that I myself can enter the road to the City and I will clear myself there.ṭṣ8
ṭṣσ. CCT τ, ṭb (l. ṣ-ṣτ): a-na I-na-a qí-bi-‘ma] um-ma A- ùr-re- í-ma ki-ma té-er-ta-kà a-na Za-al-pá i-li-kà-ni um-
ma a-ta-ma a-ma-kam lá wa-á -ba-tí ra-dí-ú a-ma-kam e-mu-ru-kà-ma i-a-um a-na-kam li-bi e am-ra-a a-na
Té-ga-r‘a-ma] e-tí-iq-ma i-na Té-ga-ra-ma lu wa-á -ba-tí ki-ma ù-mu da-nu-ni ù a u-Sú-en6 ra-ma- u lá á-bu-
ni ú-ha-ra-am u-Sú-en6 ù am-tám i-na Za-al-pá e-ta-zi-ba-am.
ṭṣτ. Kt 86/k ṣ9Ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣσ): ṭ ma-na τ? GÍN AN.NA a-na kà- í-im á -qú-‘ul] ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na τ GÍN AN.NA a-na í-ip-ri-kà
a-na Kà-ni-i ki ṣ ma-na a-na í-ip-ri-kà ṣ ṣ/6 qa ”.GIš re-e ṣτ-tám ù sà-he-er-tám i-na Ni-ih-ri-a á -qú-ul ṣ/Ṭ ma-
na AN.NA a-na u-A- ùr na-giτ-ri-ni τ/6 ma-na AN.NA lu-bu- a-am i-na Ha-qá-a e?-mu-ru-nim … (l. ṬṬ-Ṭ7) i-
nu-mì a-na Za-al-pá-a ni-li-ku-ni ṣ/Ṭ ma-na ṣ GÍN AN.NA ni-ig-mu-ur ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Áb-ri-im á -
qú-ul. The text CCT τ, σσc places Abrum as the last stop from Assur on the way to Haqa (Qa ara-
Taraqum-Apum-Amaz-Nahur-Luhâ?-Abrum-[Ha]qa). The city is also attested in CCT τ, σ8dŞ TC Ṭ, τ7Ş RA τ9, σṢ.
forlanini ṬṢṢσa: σṣṬ (cf. also ṬṢṢ6: ṣ6τ-ṣ67) places Abrum on the Western bank of the Euphrates, suggesting
that Abrum means crossing , and pointing out that CCT τ, σ8d records the journey Abrum – This side of the
river – Ašihum (known also from kt c/k Ṭṣ6, which seems to place it further to the north-east). Yet, since this text
does not link up to any other known itinerary, it seems premature to argue that Abrum has to be located on the
Euphrates exclusively on the grounds of its possible etymology. Even if the etymology proves correct, a number
of smaller rivers in the Arabian Platform may have been located at a ford, cf. also kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ8. Forlanini places
Zalpa quite far inland in the vicinity of the modern town of Doğan ehir, but this makes little sense if the city ter-
ritory bordered onto a substantial river (see below). It may of course be that Abrum was the port or crossing of
Zalpa, as Habnuk and Hirašta may have been the crossings of Hahhum (cf. section σ.ṣ) and Uršu (cf. σ.ṣṬ). This
may well be what is implied in the statement: when we went to Zalpa, we spent … in Abrum . For na-giτ-ri-ni,
cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8b: Ṭṣ6-Ṭṣ7.
ṭṣ6. TC ṭ, ṣ6σ (l. ṣ-6): ṣṬ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tù E-lu-hu-ut a-dí Ha-qá a-sá-ri-dim τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tù a-
limki a-dí Bu-ra-lim 7 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na A- ùr-ták-lá-ku i-na E-lu-hu-ut e-zi-ib … (l. ṣσ-ṣ6): σ GÍN KÙ.
BABBAR i -tù Za-al-pá a-dí Kà-ni-i ig-ri ANšE á -qúl.
ṭṣ7. Kt c/k τ9ṣ (l. ṭ-8): i-nu-mì a-na Za-al-pá e-tí-qú um-ma a-ta-ma up-pá-am a A- ur-i-dí DUMU A-mur-A- ur
le-qé-ma a-na Ha-qá a- é-ri- u e-tí-iq-ma …
ṭṣ8. ATHE σṣ (l. 7): i-Ha-qá u -ba-ku ... (l. Ṭṭ-Ṭ7): a-hi a-ta a-pá-ni-a a-Za-al-pá té-er-tum li-li-kam-ma a- a ha-ra-
an a-limki a-na-ku le-ru-ba-ma a-na-şkamš la-az-ku.
ṣṣṢ
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
All four examples show that a route led from Haqa to Zalpa.ṭṣ9 In turn, two texts demonstrate
that Haqa was closely connected to šimala, a city that also igured in the Hahhum cluster. The
letter kt 87/k σṭṭ refers to Haqa and šimala as two alternative termini on a route from Assur:
My tablets are in Haqa. Dear fathers, let them pay the silver, seal it with your seals, and
have it sent here. If there is no afiliated trader in the possession of a purse going to
Haqa, then make it (travel) safely to šimala instead.ṭṬṢ
All this can be related back to the letter kt g/k ṣ99 quoted under section σ.ṣ, which connects
šimala, Hahhum and Zalpa. Haqa and šimala appear to have been located on alternative
routes or crossings of the EuphratesŞ presumably šimala igures more often in relation to
Hahhum than to Zalpa because they were located closer to each other. Similarly, Haqa ap-
pears only in association with Zalpa and not Hahhum, probably also for reasons of proximi-
ty.ṭṬṣ
The memorandum kt g/k ṬṬṢ shows that Haqa was linked with Tegarama, which also ap-
pears as a part of the Zalpa cluster:
Three talents Ṭ8 minas (of tin) – the declared value of (the consignment belonging to)
Ili-alum. Ten minas belonging to Amur-Aššur. Ten minas belonging to Iddin-Amurrum.
In total three talents σ8 minas. From the City to Apum Ṭ minas and Ṭ shekels per talent
came on (as dātum-tax). Fifteen shekels was the head-tax. I paid 7 τ/6 minas and 8 ṣ/Ṭ
shekels. From Apum to Haqa its declared value was ṭ talents and σṢ minas. Two and a
half minas and two shekels per talent came on (as dātum-tax). Five shekels each was the
head-tax. I paid 9 ṣ/ṭ minas and Ṭ shekels. From Haqa to Tegarama his shipment was
three talents and ṭṢ minas. At half a mina and σ shekels per talent, I paid ṣ τ/6 mina and
6 shekels of tin. 6 shekels of tin was the transport cost at hte outskirts of the City. τ/6
minas and τ shekels in the mountains of Haqa. ṣ/ṭ mina and τ shekels for sa utum. 7
shekels for the Euphrates. ṣṬ shekels were in deicit.ṭṬṬ
The text demonstrates that Haqa was a Station on the road from Assur to Tegarama, and im-
plies that it was located in a mountainous region east of the Euphrates.ṭṬṭ On the basis of this
and the previous texts, it would seem that at least two routes left Haqa to the west, one to
Zalpa, and the other to Tegarama, while the route from šimala led either to Zalpa or to
Hahhum.
ṭṣ9. An alternative route Haqa-(Zalpa)-šamuha may have existed, see kt 9ṭ/k τ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣ.
ṭṬṢ. Kt 87/k σṭṭ (l. ṬṢ-ṭṢ): up-pu-a i-na Ha-qá i-ba- í-ú a-ba-ú-a a-tù-nu KÙ.BABBAR a-ru-pá-‘am] li-i -qú-lu-
ma i-na ku-nu-ki-ku-nu ku-un-kà-ma é-biσ-lá-nim u-ma a-na Ha-qá a-li-ku-um DUMU um-mì-a-ni-im a ki-sà-
am i-ra-dí-ú lá- u a-na í-ma-lá-ma a-na a- ar a-lá-mì-im ep- a.
ṭṬṣ. Whereas šimala (cf. forlanini ṬṢṢ6: ṣτ7) had an Assyrian Colony (kārum, cf. kt a/k τṢṭŞ kt c/k 6σṭa+b), and a
ten-man board (e artum, cf. CCT ṭ, ṭ6a and larsen ṣ976: Ṭ69), no permanent representation of Assyrian traders
in Haqa is recorded.
ṭṬṬ. Kt g/k ṬṬṢ (l. ṣ-ṭṣ): ṭ GÚ [Ṭ]8 ma-na a-wi-it Ì-lí-a-lim ṣṢ ma-na a A-mur-A- ur ṣṢ ma-na a I-dí-MAR.TU
šU.NÍGIN ṭ GÚ σ8 ma-na i -tù A-limki a-dì A-pí-im ṣ GÚ-tám Ṭ ma-na Ṭ GÍN.TA ik- u-dam ṣτ GÍN.TA qá-qá-
da-tim 7 τ/6 ma-na 8 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN á -qúl i -tù A-‘pí-im] a-dí Ha-qá ṭ GÚ σṢ [ma-na] a-wi-sú ṣ GÚ-tám Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na
Ṭ GÍN.TA ik- u-dam τ GÍN.TA qá-qá-da-tim 9 ṣ/ṭ ma-na Ṭ GÍN ‘á ]-qúl i -tù Ha-qá a-dí Té-ga-ra-ma ṭ GÚ ṭṢ
ma-na a-wi-sú ṣ GÚ-tám ṣ/Ṭ ma-na σ GÍN.TA ṣ τ/6 ma-na 9 GÍN á -qúl 6 GÍN AN.NA ta- í-a-tum i-ba-a-ba-at
A-limki τ/6 ma-na τ GÍN i-na SA.TU a Ha-qá ṣ/ṭ ma-na τ GÍN a sà-e-tim 7 GÍN a Pu-ra-tim ṣṬ GÍN mu- á-e.
For the suggestion to read Purattum , cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8b: τ.
ṭṬṭ. Also the memorandum AKT 6, σ refers to expenses incurred on a journey through mountains. This time, however,
Zalpa is mentioned instead of Haqa: σ ṣ/ṭ mina and τ shekels accrued as fees until Zalpa per talent of tin. Ṭ/ṭ of
a mina and τ shekels were the transport costs in the mountains. (σ ṣ/ṭ ma-na τ GÍN.TA AN.NA biσ-ilτ-tám‘a]-dí
Za-al-pá ik- u-dam Ṭ/ṭ ma-na τ GÍN AN.NA ta- í-a-tum a a-du-im), and it is unclear where on the journey from
Zalpa to Kaneš the mountains were.
ṣṣṣ
A inal piece of evidence helps deine the Zalpa cluster. The close connections between
Hahhum and Timelkiya and between Zalpa and Hahhum were established in section σ.ṣ. In
turn, a number of texts tie Zalpa and Timelkiya together, and travellers crossing the Euphrates
at Zalpa could clearly follow the road to Kaneš through Timelkiya in the same way as if they
had crossed the river at Hahhum:
Puzur-Ištar said to Aššur-taklaku: As for the fact that I hired you from Kaneš to Zalpa
as well as Timelkiya – has your salary not been paid in full? .ṭṬσ
Out of the Ṭṣ donkeys that I brought up on my journey, thereof one was led to Timelkiya
by Aššur-šad-ili, two donkeys died in Zalpa, and I made ṣ8 donkeys enter Kaneš.ṭṬτ
When I myself left Timelkiya, I paid ṣτ shekels of silver for my lodgings. I went to them,
to Zalpa, and I spent τ shekels of silver.ṭṬ6
If you go (to) Zalpa itself, then leave your textiles of good quality in the house of the
gubabtum and state my name. If (you head) to Timelkiya, then leave them in the house
of Adada in šalahšuwa. Do not hand them over to a smuggler.ṭṬ7
In the inal example the author of the letter does not know whether the recipient will cross the
river in Hahhum or in Zalpa, and he sends instructions to his employee on what he should do
in either case. The textiles were intended for smuggling, but something prevented this, and so
they were provisionally to be kept in a safe house. If the shipment crossed at Zalpa then the
textiles were to remain in a house in Zalpa that was regularly used by the family as storage.ṭṬ8
If they crossed at Hahhum they might as well continue through Timelkiya and go as far as
šalahšuwa where Adada ran a storage for Assyrian merchandise (cf. section σ.ṣṣ).
The following geographical relations between the cities in the Hahhum and Zalpa clusters
emerge:
Tegarama Haqa
Zalpa Šimala
Fig. 9: The Zalpa and Hahhum clusters.
ṭṬσ. I τ7Ṭ (l. σ-9): um-ma Puzurσ-I tar-ma a-na A- ur-ták-lá-ku-ma a-ma a i -tù Kà-ni-‘i ] a-dí Za-al-pá ù Tí-me-‘el-
ki-a] a-guτ-ra-kà-ni ig-ri-‘kà] a-bu-a-tí. Apparently the order of the toponyms (Zalpa, Timelkiya) does not relect
travelling distance.
ṭṬτ. Kt c/k ṭṭ7 (l. ṣ-ṣṢ): i-na Ṭṣ ANšE.[HI.A] a i-na é-pi-‘a] ú- é-li-a-ni šÀ.BA ṣ ANšE A- ur- a-‘ad]-ì- lí -e?
a-na Tí-me-el-ki-a ir-de8-e Ṭ ANšE.HI.A i-na Za-al-pá me-tù-ú ṣ8 ANšE.HI.A a-na Kà-ni-i ú- é-ri-ba-am.
ṭṬ6. Kt c/k Ṭṭ6 (l. ṣṣ-ṣ6): i-nu-mì a-na-ku i-na Tí-me-el-ki-a ú- a-ni ṣτ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na É wa-áb-ri a-dí-in
a-na é-ri- u-nu a-na Za-al-pá a-li-ik-ma τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ag-mu-ur.
ṭṬ7. Kt c/k 6Ṣ6 (l. ṣṭ-Ṭṭ): u-ma Za-al-pá-ma ta-lá-kà-nim É guτ-ba-áb-tim ú-ba-tí-ku-nu SIGτ ez-ba-ma u-mì zu-
uk-ra u-ma a-na Tí-me-el-ki-a É A-dá-dá i-na a-lá-ah- u-a ez-ba a-na mu-pá-zi-ri lá ta-dá-na.
ṭṬ8. This text derives from the archive of Ali-ahum (kt c/k ṣ-869) and belongs to a dossier of texts, which shows that
in the present case the shipment ended up being stored in Zalpa. See also footnote ṭ7ṣ below.
ṣṣṬ
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
So far, only the relative positions in the cluster are known, and the entire arrangement can be
mirrored around the axis of Hahhum – i.e. it is not clear in which direction the places are lo-
cated in relation to one another. The way in which the clusters are depicted can also give the
false image of a route, say from Tegarama to Timelkiya via Zalpa. However, this type of chart
does not depict routes, only connections from one toponym to the next. Therefore, the igure
above shows that one could travel from Zalpa to Tegarama, or from Zalpa to Haqa, but it does
not show that a route existed from Haqa to Timelkiya or from Badna to Tegarama.
The cluster of toponyms associated with Assyrian Zalpa suggests two important things.
One is that Zalpa was a distinct geographical entity, separate from Zalwar and Zalpah, but
linked with many of the same places as Hahhum. Second, the function of Zalpa in the Assyr-
ian trade and its connections to Hahhum indicates that Zalpa was situated on the Euphrates on
the same bank as Hahhum. Since Hahhum appears to have been located on the western bank
of the Euphrates then placing Zalpa on the opposite side of the river would make the journey
recorded in kt g/k ṣ99 (cf. σ.ṣ) dificult to understand. One would have to accept that the
caravan irst had to traverse the river to get to Hahhum, and that it then went back across the
Euphrates to reach Zalpa.
As already stated, Zalpa in the Assyrian texts plays a role similar to that of Hahhum as a
gateway between Syria and the zone of Anatolian trade. A number of Assyrians owned hous-
es in the city and had access to storage area there.ṭṬ9 Like Hahhum, it was a place where goods
were unpacked, traded and reloaded for the further journey into Anatolia:
Six minas of tin were spent for your merchandise on transportation costs and fodder for
your donkeys as far as Zalpa.ṭṭṢ
Let them get your goods out to Zalpa. Protect them on the journey, and get yourself
cleared and take off and come to Zalpa.ṭṭṣ
Three texts record Zalpa as the terminus of a hired packer,ṭṭṬ and it appears that agents often
awaited shipments from Assur in Zalpa, and took over the journey to Kaneš from there:
8ṣ[+x] kutānum-textiles are owed by Ikun-piya, son of Lulu. Select σṢ textiles of extra
high quality, let them remain for Išme-Suen in Zalpa, and let him (the transporter) bring
in the rest of the textiles that are with him. Leave him one donkey.ṭṭṭ
The ṭ6 textiles belonging to šu-Ištar that they brought from Zalpa are wrapped in 7
sacks.ṭṭσ
Once again, such references point to a location of Zalpa on the frontier to Anatolia. This does
not it well with a location on the southern Balih, and due to the many references connecting
Zalpa with Hahhum, it does not suit a location in the Amanus either.
ṭṬ9. Storage: AKT ṣ, Ṭ6Ş ATHE σ8Ş ICK ṣ, 6σŞ JCS Ṭ6, 68 and perhaps kt c/k στσ. House: kt 86/ṣ8ṢŞ kt c/k στ and
perhaps AKT 6, ṣ9σŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ69.
ṭṭṢ. TC ṭ, ṣ8 (l. ṬṢ-Ṭσ): 6 ma-na AN.NA e-nu-tí-kà a-dí Za-al-pá ta- í-a-tim ú ú-ku-ul-tí e-ma-ri-kà ga-me-er.
ṭṭṣ. Kt n/k ṣṭṣ6 (l. ṣṣ-ṣ8): a-na Za-al-pá ú-nu-ut-kà lu- a-li-hu-nim i-na ha-ra-nim a- é-er ù a-ta ra-ma-kà za-ki-a-
ma tí-ib-a-ma a-na Za-al-pá a-tal-kam. For additional examples, see e.g. BIN σ, ṣ8σŞ CCT τ, σσaŞ kt k/k 6ṬbŞ kt
n/k 6ṢṬŞ TPAK ṣ, τ8.
ṭṭṬ. Kt 9Ṣ/k ṣṣ9 (Zalpa-Assur)Ş kt m/k ṣσ9 (Assur-Zalpa)Ş TPAK ṣ, ṣσṭ (Assur-Zalpa). Note also DTCFD ṭṣ, ṣ9ṣ.
ṭṭṭ. TC ṭ, ṣṣ8 (l. σ-ṣτ): 8ṣ[+x TÚG] ku-ta-nu i -tí I-ku-pì-a DUMU Lu-lu σṢ TÚG SIGτ DIRI na-sí-qá-ma i-Za-al-pá
a-na I -me-Sú-en6 li-zi-z‘u-ma] í-tí TÚG.HI.[A] i -tí- u lu- é-ri-ba-am ṣ ANšE le-zi-ib- u-um.
ṭṭσ. TMH ṣ, Ṭ7c (l. ṣ-8): ṭ6 TÚG.HI.A a u-I tar a i -tù Za-al-pá ub-lu-ni-ni i-na 7 na-ru-qá-tim dar-ku.
ṣṣṭ
In addition, the judicial document ICK Ṭ, ṣτ6 shows that a city named Zalpa was located
on a river:
At his departure, at the bank of the river in Zalpa ... And on my way up from the City I
will pay you your silver.ṭṭτ
The possibility that the text refers to the northern Zalpuwa can be excluded on the basis of the
statement about going up from the City, and instead it seems likely that the text refers to the
River Euphrates. As pointed out recently by Charpin, the letter FM Ṭ, 8 from Mari also im-
plies that a city named Zalba was located on the Euphrates:ṭṭ6
To my Lord from Yasim-sumu, your servant. I spoke to Aplahanda (king of Carchemish)

in regard to Qaqqadanum s journey to Haššum. Aplahanda sent a letter to Aniš-hurpi,
saying as follows: In regard to the journey of Qaqqadanum ... [long break]. Second,
Abdi-erah was coming here from Zalba, but the king of Uršu detained him, saying: I
will ill your wine-boat, and I will also provide you with an escort, and then (you can)
leave . He then came here to Carchemish and met with me, and I returned him to Uršu,
saying: Go quickly . His escort, a man from Zalba, stays in Carchemish ...ṭṭ7
It is dificult to identify Zalba in this letter with a Zalwar in the Amanus area: why would its
envoy sail a wine-boat down the Euphrates past Uršu to Carchemish? Charpin argued that
Miller s location of the city in the Amanus, which he had proposed mainly on grounds of the
Hittite and Neo-Assyrian evidence, makes little sense in context of the present letter. He in-
stead proposed to locate the city along the Euphrates south of Samsat, rejecting Forlanini s
suggestion that the Assyrian Zalpa and Zalwar were in fact separate entities.
The obvious interpretation of FM Ṭ, 8 is of course that Qaqqadanum came from Assyrian
Zalpa and sailed down the Euphrates passing Uršu en route to Carchemish. On the other hand,
there is some evidence for a place named Zalba/Zalbar in the Amanus region,ṭṭ8 and the
scribes in Mari appear to distinguish Zalpah from Zalwar, writing them Za-al-pa-ah and
ṭṭτ. ICK Ṭ, ṣτ6 (l. ṣ-ṭ): i-na ba-áb ha-ra-ni- u i-na a-pá-at na-ri-im i-na Za-al-pá ... (l. ṣ7-ṣ9) i -tù a-lim i-na e-lá-
i-a KÙ.BABBAR-áp-ki a- a-qá-lá-ki-‘im].
ṭṭ6. Cf. Maul ṣ99σŞ J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣaŞ Charpin apud DuranD ṬṢṢ6. Cf. also gavaZ ṬṢṢ6.
ṭṭ7. FM Ṭ, 8 (M.7τṭ6) (l. ṣ-9): a-na be-lí -ia qí-bí-ma um-ma Ia-si-im-su-mu-ú ”R-ka-a-ma a - um e-te-eq mQa-qa-
da-nim a-na Ha-a - iki a-na Ap-la-ha-an-da aq-bi mAp-la-ha -an-da up-pa -am a-na ‘e-e]r mA-‘ni-i -h]u- ur-
pí ú- a-b‘i-lam um-ma-a-mi] a - um ‘e-te-eq mQa-qa-da]- ni -im … (l. Ṭ -ṣσ ) a-ni-tam mAb-du- e ‘ra-ah] i -tu
Za-al-baki il-‘li-kam-ma] LUGAL a Ur-siki ik-ta-la- u um-ma-a-mi GIš.MÁ.GEšTIN.NA lu-ma-li-kum-ma a-li-
ik ‘i-d]i-im lu-ud-di-na-ak-kum ù a-l‘i-i]k a-na Kar-ka-mi-iski il-li-kam -ma it!(da)-ti-ia in-na-me-er ù ut-‘t]e-er- u
a-na Ur-si-imki-ma um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-li-ik hu-um- à-am ù a -‘li-ik i-d]i- u LÚ Za-al-baki i-na Ka‘r-ka-mi-
is] ki -ma wa- ‘i-ib]. For the improved readings, cf. Charpin apud DuranD ṬṢṢ6: ṬṬ6.
ṭṭ8. For the Hittite evidence, cf. J. L. Miller ṣ999, ṬṢṢṣa. For the evidence from Alalakh, cf. fn. ṭṢ7 above. For the
Neo-Assyrian evidence for the relief of Anum-Hirbi at Salu(w)ara, cf. YaMaDa ṬṢṢṢa. In addition, there are
chronological indications in favour of keeping Zalwar and Zalpa as two separate geographical entities. As shown
by guicHarD ṣ99ṭ the administrative texts from Mari refer to Anum-Hirbi/Aniš-Hurwi as the king of Zalwar
(LUGAL Za-al/r-wa-arki) in the σth and τth regnal year of Zimrilim, i.e. to ṣ77Ṭ-ṣ77ṣ BC (REL ṣ98-ṣ99). By that
time Zalwar had become part of the kingdom of Anum-Hirbi, yet the Assyrian texts continue to refer to Zalpa
after this date, cf. e.g. OIP Ṭ7, τ and 6 (cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ), and kt n/k ṣṢ dated to ṣ76τ BC refers to a journey
from Mamma to Zalpa. This would imply (though by no means prove) that Assyrian Zalpa continued to function
as a political entity after Zalwar had been incorporated in the territories of Anum-Hirbi. In later Hittite tradition,
Anum-Hirbi and his war against Zalpa became part of the epic literatureŞ see e.g. ünal ṣ99τŞ forlanini ṬṢṢσdŞ
Haas ṬṢṢ6: ṣ8-ṣ9.
ṣṣσ
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
Za-al/ar-ba/wa-ar respectively.ṭṭ9 The spelling Za-al-baki found in FM Ṭ, 8 is unique, but

matches the way the in which the Old Assyrian merchants write Assyrian Zalpa (Za-al-pá).
Following Forlanini s suggestion to separate Zalpa from Zalwar may also help solve an
ongoing problem related to the chronology of the events related in the annals of king Hat-
tusili I. As pointed out by Astour, the literary composition commonly referred to as The
Siege of Uršu refers to the actions of a city named Za-ru-a-ar, which was actively opposing
the Hittite army some four years after Hattusili I s annals state that the city of Za-al-ba-ar
(Akk. ver.) or Za-al-pa (Hitt. ver.) had been destroyed.ṭσṢ Astour concluded that the Zaruar of
the Siege-text and the Zalpar of the Annals could not have been the same place,ṭσṣ and instead
suggested that Zalbar/Zalpa referred to North Anatolian Zalpuwa. The reference to Za-al-pa-
ar in the Labarna letter would have been written prior to the attack on Hahhum, and thus it
should also predate the battle of Uršu. For this reason, Astour proposed that the reference to
the defeated city Za-al-pa-ar in the Tikunani letter had to relate to the northern Zalpa.ṭσṬ
Miller pointed out that a meeting between Hattusili and his ally from Tikunani would
hardly have taken place on the coast of the Black Sea, and instead he examined a number of
alternative options. One could a) propose that the Siege text refers to a city different from the
one mentioned in the annals, b) assume, with Forlanini, that the destruction of Zalpar in the
Annals is exaggerated, and that the city was only pillaged, and was able to recover by the time
of the attack on Uršu, c) maintain that the chronological order of the Annals is unreliable, or
d) disregard the Siege Text as historically inaccurate.ṭσṭ Miller suggested a compromiseŞ the
irst reference to Zalpar in the Tikunani letter, i.e. the meeting-place of the two kings, could
be Zalpah on the Balih, while the destroyed Zalpar mentioned afterwards would be the North-
ern Zalpuwa.ṭσσ
None of this seems entirely satisfactory, and the following model might present a better
solution. The Old Assyrian sources refer to a city located along the Euphrates upstream from
Uršu. The city is only mentioned in the texts from Mari a single time because it was located
on the periphery of its geographical horizon. This city was attacked and destroyed by Hat-
tusili I very early in his reign. Due to its proximity to Hahhum, its territory was used as a
staging point for the Hahhum campaign and as the rendezvous point of Hattusili and Tunip-
Teššup of nearby Tikunani. This explains why Zalwar in the west was still free to act against
Hattusili some years later in accordance with the story told in The Siege of Uršu.ṭστ
–––––
The statistical analysis has shown that the majority of the attestations to Za-al-pá in the Old
Assyrian texts refer to a place different from Zalwar in the Amanus, Zalpuwa on the Black
Sea region and Zalpah on the Balih. The question remains as to whether any of those three
cities ever occur in the records of the Assyrian traders.
ṭṭ9. Cf. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 7ṣ. Note also A.ṣṬṣτ (l. ṣ6): Za-al-ba-arki and (l. ṣ8): Za-al-ba-alki in cHarpin ḫ DuranD
ṬṢṢσ with comments in cHarpin ṬṢṢ8: 99.
ṭσṢ. KBo ṣ.ṣṣ (CTH 7), translation in BeckMan ṣ99τ.
ṭσṣ. For Zaruar, cf. section σ.ṣṬ.
ṭσṬ. astour ṣ997: ṣ8-ṣ9 and cf. J. L. Miller ṣ999: τṭ-τσ. See also gilan ṬṢṢσ: Ṭ68.
ṭσṭ. forlanini ṣ986: ττŞ J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 7Ṭf.
ṭσσ. J. L. Miller ṣ999: τσ-ττ.
ṭστ. De Martino ṣ99ṣ argues that the edict KBo ṭ.Ṭ7 (CTH τ), which is commonly attributed to Hattušili I, and which
mentions that the cities of Haššuwa and Zalpa turned against the Hittites and allied themselves with Halpa, must
date to the reign of king Mursilis I. In case this were to be proven correct, it would mean that Zalwar had survived
much longer than Uršu, and that the Zalpa destroyed early in the reign of Hattusili I has to be the Assyrian Zalpa.
ṣṣτ
Very few toponyms connect Zalpa in the Assyrian texts to toponyms east of the Euphrates.
In CCT ṣ, Ṭ9 the Assyrian went from Pahatima to Zalpa before reaching šimala and Harana,ṭσ6
thus excluding the identiication of Zalpa with Zalpah on the Balih. Likewise, there are few
Assyrian records referring to any activities south of Gaziantep/ anlıurfa, and there is no evi-
dence that the Assyrian caravans ever crossed the Balih south of the modern Turkish border.
It thus seems unlikely to expect any references to Zalpah on the Balih in the Assyrian sources.
In a few instances Zalpa occurs in the same text as Mamma, despite the fact that the two
are not connected by any explicit itinerary. Mamma was located only a few days of travel
north of Tilmen Höyük (σ.ṣṭ, σ.ṣσ), and during the Ib period Zalwar was conquered by one
of Mamma s rulers.ṭσ7 For this reason, one should consider whether some of the texts that
mention Zalpa and Mamma together might in fact refer to the western Zalwar rather than As-
syrian Zalpa . The irst example reads as follows:
Wherever they are staying, your hand should seize them. If (they go) to Mamma, let illi-
Adad catch up with them. If (they go) to Zalpa or Tegarama, he should not tarry, but he
should catch up with them.ṭσ8
Instead of connecting Zalpa and Mamma, this passage presents the two as alternative destina-
tions. One may speculate whether the three toponyms occur together because the Assyrian
colonial authorities are trying to arrest the wanted criminals before they cross the Euphrates
into Syria. A similar situation is seen in the second text that mention Zalpa and Mamma to-
gether:
I confronted the plenary assembly of the Colony and I obtained a binding order. Kikki-
danum [...] who has been [sent] as envoy to [...] and carries with him a tablet of the Kaneš
Colony addressed all Colonies and Stations and to whereever Tahhe is staying ... I said:
Seal that money and have Tahhe and šamaš-re i extradited to wherever we are staying,
and ... . The Colonies of Kaneš, Zalpa, [Hur]ama, Uršu and Mamma have been in-
formed.ṭσ9
Once more, the colonies in Zalpa and Mamma are presented as alternative destinations, this
time in the company of Hurama and Uršu. In fact, it seems that a message from Kaneš had
been addressed to all the major colonies located on the routes leading from the Euphrates. The
mention of Zalpa and Mamma is panoramic, and neither of the two texts call for a close geo-
graphical relationship between Zalpa and Mamma.
The letter AKT 6, ṭṬ9 also mentions Zalpa and Mamma in conjunction, but once again,
they are not directly connected:
ṭσ6. Probably not identical to the well-known city of Harran(u). The latter occurs in ICK ṭ, ṣṭb in reference to a docu-
ment sealed by šu-Nabar of Harranu, and KTH ṣσ refers to textiles from Harranu. The late, and perhaps non-
Assyrian text from Kültepe, kt k/k σ, mentions a certain Duhšumati of Harranu, who is said to be a witness from
Haššum, cf. Hecker ṣ99Ṭ. For a Mt. Harana in the region of Tiburziya, cf. p. ṣṬ8.
ṭσ7. guicHarD 1993; j. l. Miller ṬṢṢṣa.
ṭσ8. Adana Ṭṭ7ö (l. ṣṢ-ṬṢ): a-li wa-á -bu-ni qá-at-ku-nu li-i -ba-sú-nu u-ma a-Ma-a-ma í-lá-dIM lu-kà- í-sú-şnuš
lu a-Za-al-pá lu a-Te-ga-ra-ma lá i-bi-a-at lu-kà- í-sú-nu.
ṭσ9. CCT 6, ṣσ (l. ṣ7-Ṭṭ): k‘à-ra-am T]UR GAL am-hu-ur-ma up-pá-am ‘ a kà-ri-i]m da-nam al-qé Ki-ki-da-num x
‘x x x ]a ki-ma í-ip-ru-tim a-na x ‘x x x]-x-ú ú up-pá-am a kà-ri-im Kà-ni-‘i a-na k]à-re-e ú ú-şbaš-ra-tim ú
a-‘le-e Ta-a]h-e wa-á -bu-ni na-á -ú … (l. Ṭτ-Ṭ9) um-ma a-na-ku-ma KÙ.BABBAR a-ni-a-am ku-‘un-kà]-ma
Ta-ah-e ú dUTU-SIPA a-le-e wa-á -ba-ni a-sí-ha-nim-ma ... (l. ṭṢ-ṭṬ) kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i Za-al-‘pá Hu-r]a-ma
Ur- u ú Ma!-ma-a i-de8-ú. The Colony mentioned after Zalpa could be [Tegar]ama or [Hur]ama. Based on the
length of the break, the latter seems more likely.
ṣṣ6
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
I wrote to you earlier, saying: If your caravan is being packed, then you too should pack
together with your caravan, and choose textiles of good quality from the goods of the
merchant that you are leading, leave them behind in Mamma or Unapse, and the re-
minder of the less good textiles – both from what remains of the merchant s and from
your own working capital and from the working capital of the servants – should enter the
palace together with your partners. Now the winter has caught up with you in Uršu.
Since there is a lot of snow, I have not sent anyone in whom I could trust to get the goods
of the merchant … I have sent U ur-ša-Ištar to Enišarum concerning your tin. When they
come back from Zalpa, I shall send Ali-ahum.ṭτṢ
It seems that Ali-ahum was due back from Assyrian Zalpa to Kaneš, and that Ennam-Aššur
planned to send him from there to Uršu to help out with the preparations for the approaching
winter.ṭτṣ
To conclude, the texts that mention both Zalpa and Mamma produce no apparent geo-
graphical links. Instead the two often appear together in records due to their importance as
Assyrian merchant colonies on the periphery of the Anatolian area. The Assyrian Zalpa
seems to have been the only Zalpa in the lands east of Kaneš that occurs in the Assyrian
sources, and both Zalwar and Zalpah were located beyond the orbit of Assyrian operations.ṭτṬ
The question whether Zalpuwa on the Black Sea appears in the Assyrian records turns out
to be more complicated. During the formative period of the Old Hittite state, this state played
a dominant role in the political power-struggle for supremacy over Central Anatolia.ṭτṭ It was
an important cultic seat, the site of a number of crucial battles, and was remembered in later
Hittite historiography as one of the main adversaries of the emerging power in Hattusa. Ac-
cording to the Anitta-text (CTH ṣ), king Uhna of Zalpa had at one time fought Kaneš, de-
stroyed the city, and taken the city God (Siu) back to Zalpa.ṭτσ The former director of excava-
tions at Kültepe even suggested a correlation between this event and the ire that destroyed
the second occupational layer in the lower town.ṭττ
ṭτṢ. AKT 6, ṭṬ9 (l. ṭ-ṬṬ): i-na pá-ni-tim-ma á -pu-ra-kum um-ma a-na-ku-ma u-ma ILLAT-at-kà i-sà-ri-dam ù a-ta
qá-dí-ma ILLAT-tí-kà sí-ir-dam-ma lu-qú-tám a DAM.GÀR a ta-ra-dí-ú TÚG.HI.A SIGτ-tim bi-ir-ma i-na Ma-a-
ma ú-lá i-na Ú-na-ap-sé e-zi-ib-ma í-tí TÚG.HI.A ma- í-ú-tim lu i-na a DAM.GÀR i-ba- í-ú lu a bé-ú-lá-tí-kà
ù-lu i-na a bé-ú-lá-at ú-ha-re-e i-ba- í-ú qá-dí-ma tap-pá-e-kà a-na É.GAL-lim le-ru-bu-nim a-ni na-ab-ri-tum
i-na Ur- u i- a-ba-at-ku-nu ki-ma ku-pá-um ma-du-ni a-na lu-qú-ut DAM.GÀR-ri-im a ki-ma qá-qí-dí-a ú-lá á -
tap-ra-am (l. σ6-τṢ): a- é-er E-ni- a-ri-im a-dí AN.NA-ki-kà Ú- ú-ur- í-I tar á -ta-pá-ar a-dí AN.NA-ki-kà ú Ú- ú-
ur- í-I tar á -ta-pá-ar i -tù Za-al-pá i-tù-ru-nim-ma A-lá-ha-am a- á-ra-dam. Partial duplicate of AKT 6, ṭṭṢ.
ṭτṣ. It is highly likely that the company of šalim-Aššur, to which the second 9σ/k archive belonged, had a permanent
representation or ofice in Uršu, and that the journey of Ali-ahum before the winter has to be seen in this light (cf.
section σ.ṣṬ). Note also kt 87/k ṣ79 with a false itinerary: ṣ/ṭ mina and τ shekels of silver, the price of ṣṢ slave-
girls of Ašdu s, I paid to Kanuli in Uršu. I sold that one slave-girl to Amarum, son of Ibni-Adad, in Zalpa, and he
led her to Aššur-taklaku, son of Ali-ahum, in Kaneš. (l. ṣ-ṣṣ: ṣ/ṭ ma-na τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im ṣṢ GEMÉ-tim
Á -du i-na Ur-‘ u a]-na Kà-nu-li a -qúl-ma ṣ GEMÉ-tám í-a-ti i-na Za-al-pá a-na A-ma-ri-im DUMU Ib-ni-dIM
a-dí- í-ma a-na Kà-ni-ì ki a-na é-er A- ùr-ták-lá-ku DUMU A-lá-hi-im ir-de8- í).
ṭτṬ. A single possible exception is the letter kt Ṣṣ/k Ṭṣ7 (to be published by günBatti, cf. ṬṢṢτ), which refers to a war
between Zalpa and Harsamna that took place just prior to the death of šamši-Adad c. ṣ776 BC. The location of
Harsamna is unknown, although it must have been in a mountainous area (cf. reiner ṣ9τ6). It appears in the
Lip ur-litanies and in the texts from Mari (cf. Ziegler ṣ996Ş cHarpin ṬṢṢ8: ṣṢτ) as a source of horses (RA ṭτ,
ṣṬṢ), and in the letter from Anum-Hirbi of Mamma (kt g/t ṭτ, cf. Balkan ṣ9τ7) that refers to a war between Kaneš
and Harsamna. Note also the reference to the Hittite city Hursamma in keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: ṣṢ6. The Zalpa
mentioned in kt Ṣṣ/k Ṭṣ7 might be taken to refer to Zalwar in the Amanus, although there is nothing particular in
favour of it.
ṭτṭ. For references, see Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978 and Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ. Even in the so-called Zalpa Text , the
spellings Zalpa and Zalpuwa , and Kaneš and Neša vary freely. For the role of Zalpa in early Hittite history
with references to earlier studies, see e.g. stefanini ṬṢṢṬŞ Beal ṬṢṢṭŞ forlanini ṣ98σŞ ṬṢṢσd.
ṭτσ. Cf. singer ṣ99ṢŞ klengel ṣ998: Ṭ6.
ṭττ. T. ÖZgüç ṬṢṢṭ: ττ ff.
ṣṣ7
There is no conclusive proof available to show that the Assyrian merchants traded with
Zalpuwa in the Black Sea region, although several pieces of circumstantial evidence indicate
that this may in fact have been the case. The following few paragraphs present the available
material and suggest a possible interpretation.
No texts appear to connect Zalpa directly to the Black Sea region. The legal testimony kt
n/k ṣṢ relates how a batch of lapis lazuli was sent from Mamma to Zalpa, and then on to
Hattuš in the north, and the passage, it was suggested by Dercksen, might refer to the northern
city of Zalpuwa.ṭτ6
Yes. Iddin-Su en had ṣ mina and ṣṣ shekels of lapis lazuli brought from Mamma to me
in Zalpa, and I personally gave this lapis to Mannua, son of Suen-damiq, and he is bring-
ing it to Hattuš, to Saridum, son of Imgur-Aššur.ṭτ7
If the author had Zalpuwa, this would imply that the consignment went from Mamma south
of the Taurus to the Black Sea Coast and hence back to Hattuš. Light shipments could of
course easily travel irrationally this way, but without further archival data the text can not be
said to refer to either one Zalpa or the other.
Nine texts refer in passing to the Land of Zalpa (māt Zalpa), which may represent an oc-
casional attempt by the Assyrians to differentiate between two homonymous communities.ṭτ8
Most examples are indecisive: kt 87/k τσ7 refers to an Assyrian merchant caught up in a
military conlict between the Land of Zalpa and Kuššara (σ.τ), whereas kt 87/k ττṣ and kt
m/k ṣσσ both mention Luhuzattiya without any clear relation to Zalpa.ṭτ9 Only two texts con-
tain information that might possibly refer to Zalpuwa on the Black Sea:
Dear brother. Until (the time of) your journey, do not annoy Aššur-muttabbil and Aššur-
re i. You stayed long (enough) – do not wait ṣṢ (more) days. I have at least ṣṢ shekels of
silver in outstanding claims in Zimišhuna. For each day that is overdue, I will have to
borrow silver to meet my expenses, so I will stay here for no more than ṣṢ days, and then
I will come to you, and between us we shall give you a journey, and then you will leave
contented. In regard to the textiles, which you left here – even before I came up to Hattuš,
the textiles were sold for copper ... at the time when you went off to Zalpa, I gave you ṣṢ
minas of good copper to buy textiles. Pay the proceeds of the copper to my (local) wife.ṭ6Ṣ
ṭτ6. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ.

ṭτ7. Kt n/k ṣṢ (l. τ-ṣ7): ke-na ṣ ma-na ṣṣ GÍN NAσ.ZA.G”N I-dí-Sú-en6 i -tù Ma-a-ma a-na Za-al-pá a-na é-ri-a
ú- é-biσ-lam-ma ú a-na-ku NAσ.ZA.G”N u-a-tí a-na Ma-nu-ú-a DUMU Sú-en6-SIGτ a-dí-in-ma a-na Ha-tù-u
a- é-er Sá-ri-dim DUMU Im-gur-A- ùr i-ni- í- u, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ9-6Ṣ.
ṭτ8. Political entities called land(s) (mātum) are: Elme-elme (I τṭ7)Ş Hahhum (kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢ)Ş Harabiš (kt n/k ṣṣṢṢ)Ş
Hi/Gam-ru-ùh (kt n/k ṣṬṬ)Ş Kaneš (e.g. kt 87/k Ṭ7τŞ OAA ṣ, ṣ8)Ş Kuzzi (kt k/k σ, lvl. ṣb)Ş Luhuzattiya (Kay
ṣ8ṭṢ)Ş Nawar (kt 9σ/k σṭṬ)Ş Purušhaddum (KTH ṣ)Ş Sawit (AKT ṭ, τ6Ş CCT Ṭ, Ṭṭ)Ş šalatuwar (kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ)Ş šarla
(AKT ṣ, 78)Ş Tahruwa (kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ6)Ş Tegarama (kt c/k 9σ)Ş Ulama (kt n/k ṣṬτṭ)Ş Wahšušana (KTP ṣṢŞ kt n/k 8σŞ
kt n/k Ṭṣ8)Ş Zalpa (kt 87/k ṣṬṢŞ kt 87/k τσ7Ş kt 87/k ττṣŞ 89/k ṬṭṢŞ kt c/k ṭṬ9Ş kt m/k ṣṣŞ kt m/k ṣσσŞ kt n/k στ7Ş
kt k/k 9σ (wr. ma-a-at)). In addition, one inds the terms the lower land (māt apiltim), referring to southern
Mesopotamia in AKT ṭ, 7ṭŞ AKT ṭ, 7σ and KTS ṣ, σṣ, the upper land (māt elītim) in kt c/k ṣṣ9 (cf. section σ.7),
the inner land (mātum qerbītum) in AKT ṭ, στ and kt v/k 89, and the heartland (libbi mātim) in CCT Ṭ, σ8Ş kt
9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66Ş AKT τ, ṣ9Ş AKT 6, σṭ6 and perhaps kt 98/k ṣṣ8. Cf. also BaYraM ṣ997: 6σ-6τ.
ṭτ9. veenHof ṬṢṢ8: ṣ6σ a suggested that a number of texts that mention the Land of Zalpa and Hattuš together may
refer to the Northern Zalpuwa, but the reference to large quantities of tin and textiles would in fact imply that
Assyrian Zalpa is meant. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ9 suggested that the letters OIP Ṭ7, τ and OIP Ṭ7, 6 from Ali ar might
refer to the northern city, but the contexts are far too unclear. The fact that the records also mention the prisoners
from šalahšuwa and the queen implies that both letters were written in Kaneš and refer to Assyrian Zalpa .
ṭ6Ṣ. TPAK ṣ, σ (l. 6-Ṭτ): a-hi a-ta a-dí ha-ra-ni-kà A- ùr-mu-ta-biσ-ilτ ù A- ùr-SIPA lá tù-sá-ha-al uσ-me-e ma-du-tim
tù- í-ib ṣṢ uσ-me-e lá ta-ha-dá-ar KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ GÍN ba-áb-tám i-na Zi-mì-i -hu-na i- u uσ-ma-kal e-tí-iq-ma
KÙ.BABBAR a-na gam-ri-a a-lá-qé-a-ma a-na uσ-me-e ṣṢ a-ma-kam wa-á -ba-ku a-lá-kam i-pu-ùh-ri-ni ha-ra-
ṣṣ8
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
The two other places mentioned in the text, Hattuš and Zimišhuna, both belong to Northern
Anatolia. Hattuš is securely identiied with modern Boğazköy, and Zimišhuna is known to
have been a town in the province of Tapigga close to modern Zile (cf. section τ.τ). It is un-
clear where the recipient of the letter was stationed, but the reference to the author s wife and
the fact that the letter comes from Kültepe implies that it was sent to Kaneš. The author
clearly writes the letter from Hattuš, where someone apparently ran a business selling textiles
for copper. This is vital for the understanding of Zalpa s role in the text, for the city is clearly
mentioned in relation to the recipient s previous journey there to procure textiles. That would
seem to exclude the northern Zalpa, and once again point to the Assyrian entrepôt on the Eu-
phrates where shipments coming from Assur were received and taken into Anatolia.
The second text is a letter, which may imply Hanaknak (τ.ṭ) was situated on a route be-
tween Kaneš and the Land of Zalpa :
When Adad-bani and šamaš-ublam entered Hanaknak, they seized them in the Ofice of the
Colony. They coniscated the tablet from the Colony, which you gave to them, and on top of
the 8 shekels of silver that they made them deposit, they have today drawn up their memo-
randa (acknowledging a debt) for 7 shekels per person. Adad-bani and Adad (şsicš)-ublam
together said as follows: Ask the … that we have not traded here – we have not traded in
your country . Because they maltreated them, they led into the countryside. Here, the men
who took the wool and promised to catch up with a caravan said: We will go on the jour-
ney . But given that Adad-bani was not present, I confronted Ea-malik together with them,
and I said: No matter what, they are not to go to the Land of Zalpa . You should keep an eye
on them there. They have promised me a trip to Kaneš. They are under no circumstances to
go to the Land of Zalpa.ṭ6ṣ
Unfortunately, the context of the letter is not explained and it is dificult to understand the
reasoning behind it. Clearly the author of the letter is staying in Hanaknak, and the recipient
is probably located in Kaneš. If so, the author s plea to prevent the wool-traders from going
to the Land of Zalpa would indicate that Zalpa on the Euphrates is meant, since Kaneš is lo-
cated on the way. A study of the 89/k archive as a whole may settle the issue.
The only real piece of evidence in favour of the existence of two places named Zalpa in the
Assyrian network of trade is that a Zalpa Colony (kārum) and a Zalpa Station (wabartum)
both occur in what appear to be contemporary records. A change in the status of an Assyrian
settlement within the hierarchy of the colonial system is not unknown, and a few of the
places that held status as wabartum during level II at Kültepe changed into colonies by the
time of the level Ib-period. However, all nine records mentioning the wabartum in Zalpa,ṭ6Ṭ
nam ni-da-na-ku-ma i-da-mì-iq-tim ta-ta-lá-ak a-dí TÚG.HI-tí a a-na-kam té-zi-bu lá-ma-ma a-Ha-tù-u e-li-a-
ni TÚG.HI.A a-na URUDU ta-ad-nu ... (l. ṭṭ-ṭ6): i-nu-mì a-na Za-al-pá ta-li-ku ṣṢ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-na
TÚG a-a-mì-im a-dí-na-kum í-im URUDU a-na am-tí-a dí-in. The letter CCT ṣ, τṢ mentions the purchase of 6
veils ( itru) from Zalpa, which the author claims he will transport to Hattuš by donkey. Once again, it is impos-
sible to establish which Zalpa the text refers to, and whether the author simply bought the fabrics there.
ṭ6ṣ. Kt 89/k ṬṭṢ (l. σ-ṭ8): ki-ma dIM-ba-ni ù dUTU-ub-lam a-na Ha-na-ak-na-ak e-ru-bu-ni i-na É kà-ri-im i -bu-tù- u-
nu up-pá-am a kà-ri-im a ta-dí-nu- u-nu-tí-ni e-ta-a -ru- u-nu ù a- é-er pá-ni-im 8 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a ú- a-
dí-ú- u-nu-ni uσ-ma-am 7 GÍN.TA KÙ.BABBAR ta-ah-sí-is-ta-á -nu i-ta-ad-ú um-ma dIM-ba-ni ù dIM-ub-lá-ma
x-x-i-tám a-lá-ma lá a-na-kam nu-u -té-bi4-ilτ lá i-na ma-tí-ku-nu nu-u -té-şbiš-ilτ ki-ma ú-ma-sú-hu- u-nu-ni
a-na ma-tim e-ta-áb-tù a-na-kam e -lu-tum a a-áp-tám ilτ-qí-ú-ni-ma ha-ra-nam kà- u-da-am qá-biσ-ú-ni um-ma
u-nu-ma ha-ra-nam ni-lá-ak ki-ma dIM-ba-ni lá- u-ú-ni É-a-ma-lik i -tí- u-nu ú- á-hi-i um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-sú-ri
a-na ma-at Za-al-pá e i-li-ku-ú a-ma-kam e-kà i- é-ri- u-şnuš li-li-ik a-na Kà-ni-i ha-ra-nam qá-bi4-ú a-sú-ri
a-na ma-at Za-al-pá e i-li-ku-ú. I am grateful to K. R. Veenhof for his suggestions regarding this dificult text.
ṭ6Ṭ. AKT σ, Ṭ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣσ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ67Ş kt c/k 6σṬa+bŞ kt c/k 778a+bŞ kt c/k 8σ8a+bŞ kt k/k 98Ş TC ṣ, 6ṣ (l. 8-9 ú ú-
b‘ar-tum] a Za-al-‘pá], coll. Larsen) and TMH ṣ, Ṭṣa.
ṣṣ9
and the three texts that refer to kārum Zalpa,ṭ6ṭ appear to date within the same short time span
of c. ṭṢ years.ṭ6σ It is possible that the change happened inside this thirty-year period, which
would make it very dificult to detect it on grounds of prosopography alone. If a Station co-
existed with the Colony in Assyrian Zalpa , then it would probably have been located on the
periphery of the trade with Kaneš, and have interacted only indirectly with the central Colony.
In turn, the fact that a formal Assyrian institution existed there would imply that traders went
to Zalpa regularly.
For the time being the case remains undecided: the only evidence for the existence of a
northern Zalpa frequented by the Assyrians rests upon a chronological issue that can not be
solved at present.ṭ6τ There is no information in the Assyrian sources to help locate a northern
Zalpa, or to question the conventional identiication of Zalpuwa with Ikiztepe near Bafra
based on the Hittite sources.ṭ66
To sum up, the study of Zalpa has shown that this toponym in the Assyrian texts refers
neither to Zalwar in the Amanus nor to the Zalpah on the Balih. Furthermore, there are only
very vague indications of an Assyrian presence in Zalpuwa on the Black Sea. Instead, Assyr-
ian Zalpa is a distinct city and territory, located on one of the main routes between Assur and
Anatolia, and controlling part of the western bank of the river Euphrates. Zalpa shares a part
of its cluster with Hahhum, and it is likely that the two were located fairly close to one an-
other. An association with Tegarama also points to contacts with a different sphere stretching
towards Luhuzattiya and Kuššara.
–––––
ṭ6ṭ. BIN 6, ṣ67Ş CCT 6, ṣσŞ Chantre ṣṣ.

ṭ6σ. AKT σ, Ṭ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣσ9Ş k/k 9ṣ/k ṣ67Ş kt k/k 98 belong archaeologically to the kārum II period. Prosopographi-
cally, the irst three can be assigned to the main period evidenced in the material from Kültepe (REL 8Ṣ-ṣṣṢ), cf.
BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press together with BIN 6, ṣ67Ş CCT 6, ṣσŞ TC ṣ, 6ṣ and TMH ṣ, Ṭṣa, which all
belong among the texts that came out of Kültepe during the period prior to the commencement of the controlled
archaeological excavations.
ṭ6τ. Among the texts currently edited by J. G. Dercksen (the archive of Ali-ahum kt c/k ṣ-869), the unrelated testimo-
nies kt c/k 778a+b and kt c/k 8σ8 a+b are both certiied by the wabartum of Zalpa, but deal with events in Timel-
kiya and Hurama. Although this by no means constitutes solid proof for a physical proximity between the three
cities (cf. fn. σσ8), it may be taken as a vague indication that the Zalpa meant is the one on the Euphrates. In that
case, the kārum and wabartum refer to the same location at different points in time.
ṭ66. See forlanini ṣ98σ with all relevant literature. Ikiztepe is a large city mound on the Bafra plain in the Kızılırmak
delta, presumably located at what was once the coastline. The mounded area itself measures ca. ṭṬṢ by σṬτ meters
(l. c. U. B. alkiM ṣ97ṭ and ṣ97τ), but the lower town, now heavily covered by sediments, seems to have been
much larger. The so-called Ikiztepe transitional level appears to correspond roughly to the period contemporary
with the Old Assyrian colonies in Anatolia, but the upper strata of the mound have been heavily damaged. For-
lanini offers a very detailed picture of the city and the land, its towns and villages, mountains, trees (the GIšmuhtema)
and aquatic animals. One may compare this data to the recent articles by DÖnMeZ ṣ999, ṬṢṢṬa with important new
datings of the ceramic assemblage, and a ine overview of the numerous sites in the region occupied during the
Old Assyrian and the Old Hittite periods. Note also the detailed discussion of the Colony Period material from
Ikiztepe in V. Müller-karpe 2001. Zalpuwa was inally destroyed by invading Kaska during the reigns of Arnu-
wanda and Asmunikal (see von scHuler ṣ96τ: ṣ6ṣ for a publication of their lament over the loss of Zalpa). For
some reservations towards the identiication of Ikiztepe with Zalpa, see ünal ṣ98σ. Next to nothing is known
about sailing in the Bronze Age, but it is likely that the people of Northern Zalpa went regularly out to sea, and
large amounts of heavy spindle whorls suited for the production of sails have been recovered from the site. A
single text refers to Zalpa as well as shrimps (OIP Ṭ7, 6: erbi ti āmtim). However, shrimps were surely dried and
perhaps used for colouring textiles, so they may have come from the Mediterranean, the Black Sea or even a sweet
water source. For the Greeks, the Black Sea was the most dangerous and dreaded of all, and to this day the sudden
summer storms are infamous, and the importance sailing had in the Middle Bronze Age is hard to determine:
analyses of maritime subsistence patterns (see e.g. Doonan ṬṢṢṣ) through faunal material, and a comprehensive
analysis of the extraordinary amount of textile tools found at the site (which could have been used in the produc-
tion of sails) may broaden our understanding of Ikiztepe in the future.
ṣṬṢ
σ.Ṭ ZALPA
Little is known about Assyrian Zalpa as a political and social entity apart from what has
already been said. As usual, the Assyrian traders tended their business, and they seldom refer
to events, individuals or institutions in the city. There are no direct references to the palace in
Zalpa, and there is only a single mention of a ruler. A controversy with local authorities is
mentioned in the letter kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢṢ, sent from the Assyrian king to the Kaneš Colony regard-
ing a caravan belonging to the Assyrian merchant Puzur-Aššur that had been detained in
Zalpa for eight months.ṭ67 Similarly, TC ṭ, 8τ refers to a disagreement between the ruler of
Zalpa and an Assyrian merchant:
To Aššur-imitti from Ili-alum. In regard to your losses, they have produced an envoy for
me in accordance with your instructions, and we have brought a gift to the Zalpean of 9
shekels of gold. The king said: Your gold is in my hand. The silver is lost. The bronze
object and his sundries ... I have renounced. Let your message go to the Colony . After
my message went off to the Colony, we have gone up again (to the palace) a couple of
times, but he made us wait for ṬṢ days, and then he said: Leave. Let the owner of what
has been lost come, and then I will personally give him my compensation . Then we re-
plied: Do not hold back an ikribum-offering to the God. Give it to the envoy so that he
can bring it to the Colony . He answered: I personally will reimburse your losses .ṭ68
Clearly, the letter relates to one of the instances in which an Anatolian prince was forced to
pay damages to an Assyrian caravan that had been robbed in his territory, but it tells very
little about Zalpa except perhaps about the personality of one of its rulers. A inal example of
political interactions between the Assyrians and the rulers of Zalpa derives from a letter sent
from the Kaneš Colony to a group of Assyrian merchants in Assur:
From the Kaneš Colony to Aššur-malik, Aššur-rabi, Nanib-Atal, our envoy and the cara-
van. Dear sons. Here the affairs of the palace are friendly, and you have nothing to fear.
On the day you enter Kaneš the palace will collect the nishātum-payment, and thereupon
he can go wherever he wants to. No losses at all will occur in the palace, and we have
promised the palace to send in the caravan. When you receive our message in the City
then saddle up all together for Zalpa. When you arrive in Zalpa, you should jointly …
demand compensation for the d[eath] of your donkeys in two … tablets, and (thus) you
are to establish the honour of the City of Assur, the Colony and yourselves ...ṭ69
The letter kt Ṣṣ/k Ṭṣ7 from level Ib at Kültepe that awaits publication refers to a war between
Zalpa and Harsamna.ṭ7Ṣ Due to a reference to the recent death of king šamši-Adad, the letter
can be dated to the years ṣ776-ṣ77τ BC, at a time when it would seem that Zalpa had risen to
ṭ67. Most of the text is broken away, but the left edge mentions the Narrow Track (σ.9), cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a.
ṭ68. TC ṭ, 8τ (l. ṣ-ṣṢ): a-na A- ùr-i-mì-‘tí] qí-bi-ma um-ma Ì-lí-a-lúm-ma a-na u-mì hu-lu-qá-i-kà a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà
í-ip-ra-am e-bi-ru-ni-ma 9 GÍN KÙ.GI er-ba-am a-na za-al-pá-i-im ni- é-e um-ma ru-ba-um-ma KÙ.GI-kà qá-tí
ú-kà-al KÙ.BABBAR ha-lá-aq sí-pá-ri ú sá-he-er-tù- u ... (l. ṣṬ-Ṭ7): ak-bu-us té-er-ta-kà a-na kà-ri-im li-li-ik
i -tù té-er-tí kà-ri-im i-li-ku a-dí ma-lá ú é-ni-‘ u] né-li-ma ṬṢ uσ-me-e ú-sá-as-he-er-ni-a-tí-ma i-wa-ar-ki-tim
um-ma u-ut-ma a-tal-kà be-el hu-lu-qá-e li-li-kam-ma ar-ni u-wa-tí-ma a-da- u-um um-ma né-nu-ma ik-ri-bi a
i-lim lá tù-kà-al a-na í-ip-ri-im dí-in-ma a-kà-ri-im lu-ub-lu um-ma u-ut-ma a-na-ku hu-lu-qá-i-ku-nu ú-ta-ra-
ku-nu-tí. Cf. garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṣṭṬŞ orlin ṣ97Ṣ: ṣṭṬŞ MicHel ṬṢṢṣ no. 9Ṣ.
ṭ69. Kt 88/k 96ṭ (l. ṣ-ṭṣ): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na A- ùr-ma-lik A- ùr-GAL Na-ni-ba-tal í-ip-ri-ni ú
ILLAT-tim qí-biσ-ma me-er-ú-ni a-tù-nu a-na-kam a-wa-tum a É-GAL-lim SIGτ mì-ma li-ba-ak-nu lá i-pá-ri-id
i-na dUTU- i a a-na Kà-ni-i té-ra-ba-ni- ni É.GAL-lúm ni-is-ha-‘tim] i-lá-qé-ma ú a- ‘ar] li-biσ- u i-lá-a‘k]
hu-lu-qá-ú mì-ma i-na É.GAL-lim lá i-ba- í ù a-na ILLAT-tim é-ru-biσ-im pì-i-ni a-na É.GAL-lim ni-dí-in i-‘nu-
mì] up-pì- ni ‘i-na a]-lim ta- a-me- a -‘ni] i -na pu-ùh-ri-‘ku]-nu a-na Za-al-pá s‘é]-er-da-nim ki-ma a-na
Za-al -pá té-ru-ba-ni mu-‘ut] e-ma-ri-ku-nu i- up-pì-‘(x)] Ṭ za-aq-tù-tim i-pá- ni -‘tim] i-na pu-ùh-ri-ku-nu er
-‘ ]a-ma ba-á -tám a-lá-am A- ùr kà-ra-am ú ra-ma-na-tí-ku-nu u-uk-na-ma ....
ṭ7Ṣ. günBatti ṬṢṢτ: στṢ.
ṣṬṣ
a position as regional power. Since Anum-Hirbi of Mamma ruled Zalwar at exactly this time,
the Zalpa mentioned in kt Ṣṣ/k Ṭṣ7 presumably refers to the Assyrian Zalpa .
The end of Zalpa came very early in the reign of the Hittite king Hattusili I, who appears
to have conquered Zalpa(r) as the very irst city beyond the Taurus, and used its position to
stage his subsequent campaign against Hahhum. Presumably the wars with Kuššara and later
Harsamna, and Hattusili s choice to initiate the trans-Taurus campaign by taking Zalpa, im-
plies the strategic position of this city, which controlled an important crossing of the Euphra-
tes.
Neither the Assyrian nor the Hittite sources record anything about the cultural or religious
traditions of Zalpa. AKT ṭ, ṣṢṭ mentions a gubabtu-priestess, and texts from the archive of
Ali-ahum son of Aššur-malik refer a few times to the house of a gubabtu in Zalpa,ṭ7ṣ although
this was surely an Assyrian woman residing there.ṭ7Ṭ Likewise, little is known about local
production, although a number of Assyrian letters and memoranda refer to fabrics of different
types that appear to have been produced in Zalpa – among them references to nibrārum, piri-
kannum, tisābum and itrum-textiles.ṭ7ṭ
4.ṭ Tegaramaṭ7σ
The analysis of the Zalpa cluster suggested that Tegarama and Zalpa belong to the same gen-
eral region, while there is no clear overlap between the Hahhum and Tegarama clusters. In
several ways, the toponyms associated with Tegarama form a coherent group but the relations
inside the cluster are dificult to establish and the toponym can not be located except within a
broader region. There is a marked pattern in the archival distribution of references to Tega-
rama, and it seems possible that only a select group of Assyrian traders frequented the city on
a regular basis: four out of ifty attestations come from the archive of Ali-ahum (kt c/k ṣ-866),
ive belong to the archive of Aššur-muttabbil (TPAK ṣ), and six come from the archive of
Kuliya (AKT τ).
According to table ṣṣ, it is apparent that Tegarama occurs in association with many differ-
ent toponyms, several of which are hapax legomena.ṭ7τ Those that do appear more than once
form a fairly well-deined group. ṭ76
ṭ7ṣ. Cf. kt c/k στ8Ş kt c/k 67τŞ kt c/k 689 and perhaps kt c/k 76Ṣ.
ṭ7Ṭ. MicHel ṬṢṢ9b.
ṭ7ṭ. Cf. MicHel ḫ veenHof ṬṢṣṢ. It is of course not possible to distinguish textiles actually produced in a given city
from those said to be from Zalpa only due to the fact that they were stored there in transit. All conclusions drawn
about textile production in the cities of Anatolia on the basis of the Old Assyrian texts alone are therefore pre-
liminary.
ṭ7σ. Attestations of Tegarama are found in: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṬ9Ş kt 87/k ṣṭσŞ kt 87/k ṭṣ6Ş AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, ṣ8Ş AKT τ, ṬṣŞ AKT
τ, σṭŞ AKT τ, τ6Ş AKT τ, 6ṢŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 6ṢσŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṭτŞ Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ kt a/k ṭστŞ AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6,
σ9ṣŞ BIN 6, ṣṭ6Ş CCT ṣ, Ṭ9Ş CCT ṭ, σσbŞ CCT τ, ṭbŞ CCT τ, ṣṣbŞ CCT τ, Ṭ7cŞ CCT τ, ṭṢaŞ kt c/k 9σ (māt)Ş kt c/k
ṣṭ9Ş kt c/k ṬṢσŞ kt c/k ṭ78Ş kt g/k ṬτŞ kt g/k ṬṬṢŞ I σ7ṢŞ I 7ṬṭŞ kt i/k ṣṬṢŞ kt k/k τ7Ş KUG ṬσŞ KTS ṣ, ṭṣbŞ kt m/k
ṣσṣŞ Ne r. Boğ. ṬŞ kt n/k σ68Ş O ṭ9ṣ8Ş POAT Ṭ7Ş kt r/k ṣŞ Sackler ṬŞ TC ṭ, 6ṢŞ TPAK ṣ, ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣṣŞ TPAK ṣ,
τṢŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ98Ş TPAK ṣ, ṬṢṢ.
ṭ7τ. Most of the names appear in the text kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ, where it is unlear whether some of might be personal names and
not toponyms. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: Ṭσ7-Ṭσ8 (who is to publish the text) takes them as toponyms, and for this reason
they are included in the present analysis.
ṭ76. The attestations of Tegarama together with other cities are found in: Abu[x]hta: kt r/k ṣ, Apaludana: kt 9σ/k ṭṭτŞ
Apum: kt g/k ṬṬṢ, Bani ra: kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ, Buruddum: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9Ş CCT ṭ, σσbŞ kt g/k ṬṬṢ, Durhumit: AKT τ, τ,
AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ Haqa: kt g/k ṬṬṢ, Harranu: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9, Hattum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt m/k ṣσṣŞ Sackler ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, τṢ,
Hurama: AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Hurumha um: TPAK ṣ, τṢ, āl-Iṣurrātim: AKT τ, τ6, Kakaruwa: kt 9ṭ/k
6Ṣσ, Kuburnat: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Kuru a: kt r/k ṣ, Ku ara: AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ Ne r. Boğ. Ṭ, Luhuzattiya:
kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Mamma: Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ CCT τ, ṭṢaŞ kt g/k ṬτŞ Ne r. Boğ. ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, τṢ,
ṣṬṬ
σ.ṭ TEGARAMA
Abu[x]hta ṣ Kakaruwa ṣ šalatuwar Ṭ

Apaludana ṣ Kuburnat ṣ šamišuna ṣ
Apum ṣ Kurušša ṣ Talpa ṣ
Banišra ṣ Kuššara ṭ Tiburziya ṣ
Buruddum ṭ Luhuzattiya Ṭ Timelkiya ṣ
Durhumit Ṭ Mamma 6 āl-Timniye ṣ
Haqa ṣ Nihriya Ṭ Wašhaniya ṣ
Harranu ṣ Pahatima ṣ Wahšušana ṭ
Hattum σ Purušhaddum Ṭ Wilušna ṣ
Hurama Ṭ Sukuli ṣ Zalpa ṭ
Hurumhaššum ṣ Supana ṣ Ziluna ṣ
āl-I urātim ṣ šalahšuwa ṣ Zukua ṣ
Table ṣṣ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tegarama.
Mamma is especially prominent in the cluster, but also Buruddum, Hattum, and Zalpa occur
with a high proportion of itineraries compared to the total number of references.
The position of Buruddum east of the Euphrates was discussed in σ.ṣ and the texts that tie
Tegarama and Zalpa together were considered under section σ.Ṭ. This analysis begins by
looking at the city of Mamma, whose position in relation to Zalpa has already been examined.
Zalpa 2 1
Wahšušana
Baraddum
Buruddum 0 3
Šalatuwar 0 2
Durhumit
Purušhaddum 0 2
Nihriya 1 1
MammaHattum 4 2
Luhuzattiya 1 1
Hurama
Kuššara 2 1
Hurama
Kuššara 1 1
Hattum 2 2
Luhuzattiya
Durhumit 0 2
Baraddum 2 1
Mamma
Nihriya
Purušhaddum
Šalatuwar
Wahšušana
Zalpa
0 1 2 3 4 5 6
Graph 4: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Tegarama. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Nihriya: AKT τ, ṬṣŞ TPAK ṣ, τṢ, Pahatima: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9, Puru haddum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt n/k σ68, Sukuli: kt 9ṭ/k
6Ṣσ, Supana: KUG Ṭσ, alah uwa: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, alatuwar: AKT τ, ṬṣŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣ, ami una: kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ,
Talpa: KUG Ṭσ, Tiburziya: kt r/k ṣ, Timelkiya: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, āl-Timniye: AKT τ, Ṭṣ, Wa haniya: TC ṭ, 6Ṣ,
Wah u ana: AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ POAT Ṭ7, Wilu na: CCT ṣ, Ṭ9, Zalpa: Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ CCT ṣ, Ṭ9Ş CCT τ, ṭb,
Ziluna: kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ, Zukua: kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to
any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessar-
ily just journeys from A to B).
ṣṬṭ
The purpose is to establish whether or not the frequent connections between Mamma and
Tegarama represent meaningful itineraries.
There are four itineraries that link Mamma and Tegarama. The irst is found in a memo-
randum listing expenses incurred on a journey to Mamma, and mentioning a load of textiles
that was declared at the palace in Tegarama. The connection between the two events is not
entirely clear:
I gave ṣ shekel of silver to the ka um-oficial in Mamma ... I paid Ṭ/ṭ shekels of silver
for an lodgings in Mamma. They charged (me) ṬṬ ṣ/Ṭ grains of silver in Tegarama when
the textiles went up to the palace.ṭ77
The next example simply lists the two cities as possible origins of a shipment, and it can not
be concluded that they were visited as part of the same journey:
I will personally send it to you (fem.) from either Mamma or from Tegarama.ṭ78
The third occurrence is only marginally informative on the position of Tegarama:
[To the stat]ion in Kuššara from the Station in Mamma. According to your message that
Adad-bani brought to us, the ṣṢ kutānum-textiles belonging to Adad-bani, which Bur-
Aššur and šu-Suen, the envoys from Tegarama, took under the supervision of the Secre-
tary – here [...] the Secretary [... long break ... ] The Secretary, Aššur-bani, received three
textiles. We paid ṣ textile for the release of Kurara son of Aššur-malik, and so an Anato-
lian led him here. The remaining textiles, 6 kutānum of high quality, we gave to your
envoy Adad-bani son of Ištar-ilišu. Dear fathers and lords. A letter has arrived from the
City, (saying): You may not levy the addu utum-tax … The natives keep on produc-
ing (captives) and there are no funds for their ransom.ṭ79
A possible interpretation of the situation is that the envoys from Tegarama went to Kuššara to
pick up a batch of textiles. They then travelled on to Mamma, where the fabrics were sent to
help inance the release of an Assyrian merchant. Another possibility is that the envoys
brought textiles that were stashed in Tegarama but belonged to Kuššara. The passage was
interpreted by Lewy to show that the authorities in Assur had intervened during an economic
crisis and allowed the Station in Mamma to collect taxes that were usually paid in Kuššara.ṭ8Ṣ
More recently Veenhof suggested that the hostage situation had made the City issue an order
to all Assyrian trading stations including Kuššara, to cease levying the addu utum-tax and
leave it to Mamma, which needed the money as ransom.ṭ8ṣ In any case, the passage simply
ṭ77. CCT τ, ṭṢa (l. ṣ-ṭ): ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Ma-a-ma i-na kà- í-im a-dí-in ... (l. 9-ṣ7): Ṭ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
i-na Ma-a-am! a-na É wa-áb-ri-a a-dí-in ṬṬ ṣ/Ṭ šE KÙ.BABBAR i-na Té-ga-ra-ma TÚG.HI.A a-na É.GAL-lim
i-lu-ú-ma ú-lá-mì-id (cf. ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: ṬτṬ).
ṭ78. Kt g/k Ṭτ (l. ṣṣ-ṣσ): a-pá-ni-a ú-ul i -tù Ma-ma-a ú-ul i -tù Té-ga-ra-ma ú- é-ba-la-ki-im.
ṭ79. Ne r. Boğ. Ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣṬ): ‘a-na ú-bar-t]im ‘a] Ku- a-ra qí-biσ-ma um-ma ú-bar-tum a Ma-ma-a-şmaš a-ma-lá
na-á -pè-er-tí-ku-nu a dIM-ba-ni i-ni-i -a-ni ṣṢ TÚG.HI.A ku-ta-ni a dIM-ba-ni a Bur-A- ùr ú u-EN.ZU-in
í-ip-ru a Té-ga-ra-ma a-na ‘pá]-ni DUB.SAR i -bu-tù-ni a-na-kam a- ar [ ] DUB.SAR … (l. ṣ6-Ṭ8): ṭ
TÚG.HI.A A- ùr-ba-ni DUB.SAR ilτ-qé-e ṣ TÚG.HI.A a-na ip- é-ri a Ku-ra-ra DUMU A- ùr-ma-lik nu-a-um
ir-dí-a- u-ma ni-dí-in í-tí ú-ba-tí-e 6 TÚG.HI.A ku-ta-ni SIGτ a-na dIM-ba-ni DUMU I tar-DINGIR- u í-ip-ri-
ku-nu ni-dí-in a-ba-ú-şniš be-lu-ni a-tù-nu up-pu-um i -tù A-limki i-li-kam a a-du-a-tim lá tù- a-da-a …
(l. ṭṭ-ṭσ): nu-a-ú u -té-ni- ú-ni-ma KÙ.BABBAR a-na pá- u-ri- u-nu lá- u. Cf. MicHel ṬṢṢṣ no. τ8Ş veenHof
ṬṢṢ8a: σ9 n. ṣ7τ.
ṭ8Ṣ. J. lewY ṣ96Ṭ: τṣ.
ṭ8ṣ. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ: 8τff. The Station in Mamma thus passed this information on to Kuššara, and the order not to
levy the tax represents a direct quote of the order from Assur.
ṣṬσ
σ.ṭ TEGARAMA
implies that Kuššara was located further away from Mamma than Tegarama, though not nec-
essarily on a direct route.
The inal text connecting Mamma and Tegarama is a highly complex letter, which is trans-
lated here in its entirety in order to convey the extraordinary situation that led to the author s
journey between the two cities:
To Aššur-ennam from šalim-Aššur. Out of the ṣṣσ textiles that you entrusted to me in
Aššur, Ṭ hand-textiles were sorted out as ordinary quality. Out of the (remainder), I left
ṣ6 in Mamma in the house of Merali son of Aššur-imitti. Thereof, 6 textiles were of good
quality. I left ṭṢ textiles in Tegarama in the house of šalim-Aššur son of Ili-bani. There
was nothing (left) for my expenses, so I did not let them enter (the palace in) Kaneš. In
regard to your message, I entrusted ṭṢ textiles of ordinary quality and ṣτ textiles of good
quality to šamaš-ennam in Kaneš in front of witnesses. They took ṭ textiles as nishātu-
tax. The Colony ofice took Ṭ textiles. I led 7 textiles in by smuggling, and I paid ṣ ṣ/σ
shekel of silver to each of the guards. My dear father, I will clear myself of the remainder
of your textiles when I arrive. In regard to what you wrote: Send money! – are you not
constantly hearing that my working capital has been spent and that I have borrowed mon-
ey for my expenses? Ask there, those who were held with me. In your eyes, I have turned
into a liar, and yet, apart from τ talents of wool, I have not led anything into Hattum. Dear
father, (about) the money – do you not realise that you have made me enter the road to
Nihriya to make deposits, and that three of your servants have gone into Huruhaššum, that
at least ṣ mina of silver has been lost, and that I constantly put down (money) myself. You
know where I owe at least ṣṢ shekels of silver. Dear father, if there are any textiles left,
then convert them to wool and send your servants to Hattum so that they may obtain a
proit on each shekel of silver for you there. The market is closed, and so I have not sent
you even ṣṢ shekels of silver.ṭ8Ṭ
Obviously, the author and the recipient are in inancial trouble, and by the time one of their
consignments reached Anatolia they did not have enough spare cash to enter , i.e. present
and declare their shipment at the palace in Kaneš. šalim-Aššur indstead had to clear the
textiles for sale little by little, and spend his private working capital (sc. his salary) to ward
off creditors.
From a geographical viewpoint it is of particular importance that the route from Assur took
the author via Mamma and then Tegarama to Kaneš. Parts of the shipment made it to Kaneš,
and the letter goes on to explain how the textiles were taxed and distributed there upon ar-
rival. The passage concerning šalim-Aššur s lack of funds states that Aššur-ennam made him
enter the road to Nihriya on the opposite bank of the Euphrates, send employees to a place
named Hurumhaššum,ṭ8ṭ and inally have someone go to Hattum (cf. σ.7) to sell a share of the
ṭ8Ṭ. TPAK ṣ, τṢ: a-na A- ur-e-nam qí-bi-ma um-ma ál-ma-A- ur-ma i-na ṣ me-at ṣσ TÚG.HI.A a i-na a-limki ta-áp-qí-
da-ni Ṭ TÚG a qá-tim ba-at-qú šÁ.BA ṣ6 TÚG.HI.A i-na Ma-a-ma É Me-ra-lí DUMU A- ur-mì-tí e-zi-ib šA.BA
6 TÚG SIGτ ṭṢ TÚG.HI.A i-na Té-ga-ra-ma É ál-ma-A- ùr DUMU Ilτ-ba-ni e-zi-ib a-na gam-ri-a lá- u-ma a-na
Kà-ni-i ki lá ú- é-ri-ib- u-nu a-ma-lá na-á -pár-tí-kà ṭṢ TÚG.HI.A a qá-tim ṣτ TÚG.HI.A SIGτ i-na Kà-ni-i a-na
d
UTU-e-nam IGI í-be-e áp-qí-id ṭ TÚG.HI.A a-na ni-is-ha-tim ilτ-qé-ú Ṭ TÚG É kà-ri-im ilτ-qé-ú 7 TÚG.HI.A i-na
pá-zu-ur-tim ú- é-ri-ib-ma ṣ ṣ/σ GÍN.TA KÙ.BABBAR a-na a ma- a-ra-tim a-dí-in a-bi a-ta a-na í-tí TÚG.HI.A-
tí-kà i-na a-lá-ki-a a-za-ku a-na a ta-á -pu-ra-ni um-ma a-ta-ma KÙ.BABBAR é-biσ-lam lá ta-á -ta-na-me ki-ma
be-ú-lá-tù-a e-tár-ba-ni ù a-na gám-ri-a ú-ha-biσ-lu-ú a-ma-kam a i -tí-a uk-ta-i-lu-ni-ni a-ilτ i-na e-né-kà a-sà-ri-
im a-tù-wa-ar e-lá-an 5 GÚ a-áp-tim mì-ma a-na Ha-tim ú-lá ú- é-ri-ib a-bi a-ta KÙ.BABBAR lá tí-de8-e a a-na
ma-á -kà-na-tim ha-ra-an Ni-ha-ri-a tù- a-a -bi-ta-ni-ma ṭ ú-ha-ru-kà a-na Hu-ru-ha- í-im e-tár-bu ù KÙ. BAB-
BAR ṣ ma-na ha-al-qá-ni ù a-na-ku á -ta-na-ku-nu a- ar KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ GÍN ha-bu-lá-ku-ni a-ta-ma tí-de8-e
a-bi a-ta u-ma ú-ba-tù-kà a-hu-ru a-na a-áp-tim ta-er- u-nu-ma ú-ha-ri-kà a-na Ha-tim urσ-da-am-ma
KÙ.BABBAR ṣ GÍN li- u le-li-a-kum í-mu-um kà-sí-ma KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ GÍN lá ú- é-biσ-lá-kum.
ṭ8ṭ. For a recent discussion of the location of Nihriya and Hurumhaššum, probably in the vicinity of Diyarbakır, cf.
forlanini ṬṢṢσa: σṣṬ-σṣṭ.
ṣṬτ
load. It seems that the particular inancial situation was responsible for the author sending
parts of the consignment via Mamma and Tegarama, and so the importance of the geographi-
cal link between the two is unclear. The problem can only be solved through a comparison
between the two clusters of Tegarama and Mamma to see which places the two hold in com-
mon.
Mamma was located at the western extreme of the Assyrian network of colonies located
south of the Taurus (σ.ṣṭ), and so the letter quoted above seems to pull Tegarama in this
direction. Conversely, two other texts establish a connection between Tegarama and the re-
gion known as Hattum in Central Anatolia:
I left the goods in Tegarama and I went to Hattum myself. I personally carry the proceeds
from Hattum.ṭ8σ
Dear brothers, if it is possible for you there, get out the slave-girl and the children, as you
are able. Make an arrangement of some ṣṢ shekels of silver and have her brought to
Tegarama or Hattum. If the guard posts are strong, and it is not feasible to set out, then
measure out grain to (supply) her for one year. The servants should reach me in Luhuzat-
tiya.ṭ8τ
The second text also refers to Luhuzattiya, implying that it was located en route between
Tegarama and Hattum. In the same vein, the following letter from šalim-Aššur in Tegarama
to his representatives and sons in Kaneš shows a connection between Tegarama, Hurama and
Kuššara:
I am staying in Tegarama … On the day you hear my letter, Ali-ahum should come and
meet me in either Hurama or in Kuššara.ṭ86
At irst glance, Kuššara and Hurama appear as alternative destinations on a planned trip from
Tegarama. However, if the instruction is to make any sense then both cities must present vi-
able rendezvous points for two people approaching one another from Kaneš and Tegarama.
Either a single route connected the four cities (šalim-Aššur would leave Tegarama and Ali-
ahum would meet him in either Hurama or Kuššara on the way, depending on how far he got
from Kaneš), or Hurama or Kuššara was located at a crossroad. No matter the direction of
travel, the route had to pass through one city to get to the other (ig. ṣṢ).
ṭ8σ. Kt m/k ṣσṣ (l. ṣ6-Ṭṣ): ú-nu-t‘ám] i-na Té-ga-ra-ma e-zi-ib-ma a-na-ku a-na Ha-tim a-ta-lá-a‘k] í-ma-am a Ha-
tim a-na-ku na-á -a-ku. The letter Sackler Ṭ also refers to Hattum and Tegarama, but it does not connect them in
a direct way: You promised to pay this money back in one month. Instead of ṣ month, you surely went (away and)
you have stayed in Tegarama for ṭ-σ months. You came to Kaneš, and I demanded the money, but you did not give
it (back). You appealed to me, saying: Dear brother, let me leave for Hattum. Let me have the use of your money
for one more journey (l. τ-ṬṢ): KÙ.BABBAR u-a-tí a-na ITU.KAM a-qá-lam qá-biσ-a-tí ki-ma ITU.KAM ta-
li-ku ṭ ITU.KAM ú σ ITU.KAM i-Té-ga-ra-ma ta-ta- a-áb a-na Kà-ni-i ta-li-kà-ma KÙ.BABBAR e-ri-i -ma
ú-lá ta-ta-dí-nam ta-áp-nu-a-ma um-ma a-ta-ma a-hi a-ta lá-li-ik a-dí Ha-tim lá-ak- u-ud ha-ra-nam i -té-et
KÙ.BABBAR-áp-kà lá-áb-el.
ṭ8τ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6 (l. ṭ-ṬṢ): a-hu-a a-tù-nu u-ma a-ma-kam ta-le-e-a am-tám! ú ú-úh-ra-am ma-lá ta-le-e-a-ni u-ul!-
ha-ni-im a-dí KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ GÍN guτ-um-ra-ma a-na Té-ga-ra-ma ú Ha-tim é-bi-lá-ni- í u-ma ma- a-ra-
tum da-na-ma a-na ú- a-im lá na- ú ú- a-tim a a-na-at u-up-kà- í-im ú-ha-ru a-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a li-ik- u-du-
ni.
ṭ86. AKT 6, ṣσ9 (l. σ): i-na Té-ga-ra-ma wa-á - ba -ku ... (l. ṣṣ-ṣ6): i-na dUTU- i up-pí ta- a-me-a-ni A-lá-hu-um lu
a-na Hu-ra-ma lu a-na Ku- a-ra a-na é-ri-a li-li-kam.
ṣṬ6
σ.ṭ TEGARAMA
Kane Hurama / Ku ara Hurama / Ku ara Tegarama
Ali-ahum alim-A ur
Hurama / Ku ara
Kane Hurama / Ku ara Tegarama
Ali-ahum alim-A ur
Fig. 10: Two interpretations of the route followed by alim-A ur and Ali-ahum according to AKT 6, 149.
Considering the Tegarama cluster in its entirety, it appears that Hurama, Kuššara and Hattum
formed a group on one side of the city, while Buruddum, Haqa and Zalpa were located on its
opposite side. The two groups are only linked through Tegarama. There may also have been
a direct connection between Tegarama and Mamma although the evidence for the Mamma
cluster has to be examined before any conclusions can be drawn. The statistical evidence for
the location of Tegarama is vague, but the apparent orientation of the cluster towards Hattum
and Kuššara represents the strongest argument in favour of pulling Tegarama away from
Mamma and towards the north and east.
The two Old Assyrian letters KUG Ṭσ and kt r/k ṣ refer to a few toponyms that relate to
Tegarama. The toponyms reappear in later sources and help locate the city within a general
region, and the irst example in particular pulls Tegarama to the north:
I paid Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ mina in sickles for an lodgings in Tegarama. ṣ/ṭ mina of sickles for the cup
in Talpa. I paid ṣτ shekels for lodgings at the place where the servant died. ṣ/ṭ and 7 ṣ/Ṭ
grains for the cup in Supana. Half a shekel for the guards.ṭ87
To the ten-man board of Tegarama from Anišu-kiba, the barullum-oficial in Tiburziya:

Dear fathers and brothers ... ṭ88
Talpa and Tiburziya appear once each in two Hittite texts that both refer to the disastrous
period of the so-called concentric invasions during the reign of Tudhaliya III and his son
Suppiluliuma I.ṭ89 Talpa is mentioned in the so-called deeds of Suppiluliuma, in which his
son Mursilis II narrates how:
ṭ87. KUG Ṭσ: Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na ni-ga-li i-na Té-ga-ra-ma a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in ṣ/ṭ ma-na ni-ga-li a-na ki-ri-‘i]m i-na Ta-‘a]l-
pá ṣτ GÍN a- ar ”R i-mu-tù a-É ub-ri ṣ/ṭ GÍN 7 ṣ/Ṭ šE a-na ki-ri-im i-Sú-pá-na ṣ/Ṭ GÍN a-na a ma- a-ra-tim.
ṭ88. Kt r/k ṣ (l. ṣ-σ): a-na ṣṢ-tim! a Té-ga-ra-ma um-ma A-ni- u-ki-ba-ma ba-ru-lu-um a Tí-pu-ur-zi-a-ma a-ba-ú-a
a-hu-a a-tù-nu. The reading ṣṢ-tim! = e artim ( ten-man board ) was suggested in BaYraM ṣ997 instead of uṣ-bar-
tim. The text also mentions that ṣṢ (individuals) of Abu[x]hta and Kurušša stay in the mountains (l. Ṭ9-ṭṣ: ṣṢ
A-bu-‘x]-ùh-ta-i-a-tám Ku-ru- a-i-a i-na a-du-im ú- u-bu-ma). The remainder of the text is unpublished and the
context is unknown.
ṭ89. Cf. Hawkins ṣ998b: Ṭ8Ṭ-Ṭ8ṭ.
ṣṬ7
They brought word to my father, saying: The Hurrians have surrounded the troops and
horse that are up in Murmuriga. So my father mobilised troops and horse and marched
to the land of Hurri. When he arrived in the land of Tegarama, he made a review of his
troops and horse in the town of Talpa. Then he sent his son Arnuwanda and Zita the Com-
mander of the Guard ahead in advance from the land of Tegarama to the [land of] Hurri.
When Arnuwanda and Zita come down into the country [the enemy] comes against them
for battle, and [the gods] of my father march before them, [and they defe]at [the enemy,
who has taken up position] below the town. [He lees] from the town (of Murmuriga) and
he [goes to escape … to the moun]tains of the land of Tegarama […] When [my father
he]ars: Already he is leaving and le[es] down from the town . And so when my father
arrived down in the land, he did not encounter the enemy of the land Hurri,ṭ9Ṣ and he
proceeded [dow]n to the city of Carchemish and surrounded it ... ṭ9ṣ
Talpa had come to be considered part of the Land of Tegarama, and apparently it was situated
in a strategic position relative to the Hurrian frontier. The passage also shows that a part of
Tegarama was mountainous,ṭ9Ṭ and that the Hurrian troops avoided direct confrontation with
the Hittite army by leeing into those mountains. Finally, the text shows that Tegarama was
located on a route to Carchemish, something that is further supported by the fact that Mursili
II later travelled via Tegarama and used it as a point of assembly on a journey from Carchem-
ish to Azzi-Hayasa.ṭ9ṭ The fact that the land of Tegarama was used by the Hittites to launch
an expeditionary force into Hurrian territory implies that it was located near the Hurrian fron-
tier, and that Talpa was situated in a favourable spot for rallying the troops. Tegarama and
Talpa sat on higher ground, while Murmuriga, which must have been under the control of the
city of Carchemish,ṭ9σ was at a lower elevation (KUR-e kattanda) with Carchemish located
lower still.
This evidence should be correlated with KUG Ṭσ quoted above, which connects Tegarama
to Supana via Talpa, as well as with a passage in the prologue of the treaty between Suppilu-
liuma I and his Mitanni protégé, šattiwazza. The historical preamble to this document refers
to the revolts that also took place during the time of the concentric invasions and describes
how the Hittite army led a defensive campaign into the territory of the Mitanni vassal state of
Isuwa. Suppiluliuma gives a long list of displaced peoples leeing from the conlict that he
later returned to Hatti:
In the time of the father of the king of Hatti, the land Isuwa became hostile, so that the
troops of Hatti entered the land of Isuwa. In the time of my father, the people of the city
of Kurtalissa, the people of the city of Arawanna, the land of Zazisa, the land of Kalasma,
the land of Timana, Mount Haliwa, Mount Karna, the people of the city of Durmitta, the
land of Alha, the land of Hurma, Mount Harana, half the Land of Tegarama, the people
of the town of Tiburziya, the people of the city of Hazka, and the troops of the city of
Armatana became hostile ... the people which had escaped from me had entered the land
of Isuwa … these people and those lands I overpowered and returned to Hatti. ṭ9τ
ṭ9Ṣ. Var. adds: below the town .

ṭ9ṣ. Cf. güterBock ṣ9τ6: 9ṭ-9σŞ Hoffner ṣ997a: ṣ9Ṣ.
ṭ9Ṭ. Note also KBo ṣṬ.ṣσṢ rs. 8 which refers to the mountains of Tegarama in an unclear geographical context.
ṭ9ṭ. goetZe ṣ9ṭṭ: ṣṬσ-ṣṬ7.
ṭ9σ. Cf. RlA s. v. and Hawkins ṣ98ṭ: ṣṭτ-ṣṭ6, quoting the šattiwazza Treaty KBo ṣ.ṣ (l. ṣ6 -ṣ8 ): Any towns of [the
land Carchemish, the city Carchemish,] the city Murmurik, the city šipri, the city Mazuwati, the city šurun and
… these cities, the fortresses of [the land Carchemish to Piyassili] my son I gave .
ṭ9τ. KBo ṣ.ṣ obv. ṣṭ and ṬṬ. A further reference to Tiburziya is found in the Old Assyrian text kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢ8, mentioning
a gift of two textiles to the Tiburzian (a-na Tí-bu-ur-zi-a-i-e-im). For a different view, cf. Boese ṬṢṢ9.
ṣṬ8
σ.ṭ TEGARAMA
Apart from the implied proximity between Tegarama and Hurma (σ.ṣṢ), the town of Tiburzi-
ya mentioned in kt r/k ṣ recurs in what seems to be the same general region as Tegarama.
Direct contact between Isuwa and Tegarama is further implied by association to a passage in
the decree of Hattusili III that relates how:
the enemy of Isuwa came and sacked the Land of Tegarama ṭ96
Isuwa is a well known toponym from the Hittite and later Assyrian sources, and it constitutes
one of the very few ixed points in the historical geography.ṭ97 It was located on the eastern
bank of the river Euphrates, opposite modern-day Malatya and along the south bank of the
Murat Su. The important crossing of the Euphrates from Malatya to Elazığ is referred to in
the Hittite texts as the Isuwa crossing (eberti KUR URUI uwa).ṭ98
In the classical sources the area on the conluence between the Euphrates and its main
tributary, the Murat, corresponds to the provinces of Melitene and Sophene. It has been ar-
gued that the earlier toponym Isuwa actually coincides with classical Sophene, and Hawkins
suggested that the name upa attested in Urartean sources preserves an earlier Anatolian top-
onym that is recalled in the Greek name Sophene.ṭ99 In the Old Hittite sources the toponym
Isuwa is never attested, and instead the Hurrian enemy in the Siege of Uršu is associated
with a place named Zuppa. The association of Isuwa and Tegarama on one hand, and the rela-
tion between Isuwa and Sophene on the other makes it likely that KUG Ṭσ with its record of
a journey from Tegarama via Talpa to Supana, refers to Zuppa in later Isuwa, Urartean upa
and Greek Sophene.σṢṢ *Suppa(na) thus appears to be a very ancient Anatolian name, used
alongside Isuwa to refer to the region around Elazığ. The itinerary of KUG Ṭσ pulls Tega-
rama in the direction of Sophene with Talpa, which was later considered to be a town in the
province of Tegarama, located on a route between them.
Tiburziya, which appears both in the Old Assyrian letter and in the šattiwazza-treaty, is
also attested in a list of conquests made by the Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta I (c. ṣṬσṭ-ṣṬṢ7
BC):
… the entirety of Mount Kašiyari (as far as) the lands Alzi, Amadani, Nihani, Alaiya,
Tepurzi and Purulumzi, all [the land of the extensive] šubari ... σṢṣ
Mount Kašiyari can be securely identiied with modern Tur Abdin, and Alzi was located in
the immediate vicinity of Isuwa,σṢṬ implying that the Assyrian conquests included a
ṭ96. CTH 88 (KBo 6.Ṭ8 obv. ṣṬ). Note also the Prayer of Muwatalli (CTH ṭ8ṣ = KUB 6.στ) in which Tegarama is
preceded by Išuwa and followed by Paliya.
ṭ97. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: σṢ-σ9Ş klengel ṣ968Ş ṣ977Ş Hawkins ṣ998b.
ṭ98. KBo ṣ.ṣ (l. ṣ6 ), cf. e.g. sevin ṣ989Ş Hawkins ṣ99ṭ. For the possible existence of a bridge at this point in Neo-
Assyrian times, cf. astour ṣ979: 7Ş taDMor ṣ99σ: τṢ-τṭ and ARAB (vol. I): Ṭ7ṭ no. 769.
ṭ99. Hawkins ṣ998b. See also salvini ṣ97ṬŞ forlanini ṬṢṢṣa: ττσ n. 9Ş ṬṢṢσa: σṣṢ-σṣṣ who relates upani to Arme-
nian Cop k and connects Tiburziya to Humahu, and (via kt c/k Ṭṣ6) to Ašihum and Hurumhaššum east of the
Euphrates (cf. TPAK ṣ, τṢ above).
σṢṢ. Suggested already by J. lewY ṣ96τ: ṭṢ7 n. ṣṢ. In addition to KUG Ṭσ, Supana is also attested in the following
Assyrian texts: AKT ṣ, ṣṢŞ CCT 6, ṣτa+Ş OIP Ṭ7, τ7Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ. All four records are concerned with the same
series of judicial procedures revolving around the merchants Buzazu and Ili-wedaku. The text quoted in Bilgiç
ṣ9στ-τṣ: ṭτ has since appeared as DTCFD ṭṣ, ṣ9Ṣ. Zupana in this text is a personal name.
σṢṣ. RIMA.Ṣ.78.ṣṢ: Ṭ9-ṭ7, cf. also RIMA.Ṣ.78.ṣ (col. iii): ṭṣ ff. and (col. iv): ṣ9ffŞ RIMA.Ṣ.78.Ṭ: Ṭ6-ṭṢ and RIMA.Ṣ.78.τ:
Ṭτ-Ṭ9. RIMA.Ṣ.78.9: ṣ9 instead of Alzi has Kummuhi.
σṢṬ. For the geography of the Assyrian Empire in this region, cf. Hawkins ṣ99τbŞ ṣ998bŞ parpola & porter ṬṢṢṣ and
see also raDner & scHacHner ṬṢṢṣ.
ṣṬ9
stretch of land that followed the south bank of the Upper Tigris across to the Euphrates.
Tepurzi was presumably located somewhere near the western frontier of this newly con-
quered land, and south of the state of Isuwa that remained a Hittite vassal.σṢṭ
Taken together the Hittite and the Old Assyrian evidence shows that Tegarama must be
placed somewhere near the frontier with Isuwa and Supana. Given that the Euphrates marked
the Isuwa frontier in Hittite times, and taking the apparent proximity of Tegarama and Ti-
burziya into account, a probable location for the former would be somewhere in the region of
Malatya.σṢσ This would explain why the Euphrates crossing at Zalpa connected to both Tega-
rama and Timelkiya, whereas Hahhum only linked up with the latter. Furthermore, it could
account for a possible connection between Mamma and Tegarama along the southern foot-
hills of the Taurus.
–––––
The available records for the location of Tegarama dating to the Iron Age point in a somewhat
different direction. After the fall of the Hittite Empire, the city of Meliddu came to dominate
the Malatya plain, and a town named Tagarima appears to have been located west of that city.
The idea that the Neo-Assyrian Tagarima/Til-karme/Til-garimme/u and Old Assyrian-Hittite
Tegarama/Takarama refer to the same place goes back to some of the earliest studies of As-
syrian historical geography.σṢτ Forrer linked Neo-Hittite and Assyrian Meliddu , Urartean
Melida , Greek Melitene , Latin Melita and modern Malatya, and sought Til-garimmu in
the vicinity of Malatya, inding that modern Gürün, classical Gauraena, likely represents a
surviving form of the ancient toponym.
Several scholars have since questioned this identiication.σṢ6 According to the evidence as-
sembled by Yamada, Tagarima was located in a contested region where it belonged irst to
Meliddu (mod. Malatya) during the reign of Shalmaneser III, then to Gurgum (mod.
Kahramanmara ) during Tiglath-Pileser III, then to Kammanu, which was carved out by Sar-
gon II on the frontiers of Kumuhhu and Meliddu, and inally to the Tabal frontier during the
reign of Sennacherib.σṢ7 On the basis of the post-Hittite evidence, both Hawkins and Yamada
suggest a location of Tagarima/Til-karme/Til-garimme south of Gürün and probably some-
where on the Elbistan plain.
σṢṭ. For the historiographical problems related to the inscriptions of Tukulti-Ninurta I, cf. klengel ṣ998: Ṭ9σf.Ş graY-
son ṣ97Ṭ (vol. i): ṣṣ8, ṣṭṬ-ṣṭṭ.
σṢσ. Interestingly, forlanini ṬṢṢ7a: Ṭ6ṭ-Ṭ66 recently arrived at a similar conclusion based on a separate line of evi-
dence. The occurrence of the toponym Maldiya in the Pahhuwa text (KUB Ṭṭ.7Ṭ+ rev. ṭ7, cf. gurneY ṣ9σ8Ş
Hoffner ṣ976) alongside Išuwa may be taken as evidence in favour of identifying Maldiya/Malidiya/Milidiya
with later Meliddu, Melitene and modern Malatya. This would in turn have implications for the possible location
of Tegarama within the immediate vicinity of Malatya. However, Malidiya recurs as a point of contention between
Assyria and the Hittites during the reigns of Shalmaneser I (KUB ṬṬ.Ṭ6σ (col. iii) ṣ-ṣṬ (and cf. (col ii) ṣ9)Ş KBo
ṣ8.Ṭσ, cf. HeinHolD-kraHMer ṣ988: 88-9ṣ, 99-ṣṢσŞ sakuMa ṬṢṢ9: ṭṢ7f.) and Tiglath-pileser I (RIMA.Ṣ.87.ṣ (col.
v: ṭσ) at a time when Išuwa had not yet have fallen under Assyrian control. It would thus seem that the Malidiya
contested by the two powers has to be east rather than west of Išuwa, and that the emendation of Milidiya a māt
Hanigalbat attested in the six preserved renditions of RIMA.Ṣ.87.ṣ into a KUR Ha-at-te GAL-ti in order to
correspond to the reference in the later summary inscription RIMA.Ṣ.87.σ (l. ṭṣ-ṭṭ) (suggested by Belck ṣ897 in
order to avoid having Hanigalbat on the western bank of the EuphratesŞ later accepted e.g. by goetZe ṣ9Ṭ8-Ṭ9:
6σ-6τ n. 7Ş Hawkins ṣ99ṭ but rejected by jensen ṣ89σ: Ṭṭ8-ṭ9 n. ṭ) would be unwarranted. In that case one should
distinguish a Maladiya/Milidiya at Arslantepe from a homonymous settlement located further east.
σṢτ. forrer ṣ9ṬṢ.
σṢ6. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: ṣṣ7 (locating it on a route linking Buruddum, Mamma and Kaneš), Hawkins ṣ99ṭ-ṣ997 s. v. Meliddu
(locating it on the plain of Elbistan), J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 69 (locating it on the route between Mamma and Kaneš).
σṢ7. YaMaDa ṬṢṢṢaŞ ṬṢṢṢb. For the restored form Tagari‘ma] cf. astour ṣ979: τ.
ṣṭṢ
σ.ṭ TEGARAMA
A possible solution to this apparent discrepancy would be to separate Iron Age Tagarima/
Til-karme/Til-garimme/u from Bronze Age Tegarama. Another option would be to suggest
that the toponym moved at least once in history. This phenomenon would by no means be
without precedent,σṢ8 and the reference in the šattiwazza treaty to the movement of people
from the Land of Tegarama may be taken as an indication that at least parts of its population
was temporarily or permanently itinerant.σṢ9 The notion that we may be dealing with mobile
and displaced groups is supported by a passage in the treaty between Tudhaliya I/II and
Sunassura of Kizzuwatna, which deals with the same area, and relates how:
I overpowered the land of Isuwa, and [the Isuwans] led before My Majesty. They went
down into the land of Hurri, so I sent (a message) to the king of Hurri, (saying): Return
my subjects . But the king of Hurri sent (a message) back to My Majesty, (saying) thus:
No. The people of these cities had previously, in the time of my grandfather, come to the
land of Hurri and settled there. And indeed they afterwards went as fugitives to Hatti.
Now, inally, the cattle have chosen their stable. They have deinitely come to my land .σṣṢ
A group of very early Neo-Hittite inscriptions found in the area between Malatya and Elbistan
may constitute further evidence of population migration.σṣṣ In particular, the stele from
Karahöyük Elbistan concerns the donation of three towns to an oficial named Armananis,σṣṬ
and the donator is said to be a Great King .σṣṭ The name of the province in which the three
towns were located is given as poculum-ti*67, and it is reasonable to assume that this is the
ancient name of the Elbistan Plain where the stele was found. This area, the text states, was
destroyed and desolate until the time of the donation. One of the towns mentioned on the
stele is Lá-kar-ma ,σṣσ which was read and associated with Hittite Tegarama already by La-
roche in ṣ9τṢ.σṣτ A possible interpretation would be that the stele was set up to mark the event
when the people of Lukarma/Tegarama and two other townships were transferred here to
populate the plain of Elbistan. Similarly, the stele from Izgin relates how various groups from
the Malatya Plain were settled in the Elbistan region, presumably as a part of the same con-
tinuing process of resettlement.σṣ6
This would explain why the evidence from the Middle Bronze Age and the Iron Age does
not agree, and it would justify the incidence of at least two closely neighbouring areas with
similar names: Tegarama around Malatya and Lukarma in the Plain of Elbistan.σṣ7 Modern
σṢ8. Cf. rÖllig ṣ997: Ṭ9Ṣ in a different context: Here we are confronted with a more general problem and a phenom-
enon not so seldom in the course of the history of the Ancient Near East, namely that the name of a place or a
region may have changed or been transferred to another place or region .
σṢ9. As opposed to PRU ṭ.Ṭ6 (rev. ṭ ) from Ugarit, which lists traders from the Anatolian region of the Empire, e.g.
Hatti, Tarhuntassa, Pala, Haballa, Uda and Tagarimma, cf. astour ṣ98ṣ: ṬṬ and n. ṣṭ. For a general discussion of
multi-component societies with both settled and itinerant elements in the Middle Bronze Age, cf. e.g. fleMMing
ṬṢṢσ.
σṣṢ. CTH σṣ. Translation from BeckMan ṣ999: ṣ8.
σṣṣ. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: ch. V, esp. ṣ. (Karahöyük Elbistan), Ṭ. (Gürün), ṭ. (Kötükale), τ. (Darende) and ṣτ. (Izgin).
σṣṬ. T. ÖZgüç ṣ9σ9. The text has been edited twice in recent years, cf. Hawkins 2000: 288-295; wouDHuiZen ṬṢṢṭ.
σṣṭ. Perhaps to be identiied with Ir-Teššup. The text can be dated to the ṣṬth century BC on the basis of sign forms and
graphic usage. In epigraphic style the inscription belongs to the Tarhuntassa-Tabal group cf. Hawkins loc. cit.
σṣσ. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ9σ reads Lukarma , given that the sign la/li/lu appears exclusively to have had the value lu in
the early period to which this inscription belongs. The alternation between t and l is taken to relect an original
Anatolian *tl-sound, equivalent to the alternation labarna/tabarna, cf. na’aMan ṣ98Ṭ.
σṣτ. larocHe ṣ9τṢ.
σṣ6. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: ṭṣσ-ṭṣ8.
σṣ7. See also Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ8τ n. στ. A broken episode in the annals of Shalmaneser III may support the location of
Tagarimu on the Elbistan plain, depending upon the identiication of the city named Uetas. Shalmaneser writes
how, [In my Ṭṭrd campaign] I crossed the Euphrates (and) received [the tribute of the kings of Hatti]. I departed
ṣṭṣ
Gürün is possibly a derived survivor of the same ancient toponym (though not the settle-
ment), as are Greek Gauraena , Hebrew Togarmah , Arabic Tarchamah and Armenian
Torgom .σṣ8 The town of Gürün could thus represent yet another shift in the toponomy, per-
haps as a satellite or offshoot from one of the earlier settlements.
––––––––
Only a single Assyrian letter contains any reference to the political institutions of Tegarama,
and in general very little is known about the city and its history as shown below:
To the Kaneš Colony from the Tegarama Colony. We hear that the king and the queen
[…]. Dear fathers and lords, our lords: since the land is in a state of revolt, we wrote for
your assistance. Save our messengers, Aššur-nada and Kura, since [they] have not given
anything to our messengers.σṣ9
In spite of the low number of Assyrian references to Tegarama, it appears to have been a im-
portant city in the trade that held a Colony (kārum) and a Colony Ofice (bēt kārim).σṬṢ In
addition to tin and textiles, a trade in wool, slaves and wine is mentioned in connection with
the city, which may give some hints to the character of its countryside.σṬṣ In addition to Talpa,
from the towns [of the land of Hatti], traversed Mt. Pala[...] and went down to [the towns of Lalla of Melid.] I
[besieged and conq]uered the city of Ue[taš, his fortiied city, (and) took] its booty. [I departed from Uetaš and
approached] the city of Tagari[mu, his fortiied city, PN] came to me [and seized my feet. His tribute] I received
[and imposed upon him (annual)] tax and tribute. I departed from [Tagarimu] (and) approached the city/tow[ns of
...]. The awe-inspiring radia[nce of the god Aššur, my lord, overwhelmed them.] They abandoned [the towns and
led to the mountain] to sa[ve their lives]. I destroyed their towns [and set them on ire]. From the twenty kings of
the land of [Tabal, I received their tribute]. (Restoration and translation from YaMaDa ṬṢṢṢa: 8ṣ-8Ṭ). N. P. Skøtt
Jørgensen suggests to me that Uetaš may be identical not only with Uita(ni) in the annals of Sarduri II (arutjunan
ṬṢṢṣ no. Ṭσṣ E, l. σ9, cf. astour ṣ979: τŞ Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: ṭṭṣ and n. ṣṣŞ YaMaDa ṬṢṢ6: ṬṬ6), but also with the
later Byzantine fortress of Adata (cf. HartMann ṣ9τṢŞ HilD ṣ977: ṣṭ8ff), which guarded the entrance to the so-
called Kanlı Yol . This narrow pass linked Commagene with the Plain of Elbistan along what is today the Gölba ı-
Nurhak-Elbistan road and Adata marked a strategic defensive position of the Byzantines during the Arab inva-
sions. Similarly, Uetas/Uita would have presented a major obstacle to any invader approaching from the
Euphrates. Shalmaneser III s Ṭṭrd campaign could be construed as a journey from the western bank of the river,
through the pass just north of Pazarcik (perhaps Mt Pala[...]), and down into the territory controlled by the king in
Malatya. The stronghold at Uetas was defeated and the passage onto Elbistan was laid open so that the Assyrian
army could proceed to Tegarama on a main road into Tabal.
σṣ8. The Arabic historiographer al-Tabari (d. AD 9Ṭṭ) states that: And among the events of this year [AD 7ṣṣ-7ṣṬ]
were the raid of al- Abbas, the son of al-Walid, into the land of the Romans, and God s capture of Sabastiyya
[Sivas] by his hands. And in it was the raid of Maslama, the son of Abd al-Malikh, into the land of the RomansŞ
and he took Masa [Amasya] and the fortress of al-Chadid and Ghazala and Tarchamah in the neighbourhood of
Malatya (cf. Brooks ṣ898: ṣ9ṭf.). The reference to Bit Togarmah in the Old Testament is in Gen. 6:σ, ṣṢ:ṭ and
Ezk. Ṭ7:ṣσ: They of the house of Togarmah traded in thy fairs with horses and horsemen and mules . The Uzun-
yayla just north of Gürün and the Elbistan Plain in later times became the centre of breeding for the inest horses
in the Ottoman army. However, note the proposal that the name should be emendated to *Bit Tugdamme in lipin-
ski ṣ98τ: Ṭṣ8 n. ṬṢŞ lanfrancHi ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭσ n. Ṭσ. For Armenian Torgom cf. Minassian ṣ97σ: 9ff.
σṣ9. Kt 8ṭ/k ṣṬ9: ‘a-na kà-ri-im] Kà-n‘i-i ] um-ma kà-ru-um Té-ga-ra-ma-ma ni- a-me-ma ru-ba-um ù ru-ba-tum ‘x
x x] a-ba-ú-ni be-lu-ú-ni a-tù-nu be-l‘u-ni] ki-ma ma-tum sà-hi-at-ni a-na a- a-ri-ku-nu ni-i -pu-ra-am A- ur-na-
da ù Ku-ra í-ip-ri-ni e -ra!-ma mì-ma a-qá-tí í-ip-ri-ni ú-lá i-dí-‘nu]. Reading e -ra!-ma instead of it-la-ni-ma
was kindly suggested by Dercksen.
σṬṢ. The kārum is attested in AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, σṭŞ kt i/k ṣṬṢŞ kt k/k τ7Ş TPAK ṣ, ṣ98. A bēt kārim is mentioned in AKT
τ, τ6 although this may also be a reference to the ofice in Kaneš. Finally, kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ (l. σ6-σ7) may refer to A- í-
a-at [ra?-di?]-im a Te9-gà-ra-ma.
σṬṣ. Wool is mentioned in AKT τ, τ6. Slaves from Tegarama occur in TPAK ṣ, ṬṢṢ, and kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6 refers to slaves
that are led out from Tegarama and sold (see above). References to wine appear three times: in kt a/k ṭστ: Wine
from Tegarama , kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ: τ anātu and 8 aluarātu of wine , and KUG Ṭσ refers to jugs, presumably of wine,
ṣṭṬ
σ.σ LUHUZATTIYA
one text refers to a village named āl I ūrātim (Birdtown) in the neighbourhood of the city.σṬṬ
Tegarama continues to appear in texts throughout the period of the Assyrian trade in Anatolia,σṬṭ
and as already stated, it survived as a settlement at least into Hittite times.
4.4 LuhuzattiyaσṬσ
Luhuzattiya often occurs in the Old Assyrian sources, and most of the toponyms that appear
alongside it are well attested elsewhere:
Balihum σ Hurama ṣṢ šalahšuwa ṭ

Birtu um ṣ āl Kane ī eσṬτ ṣ šalatuwar Ṭ
Burallum ṣ Karahna ṣ šamuha ṭ
Durhumit ṣ Kuburnat Ṭ Tegarama Ṭ
Hahhum ṭ Kuššara σ Timelkiya τ
Hamizanum ṣ Kutiya ṣ Wahšušana Ṭ
Haqa ṣ libbi mātim ṣ Zalpa ṭ
Hatikaitra ṣ Purušhaddum σ
Hattum ṭ Qa ara ṣ
Table ṣṬ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Luhuzattiya.σṬτ
Table ṣṬ and graph τ show that Luhuzattiya is most closely associated with Hurama, but
Hahhum, Hattum, šalahšuwa, šamuha, Tegarama and Timelkiya seem to be possible candi-
dates for the cluster.σṬ6
bought in Talpa and Supana. Strabo ṣṬ.Ṭ, ṣ states that Melitene was famous for its fruit orchards and wine, and
today the fertile soils produce one of the world s largest crops of apricot. When Ainsworth described the area in
the early ṣ9th century he also emphasised the fertility and diversity of the local agricultural production, stating that
the mountains at this time were still covered in oak forest, that the local Euphrates ish was a great delicacy, and
that the local wines were really good, cf. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ: Ṭττ-Ṭτ7 and also raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: ṭṣṭ.
σṬṬ. Cf. AKT τ, τ6.
σṬṭ. AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, σṭ come from the archive of Kuliya and are dated to the very end of the kārum II period. An
individual from Tegarama appears in the memorandum OIP Ṭ7, Ṭṣ from Ali ar dated to the Ib period.
σṬσ. Attestations of Luhuzattiya (various spellings) are found in: lu-hu-za-tí-a: ATHE 6ṬŞ BIN σ, ṣ6ṬŞ BIN σ, ṣ8ṣŞ BIN
6, ṣστŞ BIN 6, ṣ76Ş CCT ṣ, σṢcŞ CCT Ṭ, ṣ8Ş CCT Ṭ, σṭŞ CCT σ, 6cŞ CCT σ, ṣ9cŞ ICK ṣ, ṣŞ Kay ṣ8ṭṢŞ kt 87/k ττṣŞ
kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 68Ş kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7Ş kt 9σ/k Ṭ9τŞ kt 9σ/k τṢṣŞ kt
9σ/k τ7ṭŞ kt 9σ/k 7ṭṣŞ kt 9σ/k 8ṣ8Ş kt 9σ/k 9σ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṣτṣ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ kt c/k ṣṣŞ kt c/k 8ṭŞ kt c/k ṬṣṭŞ kt c/k
ṭ67Ş kt c/k ṭ7σŞ kt c/k 9ṬṬŞ kt c/k 9σσŞ kt m/k 69Ş kt n/k 76Ş kt n/k ṣ66Ş kt n/k Ṭ8ṭŞ kt n/k ṣσ7τŞ kt n/k ṣτ7τŞ OIP
Ṭ7, ττŞ TC ṣ, σṣŞ TC Ṭ, 7τŞ TPAK ṣ, 7ṢŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ8ṢŞ kt t/t 8ṬŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṢ9Ş [lu-h]u-za-tim: kt m/k ṣσ8, lu-ha-za-
tí-a: BIN 6, ṣ76, lu-hu- u-tí-a: kt 87/k σ6σŞ lu-hu-zú-tí-a: BIN σ, 6Ş ICK Ṭ, ṣṬṢŞ kt k/k τṣŞ TC ṭ, τṣŞ (nisbe): lá-hu-
za-tí-a-i-e: TMH ṣ, 6bŞ lu-hu-za-tí-a-e: kt 9ṭ/k 8σŞ lu-hu-za-tí-a-e-em: CCT Ṭ, σ8Ş lu-hu-za-tí-a-im: kt 9ṭ/k 6ṭŞ
lu-hu-za-ta-im: kt m/k ṣσσ.
σṬτ. Lit. the City of the Kanešeans
σṬ6. The attestations of Luhuzattiya together with other cities are found in: Balihum: kt c/k 9ṬṬŞ kt c/k 9σσŞ BIN 6,
ṣ76Ş ICK Ṭ, Ṭ77, Birtu um: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Burallum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Durhumit: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Hahhum: kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş
ATHE 6ṬŞ TC ṣ, σṣ, Hamizanum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Haqa: kt m/k ṣσ8, Hatikaitra: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Hattum: kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş
kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş ICK ṣ, ṣ, Hurama: kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ CCT Ṭ, σ8Ş ICK ṣ,
ṣŞ KTK 6σŞ kt 8Ṭ/tŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṢ9, āl Kanešī’ē: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Karahna: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Kuburnat: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣ,
Ku ara: AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ICK ṣ,ṣŞ Kay 9τŞ Kay ṣ8ṭṢ, Kutiya: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ libbi mātim: CCT Ṭ, σ8, Puru haddum:
kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭ67Ş kt m/k ṣσ8Ş kt n/k Ṭ8ṭ, Qa ara: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, alah uwa: AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ KTK
6σ, alatuwar: AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ BIN σ, 6, amuha: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k 8σŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7, Tegarama: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş AKT
6, σ9ṣŞ Timelkiya: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ kt c/k ṣṣŞ KTK 6σ, Wah u ana: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7Ş BIN σ, 6,
Zalpa: kt 87/k ττṣŞ kt c/k ṭ67Ş kt m/k ṣσσ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied
ṣṭṭ
Balihum
Hahhum
Hattum
Hurama
Kuburnat
Kuššara
Purušhaddum
Šalahšuwa
Šalatuwar
Šamuha
Tegarama
Timelkiya
Wahšušana
Zalpa
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Graph 5: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Luhuzattiya. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Although Balihum appears in four texts alongside Luhuzattiya, it occurs only in reference to
the origin of commodities.σṬ7 Timelkiya, Hurama and šalahšuwa are known to have sat on the
main route connecting the Euphrates and Kaneš, and so the presence of those three cities to-
gether with Hattum, šamuha and Tegarama in the cluster points to a general direction of
Luhuzattiya vis-à-vis the main route.
So far, most studies of Anatolian geography have placed Luhuzattiya on the main route
between Hahhum and Kaneš.σṬ8 Locus classicus is the letter ATHE 6Ṭ, which relates to a situ-
ation where a shipment of textiles from Assur arrives in Hahhum on the Euphrates. The au-
thors of the message, who are situated in Kaneš, have received news that a group of Assyrian
merchants have been caught in the act of dealing in contraband. For this reason, they instruct
their own agent in Hahhum not to smuggle anything onwards to Kaneš:
Out of ṣστ textiles, including with those of the caravan leaders, that were transported by
Amur-Ištar, he left Akkadian textiles in the house of your son-in-law in Hahhum ... The
son of Erraya sent his smuggled goods to Pušu-ken, but his contraband was caught, and
Pušu-ken has been seized and put in jail by the palace. The guard posts are strong. The
queen has written to Luhuzattiya, Hurama, šalahšuwa and her own country about the
smuggling, and eyes have been posted. Urgent! Do not smuggle anything. In case you
to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not neces-
sarily just journeys from A to B).
σṬ7. Cf. alBaYrak ṬṢṢ8. An argument for the location of Balihum in the same general region as Luhuzattiya are pre-
sented in MicHel & veenHof ṬṢṣṢ n. ṭτ. Also the location of Luhuzattiya and the Land of Harabiš within the
same general area may be implied by a dossier of seven texts belonging to the correspondence of Ali-Ahum son
of šalim-Aššur (vol. ṭ of Larsen s forthcoming edition of the archive of šalim-Aššur). The texts all relate to
problems concerning the collection of a debt owed by a certain šu-Enlil. In kt 9σ/k 9σ9 the debtor is said to have
left for Luhuzattiya, whereas kt 9σ/k ṣσ7Ṭ states that šu-Enlil has gone to māt Harabiš.
σṬ8. See e.g. forlanini ṣ99Ṣ: ṣṬṬŞ ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ69 n. ṭ6Ş Di nocera & forlanini ṣ99Ṭ, based on a now outdated reading
of KTK 6σ (see below).
ṣṭσ
σ.σ LUHUZATTIYA
already travelled to Timelkiya, then you should leave the a ium-metal of yours, which
you brought, in a safe house in Timelkiya and you should leave behind one of your ser-
vants, who is reliable, and then you should come here so that we may consult with you.σṬ9
The Queen mentioned is most likely the ruler of Kaneš, who appears at some point to have
set a plan in motion in order to put a stop to Assyrian traders smuggling.σṭṢ She apparently
sent out letters to all neighbouring states, surely in order to win their support against the
smugglers, and Pušu-ken, whose agent was caught smuggling, was put in jail. The recipient
of ATHE 6Ṭ must initially have intended to trade in the forbidden a ium-metal, and so the
authors of the letter instruct him to leave his consignment behind in Timelkiya. It has earlier
been established that Timelkiya and Hahhum were neighbouring states, and on grounds of the
present letter it would appear that taking the shipment as far as Timelkiya was not considered
a crime. This would in turn suggest that the states contacted by the queen, i.e. Luhuzattiya,
Hurama and šalahšuwa, were located between Timelkiya and Kaneš.
However, the letter does not indicate whether those three cities were located on a single
route to Kaneš or whether they were situated on several alternative roads. According to the
letter KTK 6σ, it would in fact appear that Luhuzattiya was located on a distinct route:
He should saddle up the donkey belonging to šukuku and Išme-Aššur. If there is a lot of
snow, he should not go smuggling. He is to hire porters, and not leave anything behind.
He should let it travel to Luhuzattiya. When he enters Timelkiya he should send a mes-
sage to you, and you should ask for a guide from Azu (king of Luhuzattiya), and then you
must send him to Ali-abum. The Huramean and the šalahšuwean should not levy the
nishātum-tax.σṭṣ
The passage implies that one could travel directly from Timelkiya to Luhuzattiya and avoid
taxation in šalahšuwa and Hurama, but this required a royal guide or smuggling. Also, the
passage shows that Luhuzattiya was located further away from Timelkiya than Hurama and
šalahšuwa, at least on the route that was usually followed by the Assyrians.
The position of Luhuzattiya on the main road between Hahhum and Kaneš can be rejected
on grounds of several independent criteria. Firstly, a number of documents refer to journeys
from Timelkiya via Hurama and šalahšuwa to Kaneš without mentioning Luhuzattiya. Al-
though it is not uncommon that individual stations are omitted in a given record, the number
of references to journeys between Hahhum and Kaneš that mention Timelkiya, Hurama and
šalahšuwa, but leave out Luhuzattiya, points to its location off the main route.
σṬ9. ATHE 6Ṭ (l. σ-7): i-na me-at στ TÚG.HI.A qá-dì a kà- a-ri a é-ep A-mur-I tar šÀ.BA ṭ TÚG ‘ ]a A-ki-dì-e
i-na Ha-hi-im DUMU e-mì-kà e -zi-ib ... (l. Ṭ8-σṭ): pá-zu-ur-tù- u DUMU Èr-ra-a a- é-er Pu- u-ke-en6 ú- é-ri-
a-ma pá-zu-ur-tù- u i- í-bi-it-ma Pu- u-ke-en6 É.GAL-lúm i -ba-at-ma a-na ki- é-er- í-im i-dì ma- a-ra-tum!
da-na a-na Lu-hu-za-ti-a Hu-ra-ma a-lá-ah- u-a a-na ma-ti- a a-dì a pá-zu-ur-tim ru-ba-tum ta-á -pur-ma e-
na-tum na-ad-a a-pu-tum mì-ma lá tù-pá-za-ar u-ma a-na Ti-me-el-ki-a te9-ti-qám a- í-a-kà a tù- é-ta-qá-ni
i-na be-tim SIGτ i-na Ti-me-el-ki-a e-zi-ib-ma i -te9-en i-na ú-ha-ri-kà a ki qá-qí -dì-kà e-zi-ib-ma a-ta et-qám-
ma a-na-kam lu ni-im-lik.
σṭṢ. Cf. also AKT 6, ṭ8σŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ69Ṭ (cf. σ.9).
σṭṣ. KTK 6σ: ANšE a u-ku-ku ú I -me-A- ur li-is-ri-dam u-ma ku-pá-um ma-da pá-zi-ir-tum lá i-lá-ak a biσ-lá-tim
li-guτ-ur-ma mì-ma lá i-zi-ba-am a-Lu-hu-za-tí-a lu- é-tí-qam ki-ma a-Tí-mì-‘i]lτ-ki-a e-ru-bu tí-ir- tù - u a- é-ri-
kà li-li-kam-ma ra-dí-am i -tí A-zu e-ri-i -ma a- é-er A-lá -biσ-im ù-ru-sú-ma Hu-ra-ma-i-um ú a-lá-ah- u-a-
i-um ni-is-ha-tim lá i-lá-qé-ú. I am grateful to the curator of the tablet collection at the Pushkin State Museum of
Fine Arts in Moscow, Ilya Khait, for collating and photographing the text for me (ṬṢ.Ṣτ.ṬṢṣṢ). The tablet itself is
likely to be an archival copy of the actual instruction sent.
ṣṭτ
Furthermore, Luhuzattiya and Hurama appear three times as often together in texts as
Luhuzattiya and šalahšuwa, and not a single text refers to a direct journey between the latter.
Finally, a number of records prove that Luhuzattiya and Hurama were directly linked, e.g.
according to kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ:
Five minas of scrap metal in the steppe for transport. From Qa ara to Hamizanum ṣ/ṭ mina
of tin for (extra) transport. I replaced a donkey and had to balance ṣ mina and ṣτ shekels
of tin. From Burallum to Birtu um ṣ7 shekels of tin for transport. 7 shekels of tin as hire of
a wagon from the City of the Kanešites to Timelkiya. From Timelkiya to Hurma I paid Ṭ
shekels of silver and Ṭ shekels of tin for the hire of a donkey. From Huraşma> to Luhuzattiya
I paid ṭ shekels of silver and ṭ shekels of tin for the hire of a donkey.σṭṬ
Taken together, this implies that Luhuzattiya was located on a separate route that branched
out from the main Euphrates road in Hurama.σṭṭ In fact, travellers passing through Luhuzat-
tiya appear to have continued in a direction other than Kaneš:
I paid half a shekel of silver for lodgings in Hurama. I paid Ikun-piya son of Daya ṣṬ
shekels in Luhuzattiya for the smuggling of the textiles. I paid ṭ shekels of tin [for the
donkey]s (and) his lodging [in GN]. I paid [x shekels of tin] at the bridge. I paid [x shek-
els of t]in for lodgings in šamuha. I paid ṣ shekel of silver in wages for the porter until
šamuha.σṭσ
This text implies that Luhuzattiya was located on a track that linked up with the Kaneš-Euphrates
road in Hurama and ties Luhuzattiya to šamuha. Two additional examples support this:
Your representatives gave me 7 talents and ṬṢ minas of dirty wool in Luhuzattiya, and
also there, ṣ talent τṢ minas of u ītum-wool ... I took in šamuha [...] and all of this I took
in šamuha ... ṭṢṢ kipunani and ṣṢṢ combs, which your representatives gave me in Luhu-
zattiya, ... I have bought rope in šamuha.σṭτ
In total: Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas of silver was brought to you by Asanum. Sell the goods, be it in
Luhuzattiya or in šamuha.σṭ6
σṭṬ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ: τ ma-na hu- a-e i-na kà- í-im a-na ta- í-a-tim i -tù Qá- a-ra a-di Ha-mì-sá-nim ṣ/ṭ ma-na AN.NA
a-ta- í-a-tim ANšE u -pá-ilτ-ma ṣ ma-na ṣτ GÍN AN.NA a-pu-ul i -tù Bu-ra-li-im a-di Bi-ir-tù-im ṣ7 GÍN
AN.NA a-na ta- í-a-tim 7 GÍN AN.NA i -tù a-al Kà-ni- í-e a-dí Tí-me-el-ki-a a-na ig-ri e-re-qí-im i -tù Tí-me-
el-ki-a a-di Hu-ur-ma a-na ig-ri ANšE Ṭ GÍN KÙ Ṭ GÍN AN.NA á -qúl i -tù Hu-ra-şmaš a-dí Lu-ha-za-tí-a ṭ
GÍN KÚ.BABBAR ṭ GÍN AN.NA a-na ig-ri ANšE.
σṭṭ. Though they were probably not located very far from one another – a broken passage in AKT 6, σ9ṣ lists the ex-
penses of one person travelling between Kaneš and Luhuzattiya: When I sent Ali-ahum to Luhuzattiya, six
shekels of silver for lodgings, [x] minas of silver for sundries … (l. 89-9ṣ): i-nu-mì A-lá-ha-am a-na Lu-hu-za-
tí-a á -pu-ru 6 GÍ[N] KÙ.BABBAR a-na É!-[ub]-ri [x ma-n]a KÙ.BABBAR a-sá-he-er-tí- u. In comparison,
(l. 8ṭ-87) of the same text record the expenses on a journey of one individual from Kaneš to Timelkiya at ṣṢ
shekels: τ shekels for lodgings in šalahšuwa and τ shekels for lodgings in Hurama.
σṭσ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣτ): ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Hu-ra-ma a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in ṣṬ GÍN pá-zu-ur-ti TÚG.HI.A i-na
Lu-hu-za-tí-a a-na I-ku-pí-a DUMU Da-a-a a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.NA [a-na ANšE].HI.A wa-bar- u [i-na x x x] a-dí-
in [x GÍN AN.NA] i-tí-tù-ri-im [x GÍN AN.]NA a-na É [wa]-áb-ri i-na a -mu-ha a-dí-in ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
a-na ig-ri a biσ-ilτ-tim a-dí a-mu-ha a-dí-in.
σṭτ. Kt 9ṭ/k 8σ (l. ṭ-6): 7 GÚ ṬṢ? ma-na SÍG.HI.A lá-hu-tám a ki-ma ku-a-tí i-Lu-hu-za-tí-a-e i-dí-nu-nim ṣ GÚ τṢ
ma-na SÍG.HI.A ú- í-tám á -ra-kam-ma i-dí-nu-nim ... (l. 9): i- a-mu-ha al-qé ... (l. ṬṢ-Ṭṣ): mì-ma a-nim [i-na]
a-mu-ha ra? al-qé ... (l. Ṭ6-ṭṢ): ṭ me-at ki-pú-na-ni ú ṣ me-at mu-u - á-tim a ki-ma ku-a-tí i-Lu-hu-za-tí-a i-dí-
nu-nim ... i- a-mu-ha-a eb-li á -ta-a-am.
σṭ6. Kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7 (l. 9-ṣṬ): šU.NIGÍN Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR A-sà-nim ub-lá-kum lu i-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a lu i-na
a-mu-ha-a lu-qú-tám ta-dá-nam.
ṣṭ6
σ.σ LUHUZATTIYA
In the course of the analysis of the Tegarama cluster it was shown that Luhuzattiya may have
been located on a route from Tegarama to Hattum and presumably in the same general area.
More importantly, the Tegarama and the Luhuzattiya clusters both contain a number of
references to Hattum, which may, as already stated, have been a regional term for the eastern
part of Central Anatolia. The common attestations of šamuha in the Luhuzattiya cluster, and
the frequent appearance of Kuššara in the Tegarama cluster further supports this general im-
age. Two letters from the archive of Elamma together help to place Luhuzattiya on a route
between Hurama and Hattum:
To Irma-Aššur from Ennam-Aššur. Previously, I sent ṭ minas less ṭ shekels of silver

with šu-Suen to you in Kaneš from Hattum, and you brought the money to the City (As-
sur), so I said: It is my father, who should come, and he should bring at least ṣṢ minas
of tin from the City, and ... [long break] ... I gave you half a mina of silver under my seal
in Hurama in front of Azutaya and Nide-bani – nishātum-tax added and addu utum-
taxes paid – as a votive gift to Aššur. I said: My dear father and lord – buy tin and have
it sent here , but you have not sent anything. (Regarding) the textiles that you entrusted
to me in Luhuzattitya, the roads were in turmoil and until the situation was solved, the
textiles were in the villages for six months. I asked you to cover the expenses in Hurama,
but you said: I will leave and send you one or two minas from Hahhum . However, you
have sent nothing and Luhuzattiya [...].σṭ7
Kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9Ṣ, which was also written by Ennam-Aššur, elaborates upon the events relating to
Hurama and Hahhum:
When you wrote your message in Hurama to me about the textiles, you gave me nothing
but Ṭ ṣ/σ shekels of silver. So I said: (At least) give me some money on account for
expenses on the journey , but you answered: When you have sent the textiles on their
way I will leave , and then I sent you between ṣ/Ṭ and Ṭ minas from Hahhum to cover
your expenses. But even though I wrote to you several times in Hahhum, you never sent
me anything. When you left, did you not know that the roads were in turmoil, and that
the palaces were on guard? Until the matter was cleared, I spent eight months in libbi
mātim. I then went in the villages where the textiles were stashed, I took the textiles out,
and with great effort I brought the textiles into Wahšušana to your representatives ... I
sent šu-Suen with ṭ minas less ṭ shekels to you from Hattum.σṭ8
σṭ7. Kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7 (l. ṣ-9): a-na Ir-ma-A- ur qí-bi-ma um-ma En-um-A- ur-ma ṭ ma-na LÁ ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-pá-
ni-tim i -tù Ha-tim i -tí u-Sú-en6 a-na Kà-ni-ì ú- é-biσ-lá-ku-ma KÙ.BABBAR a-na A-limki tù-bi-ilτ-ma ‘um-
ma] a-na-ku-şmaš a-bi u-ut i-lá-ak-ma ‘i -t]ù A-limki AN.NA ṣṢ ma-na ‘ú- é-(ba)-lá]-ma ... (l. Ṭσ-σṢ): [ṣ/Ṭ
ma-na KÙ.BABBAR] ni-is-ha-sú DIRI a-du-a-sú ‘ a-bu ik]-ri-biσ a A- ur ku-nu-ki-a [IGI A]-zu-ta-a IGI Ni-dí-
ba-ni i-na Hu-ra-ma a-dí-na-ku-um um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-biσ a-ta be-lí a-ta AN.NA a-ma-ma é-biσ-lam a-ta
mì-ma- a-ma lá tù-u -té-biσ-lam TÚG.HI-tù a i-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a tap-qí-da-ni ha-ra-na-tum sà-ah-a-ma a-dí-i
a-wa-tum iz-ku-a-ni TÚG.HI-tù a-lá-ni-ma ib- í-ú ITU.6.KAM i-na Hu-ra-ma gám-ra-am e-ri-i -kà um-ma a-ta-
ma a-lá-ak-ma ‘i] -tù Ha-hi-im AN.NA ṣ ma-na ù Ṭ ma-na ‘ú- é-ba-lá-kum] mì-ma lá tù-u -té-‘bi-lam] ù ? Lu-
hu-«ga»-za-tí- a [x x x]. Partial duplicate of kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66.
σṭ8. Kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9Ṣ (l. Ṭ-ṬṬ): i-nu-‘mì i-na] Hu-ra-ma na-á -pè-er-tá‘m] a-dí TÚG.HI.A tù-lá-pì-ta-‘ni] e-lá Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR a-‘ni-tám lá] ta-dí-na-ni um-ma a-na-ku-‘ma] gám-ra-am a ha-ra-nim a-qá-‘tí-a] dí-na-am um-
ma a-ta-ma a- dí TÚG.HI.A ta- a-lá-ha-ni ù a-na-ku a-lá-ak-ma i -tù Ha-hi-im ṣ/Ṭ şma>-na ù Ṭ ma-na a-gám-
ri-kà ú- é-bí-lá-kum ù a-dí ma-lá ù í-ni- u a-na Ha-hi-im á -pu-ra-ku-ma a-ta mì-ma lá tù-u -té-bi-lam i-nu-mì
ta-tal-ku lá tí-dí-e ki-ma ha-ra-na-tum sà-hu-a-ni ù É.GAL-lu da-nu-ni a-dí a-wa-tum iz-ku-a-ni ITU.8.KAM i-na
li-bi ma-tim as-hu-ur TÚG.HI-tù i-na a-lá-ni a- ar ib- í-ú-ni a-lik-ma TÚG.HI.A ú- é- í-a-ma a-na-ah-ma TÚG.
HI.A a- é-er a-zu-za-tí-kà a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ú - é-ri-ib-ma ... (l. ṭ8-σṢ): ṭ ma-na LÁ ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
i -tí u-Sú-en6 i -tù Ha-tim ú-ş éš-bi-lá-ku-ma.
ṣṭ7
The travels of Ennam-Aššur and Irma-Aššur would appear to have been as follows: more than
six months beforehand, while Ennam-Aššur was in Luhuzattiya, Irma-Aššur sent him a letter,
some silver and an order on what to do with a consignment of textiles arriving in Hurama
from Assur. Thereupon, Irma-Aššur continued his journey to Hahhum, where he stayed for a
while before inally leaving for Assur. In the meantime, Ennam-Aššur went to Hattum (also
referred to as the libbi mātim) but unrest broke out and the consignment had to be stored in
villages there. Once the situation had settled down, Ennam-Aššur sent the goods from Hattum
to Wahšušana. Furthermore, he sent šu-Suen from Hattum to Irma-Aššur in Kaneš with a sum
of money. Ennam-Aššur now eagerly awaits the next shipment of tin from Assur. The cities
appear to have been linked as follows:
Wahšušana Hattum/libbi mātim
Kaneš Luhuzattiya
Hurama Hahhum
Assur (the City)
Fig. 11: Connections of the Luhuzattiya cluster according to kt 91/k 290 and kt 91/k 407.
A direct geographical relation between Luhuzattiya, Hattum and Kuššara is further implied
in the case of an Assyrian trading partnership that was formed for a shipment of the valuable
amūtum-metal. The letters and legal testimonies of this complex affair have already been
studied in great detail (cf. also σ.7),σṭ9 but two passages of the judicial protocol ICK ṣ, ṣ give
the clearest geographical picture:
PNṣ and PNṬ answered Sahaya … out of the large amount of amūtum-metal that you
promised our father, Puzur-Aššur and Ali-abum bought ṣτ ṣ/Ṭ shekels (c. ṣṬτ g) of
amūtum in Hattum, and it was you they entrusted it to in Luhuzattiya, and they sent it
with you to our father ... Without our knowledge or that of your father s partners, you
went from Hurama to our father in Kaneš, and as the sickbed held our father, you cheat-
ed our father, saying: I will add the 9τ shekels of silver that I withdrew from your capi-
tal onto the price of the amūtum, and I personally paid the 8 shekels of gold that the
palace in Kuššara had obliged Ali-abum to pay . But not only did you withdraw the
money without adding anything to the price of the amūtum yourselfŞ you also never went
up to Kuššara, and you never paid the 8 shekels of gold … σσṢ
σṭ9. lanDsBerger ṣ9τṢ: ṭṭṢ-ṭṭ7Ş lewY ṣ9τṢ.

σσṢ. ICK ṣ, ṣ: (l. ṣ-Ṭ): A- ùr-re- í ù u-Sú-en6 Sà-ha-a e-pu-lu (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ8): i-na KÙ.AN ma-dim a pì-kà a-na a-biσ-ni
ta-dí-nu ṣτ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.AN Puzurσ-A- ùr ù A-lá-bu-um i-na Ha-tim i -ú-mu-ma ku-wa-tí i-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a ‘i]-
dí-nu-ni-ku-ma a- é-er ‘a]-biσ-ni ú- é-biσ-lu-ni-kà-ma (l. ṭ8-τσ): i-na lá i-da-i-ni ú a-zu-za-tim a a-biσ-ni i -tù
Hu-ra-ma a- é-er a-biσ-ni a-na Kà-ni-i té-ru-ba-ma a-bu-ni er- u-um ú-kà-al- u a-bu-ni tù-ni-ma um-ma a-ta-
ma ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a i-na li-biσ KÙ.BABBAR-pì-kà al-qé-ú a-na í-im KÙ.AN ú-ra-dí-e ù 8
ṣṭ8
σ.σ LUHUZATTIYA
Hattum
Luhuzattiya Hurama Kaneš
Kuššara
Fig. 12: Connections of the Luhuzattiya cluster according to ICK 1, 1.
The metal was bought in Hattum, entrusted to Sahaya in Luhuzattiya and taken to Hurama.
Sahaya then met with the investor in Kaneš and fraudulently claimed that he had paid for the
metal in the irst place. This had allegedly taken place in Kuššara, and the route – imagined
or real – took Sahaya from Kuššara to Luhuzattiya, Hurama and inally to Kaneš (Cf. Fig. ṣṬ).
A study of the exact connections between Kuššara and Luhuzattiya are covered in the fol-
lowing section, where it is demonstrated that Luhuzattiya was located on a route that branched
away from the main thoroughfare between Hahhum and Kaneš in Hurama. This road led from
Hurama via Luhuzattiya to Kuššara and šamuha and into Anatolia east of Kaneš.
The common reference to smuggling via Luhuzattiya may have related exactly to this ac-
tivity of sending goods around and east of Kaneš into Central Anatolia. This would explain
why the queen of Kaneš wrote not only to šalahšuwa and Hurama, but also included Luhuzat-
tiya as indicated by ATHE 6Ṭ. However, there is only one direct reference to the narrow
track in the Luhuzattiya dossier, and the main route for contraband moving into Anatolia may
not always have passed directly through Luhuzattiya. The topic is further explored in σ.9. The
position of the city on a northbound route east of Kaneš is also inferred from the two letters
kt 9σ/k τ7ṭ and kt 9σ/k 7ṭṣ written to Ali-ahum in Kaneš. The letters refer to an aborted at-
tempt at smuggling in which a shipment of textiles made it as far as Luhuzattiya before it had
to turn back to Kaneš. The fees paid to the men in charge of the smuggling were less than irst
agreed.
From Man-mahir to Ali-ahum: Inform me whether or not they have brought in the tex-
tiles from Luhuzattiya. If they have brought them in, then convert them to silver as I in-
structed you … Their smuggling (cost) 7 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver. They asked for σṢ shekels
of silver from Enna-Suen, but give them 7 ṣ/Ṭ shekels.σσṣ
From Man-mahir to Ali-ahum: I have sent word to you both once and twice concerning
the textiles that are in Luhuzattiya. If they have brought them in there (in Kaneš), then
convert them to silver in accordance with my instructions.σσṬ
–––––
GÍN KÙ.GI a A-lá-ba-am É.GAL-lúm i-na Ku- a-ra ik-sí-ú a-na-ku á -qú-ul a KÙ.BABBAR a-ta ta-at-bu-lu-
ma a-na í-im KÙ.AN mì-ma lá tù-ra-dí-ú ú a-na Ku- a-ra e-lá-ú-ma lá té-li-ú ú 8 GÍN KÙ.GI lá ta-á -qú-lu.
σσṣ. Kt 9σ/k τ7ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣṬ): um-ma Ma-ma-hi-ir-ma a-na A-lá-hi-im qí-biσ-ma u-ma TÚG.HI.A a Lu-hu-za-tí-şaš
ú- é-ri-bu-nim lá ú- é-ri-bu-nim úz-ni pì-té u-ma ú- é-ri-bu-ni- u-nu a-ma-lá ú- a-hi-zu-kà a-na KÙ.BABBAR
ta-er- u-nu (l. ṣ6-Ṭṣ): pá-zu-ur-ta- u-nu 7 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR Ṭ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i -tí En-na-Sú-‘in]
e-rí- u-ma 7 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN dí- u -nu- tí .
σσṬ. Kt 9σ/k 7ṭṣ (l. ṣ-ṣṢ): um-ma Ma-ma-hi-ir-ma a-na A-la-hi-im qí-bi-ma a-dí ma-la ù í-ni- u tí-ir-tí i-li-kà-kum
a-dí-i TÚG.HI.A a i-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a i-ba- í-ú-ni u-ma a-mì- a-am ù- é-ri-bu-ni- u-nu a-ma-lá tí-ir-tí-a a-na
KÙ.BABBAR ta-er- u-nu.
ṣṭ9
The discussion of the location of Luhuzattiya has been hampered by the fact that some later
Hittite and Neo-Assyrian sources apparently contain references to a homonymous toponym,
Lawazantiya, located somewhere in Cilicia. However, references in the Old Assyrian mate-
rial all point to a location of Luhuzattiya somewhere east of Kaneš and on a route into Central
Anatolia, which its badly with a position in Cilicia. This does of course not exclude the ex-
istence of a homonymous settlement elsewhere and during a later period.
Old Hittite sources write the toponym alternatively as Lawazantiya and LahuwazantiyaŞ
both spellings are relatively well attested and can refer to the same city. σσṭ Landsberger initi-
ated the discussion about the location of Lawazantiya in relation to the Old Assyrian sources,
placing the city in the Anti-Taurus between Kummanni and the Euphrates.σσσ After him Güter-
bock, Goetze, Bossert and Lewy all discussed the location of the city in some detail, and in
the end they all came to roughly the same result.σστ
Garelli placed Luhuzattiya in a political hierarchy below a) Hahhum, b) Hurama, Mamma
and Timelkiya, with c) Kuššara and Tegarama,σσ6 and to this last category, Nashef later added
šalahšuwa.σσ7 It has also been suggested that Luhuzattiya was under the administration of
nearby Hurama, but this idea now has to be abandoned.σσ8 Forlanini was the irst to locate
σσṭ. Cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: Ṭṭ7-Ṭṭ8. Which spelling is used appears to be chronologically rather than geo-
graphically determined.
σσσ. lanDsBerger ṣ9Ṭσ.
σστ. güterBock ṣ9ṭ8: ṣṣṭŞ goetZe ṣ9σṢ: 7Ṭ-7ṭŞ Bossert ṣ9τṣ (Karahöyük Elbistan)Ş lewY ṣ9τṬ (in Eastern Cilicia)
changed to J. lewY ṣ96Ṭ (Karahöyük Elbistan or near Izgin). However, note orlin ṣ97Ṣ: 8ṣ who continues to
locate it in eastern Cilicia, and keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: ṣṢṬ-ṣṢṭ (Anazarbus or Castabala).
σσ6. garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṣṬτff.
σσ7. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: 79.
σσ8. See goetZe ṣ9σṢ: 7ṭ and garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṣṣṬ, who made this claim on the basis of EL ṬτṬ = VS Ṭ6, ṣṢ9. The text
simply states that a group of witnesses present at a hearing in Luhuzattiya later reappeared in a court case in
Hurama. See Hertel ṬṢṢ7: ṣṣτ-ṣṣ8 for a discussion of the legal procedure surrounding this practice, and why
the information about the whereabouts of witnesses is insigniicant for the study of the historical geography. In
this particular text, the opposing parties in a legal case are said to have seized us , i.e. the witnesses, at a former
occasion in Luhuzattiya to be present during a hearing. The result of that hearing in Luhuzattiya has become the
object of a judicial case held in Hurama, and the six individuals who had been present in Luhuzattiya are called
back in as witnesses in Hurama to deliver a testimony on what had happened at the former occasion. Three were
able to turn up in Hurama, while three were absent (tappā um – cf. veenHof ṣ99ṣ: στσ-σττ). It has been a persist-
ent problem for the study of Old Assyrian geography that such documents, in which witnesses from earlier hear-
ings are called in to give a testimony at a new location, have been used to reconstruct a political and geographi-
cal dependence between cities. The nature of Old Assyrian society in Anatolia meant that all social, political and
legal structures and institutions were based upon a system of individuals in perpetual motion. To make a judicial
system function under such conditions, hearings in front of witnesses, when two traders happen to cross paths,
became of vital importance. And so, where a testimony happened to be collected and written down has nothing
to do with the place in which the case was later presented. For the purpose of the present study, Hertel kindly
compiled a list for me of the examples of cases in which witnesses, present at a testimony in location A, are
called in again to repeat what they heard in location B. The best example against a geographical interpretation
comes from kt 9ṣ/k σ9σ in which witnesses, who participated in a hearing in Assur, are called in to give a testi-
mony in Kaneš. Presumably no one would locate Assur and Kaneš close to one another on the basis of this at-
testation, or claim that Assur was in a subservient position to Kaneš. The procedure of seizing someone to act as
a witness or to give a testimony could take place anywhere, e.g.: kt 78/Et ṣṢ7: In [Puruš]haddum , kt a/k ṣṢ66:
Upon his departure , ICK ṣ, ṣ88: In the Gate of the God , KUG ṣσ: On the marketplace (decided by the Ple-
nary Assembly of the Purušhaddum Colony), kt k/k ττ: Upon his departure , kt k/k 76: Upon the departure of
Adad- ulluli , kt m/k ṣṭ6: Upon his departure , kt n/k ṣ87: On the bank of the River Humatum (cf. also kt n/k
τσṣ and kt n/k 7ṣτ) , TC ṣ, 96: Upon his departure , TMH ṣ, ṬṢb: When they were about to leave . The exam-
ples of a witness seized in city A, who repeated his testimony during continued proceedings in city B are: kt ṢṢ/k
7: vs. Zua the scribe from Wašhaniya. Proceedings in WahšušanaŞ AKT 6, ṣṢσ: in šu-Anum s caravan in Zalpa.
Proceedings in KuburnatŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṭ78: Purušhaddum. Proceedings in KanešŞ AKT 6, ṣṢσ: Purušhaddum. Pro-
ceedings in KanešŞ kt a/k σṢṭ: Purušhaddum. Proceedings in KuburnatŞ kt a/k τṣṭ: Purušhaddum. Proceedings
in KuburnatŞ AKT ṭ, σṭ: Timelkiya. Proceedings in KanešŞ AKT ṭ, τṣ: Kaneš. Proceedings in WahšušanaŞ CCT
τ, ṣṢb: in Ulama on our way down . Proceedings in DurhumitŞ CCT τ, ṣṬb: when he came from Ušša . Pro-
ṣσṢ
σ.σ LUHUZATTIYA
Luhuzattiya off the main route between Hahhum and Kaneš, and instead he placed the city on
the Narrow Track from Timelkiya on the basis of his reading of the letter KTK 6σ.σσ9
Trémouille re-opened the old discussion about whether the Hittite evidence might refer to
more than a single Lawazantiya.στṢ The late Imperial Hittite texts place a Lawazantiya on the
river (at) the spring(s?) in the vicinity of Kummanni in the Province of Kizzuwatna.στṣ The
Hittite queen Puduhepa, daughter of the high priest of šawuška, was native to this important
city,στṬ and this is where she met Hattusili III upon his return from the Battle of Qadeš.στṭ Else-
where, the city is said to have been located on the rivers Alda and Tarmanna, not too far from
the important religious capital of Kizzuwatna.στσ Trémouille has proven a geographical conti-
nuity in the ritual feasts from Kummanni to Lahuwazantiya, Wiyanawanda and The Sea , and
she has argued in favour of the location of Lawazantiya as well as Kummanni, in Cilicia.σττ
In the meantime, Bossert s early reading of the name Lawazantiya on the Luwian stele
from Karahöyük Elbistan (σ.ṭ) has been abandoned,στ6 and even though the reliefs at Fraktın
south of the Erciyas relate to the Goddess of Lawazantiya, this does not imply that the city
has to be sought in the same place.στ7 Trémouille argued that a lot of evidence pulls late Hittite
Lawazantiya far from its position north of the main Assyrian trade route from the Euphrates.
Also the mention of Lwsnd in a letter from Ugarit,στ8 and the appearance of Lusanda in the
annals of the ṬṢth campaign of Neo-Assyrian king Shalmanesser III to Amanus and Que,στ9
can be interpreted as evidence for a southern location of the city.
The main cause of the controversy in localizing Luhuzattiya has thus arisen from the con-
lation of two separate geographical entities under a single heading. In fact, also some of the
Hittite references seem to relate to the more northern, Old Assyrian Luhuzattiya. The Hittite
letter HKM 96 from Ma at Höyük that gives a geographical sequence: Tapigga (Ma at),
Mount Sakaddunuwa, Sanahwitta, Lawazantiya and Isuwa, most likely refers to the northern
ceedings in PurušhaddumŞ ICK ṣ, 6ṣ: in Hurama. Proceedings in HuramaŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṢ9: In Luhuzattiya . Pro-
ceedings in Hurama.
σσ9. forlanini ṣ99Ṣ: ṣṬṬ w. map, and also kawasaki ṣ996. forlanini ṬṢṢσbŞ ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ69 n. ṭ6 abandons this view and
places the city on the main route to Kaneš, before Hurama and on the Plain of Elbistan.
στṢ. tréMouille ṣ996Ş ṬṢṢṢŞ ṬṢṢṣ. Contra forlanini ṣ979: ṣ7Ṣ who linked Astuyara/Asturiya in the cultic texts on
the festival in Lawazantiya with the Roman city A/Osdara on the Elbistan Plain. Forlanini later changed his mind
(see e.g. forlanini ṬṢṢṣ) and recognised the existence of two Lawazantiyas, which goes to show how dificult it
is to use linguistic similarities as proof in the study of historical geography. forlanini ṬṢṢσb: ṭṢṣ localises the
northern Luhuzattiya: ai margini dell altiplano , which agrees well with the Assyrian evidence. He also points
out the signiicance of the fact that Cilicia never occurs in the Assyrian evidence, and concludes that this area may
have been under the dominance of the Eblaite traders.
στṣ. forlanini ṬṢṢσc: Ṭτ6 points to the possible etymology of Kizzuwatna with the word for water, and he places
Kummanni on the Pyramos (Ceyhan) close to the Cilician coast. For The city of the Seven Springs , see KUB
7.ṬṢ. For the suggested etymology of Kizzuwatna as steiniges Gewässer , see traBaZo ṬṢṢσ.
στṬ. See e.g. leBrun ṣ98ṣŞ ṣ98ṭ. On some of her seals, Puduhepa is named as daughter of the Land of Kizzuwatna ,
while KUB ṣτ.ṣ6 refers to her as daughter of Kummanni , see gurneY ṬṢṢṭ.
στṭ. gurneY ṬṢṢṭ: When I was on my way back I journeyed to Lawazantiya to pour libations to the goddess, and at
the command of the goddess I took in marriage Puduhepa, the daughter of Pentipsarri, the priest .
στσ. For some detailed studies of the hydronomy in Lawazantiya, see leBrun 1979; 1983; wegner 198Ṣ: σṭτŞ Haas
ṣ99σ: τ8ṣ.
σττ. See tréMouille ṣ996Ş ṬṢṢṢŞ ṬṢṢṣ.
στ6. Bossert ṣ9τṣ: ṭṬṣŞ Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ9ṣ.
στ7. larocHe ṣ98σ.
στ8. RS ṣ8.ṢσṢ in which šip i-Ba al writes to the King of Ugarit: Your servant is in Lwsnd and in r with the king, cf.
keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: ṣṢṭ.
στ9. For a recent discussion, see YaMaDa ṬṢṢṢa: ṬṢṬ-ṬṢσ, who proposes the existence of an older Lawazantiya to the
north after which Iron Age Lusanda was given its name. Note also the mention of a fortress of Luhsu (cf. Hawkins
ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ8σŞ fucHs ṣ998: 76), formerly in the Iron Age kingdom of Meliddu but assigned to Kammanu after the
defeat of Tarhunazi of Til-Garimmu.
ṣσṣ
Luhuzattiya, but the panoramic nature of the text makes it problematic to use it in a recon-
struction of the geography.σ6Ṣ
Instead, Forlanini recently pointed to the potential importance of a reconstructed passage
from the annals of Mursili I (CTH ṣṬ), which may refer to an attack on Te[garama] and
Lu[huzattiya], and would it with what we know from the Assyrian sources.σ6ṣ Also, the
prayers of Muwatalli (CTH ṭ8ṣ), which give the sequence Sarissa, Hur(ra)ma and Lawazan-
tiya, are in harmony with this general pattern. Finally, CTH ṣṭ mentions Hurma and Lawa-
zantiya in close connection during the Hurrian Invasions.σ6Ṭ The association of Tegarama,
Luhuzattiya and Hurama in this tale of conlict against the Hurrian princes across the Euphra-
tes even seems supported by the emerging Old Assyrian geography from this and the previous
section on Tegarama.σ6ṭ Conversely, the Old Hittite attestations of Lawazantiya as a base for
the wars against Uršu,σ6σ and the reference in the Proclamation of Telipinu to a battle against
Haššum with a subsequent journey to ight a rebellion in Lawazantiya, could refer to either of
the two cities.σ6τ
–––––
Numerous references in the Old Assyrian texts help to draw a picture of Luhuzattiya as a
political and commercial entity. Already Lewy pointed out that the city was a centre of a wool
and textile industry, and this impression has since been strengthened by frequent references
to the trade in wool and leather in Luhuzattiya.σ66
The palace is mentioned in kt 87/k ττṣ, kt 9ṭ/k 68 and CCT σ, ṣ9c, and the latter text also
refers to a meeting between Assyrian traders and the ruling queen. The king of Luhuzattiya
occurs in CCT Ṭ, σ8, kt k/k τṣ, and kt m/k ṣσσ,σ67 while kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7 and kt n/k 76 both men-
tion the death of a king.σ68 Kt n/k 76 gives his name as Azu,σ69 and he recurs as a living person
in KTK 6σ discussed above. All eight texts are dated within the three decades marking the
σ6Ṣ. This text made gurneY ṬṢṢṭ: ṣṬṬŞ J. L. Miller ṬṢṢ9 conclude that all of these lands belonged to the Upper Land
of the Hittites, but see p. Ṭ9ṣf.
σ6ṣ. forlanini ṬṢṢσb.
σ6Ṭ. KBo ṭ.σ6+ (col. ii): ṣσ-ṭ6, cf. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: 89-9ṭ. For a discussion of the date of this text, cf. De
Martino ṣ99Ṭ.
σ6ṭ. For a discussion of the Hurrian ethnic element in the western part of the ancient Near East during the period con-
temporary with the Old Assyrian trade, see wilHelM ṣ996Ş ṬṢṢ8. See also steinkeller ṣ998.
σ6σ. Siege of Uršu (CTH 7): vs. Ṭṣff. implies that Luhuzattiya was turned into the Hittite headquarters in the war with
Uršu: The king summoned Sanda to the city of Luhuzantiya, and the King interrogated him concerning the serv-
ant of the man of Carchemish (i.e. the prince of Uršu) .
σ6τ. CTH ṣ9: When I, Telipinu, sat on the throne of my father, I marched against Hassuwa and destroyed Hassuwa.
My army was in Zizzilippa, and in Zizzilippa a defeat was sustained. When I, the king, came to the town of La-
wazantiya, Lahha [who?] was [...] incited the town of Lawazantiya to rebellion .
σ66. BIN σ, ṣ8ṣŞ CCT ṣ, σṢcŞ CCT σ, 6Ş ICK Ṭ, Ṭ77Ş TC ṭ, τṣŞ kt 9ṭ/k 8σŞ kt c/k ṬṣṭŞ kt c/k 9ṬṬŞ k/t c/k 9σσŞ kt n/k ṣσ7τ
all refer to shipments of wool and hides, while kt 9ṭ/k 68 refers to a substantial number of pirikannum-textiles
from the city. For the wool-trade in Luhuzattiya, cf. lassen ṬṢṣṢŞ MicHel & veenHof ṬṢṣṢ.
σ67. Kt m/k ṣσσ mentions the i urtum-documents of the king of Luhuzattiya. The basic meaning of the word i urtum
is drawing and since the documents always appear in context with local Anatolian authorities,it is tempting to
suggest that they could have been documents drawn up in some form of early local script. This was rejected by
veenHof ṣ989, but the recent discovery of a pitcher inscribed in Luwian hieroglyphs in the Waršama Palace at
Kaneš contemporary with kārum level Ib proves that a pictorial script was in use already at that time. For possible
prototypes of later Luwian hieroglyphs in Old Anatolian seals, see luMsDen ṣ99Ṣ. For the function of the i urtum,
cf. veenHof ṣ989: 6ττ n. ṭ6, ṣ99τbŞ Hertel ṬṢṢ7: ṣṢτ.
σ68. Kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7: Since the king is dead, our partner cannot enter here and there is no trade ... (l. ṣ6-ṣ8): ki-ma ru-
ba-um me-tù-ni ub-ru-um lá e-ra-ba-ma í-mu-um lá-‘ u]), kt n/k 76: They took the loan at the time when Azu,
king of Luhuzattiya, died (l. ṣṬ-ṣσ): i-nu-mì A-zu ru-ba-um a Lu-hu-za-tí-a m‘e]-tù).
σ69. Cf. krYsZat ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ6Ṣ. Surely not a toponym (see forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ6τ).
ṣσṬ
σ.τ KUššARA
main period of the Assyrian trade during Kültepe level II, and it seems likely that the ruling
queen in CCT σ, ṣ9c was the wife of the deceased king Azu.
An additional number of titles of city oficials appear in the sources. Kt 9ṭ/k 6ṣ mentions
a certain Bulina, the major domo (bēl bēti u) of the Man of Luhuzattiya and the interpreter
Ennam-Aššur . Kt 9σ/k ṣτṣ9 refers to a loan made to the chief of the land (rabi ‘ ē]rim), and
kt 9σ/k 8ṣ8 mentions a prefect of the countryside (bēl mātim). Finally, the letter CCT Ṭ, ṣ8
contains a reference to the chief of the market (rabi mahīrim) in Luhuzattiya.
A fact of potential importance is the lack of a single reference to any Assyrian institution
– a Colony or a Station – in Luhuzattiya. Compared to the relatively large number of refer-
ences to Luhuzattiya this is noteworthy, and the problem will be further addressed in the sec-
tion on Kuššara (σ.τ). A hypothetical scenario would be that Luhuzattiya ceased to exist as an
independent state some time after the death of Azu and his ruling queen, and that the city
came under the rule of Kuššara.
4.5 Ku araσ7Ṣ
The city of Kuššara plays a central part in the earliest history of Anatolia, and yet it is one of
the least well attested cities in the Old Assyrian sources. Only Ṭ6 texts refer to the city and
attestations of Kuššara alongside other toponyms are even scarcer. For this reason, the statis-
tical approach by which Kuššara can be associated with clusters of other, better attested topo-
nyms, is the best way to determine its location.σ7ṣ
Durhumit ṣ šalahšuwa Ṭ
Hahhum ṣ šalatuwar ṣ
Harša ṣ šamuha Ṭ
Hattum Ṭ Tegarama ṭ
Hurama τ Tilimra ṣ
Kuburnat ṣ Timelkiya Ṭ
Luhuzattiya σ Wahšušana ṣ
Mamma ṣ Zalpa ṣ
Table ṣṭ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Kuššara.
Plainly, a statistical approach with a small number of attestations is meaningful only in rela-
tion to the surrounding clusters, and it is therefore reassuring to note that the graph produces
a fair number of parallels with the two preceding sections. Hurama is the dominant toponym,
σ7Ṣ. Attestations of Kuššara are found in: AKT σ, 7ṣŞ AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6, ṭ8ṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ BIN 6, 8ṭŞ Ne r. Boğ. ṬŞ
ICK ṣ,ṣŞ Kay 9τŞ Kay ṣ8ṭṢŞ Kay Ṭṣ99: KBo 9.ṬτŞ kt 87/k ṭσŞ kt 87/k τσ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣστŞ kt 9ṭ/k 67Ş kt 9ṭ/k 8ṢŞ kt
9σ/k 68ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσṢṭŞ kt i/k 9τŞ kt k/k τŞ kt n/k 67Ş OIP Ṭ7, σ8Ş POAT 7ṭ (l. 6, coll. Larsen)Ş TC ṣ, ṣṢŞ TC ṭ, 7σŞ
VS Ṭ6, ṬṬ. As a personal name in: kt 9σ/k ṣṢτ6Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢ78Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢ88Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṬ9σŞ AKT 6, ṭṢṬŞ kt a/k ṬτṢb.
σ7ṣ. The attestations of Kuššara together with other cities are found in: Durhumit: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Hahhum: kt k/k τ,
Har a: kt n/k 67?, Hattum: kt 87/k ṭσ?Ş ICK ṣ, ṣ, Hurama: AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ICK ṣ, ṣŞ TC ṣ, ṣṢŞ VS Ṭ6,
ṬṬ, Kuburnat: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Luhuzattiya: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, ICK ṣ, ṣŞ Kay 9τŞ Kay ṣ8ṭṢŞ Mamma: Ne r. Boğ. Ṭ,
alah uwa: AKT 6, ṭ8ṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣ, alatuwar: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, amuha: AKT σ, 7ṣŞ TC ṣ, ṣṢ, Tegarama: Ne r.
Boğ. ṬŞ AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Tilimra: TC ṣ, ṣṢ, Timelkiya: AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ kt k/k τ, Wah u ana: kt n/k 67,
Zalpa: kt 87/k τσ7. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmis-
takably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from
A to B).
ṣσṭ
Hattum
Hurama
Luhuzattiya
Šalahšuwa
Šamuha
Tegarama
Timelkiya
Ṣ! $ṣ "Ṭ #ṭ %σ τ&
Graph 6: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Ku ara. Itineraries are shaded in a darker co-
lour.
with Luhuzattiya, šamuha and Tegarama as other potential candidates for the cluster.
The Hittite sources offer little help in locating Kuššara. Apart from the well-known Anitta-
text (CTH ṣ) discussed below, the city is never mentioned in any geographical context in a
Hittite text. The king Hattusili I may have had a palace there, and the city is mentioned in his
political testament (CTH 6) as his residence during the last days of his reign. Later Hittite
texts simply refer to Kuššara as an epithet of Pithana, and later, also of Hattusili I. Both are
called the King , the Man , and the Son of Kuššara.
All of this of course offers no clues for the location of the city, and very divergent sugges-
tions regarding the location of Kuššara have been proposed: B. Landsberger located it in the
nearest proximity of Hattuša ,σ7Ṭ S. Alp identiied it with Acemhöyük at the Tuz Gölü,σ7ṭ J.
Lewy advocated for its location near Kemer on the Plain of Elbistan,σ7σ or at Comana
Cappadociae,σ7τ Cornelius suggested Pınarba ı, Forlanini the Altınyayla,σ76 and Garstang and
Gurney saw Ali ar as an extremely plausible candidate.σ77
Since the Hittite texts have so little to offer on the localization of Kuššara, and the city
disappears entirely out of political history at a very early date, the documents from the Old
Assyrian traders constitute the only real source for the location of the city. In recent years the
number of references to Kuššara in the Assyrian texts has more than doubled, and so in spite
of a persistent shortage of proper itineraries, the fact that Kuššara may be related to a few
neighbouring clusters narrows down the options. The proximity between Luhuzattiya and
Kuššara, and the prominent position of Hurama in both dossiers has already been mentioned.
This examination will begin with the itineraries that relate Hurama, Luhuzattiya and Kuššara
to one another.
The irst example of a connection between Hurama and Kuššara is found in the letter AKT
σ7Ṭ. lanDsBerger ṣ9ṭ9: Ṭṣṭ.

σ7ṭ. alp ṣ99Ṣ.
σ7σ. J. lewY ṣ96τ.
σ7τ. J. lewY ṣ96Ṭ followed by singer ṣ98ṣŞ BrYce ṣ98ṭŞ ṣ998.
σ76. forlanini ṣ979Ş ṣ98τ (noted on the maps)Ş Di nocera & forlanini ṣ99Ṭ: ṣ6. Later, after the excavations at
Ku aklı commenced, Forlanini places Sarissa in the Altınyayla (see e.g. forlanini & MaraZZi ṣ986Ş forlanini
ṣ999bŞ ṬṢṢṬ, while Kuššara disappears off the map, presumably in recognition of the doubt we still have in local-
ising this city with any certainty.
σ77. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: 6ṭ.
ṣσσ
σ.τ KUššARA
6, ṣσ9, which was quoted in the discussion of Tegarama (σ.ṭ). There the source was used to
demonstrate a link between Tegarama and Hurama, and now Kuššara can be added to the
group:
I am staying in Tegarama … On the day you hear my letter, Ali-ahum should come and
meet me in either Hurama or in Kuššara.σ78
It may be of importance that six out of the total Ṭτ references to Kuššara appear in the archive
of šalim-Aššur (AKT 6), whose family specialised in a trade that passed east of Kaneš. The
memorandum AKT 6, σ9ṣ from the same archive gives another reference that ties Hurama
and Kuššara together:
σ shekels [of silver]: lodgingsŞ ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver for the ka um-oficial in [Hur]-
amaŞ [x] minas of silver to Ilikuli. τ shekels of silver for lodgingsŞ ṣ shekel of silver for
the ka um-oficial in Kuššara I gave to him as well.σ79
Although the text is fragmentary, there can be little doubt that it refers to a journey between
Hurama and Kuššara. Similar information is given in the letter VS Ṭ6, ṬṬ:
From Aššur-re i and Aššur-taklaku to šu-Suen: If Puzur-Aššur wants to send you by the
Narrow Track together with his servants, you should tell him: Let me go ahead of him,
and let me take an interest-bearing loan of about [one mina] of silver with a merchant in
Hurama or in [Kušš]ara [...] them [...] stop in [...] in [Kušš]ara. Until [...] they catch up
with you, you should say ...σ8Ṣ
In spite of the patchy sentences and reconstructed lacunae it seems clear that the authors refer
to an anticipated event, which is to take place in Kuššara. For some reason they are anxious
to avoid sending šu-Suen with Puzur-Aššur, and instead they urge him to travel in advance to
Hurama and then to meet up with the other traders later on in Kuššara. The route is identical
to the one described in AKT 6, ṣσ9, and importantly, it seems that this it was considered to be
part of the so-called Narrow Track .
A inal reference to Kuššara and Hurama is TC ṣ, ṣṢ. Keeping in mind the close relation
between Luhuzattiya and šamuha on one hand, and Luhuzattiya and Kuššara on the other
(σ.σ), the text makes good sense:
The moment you hear our letter, you should, if possible, not be afraid but go to šamuha
and Kuššara after your tablets. Divide your tablets in three, let them travel before you,
and after that you can leave yourself. If it is not possible, then do not go to šamuha and
Kuššara, but have them divide them in three, and let them travel to Tilimra, and then you
can travel later yourself. Then they should let your slave-girl Silimma travel to Hurama,
σ78. AKT 6, ṣσ9 (l. σ): i-na Té-ga-ra-ma wa-á - ba -ku ... (l. ṣṣ-ṣ6): i-na dUTU- i up-pí ta- a-me-a-ni A-lá-hu-um lu
a-na Hu-ra-ma lu a-na Ku- a-ra a-na é-ri-a li-li-kam.
σ79. AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ (l. 6τ-69): σ G[ÍN KÙ.BABBAR] É ub-ri ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-kà- í-im ‘i-Hu-r]a-ma ‘x]
ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-na Ì-lí-ku-li τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR É ub-ri ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na kà- í-im i ‘-na]
x Ku- a-ra u-a-tí-ma a-dí-in. The passage could also be reconstructed as *[i-Té-ga-r]a-ma but there is little
space left on the tablet, and it is hard to see why one would pass through Tegarama on a journey between Kaneš
and Kuššara.
σ8Ṣ. VS Ṭ6, ṬṬ (l. ṣ-ṣ8): ‘um-ma A- ùr]-re- í ‘ù] A- ùr-tak-lá-ak-‘ma] ‘a]-na u-Sú-en6 qí-biσ-ma ‘ u]-ma Puzúr-A- ùr
ha-ra-an ‘sú]-qí-nim-ma i -tí ‘ ]ú-ha-ri- u i- á-ra-ad-kà ‘um]-ma a-ta-ma i-pá-ni- u ‘l]e-tí-iq-ma ‘i-na] Hu-ra-
ma ù-lá ‘Ku- ]a-ra KÙ.BABBAR [ṣ ma-na i ]-tí DAM.GÀR-im ‘... l]á-al-qé ‘... ]-x-dí- u-nu ‘... ]-x-i i-na ‘...]
ú-lá i-na ‘Ku- ]a-ra ki-lá a-dí ‘x]-dí i-kà- u-du-ni ‘u]m-ma a-ta-ma ...
ṣστ
so you can come in here yourself.σ8ṣ
The recipient was to travel to šamuha and Kuššara from either Kaneš or Hurama and oversee
the removal of his archive in three parts. If his task was to prove impossible, the shipment
should instead travel in the opposite direction, to Tilimra.σ8Ṭ Regardless, Hurama functions as
the gateway to both Kuššara and šamuha. The letter AKT σ, 7ṣ contains a reference that im-
plies Kuššara and šamuha were located within ten days of travel from one another:
You said: Within ten days, [I will send it to you] from either Kuššara or from šamuha.
If I do not [send it, I will pay you the] trip[le] .σ8ṭ
The position of Kuššara on a route from Kaneš via Hurama to šamuha is evident on the basis
of the examples given above. This is similar to the position of Luhuzattiya, and a number of
texts demonstrate that the two cities must be sought in very close connection. One example is
found in the two connected letters kt 87/k τσ7 and kt 87/k ττṣ, one of them mentioning deal-
ings in Kuššara and the other referring to Luhuzattiya:
To Hanunu from Aššur- ab: The man of Kuššara has fallen upon us here in the Land of
Zalpa when we were in the company of the servants of Iddin-Suen son of Kukulanum.
[(detailed inventory of shipment)] all this, which … went up to Kuššara, so I also person-
ally went up (there), and I seized [PN] and the servant in the city gate, and I forced […]
the Station, and made [PN] and the servant go up to the palace, and the marked cattle are
standing (there). We went up to the palace several times, but the palace said: I took them
as booty from the Land of Zalpa .σ8σ
šumi-abiya to Aššur-bani and Aššur- ab: Why do you constantly write to me about the
money? When you were staying here, did you not see that there is a lot of silver in Luhu-
zattiya? … In regard to the palace, which you wrote to me about, saying: inform us !
What is it that I did not personally inform you about? I went personally up to the palace,
and I negotiated with the palace. You have (just) remained silent there, while Aššur-imitti
said: I took the three heads of cattle to the Land of Zalpa, and later I sold them . He has
σ8ṣ. TC ṣ, ṣṢ (l. σ-Ṭσ): i- a-am- í a up-pí-ni ta- a-me-ú u-ma na- ù-ma a-na a-mu-ha ú Ku- a-ra a-na up-pé-kà
lá ta- a-hu-ut-ma ta-lá-ak up-pè-kà a-na ṭ-‘ ]í- u ma-ha-a -ma i-na pá-ni-kà lu- é-tí-qú-ma ù a-ta ur!-kà-tám
a-lik u-ma lá na- ù-ma a-na a-mu-ha ú Ku- a-ra lá ta-lá-ak up-pí-kà a-na ṭ- í- u ma-ha-a -ma a-na Tí-li-im-
ra lu- é-tí-qú-ma ù a-ta i -tí ur-ki-ú-tim et-qam ù a-ma-at-kà Sí-li-ma a-na Hu-ra-ma lu- é-tí-qú-ma ù a-ta ‘a]-
ni- a-am er!-ba-am.
σ8Ṭ. The city of Tilimra may be identical to the later Hittite Tiliura (cf. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: ṣṣ9), known from the decree of
Hattusili III (CTH 89) to have been located on the Kaska frontier. The citadel of Taulara, which the Pontic King
Mithradates IV led to when the Roman armies approached his fortress at Niksar, may have been the same place.
Note the description in HogartH ṣ89ṭ: 7ṭṢ of a travel down the Kelkit ‘ay, on which he passes a group of
wooden shelters at a bridge and the ruins of a Roman bridge, opposite the village of Kundu, which are said to
belong to the village of Taurla on the mountain. But without further evidence the three toponyms may all simply
be homonyms. Old Assyrian Tilimra is rarely attestedŞ in addition to TC ṣ, ṣṢ, the letter TC ṭ, ṣτ8 refers to the
Man (usually the ruler) of Tilimra, and KTS ṣ, τṣb mentions an individual named Tiliuruman , i.e. the one from
Tiliura . For discussions of the location of this city, cf. J. lewY ṣ9τ8: 9σŞ von scHuler 1965: 145-151; BrYce
ṣ986Ş forlanini ṣ999b: σṣτ-σṣ6.
σ8ṭ. AKT σ, 7ṣ (l. ṣṢ-ṣṭ): um-ma a-ta-ma a-na ṣṢ uσ -[me] i -tù Ku- a-ra ú-ul i -tù a-mu-ha [ú- é-ba-lá-kum] u-ma
lá ‘ú- é-biσ-lá-kum] u- a-a‘l- u-um a- a-qá-al]. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ9: ṬṢṬ.
σ8σ. Kt 87/k τσ7 (l. ṣ-τ): a-‘na H]a-nu-nu qí-biσ-ma um-ma şş‘um]-ma ššA- ur-DUṣṢ-ma a-na-kam i -tí ‘ ú]-ha-ri-e
a I-‘dí]-Sú-en6 DUMU Ku-ku-lá-nim i-ma-at Za-al-pá ku- a-‘ra-i-ú]-um ma-qí-it-ni-a-tí (l. ṣṭ-Ṭ6): ‘mì-m]a a-
nim a KI DU NI ‘a-n]a Ku- a-ra e-li-ú-ni-ni ‘a]-na-ku e-li-ma ‘x (x)]-e ú ú-ha-ra-am ‘i-na] ba-áb a-bu-li-im
‘a ]-ba-at-ma i-na e-mu-qí ‘x]-x-lim ú-bar-ta-am e-pu-u -ma ‘x]-x-e ú ú-ha-ra-am a-na É.GAL-lim u -té-li ú
al-pu í-im-tù-um i-na É.GAL-lim i-za-zu a-na É.GAL-lim a-dí ma-lá ú é-ni- u né-li-ma um-ma É.GAL-lúm i-na
a-li-tim i-ma-at Za-al-pá al-qé.
ṣσ6
σ.τ KUššARA
not brought them here in any way.σ8τ
The palace of Kuššara coniscated a shipment from the Assyrian trader Aššur- ab during a
foray into the Land of Zalpa. In the irst letter he tells how he went up to Kuššara and de-
manded its return along with some cattle that had been taken to the Land of Zalpa. The second
letter, which appears to have been sent to Aššur- ab while he was still in Kaneš, also refers to
negotiations with the palace and the cattle from the Land of Zalpa. The question is whether
šumi-abiya wrote his letter from Kuššara or Luhuzattiya. In any case, the context of the let-
ters implies a physical proximity between the two cities. σ86
This impression becomes much clearer in the following letter. As already stated (σ.σ), there
is a lack of references to any Assyrian institution – Colony or Station – in Luhuzattiya. In-
stead, the Assyrian Station in Kuššara handled the negotiations surrounding the murder of a
group of Assyrian traders in Luhuzattiya. The letter reads:
To our envoys and the Kaneš Colony from the Kuššara Station. Here we have heard that
two Assyrians have been killed in the Land of Luhuzattiya. We went up to the palace,
saying: Assyrians have been killed in your country .σ87
The situation required a consultation with the rulers of the territory in which the murder took
place, in accordance with the customary agreement between the Anatolian cities and the As-
syrian colonies.σ88 In this case however, although the offence took place in Luhuzattiya, the
Assyrian Station in Kuššara headed the negotiations. The obvious interpretation is that
amuha
Luhuzattiya Ku ara
Hurama
Fig. 13: The Ku ara and Luhuzattiya cluster.
σ8τ. Kt 87/k ττṣ (l. ṣ-8): um-ma u-mì-a-bi-a-ma a-na A- ur-ba-ni ù A- ur-DUṣṢ qí-bi-ma mì-nam a a-na
KÙ.BABBAR ta-á -ta-na-pá-ra-ni-ni a-tù-nu i-nu-mì a-na-kam tù-u -ba-ni? lá? ta?-ad-guτ-lá ‘ki]-ma i-na Lu!-
hu-za-tí-a KÙ.BABBAR ma-du-ni ... (l. ṣσ-Ṭ7): a-dí-i É.GAL-lim a ta-á -pu-ra!-ni um-ma a-tù-nu-ma ú-za-ni
pì-té-e mì-na-ma! a-na-ku ú-za-ku-nu lá áp-té a-na É.GAL-lim a-na-ku e-li-ma i -tí É.GAL-lim a-ta-ú a-tù-nu
a-ma-kam ta-á -ta-pu-a-ma um-ma A- ur-i-mì-tí-ma ṭ al-pè-e a-na ma-at Za-al-pá ar-de8-ma a-na ur-ki-tim a-dí-
u-nu a-ni- a-am mì-ma lá ub-lá-am.
σ86. Some additional letters implying a close geographical proximity between this group of correspondents appear
among the letters found in the kt 87/k archive. In kt 87/k τστ from šumi-abiya and Aššur-imitti to Aššur-bani and
Aššur- ab, we learn that the authors send wool, silver and textiles to the recipients. The presence of šumi-abiya in
Luhuzattiya in kt 87/k ττṣ, and the mention of wool in kt 87/k τστ can be taken as an indication that also this
letter was composed in the region of Luhuzattiya. In kt 87/k τσ6 to šumi-abiya and Aššur-bani, a certain Nanib-
Atal complains about a breakdown in communications.
σ87. Kay ṣ8ṭṢ (l. ṣ-ṣṬ): a-na í-ip- ri-ni ù kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i qí-biσ-ma um-ma ú-bar-tum ‘ ]a Ku- ‘a-r]a-ma a-na-kam
ni-i -me-ma Ṭ DUMU A- ur i-na ma-at Lu-hu-za-tí-a dí-ku a-na É.GAL-lim ni-li-ma um-ma ni-nu-ma i-na ma-
tí-kà DUMU A- ùr dí-ku. The ten-man board of Kuššara is mentioned in kt 9ṭ/k 67 (cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: 78).
σ88. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ86.
ṣσ7
Kuššara and Luhuzattiya were so closely politically and geographically integrated that the
Assyrians only maintained a Station in one of the two places, and as already mentioned, it
may be that the palace in Kuššara gained political authority over Luhuzattiya at some point in
the last well-attested decade of the Assyrian trade (σ.σ).
A combination of the evidence from the Luhuzattiya and Kuššara clusters produces the
relations between the two cities, Hurama and šamuha shown in ig. ṣṭ above.
–––––
The Old Assyrian texts contain little direct evidence about the history of Kuššara. Apart from
the war with the Land of Zalpa and the close association with Luhuzattiya, the city plays a
relatively unimportant role in the Old Assyrian texts. A close geographical proximity to Kaneš
has been proposed on the basis of historical as well as linguistic criteria,σ89 which its well
with the geographical cluster established above, although it is clear that the route between the
Kaneš and Kuššara went over Hurama.
In his article about the recollection of the Old Assyrian Colony Period in later Hittite his-
tory, Ünal compared the representation in Hittite imperial historiography, of events that took
place before the reign Hattusili I, to the topos of Magna Grecia among the Roman writers.σ9Ṣ
As with the Romans, one inds a certain measure of romantic admiration for a world whose
downfall the Hittite armies had themselves caused, and Ünal s term for the early policy of
Hittite expansion as Spartan Methods seems appropriate. There can be little doubt that the
early Hittite kings destroyed most of the competing city-states in Anatolia, and that the emerg-
ing empire was built upon the smoking ruins of the palaces that are so well known in the As-
syrian evidence. In several ways this expansionist process began in Kuššara, although as
pointed out by Ünal, the early Hittite Zeitgeist also savoured the literature on the dramatic
expansion of the state of Mamma under Anum-Hirbi (cf. section σ.Ṭ and σ.ṣṭ).σ9ṣ
Kuššara was the seat of the kings Pithana and Anitta, who were both identiied by later
Hittite historiographers as founding igures of the Empire. A popular text was the votive in-
scription of Anitta, commonly referred to simply as the Anitta-Text (CTH ṣ), which exists
in several fragmentary copies from the imperial scriptoria. This composition contains a short
dedicatory inscription as well as a longer narrative of the campaigns of Anitta in what is now
the earliest known annalistic composition in Anatolian history. The text offers an account of
the events that led to the rise of Kuššara to political supremacy, and it includes a remarkable
prologue on some of the achievements of Anitta s father in the irst major step towards
Kuššaran ascendancy with the conquest of the powerful city-state of Kaneš:
He (Pithana) was beloved by the Storm-god of Heaven, and since he was beloved of the
Storm-god of Heaven, the King of Nesa became inferior to the king of Kussara.σ9Ṭ The
King of Kussara came down out of (Kussara) with the whole force, and took the town of
Nesa during the night by storm. He captured the king of Nesa, yet he did no harm to any
of the citizens of Nesa. He treated them as (his) mothers and fathers.
By the time of Anitta s reign, the city of Amkuwa (τ.ṣṢ) may already have been under the
dominance of Kuššara, and it is entirely possible that the conquests of Pithana went further
σ89. stefanini ṬṢṢṬ: 79Ṣ. For a linguistic map of Anatolia during this period, cf. e.g. MelcHert ṬṢṢṭŞ goeDegeBuure
ṬṢṢ8Ş YakuBovicH ṬṢṣṢ.
σ9Ṣ. ünal ṣ99τ: Ṭ69.
σ9ṣ. ibid. Ṭ7Ṭ.
σ9Ṭ. The translation of this passage has been much discussed. For the present suggestion, see neu 1974; steiner ṣ98σ:
τ9-6Ṣ.
ṣσ8
σ.τ KUššARA
aield than the prologue of the Anitta-Text tells us directly. The detailed description of Anit-
ta s own campaigns begins with a fragmentary narrative of a revolt in Ulama, Taišama,
Harkiuna and [Tenend]a, implying that these cities had already recognised the sovereignty of
Pithana. Taišama is also mentioned as one of the Kanešite vassals in the letter of Anum-Hirbi
that predates the conquests of Pithana by a generation. The Kuššaran conquest of Kaneš
would presumably have included the assumption of former Kanešite vassal states. The refer-
ences to Ulama and Harkiuna imply the existence of a much larger confederation under the
rule of Kuššara. The term revolt might of course refer to a large inter-Anatolian alliance
against Kuššaran supremacy, but a series of conquests taking place already during the reign
of Pithana seems possible.
In the years following the revolt, Anitta continued his military expansion, ultimately lead-
ing his army to Zalpuwa by the Sea.σ9ṭ There he claims to have recaptured the statue of the
god of Kaneš that Uhna of Zalpuwa, a former king, had abducted.σ9σ Anitta proceeded to con-
quer Hattusa south of Zalpuwa and Salatiwara in the west. The king of Parsuhanda, who was
presumably the ruler of the main regional power in the west, gave a throne to Anitta in recog-
nition of his upcoming status.σ9τ
As shown in the introductory chapter, war between the city-states in pre-Hittite Anatolia
was endemic and the conlicts described by Anitta were by no means part of new develop-
ments.σ96 Furthermore, both the political position of Kuššara vis-à-vis Luhuzattiya and the
war between the Land of Zalpa and Kuššara referred to in kt 87/k τσ7 implies that Kuššara
began its expansion at least a century earlier. The difference between earlier conlicts and the
campaigns of Anitta was their apparent magnitude and their success. As an addition to the
conquests of Kaneš, Amkuwa, Ulama and Harkiuna, Anitta took his army further aield than
any ruler before him, and united virtually all of the major city-states known from the Old As-
syrian documentation.
In many ways, the deeds of Hattusili I mirror those of his predecessor, and yet the scope of
the Anitta-text is characteristically different. The Kuššaran conquests correspond closely to
the nodal points of the Old Assyrian trade a century earlier. More importantly, unlike Hat-
tusili I a century later Anitta does not appear to have systematically burned down and de-
stroyed the cities he captured. Only in the well-known case of Hattusa does the Kuššaran king
state that he ordered the whole city torn down.σ97 In contrast to Anitta s narrative, the topono-
my of the texts dating to the reign of Hattusili I only partially overlaps with the Old Assyrian
material. New cities and states have risen in the meantime, and a series of the important cities
involved in the Old Assyrian trading network were destroyed and disappear from the later
Hittite material.
Although there is only a very small number of sources dating to the Ib stratum at Kültepe
(cf. Ch. Ṭ), the later period of Assyrian trade marks the entry of Anatolia into proto-history
with an established sequence of political events and rulers. The material is wider in scope
than before, and the texts, which come from a variety of sites, give the impression that the
trade on Anatolia had become more diversiied and that the Assyrian monopoly on the trade
σ9ṭ. For the suggestion that Zalpa on the Sea has to be identiied with Acemhöyük on the Tuz Gölü, see steiner ṣ99ṭ.
I already believe to have shown that, no matter what, the kārum at Zalpa (i.e. my Assyrian Zalpa ) never could
have been located west and north of Kaneš. His interpretation is exclusively based upon a reading of the Anitta-
Text, which I do not follow either, but even if Steiner referred to the wabartum of Zalpa, I see no possibility of
locating that city in a cluster west of Kaneš.
σ9σ. See starke ṣ979Ş singer ṣ99Ṣ.
σ9τ. Dercksen in press.
σ96. Cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press: ch. Ṭ.
σ97. For a rather free interpretation of this episode, see steiner ṣ99Ṣ. Perhaps also Salatiwara (Old Assyrian šalatuwar)
was destroyed by Anitta, cf. section τ.ṣτ.
ṣσ9
in Anatolia had been lost. The palace in Acemhöyük contained broken sealings from ship-
ments coming from cities all over Syria and Northern Iraq, and texts from Mari and Leilan
add to the impression that others had successfully managed to enter the Anatolian market. But
as already argued, there are in fact sporadic references to foreign traders in the earlier sources
(cf. Ch. ṣ), and in fact the widely held notion that the Assyrians settled in Anatolia became
impoverished during the late period appears to be an artefact of the surviving sources and can
be rejected.σ98
Instead, one can show how the well-documented period of overland trade (c. ṣ889-ṣ8τ9)
had been based upon a system of commercial policies and individual networks of personal
trust that collapsed after only a single generation. The system underwent a series of changes,
and a primary vehicle in inancing the trade – the joint-stock enterprise (naruqqum) – was
abandoned. Instead the exchange came to be organised mainly by way of venture trade that
did not leave the same characteristic trail of documentation known from the earlier period.
Major social transformations are evident too. In particular, a distinct community of hybrid
Assyrian-Anatolian households grew gradually more prominent. Mixed families engaged
mainly in local Anatolian trade and agriculture emerged alongside what appears to be a small
Assyrian elite, while a distinctive group of travelling merchants continued to engage in the
caravan trade and connect the Anatolian colonies to the mother city of Assur.
One can show that most of the cities known from the earlier period of trade continued to
play a part in the exchange during the Ib period.σ99 This is not to say that there is no develop-
ment in the political geography. Kuššara gradually rose to play a crucial role, and some other
newcomers appear on the political scene, e.g. Harsamna, Taišama and Harkiuna. This indi-
cates that deep changes in the local power-structure had taken place, and in general the num-
ber of independent polities in Anatolia appears to have diminished until almost the entire re-
gion was united under Anitta. A comparable process is observed south of the Taurus, where
the conquests of Anum-Hirbi were remembered and regarded in later Hittite historiography
as a forerunner for their own regional policy.
Clearly, the kings of Kuššara lived on in Hittite memory and reverence, although their
primary reference to the city appears to have been the geographical epithet of Hattusili I that
was to some extent built upon later historical iction. The fact that Hattusili appears to have
died in Kuššara does not necessarily mean that the city held any special status during his life-
time, and its role in the later state propaganda of Hattusili III may have skewed modern per-
spectives on the city and its status in Old Hittite times. Yet, at least by the time of Hattusili III,
a number of traditions had been created or re-created for a state cult revering the old Kuššaran
kings, as seen e.g. in the texts KUB τ8.ṣτ and KUB 6Ṣ.ṣṭσ, which describe rites held to the
deiied image of the King of Kuššara.τṢṢ
σ98. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.

σ99. BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ.
τṢṢ. ünal ṣ99τ: Ṭ7σ-Ṭ76.
ṣτṢ
σ.6 šAMUHA
4.6 amuhaτṢṣ
Chapter 4
The analysis so far has afiliated šamuha with the geographical clusters of Hurama, Kuššara
and Luhuzattiya, but the city occurs alongside other toponyms in only 9 texts:
4.6 ŠAMUHA1
Haqa ṣ Kuššara Ṭ Tawiniya ṣ
The analysis
Hatikaitra so far has
ṣ affiliated Šamuha with the geographical
Kutiya ṣ clusters of Hurama, Kuššara
Tilimra ṣ
and Luhuzattiya,
Hurama but the
Ṭ city occurs alongside
Luhuzattiya other toponyms
ṭ in only 9
Timelkiya texts: ṣ
Karahna ṣ Nakšuna ṣ Wahšušana ṣ
Haqa 1 Kuššara 2 Tamniya 1
Kuburnat
Hatikaitra 1 ṣ šinahuttum
Kutiya 1 ṣ Zimišhuna
Tilimra 1 ṣ
Hurama 2 Luhuzattiya 3 Timelkiya 1
Table ṣσ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šamuha.
Karahna 1 Nakšuna 1 Wahšušana 1
Kuburnat 1 Šinahuttum 1 Zimišhuna 1
Table 14: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Šamuha.
Fortunately,
Fortunately,more
morethan
thanhalf
half of
of the
the attested
attested toponyms occur in
toponyms occur in ‘itineraries’;
itineraries Şand,
and,ininspite
spiteofofits
its
limited volume, the evidence forms a fairly consistent group of toponyms that
limited volume, the evidence forms a fairly consistent group of toponyms that are closely are closely
2
relatedtotošamuha:
related Šamuha:τṢṬ
Hurama
Kuššara
Luhuzattiya
0 1 2 3
Graph 7: Frequency of a given toponym

Graph 7: Frequencyassociated withassociated
of a given toponym amuha. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
with Šamuha.
‘Itineraries’ are shaded in a darker colour.
colour.
The graph is similar to those of Luhuzattiya and Kuššara, but where the Kuššara cluster was
linked to Tegarama, Šamuha is connected to a different system that includes Kuburnat and
The graph A
Karahna. is record
similaroftoathose
journeyof Luhuzattiya
from Haqa toand Kuššara,
Šamuha that but
referswhere thetransport
to the Kuššaraofcluster
a loadwasof
linked to Tegarama, šamuha is connected to a different system
3 that includes
textiles does not necessarily connect the two cities directly, but the picture presented by the Kuburnat and
Karahna.
regional A recordmakes
cluster of a journey from Haqa
it reasonable to šamuha
to assume that athat refers
route from to Haqa
the transport of a load
via Tegarama andof
textiles
Huramadoesmaynot necessarily
have connectway
been the shortest the two citiesthe
between directly,
EuphratesτṢṭ
but
andtheŠamuha
picture(cf.
presented
4.14). by the
regional The most
cluster important
makes itinerary for
it reasonable the location
to assume that ofa Šamuha
route from is ktHaqa
92/k 3,
viawhich links the
Tegarama and
city at both
Hurama may ends
have and
beengives its position
the shortest wayinbetween
regard the
to both the main
Euphrates androad between
šamuha Assur and
(cf. σ.ṣσ).
Kaneš and aimportant
The most number of cities infor
itinerary north-eastern
the locationAnatolia.
of šamuha A short passage
is kt 9Ṭ/k from links
ṭ, which the text
thewas
city
cited under the section on Luhuzattiya; here it appears in its entirety:
at both ends and gives its position in regard to both the main road between Assur and Kaneš
I paid half a shekel of silver for inns in Hurama. I paid Ikun-piya son of Daya
τṢṣ. Attestations of šamuha
12 shekels are found in: kt
in Luhuzattiya for87/k
theτ8ṬŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ of
smuggling kt 9ṭ/k 6ṢŞ kt 9ṭ/kI 8σŞ
the textiles. paid kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9Ş kt of
3 shekels 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7Ş kt
tin [for the donkey]s (and) his lodging [in GN]. I paid [x shekels of tin] at theṣττŞ TC ṣ,
9σ/k σττŞ kt 9σ/k 886Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢσṬŞ AKT ṭ, 77Ş AKT σ, 7ṣŞ kt b/k Ṭṣ Ş kt c/k 86ṢŞ KUG ṣ9Ş OLZ 6Ṣ,
ṣṢŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ8ṬŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣ9τ.
bridge. I paid [x shekels of t]in for inns in Šamuha. I paid 1 shekel of silver in
τṢṬ. The attestations of šamuha together with other cities are found in: Haqa: kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣ, Hatikaitra: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ,
wages
Hurama: kt 9Ṭ/k forṭŞthe
TCporter until Šamuha.
ṣ, ṣṢ, Karahna: I paid
kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, 3 shekels
Kuburnat: kt 9Ṭ/kofṭ,tinKuinara:
Hatikaitra.
AKT σ, 7ṣŞI TC
paid 1 Kutiya:
ṣ, ṣṢ,
kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Luhuzattiya: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k 8σŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7, Nak una: KUG ṣ9, inahuttum: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, Tawiniya:
kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, Tilimra: TC ṣ, ṣṢ, Timelkiya: OLZ 6Ṣ, ṣττ, Wah u ana: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7, Zimi huna: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9. All
1
Attestations
itinerariesofhave
Šamuha
beenare found in:(the
underlined kt term
87/k 582; kt 92/k
itinerary 3; kt 93/k
is applied 60; source
to any kt 93/kthat
84; unmistakably
kt 93/k 239; kt 93/k 237;
describes kt
a geo-
94/kgraphical
455; kt 94/k 886;between
relation kt 94/k two or AKT
1042; 77; AKT 4,
more3,toponyms, and71;notktnecessarily
b/k ‘21’; ktjust 860; KUG
c/kjourneys from19;AOLZ
to B).60, 155; TC 1,
10; TPAK
τṢṭ. Kt 9ṭ/k1,6Ṣ
182; VS 26,
states that195.
ṭσ pirikannum-textiles from Haqa are to be brought to šamuha. The related document kt
2
The attestations
9ṭ/k of 9Šamuha
τ9 refers to together with other
good pirikannum-textiles cities
from arethat
Zalpa found
are in:
to beHaqa:
taken ktto 93/k 60, Hatikaitra: kt 92/k 3,
Wahšušana.
Hurama: kt 92/k 3; TC 1, 10, Karahna: kt 92/k 3, Kuburnat: kt 92/k 3, Kuššara: AKT 4, 71; TC 1, 10, Kutiya:
kt 92/k 3, Luhuzattiya: kt 92/k 3; kt 93/k 84; kt 93/k 237, Nakšuna: KUG 19, Šinahuttum: kt 93/k 239,
Tamniya: kt 93/k 239, Tilimra: TC 1, 10, Timelkiya: ṣτṣOLZ 60, 155, Wahšušana: kt 93/k 237, Zimišhuna: kt
93/k 239. All ‘itineraries’ have been underlined (the term ‘itinerary’ is applied to any source that unmistakably
describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
3
Kt 93/k 60 states that 34 pirikannu-textiles from Haqa are to be brought to Šamuha. The related document kt 93/k
59 refers to 9 good pirikannu-textiles from Zalpa that are to be taken to Wahšušana.
1
and a number of cities in north-eastern Anatolia. A short passage from the text was cited under
the section on LuhuzattiyaŞ here it appears in its entirety:
donkey]s (and) his lodging [in GN]. I paid [x shekels of tin] at the bridge. I paid [x shek-
els of t]in for lodgings in šamuha. I paid ṣ shekel of silver in wages for the porter until
šamuha. I paid ṭ shekels of tin in Hatikaitra. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ mina of tin to the mayor in
Kutiya. I paid ṣṬ shekels of tin to the rabi sikkitim in Karahna. From Karahna to Kubur-
nat ṭ shekels of silver came on (as expenses) for porters. I paid 6 shekels of silver as
nishātum-tax at the border of [GN]. I paid Ṭ shekels for lodg[ings].τṢσ
The list of expenses on this journey shows that a route stretched from Hurama to šamuha via
Luhuzattiya and a city lost in the break. From there the merchant proceeded to Kuburnat and
beyond via Hatikaitra, Kutiya and Karahna. In reference to the regional cluster and the itiner-
aries AKT σ, 7ṣ and TC ṣ, ṣṢ (cf. section σ.τ), the missing toponym could be Kuššara.
Among the cities mentioned in kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Karahna (τ.τ) can be securely identiied with the
modern town of Sulusaray north of the Akdağları.τṢτ This gives an important ixed point for
the itinerary and places šamuha in the region northeast of Kültepe. Recent studies have lo-
cated šamuha in the area of modern Sivas,τṢ6 and this its with the itinerary in kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ.
In ṬṢṢτ excavations began at the site of Kayalıpınar c. στ km downstream from Sivas.
During their irst season the team found a burnt building dated to the early Middle Bronze
Age,τṢ7 and inside the house was a tablet dated to the Old Assyrian Colony Period recording
a purchase made by an Anatolian named Tamuriya from an anonymous Assyrian merchant.τṢ8
The exact date of the text is uncertain and on the basis of writing and ductus it could be con-
temporaneous with both stratum II and Ib at Kültepe. However, the building also contained a
series of sealed clay bullae with impressions similar to ones known form Kültepe, Ali ar,
Boğazköy and Acemhöyük. The sealings have close parallels at the Sarıkaya Palace at Acem-
höyük, and would appear to date to the later period of Assyrian trade.
Kayalıpınar is identiied as ancient šamuha by its excavators, and based on its location,
size of the site and artefact this proposal is possible. The relatively small number of Assyrian
settlements in Anatolia, the discovery of a tablet at Kayalıpınar dated to the Colony Period
that refers to an (anonymous) Assyrian trader, and the fact that there is no other apparent can-
didate for a site mentioned by the Assyrians in this part of the Kızılırmak valley, renders this
identiication even more likely.
The memorandum discussed above implies that a bridge spanned the river in the vicinity
of šamuha. At Kayalıpınar the Kızılırmak is less than 6Ṣ m wide in places, and the still stand-
τṢσ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ (l. ṣ-Ṭ7): ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Hu-ra-ma a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in ṣṬ GÍN pá-zu-ur-ti TÚG.HI.A i-na
in [x GÍN AN.NA] i-tí-tù-ri-im [x GÍN AN.]NA a-na É [wa]-áb-ri i-na a -mu-ha a-dí-in ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
a-na ig-ri a biσ-ilτ-tim a-dí a-mu-ha a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na Ha-tí-kà-it-ra a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na
Ku-tí-a a-ha-za-nim a-dí-in ṣṬ GÍN AN.NA i-na Kà-ra-ah-na a-na GAL sí-ki-tim a-dí-in i -tù Kà-ra-ah-na a-dí
Ku-bu-ur-na-şatš ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na a biσ-lá-tim ik- u-ud 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a -na ni-is-ha-tim a-
ba-té [a x x (x)] a-dí-in Ṭ GÍN a-na É [ub-ri] a-dí-in. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ6 and see fn. ṣṣṣṬ.
τṢτ. forlanini & MaraZZi ṣ986, tav. xvi; MitforD ṣ99ṣ: ṣ8Ṭ-ṣ8ṭŞ forlanini ṣ99Ṭa: ṭṢṣ n. 9σ.
τṢ6. forlanini ṣ999bŞ A. Müller-karpe ṬṢṢṢŞ wilHelM ṬṢṢṬ.
τṢ7. V. Müller-karpe et al. ṬṢṢ6Ş a. Müller-karpe ṬṢṢ9.
τṢ8. Kp Ṣτ/ṣṬṢ, cf. Sommerfeld apud V. Müller-karpe et al. ṬṢṢ6Ş rieken ṬṢṢ9: ṣṣ9-ṣṬṢ. The Anatolian name Ta-
mu-ur-a is known also from kt 87/k ṭṣ6 and TC ṭ, Ṭṭ7. In addition, the same name spelled Ta-mu-ur-i-a appears
in ICK ṣ, ṣṣ7Ş ICK ṣ, ṣṬ9Ş kt 9σ/k σ6ṭ.
ṣτṬ
σ.6 šAMUHA
ing Arkadiko-bridge at Kazarma on the Peloponnese (ṣσth-ṣṬth c. BC) measures ṬṬ meters in

length.τṢ9 A wooden construction could presumably have had a much longer span.
–––––
Old Assyrian evidence for the history, political and social institutions of šamuha is scant. A
trader named Amur-šamaš refers to his storehouse in šamuha,τṣṢ and the letter AKT ṭ, 77
implies that an Assyrian named šalim-ahum had a house in the city. Only the texts from the
kt 9ṭ/k-archive mention šamuha with some regularity. The archive belonged to a family ac-
tive in the Anatolian wool-trade, and it would appear that šamuha together with nearby Luhu-
zattiya formed a centre of wool production.τṣṣ
To the envoys from the City and the Kaneš Colony from the Station in šamuha: Here we
calmed down the palace in regard to the wool impounded by the palace, but the palace
says: If you take half, then (go ahead) and take half, but if you do not take half [... ... ]
we led (from the palace). They have given us ṣ6 talents and ṭṢ minas of wool (c. τṢṢ kg)
and three black donkeys, and we have entrusted it to your envoys and they are leading
them to you.τṣṬ
The text, which comes from stratum II at Kültepe, also refers to the palace in šamuha and an
Assyrian Station (wabartum).τṣṭ An unpublished letter quoted by Balkan shows that the settle-
ment had attained the status of Colony (kārum) by the Ib period.τṣσ Perhaps this relects the
growing importance of the city and its region in the Assyrian trade (cf. section τ.Ṭ).
The small number of Assyrian references to šamuha does not imply that it was an insig-
niicant place, but the particular bias of the texts found at Kültepe means that a few central
trade hubs dominate our evidence (cf. τ.ṣ). If itinerant Assyrian agents who had acquired
their wares on credit were the main traders active in šamuha, then their activities would only
appear as unspeciied loans in the archives of the houses in Kaneš (cf. σ.7). For this reason,
the scattered references we have to šamuha and a number of the other cities in Central Ana-
tolia that were not on the main trade routes mostly come from judicial records and random
accounts of transit and purchase (cf. τ.τ).
In Hittite times Samuha rose to prominence as a cultic and administrative centre,τṣτ and the
de facto capital of the empire during the crisis years of the concentric invasions under Tud-
haliya III.τṣ6 A number of studies have been devoted to the city, including an entire volume by
R. Lebrun.τṣ7 Samuha was known for its cult of The Queen of the Night, which was imported
τṢ9. siMpson ṬṢṢ8.

τṣṢ. Kt 87/k τ8Ṭ.
τṣṣ. lassen ṬṢṣṢ. Wool in šamuha appears e.g. in kt 9ṭ/k 8σŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣ9τ. According to C. Michel, who
works on the texts excavated in ṣ99ṭ, the archive contains numerous additional references to šamuha as well as
to wool.
τṣṬ. VS Ṭ6, ṣ9τ (l. ṣ-ṣṣ): a-na í-ip-ri a a-lim ù kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i qí-bi-ma um-ma wa-bar-tum a a-mu-ha-ma a-na-
kam a- u-mì a-áp-tim a É.GAL-lúm i -bu-tù-‘ni] É.GAL-lamτ nu-ni-ih-ma um-ma É.GAL-lúm-ma u-ma mì-i -
lá-am ‘t]a-lá-qé-a li-‘qé-a u-ma] ‘lá ta-l]á-qé-‘a ...] ... (l. ṣ -7 ): lu ni-ir-‘de8] ṣ6 GÚ ṭṢ m‘a-na SÍG.HI.A] ù ṭ
ANšE.H[I.A] ‘ a-lá]-mì i-dí-şnuš-ni-a-‘tí-ma] ‘a-na] í-ip-ri-ku-nu ‘ni]-ip-qí-id-ma i-‘ra]-de8-ú-ni-ku-nu-tí.
The text was bought by Winckler at Boğazköy in ṣ9Ṣ6 but must have come from Kültepe.
τṣṭ. The Station also appears in kt 9σ/k 886, kt b/k Ṭṣ and TPAK ṣ, ṣ8Ṭ. Kt b/k Ṭṣ is erroneously quoted as such by
Balkan ṣ9ττ: 66, but it remains unclear which kt b/k-text was meant.
τṣσ. Balkan ṣ96τ: ṣττ.
τṣτ. URU a-mu-ha-a appears in Telipinu s list of cities with a É NA KIšIB, cf. HoffMann ṣ98σ: σṢ-σṣ.
σ
τṣ6. BrYce ṣ998: ṣ6ṣff.Ş De Martino ṬṢṢ9.

τṣ7. leBrun ṣ976. Also leBrun 1979; 1981; 1983.
ṣτṭ
from Kizzuwatna during the rule of king Tudhaliya I/II.τṣ8 Mursili II built a temple in her
honour,τṣ9 and the goddess plays a central part in the narrative of Hattusili III and his usurpa-
tion of power.
Hittite references show that Samuha was situated on a large river where trafic by boat was
possible.τṬṢ The city was open to attack from the Hittite enemy in Azzi to the north and east.
Both the upper Euphrates and the upper Kızılırmak are possible locations for the city, and the
Hittite sources cannot alone be used to solve the problem.τṬṣ Some scholars have suggested
that there may have been two similarly named towns, based upon the supposed double attes-
tations of Samuha in the Proclamation of Telipinu and in the Prayer of Muwatalli.τṬṬ KBo
ṣṣ.σṢ, which lists the king s offerings for a successful hunt, also presents a problem for those
who wish to locate Samuha on the Kızılırmak. The list includes the river Euphrates under the
section of the Upper Land, in which Samuha was the regional capital, but the Kızılırmak re-
ceives no mention.τṬṭ
The Old Assyrian evidence may not be able to solve this problem, but it is certain that a
city of growing importance in the Assyrian trade named šamuha was located near a river and
a bridge on a route between Hurama and Karahna. This points to a position on the Upper
Kızılırmak and excludes the Upper Euphrates.
4.7 HattumτṬσ
The term Hattum has been discussed continuously for more than ive decades, and yet it re-
mains ambiguous and imperfectly understood. The Assyrian records often mention Hattum,
sometimes in contexts implying that the term was applied to a region as opposed to a city.
According to Julius Lewy it was both: it was the name of a region and the city controlling it,
and he proposed that Hattum was an alternative name for the city of Hattuš (τ.7).τṬτ Lands-
τṣ8. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢσ. Some of the other deities in Samuha listed by Muwatalli may go back to earlier times: CTH
ṭ8ṣ (KUB 6.στ, col. i): σṭ-στ: Ištar-of-the-ield of Samuha, Lady of the ayakku , Apara of Samuha, male gods,
female gods, mountains (and) rivers of Samuha . Teššub of Samuha also igures among the divine witnesses in the
Hittite treaties cf. singer ṣ996Ş wilHelM ṬṢṢṬŞ De Martino ṬṢṢ9.
τṣ9. kronasser ṣ96ṭ: τ8-6ṭ.
τṬṢ. Based upon KUB ṭṣ.79, which describes a transport of ṣṭτṢ kg of grain down river to Samuha from Pittiyariga,
cf. leBrun ṣ976: Ṭṣ7-Ṭṣ8Ş gurneY ṬṢṢṭ: ṣṬṭ-ṣṬσ. The archaic sacriice list KBo σ.ṣṭ (col. i): ṭ6f. mentions Pit-
tiyariga, Arziya, Hassikasnuwanda, Samuha and Zarninuwa and continues with Kaneš and Ussuna. forlanini
ṣ979: ṣ8ṬŞ ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ68 suggests it may describe a movement down the Kızılırmak. Note leBrun ṣ976: Ṭṣ9 text
No. τṭ (KUB σṢ.98: ṣ -Ṭ ) linking [URU ]a-mu-ha-ma! DÙ-[zi] URUHur-ma-ma DÙ-[zi] as the irst two stations in
what appears to be a cultic itinerary. The text is omitted in Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978, but discussed by for-
lanini ṣ99Ṣ: ṣṣσ-ṣṣτ. Note also the text KUB Ṭτ.ṭṬ+, which according to its colophon is a tablet of the festivals
of the city of Karahna (Dinçol & Darga ṣ97ṢŞ McMaHon ṣ99ṣ: τṭ-8Ṭ). One of these Karahna festivals is tied
speciically to the city of Sapuha (a common variant spelling of Samuha, cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: ṭṭ9).
forlanini ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭτ9Ş ṬṢṣṢ: ṣṬ6 locates Karahna and Samuha together at the Mountain of Hura and the forest at
the city Akaliya on the basis of this passage. This would it kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ s link of šamuha and Karahna (cf. τ.τ) via
Hatikaitra and Kutiya, but it is unclear whether the text represents an actual itinerary.
τṬṣ. For a summary cf. gurneY ṣ99ṬŞ ṬṢṢṭ: ṣṬṬ-ṣṬσŞ wilHelM ṬṢṢṬ.
τṬṬ. CTH ṣ9 and CTH ṭ8ṣ, cf. e.g, garstang ṣ9σṬ: Ṭṭ6Ş cornelius ṣ97ṭ: ṣ8ṭ, ṭṢṬ n. σ.
τṬṭ. McMaHon ṣ99ṣ: ṣṭṢ-ṣṭṣ.
τṬσ. Attestations of Hattum are found in: kt 87/k ṭσ?Ş kt 87/k Ṭ7τŞ kt 88/k 878Ş kt 89/k ṬṬṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66Ş
kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k ṣττŞ kt 9σ/k 7ṭṣŞ kt 9σ/k 76ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ6Ṭ9Ş AKT τ, ṣ9Ş AKT 6, ṣṭ9Ş AKT 6,
ṣτṢŞ CCT τ, ṣτbŞ kt c/k ṬṬ8Ş kt c/k ṬστŞ kt c/k σṢ9Ş kt c/k ττṢŞ kt c/k 6τ9Ş kt c/k 8ṬṢŞ GuttmannŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş I σṭ6Ş
I σṭ8Ş I σ9ṢŞ ICK ṣ, ṣŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ6ṬŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ78Ş ICK Ṭ, ṣṢṢ (Ha-ti-şimš)Ş kt i/k ṣṬσŞ kt j/k 97Ş Ka ṭσṭŞ kt k/k 9σŞ
KTH ṭ6Ş KTP ṬτŞ LB ṣṬṢ6Ş kt m/k ṣσṣŞ kt n/k ṣṣṢŞ kt n/k ṣσṣṬŞ kt n/k ṣ789Ş POAT 7Ş RA τ9, ṣτṢŞ Sackler ṬŞ TC
Ṭ, Ṭ7Ş TC ṭ, ṣ9σŞ TPAK ṣ, τṢŞ TPAK ṣ, 9ṣŞ VS Ṭ6, 6Ş VS Ṭ6, τ6Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣṭτ.
τṬτ. J. lewY ṣ9τṢ, see also singer ṣ98ṣ: ṣṬ9, followed by BrYce ṣ998.
ṣτσ
σ.7 HATTUM
berger on the other hand saw Hattum as a general term for the Anatolian countryside: the area
between the cities that the traders crossed with their goods. According to his interpretation,
Hattum was synonymous with the less well-attested term libbi mātim, the Heartland .τṬ6
In a detailed study of the subject Nashef agreed with Landsberger s equation of Hattum
with libbi mātim, but believed the term only denoted the region surrounding Kaneš.τṬ7 In a
more recent study, Dercksen argued that Hattum must be the region inside the bend of the
Kızılırmak River where a number of important Anatolian cities were located. He assembled a
number of examples in which Hattum is contrasted with other toponyms, concluding that area
was bounded by Wašhaniya, Wahšušana, Purušhaddum and Kaneš.τṬ8 However, Dercksen
also proposed that the term Hattum could be applied by the Assyrians in a more speciic geo-
graphical sense as a term for the territory under direct political control of the city of Hattuš
(in lieu of the unattested expression Land of Hattuš ).τṬ9
The evidence presented under Tegarama (σ.ṭ) and Luhuzattiya (σ.σ) argues against this
interpretation. The supposed importance of Hattum is largely based on the notion that Hattuš
must have been an important city during the Old Assyrian period in view of its signiicance
in later history. In reality, nothing implies that Hattuš played a particular role in Anatolian
politics prior to the reigns of Labarna and Hattusili I. Also the cluster of toponyms attested
alongside Hattum points in a different direction:
Badna ṣ mātum ṣ
Durhumit Ṭ Nihriya ṣ
Hahhum ṭ Purattum ṣ
Hurama τ Purušhaddum 6
Hurumhaššum ṣ šalahšuwa ṣ
Kuššara Ṭ šalatuwar ṣ
Kuburnat ṣ Tegarama σ
Kunanamit ṣ Timelkiya ṣ
libbi mātim ṭ Tišmurna ṣ
Luhhum ṣ Wašhaniya ṣ
Luhuzattiya ṭ Wahšušana ṭ
Mamma Ṭ Zalpa ṣ
Table ṣτ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hattum.
There is a noticeable spread in the toponyms attested alongside Hattum, and half of them turn
up only once (Graph 8):τṭṢ
τṬ6. lanDsBerger ṣ9τṢ.

τṬ7. nasHef ṣ976.
τṬ8. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ7-6Ṣ.
τṬ9. Cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ7 ff. Note also veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣτ7-ṣτ8, who discusses the attestations of Hattum and Hattuš
under the same paragraph.
τṭṢ. The attestations of Hattum together with other cities are found in: Badna: kt c/k σṢ9, Durhumit: kt h/k ṭ8Ş AKT
6, ṣτṢ, Hahhum: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş AKT 6, ṣṭ9, Hurama: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş ICK ṣ,
ṣŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Hurumha um: TPAK ṣ, τṢ, Ku ara: 87/k ṭσ?Ş ICK ṣ, ṣ, Kuburnat: TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Kunanamit: LB
ṣṬṢ6, libbi mātim: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66Ş AKT τ, ṣ9, Luhhum: kt 88/k 878, Luhuzattiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k
ṣṢṭ6Ş ICK ṣ, ṣ, Mamma: kt c/k σṢ9Ş TPAK ṣ, τṢ, mātum: kt 87/k Ṭ7τ, Nihriya: TPAK ṣ, τṢ, Purattum: kt 87/k
Ṭ7τ, Puru haddum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ CCT τ, ṣτbŞ I σ9ṢŞ LB ṣṬṢ6Ş RA τ9, ṣτṢ (MAH ṣṢṬ8ṭ),
alah uwa: kt 89/k ṬṬṬ, alatuwar: kt h/k ṭ8, Tegarama: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt m/k ṣσṣŞ Sackler ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, τṢŞ
Timelkiya: TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Ti murna: AKT 6, ṣτṢ, Wah u ana: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt h/k ṭ8, I σṭ8, Wa haniya: CCT τ,
ṣττ
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hurama
Kuššara
libbi mātim
libbi mātim
Luhuzattiya
Mamma
Purušhaddum
Tegarama
Wahšušana
0 1 2 3 4 5 6
Graph 8: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hattum. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Hattum and Purušhaddum are often mentioned together, but they never appear as part of the
same itinerary. Instead, the main candidates for the cluster are Hahhum, Hurama, libbi mātim,
Luhuzattiya, Tegarama and Wahšušana. With the exception of Wahšušana, they all belong
among the clusters east of Kaneš discussed in the previous sections. In order to examine what
bearing this has upon the use of the term Hattum , one must investigate all instances in which
it occurs together with Purušhaddum.
Dercksen attempted to localise Hattum by identifying the cities it was contrasted with in
the texts, quoting one example in which Hattum and Kaneš are listed as alternatives, and one
example that distinguishes Hattum from Wahšušana:
In total, šalim-ahum must pay ṭ minas ṣτ shekels of silver to Iddin-abum wherever he

sees him upon his (return) up from the City, be it in Kaneš or in Hattum.τṭṣ
He left Hattum and he is staying in Wahšušana.τṭṬ
Dercksen concluded that neither Kaneš nor Wahšušana could be part of the territory covered
by the term Hattum. In addition, he found three texts that distinguished Hattum from
ṣτb, Zalpa: kt k/k 9σ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that
unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys
from A to B).
τṭṣ. I σṭ8 (l. 9-ṣṬ): šUNIGIN ṭ ma-na ṣτ GÍN KÙ.BA[BBAR] i -tù a-limki i-na e-lá-i- u lu i-na Kà-ni-i lu i-na Ha-
tim a-li e?-mu?-ru?- u? KÙ.BABBAR ál-mah a-na I-dí-a-biσ-im i- a-qal.
τṭṬ. Kt h/k ṭ8 (l. σ-τ): i -tù Ha-tim ú -a-ma i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na wa- a-ab. cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ8 n. ṣṢ6.
ṣτ6
σ.7 HATTUM
Purušhaddum. Two additional examples of this apposition have since appeared for a total of
ive out of the six texts in which Hattum and Purušhaddum appear together:τṭṭ
I hear that there is a market for kutānum-textiles in Kaneš. Make inquiries, and if you
cannot make a proit in Kaneš then you must not release the kutānum-textiles on credit
to a trader in Kaneš itself. Instead you must bring up my kutānum-textiles to either Hat-
tum or to Purušhaddum.τṭσ
(Do such and such), be it in Hattum or in Purušhaddum.τṭτ
The king of Wašhaniya came here. He has prevented us from going to Purušhaddum or
Hattum.τṭ6
Your letter came, but you wrote nothing at all about the σ shekels of tin that Dan-Aššur
left behind in Kaneš. Why has he taken his weapons like a criminal and gone to Kunana-
mit? You wrote, saying: Because of him, I am barred from going to Hattum so he will
enter Purušhaddum with me, and I will clear myself, and then I will send him to you as
fast as possible .τṭ7
Puzur-Aššur took Ištar-lamassi daughter of Aššur-nada as secondary wife, and he will

take her with him wherever his travels lead him – to Hattum or to Purušhaddum – but he
must return her with him to Kaneš. If he deserts her, he must pay τ minas of silver ... τṭ8
In all ive records, Hattum and Purušhaddum occur as part of a formula, which implies that
Central Anatolia was considered to consist of two parts.τṭ9 The distinction appears to be of a
general nature, and there is no reason to assume that any of the texts contains an implicit ref-
erence to an otherwise unattested Land of Hattuš. Instead, the use of the two terms in the
particular context is reminiscent of the later Hittite partition of Anatolia into the Upper Land
and the Lower Land and Hatti.τσṢ A reference in the Old Assyrian literary text kt j/k 97 to
Sargon of Akkade who shaved the heads of the men of Hattum , does not require that Hattum
τṭṭ. The possible exception is found in kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6, which mentions Purušhaddum at the very end of the message in
a broken passage: Do not [...] the money (to?) Purušhaddum (l. Ṭ8-Ṭ9: Pu-ru-u -ha-dim KÙ.BABBAR lá x x x).
τṭσ. AKT 6, ṣτṢ: (l. ṣσ-ṬṬ): a- a-me-ma a-na ku-ta-ni í-mu-um i-na Kà-ni-i i-ba- í í-ta-lá-ma u-ma ‘i-n]a Kà-ni-
i ki KÙ.BABBAR ‘ù-lá] tù- é-lá-a-nim ‘i-na Kà]-ni-i -ma ku-ta-ni ‘a-na] DAM.GÀR lá tù- a-ra [ku-ta-ni] lu
a-na Ha-tim ‘lu a-na Pu-ru-u ]-ha-dim ‘…]-ki tù- é-lá-a-ma .
τṭτ. RA τ9, ṣτṢ no. ṭ (l. τṢ-τṣ): lu i-na Ha-tim lu i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim.
τṭ6. CCT τ, ṣτb (l. σ -7 ): ‘a-na]-kam ru-ba-um ‘Wa-á] -ha-na-‘i!]-um ‘i]-li-kam a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ù Ha-tim ik-
ta-lá-ni.
τṭ7. LB ṣṬṢ6 (l. Ṭ-ṣṬ): up-pá-kà i-li-kam-ma a- u-mì AN.NA σ GÍN a Dan-A- ur i-Kà-ni-i e-zi-bu mì-ma- a-ma
ú-lá ta-al-tap-tám mì- u a ki-ma a-wi-lim ra-giτ-im kà-ku- u ilτ-qé-ú-ma a-Ku-na-na-me-et i-tal-ku ta-‘á] -pu-
ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma a- u-mì- u-ma a-H‘a]-tim a-pá-ri-kà-ma i -tí-a a-na Pu-ru-‘u] -ha-dim e-ra-ab-ma ú-za-
kà-ma i-pá-nim-ma a- á-ra-da- u.
τṭ8. I σ9Ṣ (l. ṣ-ṣṬ): I tar-lá-ma-sí DUMU.SAL A- ùr-na-da Puzurσ-I tar a-na am-tù-tim e-hu-uz-ma a-na Pu-ru-u -
ha-dim lu a-na Ha-tim a- ar ha-ra- u-ni i -tí- u i-ra-de8- í ù qá-dí- u-ma a-na Kà-ni-i ú-ta-ra- í u-ma e-zi-ib- í
τ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i- a-qal. Compare to TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa: Aššur-malik may not take a wife – in Kaneš, in
Purušhaddum, in Durhumit or in Wahšušana (l. 9-ṣτ: A- ùr-ma-lik a- a-tám lu i-na Kà-ni-i lu i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-
dim lu i-na Durσ-hu-mì-it lu i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na lá e-ha-az).
τṭ9. Note a similar stipulation in the marriage contract AKT ṣ, 77b (l. 7-9): He will not take a qadi tum-wife in Kaneš
or in Nihriya (qá-dí-i -tám i-na Kà-ni-‘i ] ù Ni-ih-ri-a ú-lá e-ha-az) – presumably meaning east or west of the
Euphrates and cf. kt 87/k Ṭ7τ below.
τσṢ. The judicial record kt c/k ṣṣ9 contains a unique reference to the Upper Land (ma-at e-li-tim) but the context is
unclear. It may refer to Anatolia as a whole.
ṣτ7
has to be a speciic political entity,τσṣ and the idea that the term Hattum could be applied in a
general fashion to denote a region seems more appropriate.
As already stated, Hattum and Purušhaddum never appear together in an itinerary, and
those toponyms that do occur alongside Hattum mostly belong to the region east of Kaneš. If
Hattum was a term used only for the area inside the river basin, then how does this relate to
the available itineraries? The two attestations of Hattum and Tegarama that were discussed
under section σ.ṭ illustrate the situation: nothing really necessitates a close physical proxim-
ity between Tegarama and Hattum and the texts only imply that Tegarama was a stop en route
to Hattum. Likewise, the letter kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6 shows that both Tegarama and Luhuzattiya were
located outside the area of Hattum, although Luhuzattiya appears to have been located on the
way to Hattum as seen from Tegarama.
Similarly, the judicial record ICK ṣ,ṣ about a partnership formed for the purchase of
amūtum (cf. σ.σ), shows that Luhuzattiya and Hurama were located on a route leading from
Hattum to Kaneš, but that they were not considered part of Hattum:
Aššur-re i and šu-Suen answered Sahaya: … out of the large amount of amūtum-metal
that you promised our father, Puzur-Aššur and Ali-abum bought ṣτ ṣ/Ṭ shekels (c. ṣṬτ
g) of amūtum in Hattum, and it was you they entrusted it to in Luhuzattiya and they sent
it with you to our father ... Without our knowledge or that of your father s representa-
tives, you have gone from Hurama to our father in Kaneš, and as the sickbed held our
father, you cheated our father, saying: I added the 9τ shekels of silver that I withdrew
from your capital onto the price of the amūtum, and I personally paid the 8 shekels of
gold that the palace in Kuššara had obliged Ali-abum to pay . But not only did you with-
draw the money without adding anything to the price of the amūtum yourself. You never
went up to Kuššara, and you never paid the 8 shekels of gold … τσṬ
This text was used by Nashef to argue that Kuššara was located in the region of Hattum, while
Dercksen disputed his line of reasoning. Other documents that relate to the same partnership
may clarify the matter.
The letter CCT Ṭ, σ8 was written prior to the lawsuit that produced ICK ṣ, ṣ and refers to
the dealings of Aššur-re i, Hanunu, Ali-abum, Sahaya and Puzur-Aššur, who were the agents
entrusted with the capital to procure the amūtum. The recipient of the letter is Innaya, who
was stationed in Kaneš to act on behalf of the main investor. The text shows two important
points. Firstly, a ium and amūtum are synonymous terms,τσṭ and more importantly for the
present context, the term the Heartland covers the same basic meaning as Hattum:
To Innaya from Aššur-re i. The silver and gold you gave Hanunu, Sahaya, Ali-abum and
Puzur-Aššur to buy a ium-metal - they brought it into the Heartland, but they have been
unable to lay their hands on any a ium, and Ali-abum and Puzur-Aššur have brought Ṭ
minas and ṣσ shekels of gold back out with them, and it is now located in the house of
an afiliated trader about whom you do not have to be afraid and where it is very safe.
τσṣ. van De Mieroop ṬṢṢṢ: ṣτṭŞ Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ8Ş alster & osHiMa ṬṢṢ7: ṣ6. Kt 9σ/k 76Ṣ refers to a guide from
Hattum, and kt 9σ/k ṣ6Ṭ9 mentions sundries from Hattum that are to travel on the Narrow Track (section σ.9).
τσṬ. ICK ṣ, ṣ (l. ṣ-Ṭ): A- ùr-re- í ù u-Sú-en6 Sà-ha-a e-pu-lu (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ8): i-na KÙ.AN ma-dim a pì-kà a-na a-biσ-ni
ta-dí-nu ṣτ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.AN Puzurσ-A- ùr ù A-lá-bu-um i-na Ha-tim i -ú-mu-ma ku-wa-tí i-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a ‘i]-
dí-nu-ni-ku-ma a- é-er ‘a]-biσ-ni ú- é-biσ-lu-ni-kà-ma (l. ṭ8-τσ): i-na lá i-da-i-ni ú a-zu-za-tim a a-biσ-ni i -tù
Hu-ra-ma a- é-er a-biσ-ni a-na Kà-ni-i té-ru-ba-ma a-bu-ni er- u-um ú-kà-al- u a-bu-ni tù-ni-ma um-ma a-ta-
ma ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a i-na li-biσ KÙ.BABBAR-pì-kà al-qé-ú a-na í-im KÙ.AN ú-ra-dí-e ù 8
GÍN KÙ.KI a A-lá-ba-am É.GAL-lúm i-na Ku- a-ra ik-sí-ú a-na-ku á -qú-ul a KÙ.BABBAR a-ta ta-at-bu-lu-
ma a-na í-im KÙ.AN mì-ma lá tù-ra-dí-ú ú a-na Ku- a-ra e-lá-ú-ma lá té-li-ú ú 8 GÍN KÙ.GI lá ta-á -qú-lu.
τσṭ. Cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢτa: Ṭ7-Ṭ9 and note AKT ṭ, στ in fn. τ6ṭ below.
ṣτ8
σ.7 HATTUM
Then Ali-abum and Puzur-Aššur returned into the Heartland to convert the remainder of
the silver and gold. They will come back in ive days, and then I will send Puzur-Aššur
to you, so that he may inform you about the case. Here Hanunu and Sahaya are saying
that: Although their efforts have obtained no a ium in the Heartland itself, then a ium
may be found right in the vicinity. Send the silver and the gold (to us), so that we may
buy the a ium and send it to the investor. Aššur-šamši, [who is the friend of Ha]nunu,
will [...] the Huramean (king), and [no] a ium should be allowed to enter Luhuzattiya.
God forbid, he must not give any a ium to the Luhuzattiyan (king), so as not to anger the
investor .τσσ
The reason why Luhuzattiya should be avoided is made clear from a statement in another
related letter:
The man (the investor) has promised the palace a lot of a ium, so write a message that
neither your letter(s) nor the a ium should be sent via Luhuzattiya.τστ
The combined evidence of CCT Ṭ, σ8 and ICK ṣ,ṣ implies that Puzur-Aššur and Ali-abum had
succeeded in obtaining a tiny amount of amūtum on their second run into Hattum, whereas
the supplies Hanunu and Sahaya had thought would be available in the vicinity of Hattum
proved inaccessible. ICK ṣ,ṣ shows that the amūtum bought by Puzur-Aššur and Ali-abum
was entrusted to Sahaya in Luhuzattiya. He brought it to Hurama and deposited it in the house
of an afiliated trader. Later Sahaya left Hurama and went to KanešŞ where he, according to
the testimony, deceived his ailing investor into believing that he had paid 8 shekels of gold in
the palace of Kuššara on behalf of Ali-abum. Regardless of the veracity in Sahaya s claim, the
debt that Ali-abum had incurred in Kuššara on behalf of the partnership should probably be
linked with the ṣτ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of amūtum that he and Puzur-Aššur had managed to procure.
If Ali-abum s purchase and his debt in Kuššara are related, then Nashef appears to be correct
in his claim that Kuššara was considered a part of Hattum.
Given that Kaneš itself was located close to the Kızılırmak River, which marked the fron-
tier between Kaneš and Hattum according to Dercksen, it is odd that the members of the
partnership would travel east and north from Kaneš via Hurama and Luhuzattiya in order to
enter Hattum. If Hattum was a less precise geographical term that included also some of the
region east of the Kızılırmak, then this would explain both the records that distinguish Hat-
tum from Kaneš, Wahšušana and Purušhaddum, and the strong presence of the cities east of
Kaneš in the Hattum cluster.
An example of the eastern network of routes linking Hahhum, Hurama and Luhuzattiya to
Hattum is found in the letters kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7 and kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9Ṣ (cf. also section σ.9):
τσσ. CCT Ṭ, σ8 (l. ṣ-ṭ7): ‘a]-na I-na-a qí-bi-ma um-ma A- ùr-re- í-ma KÙ.BABBAR ù KÙ.GI a a-na Ha-nu-nu Sà-
ha-a A-lá-biσ-im ù PuzurṬ-A- ùr a-na a- é-e-em a-a-mì-im ta-dí-nu-ma KÙ.BABBAR ù KÙ.GI a-na li-biσ ma-
tim ú- é-ri-bu-ma a- í-a-am qá-sú-nu lá i -ba-at-ma Ṭ ma-na ṣσ GÍN KÙ.GI A-lá-bu-um ú PuzurṬ-A- ùr ú- é- í-
ú-nim-ma a-na-kam É DUMU um-mì-a-nim lá a a-ha- im a- ar a!- ú!-ru i-ba- í ú ‘A]-lá-bu-um ù PuzurṬ-A- ur
a-na í-tí KÙ.BABBAR [ù KÙ.GI] ta-ú-ri-im ‘a-na li]-biσ ma-tim i-tù-ru-ú a-dí τ uσ-me-e i-tù-ru-nim-ma PuzurṬ-
A- ur a- é-ri-kà a- á-ra-dam-ma za-‘ku]-sà ú-ba-lá-kum a-na-kam um-ma Ha-nu-nu ù Sà-ha-ma i -tù-ma i-li-biσ
ma-tim a- í-a-am qá-tum lá i- a-áb-tù-ú i-na na-aq-ri-biσ-ma a- í-ú-um i-ba- í KÙ.BABBAR şù> KÙ.GI ‘ ]é-
biσ-ilτ-ma a- í-a-am ‘ni-lá-qé-ma a]- é-er a-wi-lim ‘nu- é-ba-al] A- ur-dUTU- i ‘i-ib-ri Ha]-nu-nu ‘a-na Hu-ra]-
ma-im ‘ma-sé]-er-ma ‘a- í-um] a-Lu-hu-za!-tí-a ‘lá e]-ra-áb a-sú-re-e a- í-a-am ‘a-Lu]-hu-şzaš-dí-a-e-em e i-
dí-nu-ma ‘l]i-biσ DAM.GÀR e im-ra-a . (Coll. Larsen). Cf. lanDsBerger ṣ9τṢ.
τστ. CCT Ṭ, σṭ (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ7): a-wi-lu-um a-na a- í-im ma-dí-im a-na e-kál-lim pì- u i-dí-in u-pu-ur-ma lu té-er-ta-şkàš
lu a- í-a-kà e-ba-ar Lu-hu-za-tí-a lá e-tí-i‘q].
ṣτ9
Earlier I sent ṭ minas less ṭ shekels of silver with šu-Suen to you in Kaneš from Hattum
... (As for) the textiles that you entrusted to me in Luhuzattiya, the roads were in turmoil,
and until the case was solved, the textiles were in the villages for 6 months. I asked you
to cover the expenses when you were in Hurama, but you said: I have already left, but I
will send you one or two minas from Hahhum . However, you have sent nothing, and
Luhuzattiya [...].τσ6
When you wrote your message in Hurama to me about the textiles, you gave me nothing
but Ṭ ṣ/σ shekels of silver. So I said: (At least) give me some money on an account for
expenses on the journey . You answered: When you have sent the textiles on their way,
and I have left myself , then I sent you between ṣ/Ṭ and Ṭ minas from Hahhum to cover
your expenses. But even though I wrote to you several times in Hahhum, you never sent
me anything. When you left, did you not know that the roads were in turmoil, and that
the palaces were on guard? Until the matter was cleared, I spent 8 months in the Heart-
land. I then went in the villages where the textiles were stored, I got the textiles out, and
with great effort I brought the textiles into Wahšušana to your representatives... šu-Suen
brought ṭ minas less ṭ shekels with him to you from Hattum.τσ7
Apparently, someone who continued his own journey to Hurama and Hahhum had entrusted
the author of the two letters with a load of textiles in Luhuzattiya, which he was to take to
Wahšušana. Unrest broke out and the textiles were stored in villages in the countryside for
several months. The author waited out the conlict in the Heartland and then sent the textiles
to Wahšušana. Finally, šu-Suen was sent to Kaneš from Hattum, presumably with the pro-
ceeds of the trade. Parallel to some of the examples found in section σ.ṭ, the road into Hattum
went via Hurama and Luhuzattiya, and it did not pass through Kaneš. Clearly Wahšušana did
not belong to Hattum or the Heartland either. Kuburnat, on the other hand, was located in
Hattum, if one is to judge by the context of the following letter:
Kazua has left for Kuburnat. I did not catch up with him. He has brought along all the
goods that his brother left behind – the textiles, the tin, the wool and the donkeys. The
man is not to sell the goods at any price, he is not to return, and he is not to trouble you
in Hurama. The man is close to the palace and behaves like a native. If you wish, you
could write an angry letter to your representatives and myself before I return from Timel-
kiya, and we shall have your money paid in Hattum. Dear father, send me sundries worth
some ten shekels of silver with those who carry your messages, and let your order reach
me in Kuburnat.τσ8
τσ6. Kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7 (l. ṣ-τ): ṭ ma-na LÁ ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-pá-ni-tim i -tù Ha-tim i -tí u-Sú-en6 a-na Kà-ni-ì ú- é-
biσ-lá-ku-ma ... (l. ṭṣ-σṢ): TÚG.HI-tù a i-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a tap-qí-da-ni ha-ra-na-tum sà-ah-a-ma a-dí-i a-wa-
tum iz-ku-a-ni TÚG.HI-tù a-lá-ni-ma ib- í-ú ITU.6.KAM i-na Hu-ra-ma gám-ra-am e-ri-i -kà um-ma a-ta-ma
a-lá-ak-ma ‘i] -tù Ha-hi-im AN.NA ṣ ma-na ù Ṭ ma-na ‘ú- é-ba-lá-kum] mì-ma lá tù-u -té-‘bi-lam] ù ? Lu-hu-
«ga»-za-tí- a [x x x].
τσ7. Kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9Ṣ (l. Ṭ-ṬṬ): i-nu-‘mì i-na] Hu-ra-ma na-á -pè-er-tá‘m] a-dí TÚG.HI.A tù-lá-pì-ta-‘ni] e-lá Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR a-‘ni-tám lá] ta-dí-na-ni um-ma a-na-ku-‘ma] gám-ra-am a ha-ra-nim a-qá-‘tí-a] dí-na-am um-
ma a-ta-ma a- dí TÚG.HI.A ta- a-lá-ha-ni ù a-na-ku a-lá-ak-ma i -tù Ha-hi-im ṣ/Ṭ şma>-na ù Ṭ ma-na a-gám-
ri-kà ú- é-bí-lá-kum ù a-dí ma-lá ù í-ni- u a-na Ha-hi-im á -pu-ra-ku-ma a-ta mì-ma lá tù-u -té-bi-lam i-nu-mì
ta-tal-ku lá tí-dí-e ki-ma ha-ra-na-tum sà-hu-a-ni ù É.GAL-lu da-nu-ni a-dí a-wa-tum iz-ku-a-ni ITU.8.KAM i-na
li-bi ma-tim as-hu-ur TÚG.HI-tù i-na a-lá-ni a- ar ib- í-ú-ni a-lik-ma TÚG.HI.A ú- é- í-a-ma a-na-ah-ma TÚG.
HI.A a- é-er a-zu-za-tí-kà a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ú - é-ri-ib-ma ... (l. ṭ8-σṢ): ṭ ma-na LÁ ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
i -tí u-Sú-en6 i -tù Ha-tim ú-ş éš-bi-lá-ku-ma.
τσ8. TC Ṭ, Ṭ7 (l. Ṭ-Ṭ6): Kà-zu-wa a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at i-ta-lá-ak ú-lá ak- u-sú mì-ma lu-qú-tim a a-hu- u e-zi-bu lu
TÚG.HI.A lu AN.NA lu a-áp-tum lu ANšE.HI.A i-na pá-ni- u e-ta-ba-ak a-wi-lu-um lu-qú-sú ba-tí-iq wa-tù-ur
e i-dí-in e i-tù-ra-ma i-na Hu-ra-ma e ú-nu-kà a-wi-lu-um a-na É.GAL-lim á-hi-i nu-wa-ú-tam-ma e-ta-na-pá-á
u-ma li-ba-kà a-dí a-na-ku i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a a-tù-ra-ni na-á -pè-er-ta-kà da-nu-tum a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at a-na
ṣ6Ṣ
σ.7 HATTUM
The author is staying in Timelkiya, and sends his letter to Hurama. He had intended to catch
up with Kazua in Timelkiya, but Kazua had already left for Kuburnat. Now the author plans
to return to Kuburnat from Timelkiya and to deal with the proceeds of Kazua s trade there. He
offers to collect the proits in Hattum and states that instructions should be sent to him in
Kuburnat. If Kuburnat was not in Hattum then it must have been in its immediate vicinity.
Support for the location of Kuburnat as well as Durhumit in the region known as Hattum
depends upon the equation of Hattum with the Heartland discussed earlier. In paragraph σ.9
it will be shown that the Assyrian term harrān sūqinnim refers to a particular set of routes that
were used to run goods past Kaneš to the region of Kuburnat and Durhumit. However, instead
of Kuburnat and Durhumit, a single text gives the Heartland as the inal destination of the
Narrow Track:
If you see there that we need not fear the harrān sūqinnim, and that everybody s mes-
sages leave, then your message should leave as well to Ku um and Abu-šalim, so that
Abu a alone brings your tin and your textiles over with the irst caravan, and then, as
soon as they arrive safely in the Heartland, he should let the good textiles enter in the
second go. When your goods depart, you should send this, my letter, with (them).τσ9
If the two terms Hattum and the Heartland were used interchangeably by the Assyrians as
Landsberger and Nashef suggested, then it seems that Durhumit and Kuburnat were a part of
Hattum.
Further evidence for the location of Hattum in the Assyrian mental geography is found in
the following judicial record, which relates to the internal geographical divisions of Anatolia:
Puzur-Aššur and Mannum-ki-Adad seized us (as witnesses) against Papandahe, saying:

... Take the slave-girl along, either to Hattum or to the Land, but you must not sell her in
Kaneš or in the Land of Kaneš. Papandahe answered: I will take her across the Euphra-
tes .ττṢ
The text contrasts Kaneš and Hattum, but two more regions are added to the equation. One is
implicit, namely the territory beyond the Euphrates, which both Papandahe and the Assyrians
consider to be outside the judicial orbit of Anatolia. If the slave-girl is taken across the river
the problem is solved. The other region is the Land (mātum) – a loose expression, though
hardly synonymous with the Heartland .
Hecker, who published the text,ττṣ suggested that The Land might be the territory of
Kaneš itself. This is possible, but would require that The Land and Kaneš and The Land of
é-er a-zu-za-tí-kà ú i-a-tí lá-pì-ta-ma i-na Ha-tim KÙ-áp-kà lu nu- a-á -qí-ilτ a-biσ a-ta i -tí a na-á -pè-ra-tí-
kà i-na- í-a-ni sà-he-er-tám a KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ GÍN é-biσ-lá-ma a-wa-at-kà i-Ku-bu-ur-na-at lá-ak- u-ud.
τσ9. AnOr 6, ṣ8 (l. ṣ6-ṭṬ): u-ma a-ma-kam ta-da-gal-ma ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim lá ni- a-hu-ut-ma té-er-tí ma-ma-an i-
lá-ak ù a-ta té-er-ta-kà a- é-er Ku- í-im ù A-bu- a-lim li-li-ik-ma A-bu-a-a i -té-en6 AN.NA ù TÚG.HI qá-tam i-
pá-ni-tim lu- é-tí-iq a-na-ma a-li-biσ ma-tim i-ma-qú-tù ù a-ni-um TÚG.HI SIGτ lu- é-ri-ib i-nu-mì té-er-ta-kà
i-lu-ku na-á -pè-er-tí a-ni-tám e-biσ-ilτ- í. Cf. also kt n/k σ98 (kuZuoğlu in press): … and they should leave the
remainder of the textiles in HuramaŞ if the caravan (coming from Assur) is held back from entering (Kaneš), then
truly, the Narrow Track is open (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ6: í-tí TÚG.HI.A i-na Hu-ra-ma le-zi-bu u-ma ILLAT-tám a-na e-ra-bi-
im ma-as-ra-at ma ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim ú- u-ra-at). Additional examples of a direct link between Hurama and
Kuburnat, though without an explicit reference to the Narrow Track, are discussed under section σ.ṣṢ.
ττṢ. Kt 87/k Ṭ7τ (l. Ṭ-7): Puzurσ-A- ùr ù Ma-num-ki-dIM a-na Pá-pá-an-ta-ah-e i -bu-tù-ni-ma um-ma Puzurσ-A- ùr
ù Ma-num-ki-dIM-ma ... (l. ṣṣ-ṣ7): u-ma a-na Ha-tim lu a-na ma-tim am-tám ri-de8-e i-na Kà-ni-i ù ma-at Kà-
ni-i lá ta-da-an- í um-ma Pá-pá-an-da!-ah-e-ma Pu-ra-tám ú- é-ba-ar- í.
ττṣ. Hecker ṣ997: ṣ6τ-ṣ67.
ṣ6ṣ
Kaneš were synonyms. That there might be a term for the region east and north of Kaneš on
the right bank of the Kızılırmak also seems doubtful in light of the evidence presented above.
Finally, it is dificult to believe that the Land would be synonymous with Purušhaddum in
spite of its common use as an opposite of Hattum. Elsewhere in the Old Assyrian texts, the
Land appears as a general expression for Anatolia as a whole and not just Hattum. For in-
stance, one is not allowed to marry more than one woman in the Land , and one can measure
a value according to the purse of the Land .ττṬ Similarly, items are weighed according to the
weight of the Land , while Assyrian traders differentiate between the word of the City and
the word of the Land .
The term Land could thus refer both to a state as a political entity, a territory as a geo-
graphical entity, a region as a topographical entity, and Anatolia in reference to the colonies
there. In this context it probably means: in Hattum or anywhere else in Anatolia .
The Heartland could be a related term and Landsberger may have been right in suggesting
that libbi mātim sometimes signiied the Anatolian countryside in general.ττṭ But as shown by kt
9ṣ/k Ṭ9Ṣ this may not always have been the case. The author states that he spent 8 months in
libbi mātim before going into the villages to get his textiles. Does this imply that the villages
were not in the libbi mātim? Both Hattum and libbi mātim may have been fairly imprecise terms
for the region north and east of Kaneš, and one could even be used to qualify the other:
... purchase goods that they stocked are in the libbi mātim of Hattum. Send me silver so
that I can make purchases, ...ττσ
A large number of attestations make it clear that Hattum was a region to which the Assyrians
would send goods and leave with a proit. Often it is implied (and at times directly stated) that
the references to the trade going on in Hattum were the result of sales on credit made in Kaneš
to itinerant Assyrian merchants. The archives in Kaneš rarely contain any information about
the traders who actually peddled the imported textiles from town to town after they had been
declared at Kaneš. Instead a general reference is made about the amount of silver owed by the
individual trader upon his return to Kaneš from Hattum (cf. τ.ṣ and τ.ṭ). A few examples will
sufice:
PNṣ owes PNṬ 6 minas of ... silver. He will pay it back upon his return from Hattum.τττ
They will pay the money when PN returns from Hattum.ττ6
PN is bringing ṭṣ minas of tin and 6 kutānum-textiles, belonging to our goods on credit,

to Hattumττ7
PN took 6 ṣ/ṭ minas of tin from your sack and left for Hattum on that very day.ττ8
ττṬ. Cf. ICK ṣ, ṭ (l. σ-τ): i-na ma-tim GEMÉ a-ni-tám lá e-ha-azŞ kt c/k σσṢ (l. Ṭ-ṭŞ ṣτ-ṣ6): GÍN KÙ.GI ki- a-am a
ma-tim.
ττṭ. Note e.g. the text from Mari ARM Ṭ, 78, which contrasts a smuggler s route in the steppe (harrān kā im nap-
zaram) to a road in the Heartland (i.e. civilised areas) (harrān libbi mātim).
ττσ. AKT τ, ṣ9 (l. 8-ṣṣ): í-ma-am u-ra-am a i-dí-ú i-li-biσ-i ma-tí-im a Ha-tim KÙ.BABBAR é-bi-lá-ma í-ma-am
lá-á -a-am-ma.
τττ. Guttmann (l. ṣ-8): 6 ma-na KÙ.BABBA[R] ... i- é-er En-na-sú-en DUMU A- ur-ma-lik MI-dIM i- u i -tù Ha-tim
i-tu-wa-ri- u i- a-qal. Cf. oppenHeiM ṣ97σ: ṬṭṢ.
ττ6. ICK ṣ, ṣ78 (l. 6 -9 ): i-nu-mì I-dí-I tar i -tù Ha-tim i-tù-ra-ni KÙ.BABBAR i- a-qú-lu.
ττ7. ICK ṣ, ṣ6Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): ṭṣ ma-na [AN.NA] 6 TÚG ku-ta-n‘i] a qí-ip-tí-ni Nu-ur-I tar a-na Ha-tim ú-biσ-ilτ.
ττ8. POAT 7 (l. τ-8): 6 ṣ/ṭ ma-na AN.NA i-na u-uq-li-kà dNIN.šUBUR-ba-ni ilτ-qé-ma i-nu-mì- u-ma a-na Ha-tim
i-ta-lá-ak.
ṣ6Ṭ
σ.7 HATTUM
PN has ordered to send Ṭ/ṭ minas of silver from Hattum.ττ9
Out of ṣ7σ textiles, ṣṣ talents of wool, ṣṢ talents of hides, 6 minas of tin and ṣṣ black
donkeys that I led to Hattum, PN took … τ6Ṣ
If he has not brought back 6 shekels of silver from Hattum within two months ...τ6ṣ
Before any inal conclusions may be drawn, one last point has to be considered. Two refer-
ences to a region called the Inner Land (mātum qerbītum) were seen by Dercksen as possible
synonyms to libbi mātim and Hattum.τ6Ṭ But, if one observes the geography of the texts in-
volved, it seems that the Inner Land was located west of the Kızılırmak:
Mannum-ki-Aššur answered: It is true. You gave me the goods, but since I had (inan-
cial) losses, (and) I heard of amūtum (being available) in the Inner Land, I went into the
Inner Land, and I bought some amūtum that has been reserved for you. Since your silver
was not suficient, I left the amūtum behind in šalatuwar and I travelled to Wahšušana,
where I got ṣṢ talents of copper at (the rate of) one shekel each per mina from šu-[Ištar],
son of Aššur-bani, I brought it (back) to šalatuwar, and I sold it there where a ium was
available, and then I brought the amūtum to Wahšušana and gave it to šu-Ištar, who sold
it wherever he could .τ6ṭ
Since šalatuwar (τ.ṣτ) was a western neighbour of Wahšušana and located further away from
the Kızılırmak than that city, then it makes little sense to equate the Inner Land with the re-
gion inside the bend of the river. One would have to imagine that Mannum-ki-Aššur irst
crossed the Kızılırmak to go to šalatuwar and leave the amūtumŞ he would then return to
Wahšušana to do some trade, go back to šalatuwar to buy more amūtum, and inally return to
Wahšušana to sell all of it again.
A more reasonable reconstruction would be that Mannum-ki-Aššur bought his amūtum in
the Inner Land and left it behind in šalatuwar so as not to carry it with him to Wahšušana. In
Wahšušana the trader knew he would ind copper cheaper than in šalatuwar, so he bought a
load, returned to šalatuwar and from there he went to trade the copper to amūtum wherever
he could ind it. He only returned to Wahšušana when he knew that enough amūtum had been
collected to cover his losses.
The second text mentioning the Inner Land implies that the area bordered onto the terri-
tory of Purušhaddum. This its well with its apparent position beyond šalatuwar when com-
ing from Wahšušana:
ττ9. Ka ṭσṭ (l. ṣ -ṭ ): Ṭ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR Pu‘zurσ-x-x-(x)] DUMU I-ba-a i -tù Ha-tim é-bu-lam qá-biσ.
τ6Ṣ. Kt n/k ṣσṣṬ (l. ṣ-τ): i-na ṣ me-at 7σ TÚG.HI.A ṣṣ GÚ SÍG.HI-tim ṣṢ GÚ ma -ke-e 6 ma-na AN.NA ṣṣ ANšE
a-la-me a a-na Ha-tim ub-lu-ni.
τ6ṣ. TPAK ṣ, 9ṣ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ6): 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tù Ha-tim u-ma a-na ITU.Ṭ.KAM lá u -té-biσ-lam. Additional
examples are kt c/k 6τ9 and probably also kt c/k 8ṬṢ. The texts kt c/k ṬṬ8 and kt c/k Ṭστ refer indirectly to the
market of Hattim (mahīr Hattim) as a place where tin is sold for silver. Instead of Hattum, AKT 6, σṭ6 makes use
of libbi mātim in what appears to be a similar context: Do not be angry because we do not make anything in the
Heartland (l. ṣṭ -ṣτ : i-li-biσ ma-tim mì-ma e né-pí- u-ma li-ba-kà e im-ra-a ).
τ6Ṭ. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ8 n. ṣτ8.
τ6ṭ. AKT ṭ, στ (l. 7-Ṭ7): um-ma Ma-num-ki-A- ùr-ma ke-na lu-qú-tám ta-dí-na-ma ki-ma bi-it-qá-tù-ni a-mu-tám i-na
ma-tim qé-er-bi-tim á -me-ma a-na ma-tim qé-er-bi-tim e-ru-ub-ma a-mu-tám á -a-ma qá-at-kà a-ak-na-at ki-
ma KÙ.BABBAR-áp-kà lá kà-á -‘d]u-ni a-mu-tám i-na a-la-tù-ar e-zi-ib-ma a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na e-tí-iq-ma
ṣṢ GÚ URUDU ṣ GÍN.TA [x] ṣ ma-na.TA i -tí u-‘I tar] DUMU A- ùr-ba-ni a‘l-qé]-ma a-na a-la-tù-ar ú-bi-
ilτ-ma a- ar a- í-um ib- í-ú a-dí-in-ma a-mu-tám a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ub-lam-ma a-na u-I tar a-dí-in-ma u-
I tar-ma a- ar ta-da!-nim i-tí-dí-in.
ṣ6ṭ
The Kaneš Colony to the Purušhaddum Colony. Since U ur-ša-Aššur left from there and
entered the Inner Land ...τ6σ
It therefore seems unlikely that the terms the Inner Land , Hattum and the Heartland all
refer to the same geographical entity.
The terms Hattum and libbi mātim seem to be unrelated to the later Hittite Hatti and INA
šÀ URUHatti in a geographical sense, even if the root of the words may be the same. One
could refer to Hattum as a region,τ6τ but the term never occurs in a political sense. The city of
Hattuš was presumably an independent city-state in the region known as Hattum, but so were
Durhumit, Kuburnat and many others. There is no evidence that Hattuš held political su-
premacy in the region or that it played any particular role compared to the other states. This
may be the commercial bias of the sources, but one can show that the city-state of Purušhaddum
held no sovereignty over the remaining states in the west to which the Assyrians applied the
general term.
Without further evidence one can translate Hattum, and perhaps also the less common
libbi mātim, in a loose fashion as Central Anatolia , and speciically its eastern part when
contrasted to Purušhaddum. Hattum is distinguished from Purušhaddum and the city-states of
Kaneš, Wahšušana and Luhuzattiya, and is linked to the clusters east of Kaneš. Depending in
part on the equation between Hattum and libbi mātim, Durhumit and Kuburnat both appear to
have been a part of Hattum. The texts related to the amūtum-partnership imply that Kuššara
may belong there as well.
4.8 Timelkiyaτ66
Timelkiya is one of the best-attested Anatolian toponyms during the Old Assyrian Colony
Period. The name occurs in more than one hundred records, often in itineraries that link
Timelkiya to other place names. Timelkiya was a neighbour of Hahhum (σ.ṣ) and was close-
ly connected to Zalpa (σ.Ṭ). This section will identify some of the other toponyms in the
Timelkiya cluster, determine its position on the main Assyrian route between the Euphrates
and Kaneš, and discuss its function as a preferred point of departure for the Assyrian trade in
contraband. The toponyms that occur alongside Timelkiya are:
τ6σ. Kt v/k 89 (l. ṣ-8): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-ì -ma a-na kà-ri-im Pu-ru-u -ha-dim qí-bi-ma i -tù Ú- ur- a-A- ùr a-
ma-nu-um ú- a-a-ni-ma a-na ma-tim qé-er-bi-tim e-ru-bu.
τ6τ. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣτ8 suggests that individuals could originate from Hattum on the basis of kt 9σ/k 76Ṣ. The text
records wages to Anatolians who are smuggling textiles into Kaneš and among the recipients is a guide of Hat-
tum (l. ṣ8: ra-dí-im a Ha-tim). But Hattum is probably a personal name, cf. e.g. kt 9σ/k ṣṬσṢ.
τ66. Attestations of Timelkiya are found in: kt 7τ/k ṭŞ kt 7τ/k 67Ş kt 7τ/k 8ṣŞ kt 78/Et ṣṣ8Ş kt 87/k Ṭτ6Ş kt 87/k ṭṣṭŞ kt
87/k ṭṣ7Ş kt 89/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṭŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭŞ kt 9ṣ/k σ86Ş kt 9ṣ/k τ6ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt
9Ṭ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ6ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṭṢσŞ kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ kt 9σ/k τṢṬŞ kt 9σ/k 76ṣŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ kt
9σ/k ṣṬτ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσττŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢŞ AKT ṭ, σσŞ AKT ṭ, 88Ş AKT ṭ, 9ṬŞ AKT 6, τ6Ş AKT 6, τ8Ş AKT
6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣ76Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ AKT 6, τṢṭŞ AKT 6, τṣ8Ş ATHE 6ṬŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş BIN σ, τ7Ş BIN σ, 6ṢŞ BIN 6, τŞ
BIN 6, 79Ş BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ CCT ṭ, ṭ8Ş CCT σ, ṣ8aŞ CCT τ, Ṭ8cŞ CCT τ, ṭṣaŞ CCT 6, ṣτbŞ CCT 6, ṭ7cŞ CCT 6, σṢbŞ kt
c/k ṣṣŞ kt c/k ττŞ kt c/k ṣṢṭŞ kt c/k ṣṢτŞ kt c/k ṣṣ6Ş kt c/k ṣ96Ş kt c/k Ṭṣ8Ş kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k Ṭ6τŞ kt c/k Ṭ68Ş kt c/k
Ṭ98Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k στ6Ş kt c/k στ7Ş kt c/k τṣ9Ş kt c/k 6Ṣ6Ş kt c/k 6Ṣ7Ş kt c/k 6ṬτŞ kt c/k 778a+bŞ kt c/k 798Ş kt
c/k 8σ8a+bŞ CTMMA ṣ, 7ṭŞ kt h/k 7ṭŞ I σ69Ş I σ8τŞ I τ7ṬŞ I τ8ṣŞ I 76Ṭ; I 8ṢσŞ ICK ṣ, ṣτṢŞ kt i/k τŞ kt k/k τŞ KTH
p. 6, n. ṬŞ KTK 6σŞ KTK 7ṢŞ KTS ṣ, 7bŞ KTS ṣ, ṣṢŞ KTS ṣ, ṭṢŞ KUG ṭṬŞ KUG ṭσŞ kt m/k ṣ6Ş kt m/k 66Ş kt m/k ṣṣσŞ
LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ kt n/k Ṭṣ9Ş kt n/k ṣṬṬ8Ş kt n/k ṣ8ṣ8Ş kt n/k ṣ8τṣŞ OLZ 6Ṣ, ṣττŞ POAT 8Ş POAT ṣ7Ş TC ṣ, ṭŞ TC ṣ, 76Ş
TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7Ş TC Ṭ, 69Ş TC ṭ, 9τŞ TC ṭ, 98Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6ṬŞ TC ṭ, ṣ67Ş TC ṭ, ṬṣṣŞ TC ṭ, Ṭσ7a+bŞ TMH ṣ, ṬσeŞ
TPAK ṣ, Ṭ8Ş VS Ṭ6, ṬṭŞ Zabel.
ṣ6σ
σ.8 TIMELKIYA
Amkuwa ṣ Hamizanum ṣ Purušhaddum τ

Apiya ṣ Hanaknak ṣ Qa ara ṭ
Badna Ṭ Hattum ṣ šalahšuwa 8
Birtu um ṣ Hazu ṣ šalatuwar ṭ
Buruddum ṭ Hurama Ṭṣ šamuha ṣ
Burallum ṣ āl Kani ī ē Ṭ Tegarama ṣ
Durhumit 7 Kuburnat σ Tišmurna ṣ
Eluhhut ṣ Kupitta ṣ Wahšušana 6
Gaširum ṣ Kuššara Ṭ Zalpa 6
Habnuk ṣ Lalga ṣ
Hahhum ṬṬ Luhuzattiya τ
Table ṣ6: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Timelkiya.
Hahhum and Hurama igure prominently in the table, but also šalahšuwa, Luhuzattiya,
Durhumit and Kuburnat occur with some regularity. Graph 9 shows the proportion of itiner-
aries compared to the total number of attestations.τ67
Hahhum and Hurama appear much more frequently that the other toponyms in the cluster,
which is a surprise, since Hahhum, Hurama, Luhuzattiya and šalahšuwa have all tradition-
ally been placed on the same route leading across the Taurus to Kaneš. In addition to those
four cities, possible candidates for the cluster are Zalpa, Wahšušana and Durhumit.
The large number of itineraries that tie together Hahhum, Timelkiya and Hurama imply
that the bulk of the trafic running between Assur and Anatolia passed their way and suggests
that Timelkiya and Hurama would have been neighbours:
From Wahšušana to Kaneš ṣ ṣ/ṭ shekel of silver came on as fees. I took out ṣ shekel to
the ka um-oficial in Kaneš, and I used up ten shekels of silver. One shekel for lodgings
in Hurama. One shekel for lodgings in Timelkiya. Two shekels for lodgings in Hahhum.
One shekel for lodgings in Burullum. I spent a total of ṣṢ shekels of silver on my ex-
penses from Kaneš to the City (Assur).τ68
τ67. The attestations of Timelkiya together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: TPAK ṣ, Ṭṣ, Apiya: I 8Ṣσ, Badna:
kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢŞ TC ṭ, Ṭṣṣ, Birtu um: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Buruddum: kt c/k στ6Ş KTH p. 6, n. ṬŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Burallum: kt 9Ṭ/k
ṣṣṣ, Durhumit: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ POAT 8Ş TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ TC ṭ, ṣσ9, Eluhhut: TC
ṣ, 8ṣŞ Ga irum: kt c/k στ6, Habnuk: I σ69, Hahhum: kt 7τ/k 8ṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k ṭṢσŞ kt 9σ/k
ṣ7ṭ9Ş kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢŞ AKT 6, τ6Ş AKT 6, τ8, ATHE 6ṬŞ BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ CCT σ, ṣ8aŞ kt c/k στ6Ş kt c/k 6Ṣ7Ş kt h/k 7ṭŞ I σ69Ş
KTH s. 6, n. ṬŞ kt k/k τŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ POAT ṣ7Ş TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ TC ṭ, ṬṣṣŞ Zabel, Hamizanum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Hanaknak:
kt 9σ/k σσṣ, Hattum: TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Hazu: CCT 6, σṢb, Hurama: kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8Ş
kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9σ/k 76ṣŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş CCT 6, ṣτbŞ CCT 6, σṢbŞ
kt c/k 6ṬτŞ kt c/k 778Ş CTMMA ṣ, 7ṭŞ I 8ṢσŞ KTK 6σŞ KTS ṣ, 7bŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, āl Kanišī’ē: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt
9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8, Kuburnat: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Kupitta: kt i/k τ, Ku ara: AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ kt
k/k τ, Lalga: CCT 6, σṢb, Luhuzattiya: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ kt c/k ṣṣŞ KTK 6σ, Puru haddum:
AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6,ṣ76Ş BIN σ, σ8Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt h/k 7ṭ, Qa ara: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ I 8ṢσŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ, alah uwa: kt
9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ kt c/k 6Ṣ6Ş KTK 6σŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣ, alatuwar: kt 9σ/k ṣσττŞ
AKT 6, ṣ76Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣ, amuha: OLZ 6Ṣ, ṣττ, Tegarama: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Ti murna: AKT 6, ṣσσ, Wah u ana:
kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσττŞ BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k 6Ṭτ, Zalpa: kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k 6Ṣ6Ş
kt c/k 778a+bŞ kt c/k 8σ8a+bŞ I τ7Ṭ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any
source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily
just journeys from A to B). Note also the possibility that the toponym [A]hazum may be attested alongside Timel-
kiya in I 8Ṣσ as the station before Qa ara, although this seems unlikely, cf. groneBerg ṣ98Ṣ: τ.
τ68. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣ (l. ṣ-Ṭṣ): i -tù Wa-ah- u- a-na a-dí Kà-ni-e da-tum ṣ ṣ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ik- u-dí ṣ GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR a-na kà- í-im i-na Kà-ni-e áb-ri-ma ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-ku-ul ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na É
wa-áb-ri i-na Hu-ru-ma ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Tí-me-el-ki-a a-na É wa-áb-ri Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na
ṣ6τ
Badna
Buruddum
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hurama
āl
āl Kani ī ′ē
Kanišī'ē
Kuburnat
Kuššara
Luhuzattiya
Purušhaddum
Qattara
Šalahšuwa
Šalatuwar
Wahšušana
Zalpa
0 5 10 15 20 25
Graph 9: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Timelkiya. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Four textiles belonging to Hanu son of Itur-ili, which Damqaya brought from Hahhum to
Timelkiya and entrusted to Iddin-Suen in Timelkiya ...τ69
Four porters from Timelkiya to Hurama at Ṭ6 shekels per person: I paid ṣ mina σσ shek-
els.τ7Ṣ
ṣṢṢ kutānum-textiles, σ talents of tin and its extras (on) τ donkeys, which šu-Belum and
Itur-ili loaded in Timelkiya and in [GN], I paid Ṭ minas ṣṢ shekels of silver for the trans-
port of the tin and the textiles from Hahhum to Hurama. ṣ mina of silver was spent on
the messengers that I kept sending to Hahhum for the goods.τ7ṣ
I paid Ṭ shekels of silver and Ṭ shekels of tin from Timelkiya because a donkey suffered
a stroke. I paid six shekels of silver and six shekels of tin from Hurama to Kaneš.τ7Ṭ
Ha-hi-im a-na É wa-ab-ri ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Bu-ru-lim a-na É wa-áb-ri ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tù Kà-
ni-e a-dí a-limki a-na ú-ku-ul-tí-a a-ag-mu-ur.
τ69. Kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṬ (l. ṣ-8): σ TÚG a Ha-nu DUMU I-turσ-DINGIR a Dam-qá-a i -t‘ù] Ha-hi-im a-na Tí-me-e‘l-ki-a]
ub-lá-ni-ma i-na Tí-me-el-ki-a a-na I-dí-Sú-en6 ip-qí-‘du].
τ7Ṣ. Kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ6): σ a bi-lá-tim i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a a-dí Hu-ra-ma ṣ/ṭ ma-na 6 GÍN.TA ṣ Ṭ/ṭ ma-na σ GÍN
á -qúl.
τ7ṣ. Kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9 (l. ṣ-ṣṬ): ṣ me-at TÚG ku-ta-n‘i?] σ GÚ AN.NA ù i‘t-ra]- sú τ ANšE.HI.A a u-Be-lúm ù I-turσ!-
DINGIR i-n‘a x-x] ù Tí-me-el-ki-a i‘s-ri-qú-ni] a-na ta- í-at AN.N[A-ki-a] ù TÚG.HI.A i -tù Ha-hi-im a-dí Hu-
ra-ma Ṭ ma-na ṣṢ [GÍN] KÙ.BABBAR á -qúl ṣ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-na í-ip-ri a a-na Ha-‘hi-im] a- é-er
lu-qú-tim á -ta-pu-ru .
τ7Ṭ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ7 (l. 6-ṣṭ): Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ù Ṭ GÍN AN.NA i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a ANšE i-mì-hi-i -ma á -qúl 6 GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR ù 6 GÍN AN.NA i -tù Hu-ra-ma a-dí Kà-ni-i á -qúl. (Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8b).
ṣ66
σ.8 TIMELKIYA
In the inal example the expenses paid for the trip from Timelkiya to Hurama amount to one
third of the transport costs between Hurama and Kaneš. This may be an indication of the
relative distance between the three cities.
The number of references to Zalpa in the Timelkiya cluster is much lower than references
to Hahhum (cf. σ.Ṭ), implying that the great majority of the trafic crossing the river at Hahhum
passed through Timelkiya on its way to Kaneš. Caravans that crossed at Zalpa, on the other
hand, were in a position to choose whether to continue to Kaneš via Timelkiya or to proceed
to Tegarama (σ.ṭ).
The only other route associated with Timelkiya went towards an entirely different region.
Unlike all other toponyms in the region east of Kaneš discussed so far, the Timelkiya cluster
shows links to places like Durhumit and Kuburnat. Such references coincide with mentions
of the Narrow Track that was used for smuggling Assyrian contraband into Central Anatolia
east of Kaneš. The particular role of Timelkiya in the Assyrian colonial system as a centre of
smuggling is discussed in section σ.9.
–––––
A few Old Assyrian texts refer to the king, the queen and the palace of Timelkiya, and the
following memorandum also gives unique references to a royal counsellor and a guide of the
queen :
I paid Ṭ6 minas less three shekels of tin to the palace. I paid ṣ ṣ/ṭ mina of tin to the guide
of the queen. I gave ṣ/Ṭ a mina and τ shekels of tin and some small goods to the king s
counsellor. All of this in Timelkiya.τ7ṭ
The next passage mentions the king s mother and the military commander. If the dynastic
structure was similar to later Hittite tradition, the reference to the king s mother may point to
a system of succession in which the queen continued to rule after the death of her husband:
τ shekels of gold to the king of Timelkiya. ṭ shekels of gold to his mother. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels
of gold to his military commander. τ and Ṭ/ṭ shekels of gold and Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver
for [...] of their sundries. Ṭ minas of tin and ṣṢ minas of copper for their disposal. All this
was brought to Timelkiya by Iddin-abum and Kukuwa.τ7σ
There are a few references to the hinterland of Timelkiya, all of which are listed here in no
particular order. The text kt 7τ/k 8ṣ distinguishes Timelkiya from its land (mātum), i.e. ter-
ritory. The use of wagons is mentioned in kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ between Timelkiya and a place called
τ7ṭ. TC ṭ, Ṭṣṣ (l. σṭ-σ9): Ṭ6 ma-na LÁ ṭ GÍN AN.NA a-na É.GAL-lim á -qúl ṣ ṣ/ṭ ma-na AN.NA a-na ra-dí-im a
ru-ba-tim á -qúl ṣ/Ṭ ma-na τ GÍN AN.NA ú sà-he-er-tám a-na ma-li-ki-im a ru-ba-im a-dí-in mì-ma a-nim i-na
Ti-me-el-ki-a. KTS ṣ, ṣṢ and TC ṭ, ṣ6Ṭ also mention the Timelkiyan , which usually refers to the city ruler,
whereas the legal testimony kt c/k 8σ8b refers to the Timelkiyan(s) in what appears to be a purely Assyrian
context. The references to the Timelkiyan in the letter kt c/k Ṭṣ8 may relate to the same affair.
τ7σ. TMH ṣ, Ṭσe (l. ṣ-ṣ8): τ GÍN KÙ.GI a-na ru-ba-im Tí-me-el-ki-a-i-im ṭ GÍN KÙ.GI a-na um-mì- u ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN
KÙ.GI a-na mu-ta-re-e- u τ Ṭ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-n‘a] a-x-x a-sà-he-er-tí- u-nu Ṭ
ma-na AN.NA ù ṣṢ ma-na URUDU a-qá-tí- u-nu mì-ma a-nim I-dí-a-bu-um ù Ku-ku-wa a-na Tí-me-el-ki-a ub-
lu-ú. CAD M/Ṭ: ṭṣṢ (followed by ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: ṣ8τ) translates muttarrû in the present passage as caravan
leader . The meaning is derived from TMH ṣ, Ṭσe and ARM Ṭ.σṬ. But why would the king of Timelkiya have a
caravan leader? And why would he be paid in gold together with the king s mother? An Old Akkadian reference
is translated by the CAD as ruler . In all three examples a type of military commander seems more appropriate.
The spelling suggests a verb ṭrd inirmae, but no D-stem of tarā um is attested.
ṣ67
āl Kani ī ē (cf. σ.ṣṢ), implying the existence of a proper road. BIN 6, ṣṣσ states that trafic
has been blocked between Timelkiya and Hahhum due to the cold of winter. Finally, kt i/k τ
refers to a shipment of acorns from Timelkiya, and the city may have been located near oak
forests.τ7τ
There are some indications that Timelkiya was located in a mountainous environment. The
treaty between the Assyrian traders and Timelkiya s eastern neighbour Hahhum refers to the
mountains as opposed to the river (Euphrates), and the letter POAT ṣ7 states that one
went up from Kaneš to Timelkiya. The memorandum CCT 6, σṢb mentions some of the
smaller towns in the environs of Timelkiya, which may have been located in the mountains
on the border to Hahhum. The exact context is unclear, but the reference to a shipment of tin
passing through the region suggests that the goods were on their way from Assur to Kaneš.
Compared to the costs of carriage between Hahhum and Timelkiya quoted in some of the
examples above, transport prices were high. But this may be because the passage was dificult
and the load had to be carried by porters:
From the midst of the mountains I paid ten shekels [of tin] each to get two side-packs to
Hazu. From Lalga to Hazu I paid 7 ṣ/Ṭ shekel of t[in] for the two side-packs and one
top-pack. From Hazu to Timelkiya I paid the two men τ shekels of tin each. From Timel-
kiya to Hurama I have paid two shekels of silver and two shekels of tin. From Hurama to
Kaneš: 6 shekels of silver for donkey-fodder.τ76
One can compare the expenses incurred between Lalga and Hazu with the Ṭ shekels of silver
and Ṭ shekels of tin paid between Timelkiya to Hurama in kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ7 quoted above. If the
towns of Lalga and Hazu were located somewhere in a mountainous pass between Hahhum
and Timelkiya, then this would give some vague information on the distance and relief of the
route. However, since the text may refer to an entirely different route, it seems that the record
can simply serve to as proof that mountains were located in the vicinity of Timelkiya.
A number of records show that an Assyrian Colony (kārum) was located in the city during
both the II and the Ib periods of trade.τ77 The name of an Assyrian colonial secretary in Timel-
kiya occurs on a bulla found at Kaneš,τ78 and there is a single reference to σ tē ābum-textiles
from Timelkiya.τ79
In early Hittite sources the city appears a few times under the name Tamalkiya. The bilin-
gual edict of Hattusili I mentions the city in association with the town of Hemuwa, while
paragraph τσ of the Old Hittite laws lists the city together with Zalpa, Hemuwa, Tashiniya,
τ7τ. Kt i/k τ (l. τ-ṣṣ): I left Timelkiya. Entrust and send the acorns that are available to him, including those belonging
to the ka um-oficial of Kupitta (i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-şaš ú- í a-lá-ni ú a kà- í-im a Ku-pì-tá a pá-ni- u qé-pá-
nim-ma é-biσ-lá-nim). sturM ṬṢṢ9 translates allānū as hazelnuts, but the evidence remains inconclusive.
τ76. CCT 6, σṢb: i -tù qá-áb-li a-dù-im ṣṢ GÍN.TA A[N.NA] a-na mu-tí-tí-in a-dí Ha-zu á -qúl i -tù La-al-ga a-dí
Ha-zu Ṭ mu-tí-ti-in ú e-li-ti‘m] 7 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN A[N.NA] á -qúl i -tù ‘Ha]-zú a-dí Ti-me-el-ki-a a-na a-wi-le-‘én] τ
GÍN.TA AN.NA á -qúl i -tú Tí-me-el-ki-a a-dí Hu-ra-ma Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR Ṭ GÍN AN.NA á -qul i -tù Hu-ra-
ma a-dí Kà-ni-i 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ig-ri ANšE. Lalga and Hazu are not attested elsewhere. The suggestion by
nasHef ṣ987: ṭσ that Hazu could have been the origin of the ṣṢ minas of copper a Hazzu um recorded in CCT
ṣ, σṬa should be abandoned, cf. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣ7 who points out that this particular shipment of copper came
from Assur and was travelling to somewhere in Syria. See also J. lewY ṣ9τṬ: σṬṢŞ forlanini ṣ98τ: τσ.
τ77. The Colony of Timelkiya is attested in kt 87/k Ṭτ6Ş kt 87/k ṭṣ7Ş kt 9σ/k τṢṬŞ kt c/k 778bŞ kt m/k 66Ş kt n/k Ṭṣ9.
OLZ 6Ṣ, ṣττ was quoted by Balkan as proof that the Colony continued to exist with unchanged status in the Ib
period, but the text remains unpublished.
τ78. Kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ6ṭ: Kurub-I tar DUMU A-[...] DUB.SAR a Timelkiya, cf. N. ÖZgüç & tunca ṬṢṢṣ: ṭσṬ.
τ79. Cf. kt c/k ṣṢṭ (l. ṭ-7).
ṣ68
σ.9 THE NARROW TRACK
Sala and Hatra.τ8Ṣ According to Astour these places appear in the laws because of position on
the Hittite frontier,τ8ṣ and he suggests that they held certain privileges on grounds of this loca-
tion. Since Hattusili I revoked the privileges it would imply that the border had been pushed
further east and south.
4.9 The Narrow Track
The Assyrian term harrān sūqinnim,τ8Ṭ usually translated as the Narrow Track , was irst
discussed in a systematic way by Veenhof in ṣ97Ṭ.τ8ṭ Hildegard Lewy had addressed the mat-
ter in an article in ṣ96ṭ,τ8σ but Veenhof was the irst to assemble the available evidence, dis-
cuss the possible translations of the term and seek its meaning and its geographical implica-
tions in a systematic way. His study gave an understanding of the importance of smuggling as
a component in the Assyrian trade and the function of the Narrow Track in the context of
taxation. However, new evidence suggests that his interpretation of the geographical signii-
cance of the Narrow Track is in need of modiication. This has important consequences both
for the Anatolian historical geography, and for the way one should interpret the mechanics of
Assyrian trade in Anatolia.
Veenhof established that smuggling was a common activity for some Assyrian merchants:
taxes, tolls, and transit-fees were high enough to tempt them into directing their goods past
Anatolian authorities stationed in the cities and road-posts between the Euphrates and Kaneš.
He showed that the formal procedure for Assyrian caravans reaching an Anatolian settlement
was to declare their goods at the local palace for assessment and taxation.τ8τ This procedure
was termed to enter (erābum) the city, and to go up to (elā um) the palace. However, to
avoid paying such taxes, one could circumvent the city, or pass on or sell the goods inside the
city without declaring them. This was generally known as pazzur(t)um, smuggling . An ex-
ample was given by Veenhof to illustrate the difference between smuggling and declaring the
goods:
If you can smuggle them, smuggle themŞ but if you cannot smuggle them, then bring
them up to the palace, and let the palace collect the nishātum-taxes on them.τ86
Hildegard Lewy proposed that harrān sūqinnim referred to one special road that connected
Timelkiya in the south to Durhumit in the north, avoiding the cities of Hurama and Kaneš.τ87
Veenhof rejected this, suggesting that the term could refer to any narrow and dificult and
τ8Ṣ. KBo 6.ṬŞ KBo 6.ṭŞ KBo 6.6 and KUB Ṭ9.ṣτ+. Cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978Ş Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ s. v. for further
attestations.
τ8ṣ. astour ṣ997. For a complete edition of the Hittite Laws, see iMparati ṣ96σŞ Hoffner ṣ997b.
τ8Ṭ. The term harrān sūqinnim appears in: kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ8σŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢṢŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṭṭ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ
kt 9σ/k τṢṢŞ kt 9σ/k 66ṣŞ kt 9σ/k 7Ṭ6Ş kt 9σ/k 7σ9Ş Ş kt 9σ/k 8Ṣ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢṢṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ6Ṭ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ69ṬŞ kt a/k
σṢτŞ AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT 6, ṣṭ9Ş AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ AKT 6, ṬṢ8bŞ AKT 6, ṬσṭŞ AKT 6, ṭ8ṭŞ AKT 6, ṭ8σŞ AnOr 6,
ṣ8Ş BIN σ, τŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş CCT ṣ, ṬσbŞ CCT ṭ, ṭ9aŞ CCT σ, ṭ8aŞ CCT 6, ṬṬaŞ Chantre ṣṣŞ kt c/k ṬṬ8Ş kt c/k ṬστŞ kt
c/k ṭ6τŞ kt c/k τ6ṣŞ I τṢ9Ş JCS ṣσ, ṬŞ KTS Ṭ, ṣ7Ş kt m/k 7τŞ kt n/k ṣ66Ş kt n/k σ98Ş kt n/k 7ṢτŞ TC Ṭ, τṬŞ TC ṭ, ṣṭŞ
TC ṭ, 7ṢŞ TMH ṣ, Ṭ7aŞ VS Ṭ6, ṬṬŞ Winkenback 7. Note that one quarter of the attestations (ṣṬ out of σ8) come from
the archive of the trader šalim-Aššur (kt 9σ/k ii).
τ8ṭ. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṢτ-ṭṭ7, etymology ibid. ṭṬṬ-ṭṬṭ.
τ8σ. H. lewY ṣ96ṭ.
τ8τ. This procedure and its implications was irst understood and discussed by larsen ṣ967.
τ86. KTH ṣṭ (l. 6-ṣṢ): u-ma pá-zu-ur- u-nu ta-le-a pá-zi-ra- u-nu u-ma pá-zu-ur- u-nu lá ta-le-a a-na É.GAL-lim
é-li-a- u-nu-ma É.[GAL-lúm] ni-is-ha-tí- u-nu li-i‘lτ-qí]-ma. Translation from veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṢ9.
τ87. H. lewY ṣ96ṭ.
ṣ69
rather dangerous τ88 route and be a general reference to a less easily passable, fairly common
by-road, smuggler s track, which could be found and used in many regions .τ89
The common perception of Anatolian historical geography has changed since the early
ṣ97Ṣ s, and Durhumit has been moved from the Anatolian heartland east of Hattuš to an area
west of the Kızılırmak and north of the Tuz Gölü (cf. section τ.ṣ). This location also invali-
dated H. Lewy s theory, for how and why would an Assyrian trader travel directly from
Timelkiya on the route from the Euphrates to the region of Durhumit north of the Salt Lake
without passing through Kaneš and a number of the other well-known places located along
the way?τ9Ṣ The interpretation that the harrān sūqinnim was a general term for routes used by
smugglers was generally accepted and the idea of Hildegard Lewy effectively abandoned.
There is now substantial new evidence to re-examine the idea that the term Narrow Track
does in fact refer to one particular set of routes as well as a speciic procedure in the conduct
of trade related to those routes. This demands the return of Durhumit to the eastern part of
Central Anatolia and requires a considerable re-interpretation of Old Assyrian and Hittite
historical geography. The line of reasoning will be presented in steps, and this section will
simply assume that Durhumit was positioned somewhere inside the bend of the Kızılırmak at
a point north of Kaneš and east of Hattuš. The evidence for this location will be presented in
section τ.ṣ and the discussion at hand will concentrate on showing a) that the Narrow Track
had its starting point in the vicinity of Timelkiya, and b) that it was used to move Assyrian
goods east of Kaneš into Anatolia in the region of Durhumit.
The following two passages place Timelkiya at a location where a route left the main road
between the Euphrates and Kaneš. Only the irst example mentions the Narrow Track explic-
itly, but the two texts clearly refer to the same route:
If you did not catch up with the caravan of Iddin-Kubum, then you should – in accor-
dance with my message – enter the Narrow Track from Timelkiya for the safety of my
merchandise ... If they demand good textiles from you for sale, be it Kuburnat, in
Hanaknak, or in Durhumit, then you should sell the good textiles for cash on delivery for
half a mina a piece. Do not set (them) free for sale on credit.τ9ṣ
(Regarding the) Ṭ talents of tin, σ textiles of good quality and ṭ textiles of ordinary qual-
ity and a black donkey that Pilah-Ištar will lead down from Hahhum: if there is (a price
τ88. Cf. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṬṭ. Veenhof later abandoned the etymological interpretation, and in veenHof ṬṢṢ8a he trans-
lates the sukinnu-route and states (p. 8ṣ) that it might be a typological or topographical designation . MicHel
ṬṢṢṣ translates chemin détourné . The parsing sūqinnum with the qôf and the translation Narrow Track simply
follows conventionŞ as long as the matter remains undecided, the exact spelling and translation of the term matters
less than its function. Cf. also s. v. *sūkinnum in the CAD S: ṭ99 ii.
τ89. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṭτ. His view is reiterated with some reservations in veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: 8ṣ, Ṭṣσ-Ṭṣτ in reference to
BarjaMovic ṬṢṢτ and in anticipation of the present work. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ: 88-89 accepts the present interpretation.
τ9Ṣ. Cf. veenHof ibid. in reference to the texts kt m/k 7τ and kt 9ṭ/k σ88 which both mention Purušhaddum as the
terminus of goods arriving from the Narrow Track. In both cases the shipments come from Assur, and it seems
likely that the texts refer to goods that have travelled via the Narrow Track (i.e. east of Kaneš) as opposed to the
usual route, and not by a particular Narrow Track that led to Purušhaddum (cf. τ.ṣ6). Kt 9ṭ/k σ88 (l. ṭṣ-ṭσ): Dan-
Aššur is well: he has entered to Purušhaddum via the Narrow Track. He carries all of his tin (Dan-a- ur a-lim
ha-ra-an su-qá-nim a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim e-ta-ra-áb AN.NA-ak- u kà-lá- u na- í), kt m/k 7τ (l. ṣ-6) I have led
ṭṢ kutānum-textiles of ordinary quality and ṣṢ kutānum-textiles of good quality belonging to Itur-ili into
Purušhaddum via the Narrow Track (ṭṢ ku-ta-nu a qá-tim ṣṢ ku-ta-nu SIGτ a I-turσ-DINGIR i -tù Ha-hi-im
a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim ú- é-ri-ib). Note also the discussion of BIN σ, σ8 for a shipment travel-
ling from Assur via Timelkiya, the Narrow Track and Durhumit to Purušhaddum, and cf. fn. τ9ṭ, 6Ṣṭ below.
τ9ṣ. Kt 9σ/k σσṣ (l. ṭ-8): u-ma ILLAT I-dí-Ku-biσ-im la ta-ak- u-da a-na ma-lá na-á -pé-er-tí-a i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a
ha-ra-an sú-qí-ni-ma a- ar a-lamτ lu-qú-tí-a er-ba ... (l. ṣ6-ṬṬ): u-ma i-na Ku-bu-ur-‘na-at] Ha-na-ak-na-ak
ú-lá Durσ-hu-mì-it TÚG-tí SIGτ a- í-mì-im e-ri- u-ku-nu ṣ/Ṭ ma-na.TA KÙ.BABBAR a-na i-ta-a -lim dí-na lá
tù- a-ra.
ṣ7Ṣ
of) 8 shekels of tin for one shekel of silver, then sell the tin and send your message to
me here. If there is not (a price of) 8 shekels of silver per (mina to be had), then do not
sell it for silver. Do not let them send the tin via šalahšuwa. For the safety of my tin,
they should let the tin travel via Timelkiya to Durhumit. If people from Kuburnat are
staying there, then leave the tin to them and have it placed all over the packs for [...]
(tucked) inside the wool and the hides, and they should make it travel [...] for silver
[...].τ9Ṭ
Both texts state that their caravans had to travel via Timelkiya to Durhumit in order to ensure
the safety of the merchandise. Safety appears as a stock phrase in association with the Nar-
row Track and is used a number of times by different correspondents:
In regard to the Narrow Track that you wrote to me about saying: For the safety of my
money, you should do (your best) to save every shekel of silver and head-tax . When the
Narrow Track opens we will do as (instructed) in your message.τ9ṭ
The authors of all three letters are eager to get a return on their goods as soon as possible – the
second example instructs the recipient to sell the shipment already in Hahhum if prices are
acceptable, whereas the irst letter states that the goods are to be sold directly for cash and not
handed over on credit. In all three texts the investors want their funds back and their expens-
es kept at a minimum. Thus, for the safety of their investment, they desire to have their ship-
ments sent along the Narrow Track. In spite of the lack of any direct reference to the Narrow
Track, the second example makes it clear that the safety involves sending the shipment from
Timelkiya to Durhumit as opposed to via šalahšuwa. To send something via (or: beyond )
šalahšuwa in this context must refer to a shipment going by the main route to Kaneš (cf.
σ.ṣṣ), whereas the irst example shows that a shipment from Timelkiya to the region of Durhu-
mit and Kuburnat travels by the Narrow Track.τ9σ The third example implies that the phrase
does not simply refer to physical safety of the shipment, but rather to the inancial losses that
the caravan may avoid by taking the merchandise east of Kaneš.
Veenhof pointed out that smuggling could take place everywhere in Anatolia, but there are
now several letters that contrast the action of leading goods to Kaneš and onto the Narrow
Track. They show that smuggling remained an option in both cases:
You wrote here (saying): Your goods are in Unipzum . If it is feasible then smuggle my
goods to Kaneš. If it is not feasible then smuggle them on the Narrow Track and then take
off and come here.τ9τ
τ9Ṭ. Kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6 (l. σ-ṭṢ): Ṭ GÚ AN.NA σ TÚG.SIGτ ṭ TÚG a qá-tim ù ANšE a-lá-ma-am a Pí-lá-ah-I tar i -tù
Ha-hi-im ù- é-ra-da-ni u-ma 8 GÍN.TA a-na KÙ.BABBAR AN.NA dí-na ù té-er- tak -nu li-li-kam ‘ ]u-ma 8
GÍN.TA a-na KÙ.BABBAR lá- u ‘a]-na KÙ.BABBAR lá t‘a-da-na] AN.NA a-na e-ba-a‘r] a-la-ah- u-wa lá
ú- é-tù-qú ki-ma a-lá-am AN.NA-ki e-ba-ar Tí-me-el-ki-a-ma AN.NA a-na Durσ-hu-mì-id lu- é-tí-qú u-ma
a? Ku-bu-ur-na-at a-ma-kam wa-á -bu AN.NA li- í-ib -ma ri-ik- sí a-na bu-a-‘x (x)] i- na li-biσ a-áp-tim ù
ma -ki a!-ta-kà-na-ma lu- é-tí-qú ‘x x (x)] a-na KÙ.BABBAR a-na [...]. Note also kt n/k σ98: They should leave
the rest of the textiles in Hurama. If the caravan is held back from entering then the Narrow Track is free (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ6:
í-tí TÚG.HI.A i-na Hu-ra-ma le-zi-bu u-ma ILLAT-tám! a-na e-ra-bi-im ma-as-ra-at ma ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim
ú- u-ra-at) (kuZuoğlu in press). The shipment was destined for Hurama, but if problems were to arise there the
caravan could turn back and enter the Narrow Track.
τ9ṭ. BIN σ, τ (l. ṭ-ṣṣ): a-dí ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim a ta -pu-ra-ni-ma um-ma a-ta-ma ki-ma a-lá-am KÙ.BABBAR-pì-a
ṣ GÍN ù qá-qá-da-tí-ma a-lá-mì-im ep- a ha-ra-an sú-qí-num i-pá-té-ma a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà né-pá-á . Note also
the stock reference in kt 9ṭ/k σ88 quoted above to someone being safe after a journey on the Narrow Track.
τ9σ. Note also the letter TC Ṭ, Ṭ7 (cf. σ.7) in which the author wrote from Timelkiya to Hurama to ask his recipient to
send him a shipment to Kuburnat. This implies that the author himself planned to travel directly from Timelkiya
to Kuburnat without passing Hurama.
τ9τ. Kt c/k ṭ6τ (l. ṭ-ṣṬ): ta-á -pur-am lu-qú-ut-kà i-na Ú-ni-ip-zi-im u-ma na- ù-ú lu-qú-tí a-na Kà-ni-ì pá-zi-ir u-
ṣ7ṣ
Timelkiya was a central place for the storage and distribution of goods to be smuggled, and
in most cases goods departing for the Narrow Track left from there:
(Out of a shipment of 68σ textiles and ṬṢ talents of sealed tin coming from Assur) ... you
must smuggle in all ṣ8ṣ kutānus, so let them be deposited in Timelkiya. The remainder
of the textiles […] and my tin you must let enter Kaneš, and as my goods come down
from the palace ...τ96
The quoted example contains detailed directives to the transporters and recipients of a large
shipment of textiles and tin travelling from Assur to Kaneš. About a quarter of the textiles in
the shipment were speciically set aside for smuggling, and therefore destined to be left be-
hind in Timelkiya, while the remainder were to be brought to Kaneš and declared at the palace
in the customary fashion. A similar situation is recorded in the memorandum kt 9σ/k 9Ṭσ,
where a certain part of a load going from Assur was set aside in Timelkiya for smuggling,
while the remainder travelled via šalahšuwa and Hurama to Kaneš:
Out of the ṣ97 textiles, which he left behind in Timelkiya, [x] ubātum-textiles (were) for
smuggling. The šalah[šuwean and Hu]ramean levied nishātum-tax (on the rest).τ97
This procedure sheds a clearer light on the two letters KTK 6σ and ATHE 6Ṭ discussed in sec-
tion σ.σ, and underlines that an important function of entering the Narrow Track was to avoid
paying the nishātum-tax. The relevant passages are repeated below:
If there is a lot of snow, he should not go smuggling. He is to hire porters, and not leave
anything behind. He should let it travel to Luhuzattiya. When he enters Timelkiya he
should send a message to you, and you should ask for a guide from Azu (king of Luhu-
zattiya), and then you must send him to Ali-abum. The Huramean and the šalahšuwean
should not levy the nishātum-tax.τ98
The guard posts are strong. The queen has written to Luhuzattiya, Hurama, šalahšuwa
and her own country about the smuggling, and eyes have been posted. Urgent! Do not
smuggle anything. In case you already travelled to Timelkiya, then you should leave the
a ium-metal of yours, which you brought, in a safe house in Timelkiya ... τ99
Both kt 9σ/k 9Ṭσ and KTK 6σ juxtapose smuggling to the paying of nishātum-tax in šalahšuwa
and Hurama, whereas KTK 6σ and ATHE 6Ṭ show that taking goods as far as Timelkiya was
not considered smuggling. Even when dealing in contraband one could safely enter Timelki-
ya from Hahhum and store goods there. To avoid paying taxes, the author of KTK 6σ instructs
his recipient to take the shipment from Timelkiya to Luhuzattiya. This was apparently not
ma lá na- ù ha-ra-an sú-qá-nim pá-zi-ir-ma tí-ib-a-ma a-tal-kam. For similar examples cf. e.g. kt c/k ṬṬ8Ş kt c/k
τ6ṣŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş CCT 6, ṬṬa.
τ96. AKT 6, ṣσσ (l. σṢ-στ): me-at 8ṣ ku-‘ta-nu] pá -zi-ra-ma i-na Tí-me-‘el-ki-a] li-ni-id-ú í-tí TÚG.HI.A [(...)] ù
AN.NA-ki-a a-na Kà-ni-i ki é-ri-ba-ma ki-ma ú-nu-tí i-na É.GAL-lim ur-da-ni.
τ97. Kt 9σ/k 9Ṭσ (l. τ7-6Ṣ): [i]-na ṣ me-at 97 TÚG.HI.[A a] i -na Tí-me-el-ki- a e-z‘i-bu x+]6 ú-ba-tù i-na pá-zu-
ur-‘tim] (ras.) ni-is-ha-tim a-lá-ah-‘ u-a-i-um ù Hu-ra]-ma-i-um ilτ-qé-ú.
τ98. KTK 6σ (l. ṭ-ṣ8): u-ma ku-pá-um ma-da pá-zi-ir-tum lá i-lá-ak a biσ-lá-tim li-guτ-ur-ma mì-ma lá i-zi-ba-am
a-Lu-hu-za-tí-a lu- é-tí-qam ki-ma a-Tí-me-‘e]l-ki-a e-ru-bu tí-ir- tù - u a- é-ri-kà li-li-kam-ma ra-dí-am i -tí
A-zu e-ri-i -ma a- é-er A-lá -biσ-im ù-ru-sú-ma Hu-ra-ma-i-um ú a-lá-ah- u-a-i-um ni-is-ha-tim lá i-lá-qé-ú.
τ99. ATHE 6Ṭ (l. ṭṬ-σṢ): ma- a-ra-tum! da-na a-na Lu-hu-za-ti-a Hu-ra-ma a-lá-ah- u-a a-na ma-ti- a a-dì a pá-
zu-ur-tim ru-ba-tum ta-á -pur-ma e-na-tum na-ad-a a-pu-tum mì-ma lá tù-pá-za-ar u-ma a-na Ti-me-el-ki-a
te9-ti-qám a- í-a-kà a tù- é-ta-qá-ni i-na be-tim SIGτ i-na Ti-me-el-ki-a e-zi-ib-ma.
ṣ7Ṭ
considered illegal, since the addressee is told not to smuggle and to request the help of a
royal guide. In contrast, ATHE 6Ṭ implies that smuggling – at least when seen from the per-
spective of the queen (presumably of Kaneš) – involved both šalahšuwa, Hurama and Luhu-
zattiya. The fact that Luhuzattiya was not seen as being on the Narrow Track is supported by
the following example:
It was not feasible to take the tin that Akiya brought onto the Narrow Track, and so we
deposited it in Luhuzattiya. Send us a message whether we should let it enter Kaneš or
not, and take a decision (about) where to (take) your tin.6ṢṢ
As in KTK 6σ the shipment could make it as far as Luhuzattiya before being led onto the Nar-
row Track, but in the given case the operation proved impossible, and so the goods were de-
posited in Luhuzattiya while the author awaited further instructions from Kaneš. The options
were to store the shipment in Luhuzattiya in the hope of entering the Narrow Track at some
later point, or to give up the idea and send the shipment to Kaneš.
One gets a different impression about Kuššara in regard to the Narrow Track. This city was
in a position to actually control trafic at least on a part of the route, and in one examples a
merchant had to get clearance from the ruler of Kuššara in order to proceed on the Track:
If Puzur-Aššur wants to send you by the Narrow Track together with his servant, you
should tell him: Let me go ahead of him, and let me take an interest-bearing loan of
about [one mina] of silver with a merchant in Hurama or in [Kušša]ra [...] them [...] or
hold it back in [Kuš]šara.6Ṣṣ
Here Adada agreed with Aššur- ab son of Azuzaya in šalahšuwa, and Adada has trav-
elled to Kuššara to have the man swear an oath. He will get an oath from the man and
then he will dispatch the goods of Azuzaya s son on the Narrow Track.6ṢṬ
The association between Luhuzattiya, Kuššara and the Narrow Track can be compared to the
relation between the Narrow Track and Timelkiya in the letter BIN σ, σ8:
To Puzur-Aššur, PNṬ, Aššur-bani, PNσ and PNτ from Buzazu. Here there is no tin to
check together with our copper. If Aššur-bani is there on the day you hear my letter, con-
sult (each other), and let them travel on to Timelkiya to reach my merchandise, and if the
Narrow Track is safe, my tin and my textiles of good quality – as much as he had brought
(from Assur) to me – should come to me with a caravan on the Narrow Track. If the Nar-
row Track is not feasible, they should have the tin sent to Hurama, and then let either some
natives of Hurama bring in all the tin in quantities of one talent each into town, or else let
one make packets of ṣṢ-ṣτ minas each, and let the personnel (of the caravan) bring them
into the town hidden on their body. Only when they have delivered one talent safely
should they be allowed to bring another talent into town. As soon as some of the tin has
safely arrived in town, you should send it on to me with the very irst caravan. If Aššur-
6ṢṢ. Kt n/k ṣ66 (l. ṭ-ṣτ): AN.NA a A-ki-a ub-lá-ni a-na ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim a-na é-ru-bi-im ú-lá na- ù-ú AN.NA-kà
i-na Lu-hu-za-tí-a na-dí-i a-na Kà-ni-i é-ru-ba-am lá é-ru-ba-am té-er-ta-kà li-li-kam-ma AN.NA-kà a- ar
ma-lá-ki-im mì-li-ik.
6Ṣṣ. VS Ṭ6, ṬṬ (l. σ-ṣ6): ‘ u]-ma PuzurṬ-A- ùr ha-ra-an ‘sú]-qí-nim-ma i -tí ‘ ]ú-ha-ri- u i- á-ra-ad-kà ‘um]-ma a-ta-
ma i-pá-ni- u ‘l]e-tí-iq-ma ‘i-na] Hu-ra-ma ù-lá ‘Ku- a]-ra KÙ.BABBAR [ṣ ma-na i ]-tí DAM.GÀR-im ‘... l]á-
al-qé ‘...]-x-dí- u-nu ‘...]-x-i i-na ‘...] ú-lá i-na ‘Ku- ]a-ra ki-lá.
6ṢṬ. AKT 6, ṭ8ṭ (l. 6-ṣ6): a-na-kam A-da-da i -tí A- ur-DÙG DUMU A-zu-za-a i- a-lá-ah- u-wa i-mì-ig-ru-ma a-na
Ku- a-ra A-da-da a-na a-wi-lim ta-mu-im e -tí-tí-iq ma-mì-tám i -tí a-wi-lim i-lá-qé- ma ú lu-qú-tám a DUMU
A-zu-za-a-ma ha-ra-an sú-qá-ni-ma i- a-lá-ah.
ṣ7ṭ
bani is not going to travel hither, then let Adad-bani and Kishanuil come with the tin and
send my two servants to Purušhaddum. Dear fathers and lords: pay heed to my message
concerning my goods in Timelkiya, and let the tin come in here by the Narrow Track or
by smuggling and satisfy my (needs), and then I will be able to do you favours.6Ṣṭ
The author of this letter is the well-known Assyrian trader, Buzazu, who often stayed in the
Anatolian city of šalatuwar far west of Kaneš. For this reason Veenhof assumed that Buzazu
also wrote this particular letter from šalatuwar and he reconstructed the geography of events
accordingly.6Ṣσ Yet, nothing in the message suggests this, and the opening sentence of the let-
ter implies that it was written from the copper market in Durhumit. Buzazu s function as
agent for Puzur-Aššur in the copper trade was studied by Dercksen,6Ṣτ who showed that one
of Buzazu s main responsibilities was to buy up copper in Durhumit and sell it in Purušhaddum.
There is no reason to assume with Veenhof that Buzazu was permanently stationed in
šalatuwar simply because he states that he just left šalatuwar in another one of his letters.6Ṣ6
Instead, the common references to šalatuwar in texts related to the activities of Buzazu are
caused by the fact that this city held a prominent position on the copper route between Durhu-
mit and Purušhaddum (τ.ṣ6). No matter what, the text cannot be used as an argument to show
that the Narrow Track in this case went from Timelkiya to šalatuwar as Veenhof suggested.
Instead, the letter differentiates between smuggling (which is done by bringing the mer-
chandise into Hurama in a clandestine fashion) and sending the shipment from Timelkiya
onto the Narrow Track. A likely interpretation of the situation is, that once the shipment of tin
and textiles coming from Assur had left Timelkiya, Puzur-Aššur had to decide whether to
send the goods the usual way through to Kaneš or whether to ship them directly to Durhumit
via the Narrow Track. Buzazu wrote the letter to advise Puzur-Aššur to send the shipment to
Durhumit. Also, he asks for a few junior partners to be sent out to Purušhaddum, likely to
make things ready for the shipment of copper that would result from the sale in Durhumit.
The special relation between The Narrow Track and Timelkiya at one end of the route is
mirrored by the association between Durhumit and the Narrow Track at the other end:
6Ṣṭ. BIN σ, σ8 (l. ṣ-ṭ9): a-na Puzurσ-A- ùr DUṣṢ- í-lá-A- ùr A- ur-ba-ni dIM-ba-ni ù I-ku-pá- a qí-biσ-ma um-ma Bu-
za-zu-ma a-na-kam AN.NA i -tí URUDU-i-ni a-na ba-ru-im lá- u i-na dUTU up-pì-i ta- a-me-a-ni u-ma A- ur-
ba-ni a-ma-kam wa- a-áb í-ta-lá-ma a- é-er lu-qú-tí-a a-na Tí-me-el-ki-a le-tí-qú-ma u-ma ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim
ál-ma-at ha-ra-an sú-qá-nim-ma AN.NA-ki ú TÚG.HI-tí-a SIGτ ma-lá ú- é-tí-qá-ni i -ti a-li-ki le-li-ku-nim u-
ma ha-ra-an sú-qá-nim lá na- ù AN.NA a-na Hu-ra-ma lu-ub-lu-ni- u-ma lu nu-a-ú Hu-ra-ma-i-ú-um AN.NA ṣ
GÚ.TA lu- é-ri-bu-nim ú-lá ri-ik-sí ṣṢ ma-na.TA ù ṣτ ma-na.TA le-pu- u-ma ú-ha-ru i-sú-na-tim lu- é-ri-bu-
nim ṣ GÚ-tám lu- a-li-mu-nim-ma li-tù-ru-ma ṣ GÚ-ma lu- é-ri-bu-nim AN.NA pá-ni-um-ma a i- a-li-ma-ni
i -tí a-li-ki pá-nim-ma u-té-biσ-lá-nim u-ma A- ur-ba-ni a-ni- a-am lá ha-ra- u dIM-ba-ni ú Ki-is-ha-nu-ilτ i -tí
AN.NA li-li-ku-nim ù ú-ha-ri Ṭ é-na a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim urσ-da lu-qú-tí a Tí-me-el-ki-a a-ba-ú-a be-lu-a
şaš-tù-şnuš a-na té-er-tí-a ih-da-ma AN.NA lu ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim lu i-pá-zu-ur-tim lu- é-ri-bu-nim-ma giτ-im-
lá-ni ù a-na-ku ga-ma-şalš-ku-nu a-le-e. Cf. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ, text ṭṭ. Cf. CCT 6, ṬṬa from the same author: If it
is feasible, let them either bring in the tin via the Narrow Track, or let them make bundles and bring it into Kaneš
in their lap . (l. τ-ṣṢ): AN.NA-ki lu ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim u-ma na- ù-ú lu- é-ri-bu-nim lu ri-ik-sí lu-pí- u-ma a-na
Kà-ni-i i-na sú-na-tí- u-nu lu-u -té-ri-bu-nim.
6Ṣσ. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṣṬ, ṭṭσ-ṭṭτ.
6Ṣτ. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṭṭ, ṣṭ8-ṣṭ9.
6Ṣ6. TC ṭ, ṣṭ: The letter continues: If the Narrow Track or smuggling is feasible, come up (to Anatolia), draw out the
tin (from the caravan) for me, and let only his tin enter (the palace in Kaneš) (l. Ṭτ-ṭṢ: u-ma ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim
lu pá-zu-ur-tum na- ù a-li AN.NA-ki ta- a-lá-ha-ni a-na pá-ni u-pur-ma AN.NA- u lu- é-ri-bu-nim). Buzazu is
in inancial trouble, and so he would like to include the tin, which is waiting for a suitable opportunity to enter the
Narrow Track, into his trade immediately. If the tin cannot go by the Narrow Track it should therefore be smug-
gled through instead. Is it possible that the reference to harrān Durhumit in VS Ṭ6, ṣ8 corresponds to harrān
sūqinnim?
ṣ7σ
Out of the Ṭṭ8 textiles, transported by Iddin-Adad, that were to enter the palace in Neša,
Ṭṣ good textiles have gone off to Durhumit by the Narrow Track.6Ṣ7
... on the Narrow Track, and either to Durhumit or to Tišmurna, wherever ... that I have
promised to you.6Ṣ8
I am worried about the goods destined for the Narrow Track. Ask around whether some-
body else has departed with them, and let your message come to me with the irst travel-
ler, then I will myself write to Durhumit.6Ṣ9
Kaneš was the foremost to beneit from the lucrative trade in tin and textiles, which generated
a considerable annual income from taxation and rights of pre-emption for the city and its rul-
ers. A few times, the authors state that the purpose of using the Narrow Track was to avoid
entering Kaneš:
Aššur-taklaku son of Kartaya leads Ṭ talents of tin and ṣṣ textiles (on) one black donkey
to you. He did not enter Kaneš, but from Zalpa he went (via) the Narrow Track.6ṣṢ
Hurama and perhaps also šalahšuwa were also cities located on the main caravan route be-
tween Kaneš and they Euphrates, and they too seem to have earned a stable income by tax-
ing the trade. It would have been in their primary interest to secure that the trafic passed
through their territory and that taxes were excised as guaranteed by their treaties with the
Assyrian merchants. The surrounding cities may not have shared those motivations, and the
polycentric nature of the Anatolian political system was potentially open for exploitation by
Assyrian traders who could direct parts of their shipments elsewhere in violation of the trea-
ties. As seen from ATHE 6Ṭ, one of the major Anatolian players (probably Kaneš) at some
point attempted to forge an alliance with Luhuzattiya, Hurama and šalahšuwa to patrol the
roads and prevent smuggling. Several letters refer to attempts at bringing the illegal trafic
to and end:
From Innaya to Aššur- ab and Puzur-Aššur. Here the king and the queen have written to
the road-guards concerning smuggling, saying: Whoever carries textiles or tin in the
land and you see him: seize him, retain the tin and textiles yourselves and lead the crim-
inal to me . They have also written in regard to the Narrow Track. Please do not smuggle
tin and textiles, and do not commit anything to the Narrow Track. Please – the orders are
strict – do not send anything lest you be sorry. Hear the letter carefully and send it to
Aššur- ab.6ṣṣ
6Ṣ7. Winckenbach 7 (l. ṣ- 7): i-na Ṭ me-at ṭ[8 TÚG.HI.A] a é-ep I-dí-dIM ş a> a-na Né- a a-na É.GAL-lim e-ru-bu-
ni šÀ.BA Ṭṣ TÚG SIGτ ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim a-na Du-ur-mì-it i-tal-ku. Note also the virtual duplicate TC Ṭ, τṬ. Cf.
ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: σ6ṭ but note veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṬ7, who showed why the Narrow Track did not leave from Kaneš
in this text. There is no reason to doubt that Neša in this (unique) attestation refers to Kaneš.
6Ṣ8. AKT 6, ṣτṢ (l. Ṭ7-ṭṬ): ‘x x x (x) ha-r]a-an sú-qí-nim-ma ‘a-na Du-ur-hu]-mì-it ‘ú-là Tí-i -m]u-ur-na a-li ‘x x x x
(x x)] qá-biσ-a-ku-ni-tí-ni ‘...] (coll. from photo).
6Ṣ9. CCT σ, ṭ8a (l. ṣ6-Ṭ6): a-na lu-qú-tim a ha-‘ra-an] sú-qí-nim li-biσ pá-ri-id a-ma-kam ‘lu PN] lu ma-ma-an a-hi-
ú-um i -tí- u-nu i-li-ik a-ilτ-ma i -tí pá-ni-im-ma a-li-ki-im té-er-ta-kà li-l‘i-kam] ú a-na-ku a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it
á -ta-pá-ar. The use of the perfect tense is taken to indicate a resulting action. One could also translate and what
is more, I have just written to Durhumit .
6ṣṢ. Kt 9σ/k τṢṢ (l. σ-ṣṣ): Ṭ GÚ AN.NA ù ṣṣ TÚG.HI.A ṣ ANšE a-lá-ma-am A- ur-ta-ak-lá-ku DUMU Kà-ar-ta-a
i-ra-de8-a-ku a-na Kà-ni-ì ú-lá e-ru-ba-am i -tù Za-al-pá ha-ra-an sú-qá-ni-ma i-ta-lá-ak.
6ṣṣ. Kt 9σ/k ṣ69Ṭ: um-ma I-na-a-ma a-na A- ur-DÙG ú MAN-A- ur qí-bi-ma a-na-kam ru-ba-um ù ru-ba-tum a-na
ha-ra-na-tim a pá-zu-ur-tim i -pu-ru-ma um-ma u- nu-ma a i-ma-tim TÚG.HI.A ù AN.NA na-á -ú- ma a
ta -ma-ra-ni a-áb-ta-ma AN.NA ú TÚG.HI.A a-tù-nu kà- i?-lá -ma ra- ga-am i-a-tí ri-id-a ú a-na a ha-ra-an
sú-qí-nim i -ta-áp-ru a-pu-tum AN.NA ù TÚG.HI.A lá tù-pá-za-ra ú a-na ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim mì-ma lá şta-š a-
ṣ7τ
The royal couple (again probably in Kaneš) wished to prevent smuggling and the use of the
Narrow Track by publicizing threats of arrest and coniscation. They hoped to stop shipments
of tin and textiles from being led through the Land , presumably in this context through the
region east of Kaneš, without them being taxed. The quote comes from a group of three letters
from the archive of šalim-Aššur son of Issu-Arik and that all deal with the same incident.
This irst letter contains a warning to Aššur- ab and Puzur-Aššur about the gravity of the situ-
ation and the dangers of using the Narrow Track. The inal sentence shows that the message
was sent to Puzur-Aššur, and that he was to pass it on to Aššur- ab. The following letter in the
dossier implies that this never happened.6ṣṬ We are told that Aššur- ab son of Azuzaya went to
šalahšuwa, where he made a certain Adada go to Kuššara to try and set up an arrangement up
with the local ruler. If he could negotiate a deal the goods would be dispatched on the Narrow
Track. The last letter shows that the procedure failed: Azuzaya s son was seized on the Nar-
row Track and taken into custody by the local authorities.6ṣṭ
The speciic purpose of the Narrow Track was thus to smuggle shipments of goods coming
from Assur into Anatolia without passing Kaneš. The route known as the Narrow Track was
particularly favoured for this purpose, and in this respect H. Lewy was correct in her interpre-
tation. However the term does not refer to a single physical road, but rather a particular way
of trading the goods coming from Assur that was different from normal smuggling. Smug-
gling could take place anywhere and pazzur(t)um refers in general to activities by which the
Assyrians tried to avoid paying taxes in one particular place. Sending something by the Nar-
row Track for the safety of the merchandise was also smuggling, but the term was applied
speciically to the practice of sending a shipment directly into Anatolia on routes that ran east
of Kaneš to places like Durhumit and Kuburnat. In one instance a shipment moved along the
main caravan road as far as šalahšuwa before the part that remained under seal was oficially
declared and the remainder returned to Hurama and from there onto the Narrow Track:
I was frightened by your message, so I left ṭ6 of the textiles to Amarum in šalahšuwa,

and he entrusted the sacks sealed by me together with his own things to the ka um-
oficial (in) the ka um-ofice. I made your (remaining) σṣ textiles go to Hurama, I led
them (onto) the Narrow Track, and now I (have arrived) safely. I am staying in Kuburnat.
I will now pay the nishātum-tax, and in accordance with your message, I will lead your
goods to Durhumit.6ṣσ
The reference to the payment of the nishātum-tax in Kuburnat proves that the cities located
at the end of the Narrow Track also levied a fee on the goods passing through their territory.
In addition to Kuburnat,6ṣτ there are examples of trivial amounts paid as nishātum in šamuha,
šinahuttum, Hanaknak, Durhumit and elsewhere.6ṣ6 However, the term nishātum can also be
kà-na a-pu-tum a-wa-tum da-na- at mì-ma e é-biσ-lá-ma li-ba-ak-nu e im-ra-a up-pá-am í-ta-me- u-ma a-na
A- ur-DÙG e-biσ-ilτ- u.
6ṣṬ. Cf. AKT 6, ṭ8ṭ in n. 6ṢṬ above.
6ṣṭ. Cf. AKT 6, ṭ8σ in n. 6ṣ9 below.
6ṣσ. Kt 9ṭ/k 69σ (l. τ-Ṭσ): a- u-mì a na-á -pé-er-tí-kà áp-lá-ah-ma ṭ6 TÚG šÀ.BA a-na A-ma-ri-im i-na a-lá-ah-
u-a e-zi-ma u-ut-ma a-na kà- í-im na-ru-qá-tim a ku-nu-ki-a i -tí ú-nu-tí- u É kà- í-im ip-qí-sú-nu σṣ TÚG.
HI.A-tí-kà a-na Hu-ra-ma ú- é-tí-qám-ma ha-ra-an sú-qí-ni ar-de8-a-ma ál-ma-ku i-Ku-bu-ur-na-at wa-á -ba-
ku ni-is-ha-tim a-dan-ma a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà lu-qú-ut-kà a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it a-ra-de8.
6ṣτ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ under section σ.6.
6ṣ6. šamuha: Kt 9σ/k σττ ([x]+ṣ/Ṭ shekel)Ş šinahuttum: kt n/k ṭ6 (cf. section τ.6)Ş Hanaknak and Durhumit: kt 9ṣ/k
σṭ7 (cf. section τ.ṣ). Note also tablet Zabel (pers. comm. Veenhof), which may refer to a levy of σ minas of tin in
Timelkiya. The context is uncertain and the payment may have been made in Kaneš instead. For the common use
of nishātum and its function in the Assyrian system of trade, cf. larsen ṣ967: ṣσṣ-ṣσṭ (Assur), ṣτ6-ṣτ7 (Kaneš/
ṣ76
used with the basic meaning deduction / subtraction , and it can be dificult to separate the
references.6ṣ7 In the present example it appears that the author was taxed after leaving the
Narrow Track. Here fees were presumably much lower and made the risk of travelling on the
Narrow Track worthwhile. Furthermore, the position of Durhumit at the head of the impor-
tant copper-route may have appealed to some Assyrian traders to travel east of Kaneš and
proceed directly to the north (cf. τ.ṣ). Regardless, the system would likely given rise to dis-
cord between the cities on the main caravan route from Hahhum to Kaneš and those to the
east and north that could gain a proit from the direct trafic on the expense of their southern
neighbours.
When it appears that the Assyrian merchants could travel freely into Timelkiya with ship-
ments of a ium then this might indicate that Assyrian authorities saw a way to beneit from
the potentially conlicting interests among the Anatolian city-states and manoeuvre some of
them for their own beneit. Although this is guesswork, it is not dificult to imagine a situa-
tion in which the Assyrian traders were the object of a disagreement between the Anatolian
states. Tensions caused by the ight for control of the foreign trade may well have been an
important catalyst for the gradual transformation of the city-states into territorial states in
Anatolia in the irst quarter of the second millennium BC.6ṣ8 Regardless, it is quite clear that
the Assyrian smugglers were the cause of international policy-making: one example is the
alliance mentioned in ATHE 6Ṭ, a second instance, perhaps referring to the same incident, is
found in the letter AKT 6, ṭ8σ:
I have written once or twice to our father s representatives and to you about how to deal
with our father s goods in a safe manner. In your instructions you keep writing to me
about bringing the goods onto the Narrow Track. You wrote: Decide about the safety of
your father s goods . However, here the orders of the palaces of these three (cities), are
strict, and they have made common cause. So, they have seized Azuzaya s son on the
Narrow Track and he is detained until this day.6ṣ9
The alliance of the three palaces may refer to Kaneš, Hurama and šalahšuwa, who appear to
have been particularly vulnerable to the use of the Narrow Track. Anatolian authorities, espe-
cially at Kaneš, which had most to loose, tried to prevent smuggling by force as well as poli-
tics. A number of letters refer to arrested, ined and imprisoned Assyrian traders, as in this
example:
You wrote, saying: I am going to the City. Travel over – your (pl.) messages are strict .
Our dear father, given that the orders are strict there, that a junior cannot enter ... , and
Purušhaddum)Ş Dercksen ṬṢṢ7b: ṣ9ṣ-ṣ9σ. In Kaneš the tax was Ṭ/6τ on tin and ṭ/6Ṣ on textiles. In Purušhaddum
the tax was known as mētum ham at, i.e. ive out of one hundred for both types of merchandise.
6ṣ7. See e.g. AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ (cf. section τ.ṣṣ), which sums up the expenses of an Assyrian attorney going from Kaneš to
Wahšušana. In each city passed along the way the palace received a small fee from the traveller. A similar case is
TC ṭ, ṣ6τ.
6ṣ8. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press: ch. Ṭ.
6ṣ9. AKT 6, ṭ8σ (l. ṭ-Ṭṣ): a- u-mì lu-qú-tim a a-bi-ni a- ar a-lá-mì- a a- é-er a ki-ma a-bi-ni ù a- é-ri-ku-nu a-dí
ma-lá ú í-ni- u á -pu-ra-ku-nu-tí i-na tí-ir-tí-ku-nu ha-ra-an sú-qí-ni-ma a- é-ru-ub lu-qú-tim ta-á -ta-na-pá-ra-
nim um-ma a-tù-nu-ma a- ar a-lá-am lu-qú-tim a a-bi-kà mì-li-ik-ú a-na-kam a-wa-at e-kál-li a a-lá- a-at
u-nu-tí da-na-ma a- ar i -té-en6 a-wa-sú-nu a-ak-na-at ú i-na ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim-ma DUMU A-zu-za-a i -bu-
tù -ma a-dí uσ-mì-im a-nim kà-li-i. If the alliance between the palaces mentioned in this letter and ATHE 6Ṭ is the
same, then the event can be dated precisely to the year REL ṣṢṭ = ṣ867 BC. on the basis of archival evidence (cf.
AKT 6 (vol. ii). The exact translation of ērubum is unclear. It may refer to the inal destination, i.e. to bring it in
via the Narrow Track or (as taken here), the act refers to the use of the Narrow Track itself, i.e. you make gods
enter and come up (to Anatolia) using the Narrow Track. Cf. also τ.ṣ.
ṣ77
that also goods, which were on the Narrow Track here, have been seized here, for that
reason we are very anxious about entering (the track). Our dear father, when the orders
of the palace soften, and the ... , then we will e[nter].6ṬṢ
Also the Assyrian colonial authorities strove to control the trade that went via the Narrow
Track, and a substantial number of oficial letters deal with the political consequences of the
illegal trade, and at times the Assyrian authorities actively tried to stop caravans from using
this back door into Anatolia.6Ṭṣ On the one hand, it was obviously in the interest of the indi-
vidual Assyrian company to pay as few taxes as possible. On the other hand, taxation was a
precondition for the very existence of the Assyrian trade network. It was therefore in the com-
mon interest actively to discourage smuggling, whereas the individuals who constituted colo-
nial society might work separately to smuggle as much as possible. This conlict between
shared and individual interests was presumably mirrored in the Anatolian state system. As a
group, the city-states and their rulers were best off if the Assyrians paid their taxes as stipu-
lated by the individual treaties, yet some cities found opportunities in supporting the Assyrian
smugglers for their own beneit.
Complicated situations arose when Assyrian authorities worked against the use of the Nar-
row Track and simultaneously attempted to tax the illegal trafic. A number of documents
relate to an occasion when Assyrian authorities passed a law that required that the local trade
in a ium be taxed by colonial authorities in Kaneš instead of the City Hall in Assur.6ṬṬ This
decision led to the registering of all a ium that still circulated in Anatolia, and the accounts
were then sent to the Kaneš Colony to decide how much each trader had to pay in tithe. A
particular passage in one of the letters sent to the Assyrian settlements in Anatolia concerns
the taxation of the trade on the Narrow Track:
Thus says the Kaneš Colony to the dātum-payers, Kuliya our messenger, and the plenary
assemblies of the Stations in Kuburnat, Hanaknak and Tišmurna ... We hear that Tu imum,
an Assyrian, has brought in ṭṢ donkeys by way of the Narrow Track. Not only Tu imum,
but anybody, who has brought in loaded donkeys by way of the Narrow Track in order to
do business here, or if an inhabitant of a Colony has made (goods) come up there, pro-
duce the dagger of (divine) Assur and people shall not spare each other. Levy the
addu utum-tax at the rate of ṭ shekels of silver per mina and make him pay the silver,
and let Kuliya personally bring it here 6Ṭṭ
6ṬṢ. I τṢ9 (l. τ-Ṭ6): ta-á -pu-ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma ha-ra-ni a-na a-limki et-qá-ni-ma ‘a-w]a-at-ku-nu ‘da-n]a-a a-bu-
ni ‘a-ta] ki-ma ‘a-w]a-tum a-ma-kam ‘d]a-na-ni-ma a-ah-ru-um a-ri-ni-i lá e-ra-ba-ni ù a-na-nu-um a-na-kam
lu-qú-tum a ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim i- í-ib-tù-ni a- í-a-tí da-ni- a-ma a-na e-ra-biσ-im ni-ip-ta-lá-ah a-bu-ni a-ta a-
wa-tum a É.GAL-lim li-id-mi-qá-ma i-na SIGτ-tim a-ri-ni-i lu!? n‘é-ru-ub]. Cf. Hecker, krYsZat & Matouš
ṣ998: ṣṢσ for this dificult text.
6Ṭṣ. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṬṢτ, Ṭṣτ. Note in particular his discussion of the reference in the royal letter kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢṢ to a
decision taken by the City (of Assur) in regard to the use of the Narrow Track, and a similar passage in Chantre
ṣṣ, sent by the Zalpa Colony in regard to a letter from Assur about the Narrow Track. Cf. also CTMMA ṣ, 7Ṭ about
smuggling: Since the orders of the Colony are strict, your (idea of) smuggling that you wrote to us about is not
possible. Therefore we will not write about your smuggling , (l. Ṭ8-ṭṬ): a-wa-at kà-ri-im da-na a-dì-i pá-zu-ur-
ti-kà a ta-á -pu-ra-ni lá na- ù-ma a-dì-i pá-zu-ur-ti-kà lá ni- a-pá-ra-kum.
6ṬṬ. Cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσaŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8a, ṬṢṣṢ. The archive of Kuliya and the events discussed belong to the last
phase of the Assyrian trade in Kültepe level II, c. REL ṣṬṢ-ṣṭτ, cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
6Ṭṭ. AKT τ, ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni wa-bar-tim a Ku-bur-na-
at Ha-na-ak-na-ak ú Tí-i -mur-na TUR GAL … (l. ṬṬ-ṭ6): ni- a-me-ma ṭṢ ANšE Tù-i-mu-um DUMU A-‘ ùr
a]-na ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim ú- ‘é-ri-b]a-am lá Tù-i-mu-um ma-ma-‘an] ha-ra-an sú-qí-nim e-ma-r‘e] sé-er-dam
ú- é-ri-ba-ni-ma a-ma-kam u -té-bu-lu-ni lu wa- í-ib kà-ri-im ú- é-li-a-am GÍR a A- ur é- í-a-ma a-hu-um pá-
ni a-hi-im ú-lá ú-ba-al ṣ ma-na-um ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-du-‘a-sú] a-áb-‘ta-m]a KÙ.BABBAR ‘ a]-á -qí-
lá- u-ma Ku-li-a i-pá-ni- u-«nu» li-ni-i -a-am. For emārē serdam, cf. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ: 7ṣ.
ṣ78
The colonial authorities clearly sought to tax also the lucrative trade that bypassed Kaneš, and
so a special instruction was written in this regard to the relevant Assyrian institutions. An al-
most identical letter from the Kaneš Colony to Durhumit, Hattuš, Tamniya, Tuhpiya as far as
Ninašša has been preserved in the same archive as the letter above.6Ṭσ Yet, in that case the
Kaneš Colony repeated the order regarding taxation but left out the passage about Tu imum
and the Narrow Track, obviously because this was only relevant for Kuburnat, Hanaknak and
Tišmurna at the head of the Narrow Track. The letter kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ8σ represents an example of the
accounts collected by the Assyrian colonial authorities about the trade that went on the Nar-
row Track:
To the Kaneš Colony from the Wahšušana Colony. In regard to the addu utum-tax of
those that came in here via the Narrow Track that you wrote to us about, Puzur-Aššur son
of Uku deposited Ṭ minas ṣṢ shekels of silver for himself, as well as his brother and a
colleague. Iddin-Kubum son of Aššur- ab deposited ṣ mina τσ shekels. Kukulanum son
of Kutaya deposited ṣ mina ṣτ shekels. In total Ah-šalim is bringing you τ ṣ/ṭ minas
under our seal.6Ṭτ
The lists of taxes collected by the Colony in Wahšušana from proceeds on shipments that had
been sent by the Narrow Track shows the determination with which the colonial authorities
pursued the income generated from the illegal trade in spite of the political complications
such activities must have caused in their relations with Kaneš. The addu utum-tax was usu-
ally levied by the Assyrian colonial administration when shipments from Assur arrived at
Kaneš, but of course this was not possible when goods travelled east of Kaneš into Anatolia.
All the examples discussed above belong to the latest phase of Assyrian trade contemporary
with kārum level II (REL ṣṬṢ-ṣṭτ), and it may well be that they relect deeper changes in the
relationship between Assur and Kaneš. Nevertheless, shipments on the Narrow Track were
always taxed at their inal destination as seen in the following example from the archive of
Innaya dated a generation earlier:
I replied: I am on my way to Kaneš. I shall clear myself there . They said: You have to
get cleared here . They have not previously levied my addu utum-tax (due) to the Kaneš
Colony in Durhumit.6Ṭ6
One would think that this pragmatic attitude in regard to the use of the Narrow Track would
be in sharp contrast to oficial colonial policy towards Anatolian authorities. In most respects,
we are left guessing at what may have been common practice, but it seems unlikely that the
good relations and privileged status of the Assyrian trading settlements could have continued
if colonial agents openly supported smuggling. Even though our sources contain numerous
references to the Narrow Track, the vast majority of the texts still concern the common, ac-
6Ṭσ. AKT τ, Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni kà-ri-im Dur-hu-mì-it Ha-
tù-u Ta-am-ni-a Tù-ùh-pí-a a-dí Ni-na- a-a.
6Ṭτ. Kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ8σ: a-na kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i qí-bi-ma um-ma kà-ru-um Wa-ah- u- a-na-ma a- u-mì a-du-a-tim a ha-ra-
an sú-qí-nim e-ru-bu-ni-ni a ta-á -pu-ra-ni-ni Ṭ ma-na ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR Puzurσ-A- ùr DUMU Ú-ku lu
u-a-am lu a a-hi-im eb-ri-im i-dí ṣ τ/6 ma-na σ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR I-dí-Ku-bu-um DUMU A- ùr-DÙG i-dí ṣ
ma-na ṣτ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR Ku-ku-lá-num DUMU Ku-ta-a i-dí šU.NÍGIN τ ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR ku-nu-
ki-ni Ah- a-lim na-á -a-ku-nu-tí. (Cf. günBatti ṣ998Ş Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣṣṭŞ veenHof ṬṢṣṢ: 88).
6Ṭ6. TC Ṭ, Ṭ6 (l. 7-ṣσ): um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-na Kà-ni-i ha-ra-‘ni] á -ra-kam lá-az-ku um-ma ‘ u-nu-ma] a-na-kam-
ma ta-za-ku wa-dí ‘i-na]‘p]á-ni-tim i-na Durσ-h‘u-mì-it ]a-du-i-tí a kà-‘ri-im Kà-ni-i lá ú- a-dí]- ú -ni. Cf.
MicHel ṣ99ṣ (vol. ii): ττffŞ Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣṣṬ n. ṭṭ8 with corrections, collations and new readings. The geo-
graphical implications of this and similar passages were already discussed in larsen ṣ967: ṣ6Ṣ-ṣ6ṣ.
ṣ79
cepted and legal way of entering Kaneš. One may speculate whether this was the procedure
irst agreed upon already at the time when the irst Assyrian traders came to Anatolia. Clearly,
taxes and tolls were an inevitable precondition of the trade, and in return, the Assyrians en-
joyed an extraterritorial status, insurance against losses and a system of inns, roads, bridges
and guards.
4.10 Hurama6Ṭ7
Like its neighbour Timelkiya, Hurama is one of the better-attested toponyms in the sources
from the Old Assyrian Colony Period. Also, Hurama continued to be an important place in the
following centuries, as revealed in Hittite sources. The toponym is attested in almost 8Ṣ Old
Assyrian texts, and it occurs in a large number of itineraries that clearly demonstrate the func-
tion of this city as a major stop on the Anatolian route between Hahhum on the Euphrates and
Kaneš. In addition, the city was an important road-knot, with principal routes branching out
to Kaneš, Timelkiya, Luhuzattiya, and Tegarama.
Apiya ṣ Karahna ṣ šalahšuwa 7

Birtu um ṣ Kuššara τ šalatuwar ṣ
Burallum Ṭ Kuburnat 6 šamuha Ṭ
Durhumit σ libbi mātim ṭ Tegarama Ṭ
Hahhum 7 Luhuzattiya ṣṢ Tilimra ṣ
Hamizanum ṣ Mamma ṣ Timelkiya Ṭṣ
Hatikaitra ṣ māt Tahruwa ṣ Uršu ṣ
Hattum τ Purušhaddum σ Wahšušana τ
āl Kani ī e Ṭ Qa ara Ṭ Zalpa σ
Table ṣ7: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hurama.
A large number of toponyms are attested alongside Hurama and a very clear cluster with a
few prominent peaks emerges on the basis of the graph:6Ṭ8
6Ṭ7. Attestations of Hurama are found in: kt 86/k ṣ96Ş kt 87/k στṬŞ kt 89/k ṭτσŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṭ7ṢŞ
kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ (Hu-ur-ma)Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt
9σ/k ṣ6τŞ kt 9σ/k ṬṬ9 (Hu-ru-ma)Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṬσŞ kt 9σ/k 67ṣŞ kt 9σ/k 76ṣŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ kt 9σ/k 966Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṭσṬŞ
kt 9σ/k ṣṭ88Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş kt a/k 8σ8Ş AKT ṣ, Ṭ6Ş AKT ṭ, ṣṢτŞ AKT ṭ, ṣṢ8Ş AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6,
σ9ṣŞ AKT 6, σ9τŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş BIN 6, ṭṬŞ CCT ṣ, Ṭ9Ş CCT Ṭ, σ8Ş CCT σ, ṬbŞ CCT σ, ṭ8bŞ CCT
6, ṣσŞ CCT 6, ṣτbŞ kt c/k ṣṢṬŞ kt c/k 6ṬτŞ kt c/k 778bŞ CTMMA ṣ, 7ṭŞ ICK ṣ, ṣŞ ICK ṣ, 6ṣŞ ICK ṣ, ṣτṭŞ ICK Ṭ,
Ṭ9ṢŞ I 8ṢσŞ KTK 6σŞ KTS ṣ, 7bŞ KTS ṣ, ṭ9bŞ KTS Ṭ, Ṭ9Ş LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ kt m/k ṣṬτŞ kt m/k ṣṭσŞ kt n/k σ98Ş kt n/k ṣṢṬσŞ
kt n/k ṣṬ9τŞ kt n/k ṣ8ṣτŞ OIP Ṭ7, σ6aŞ POAT 8Ş POAT ṣ9Ş RA 8ṣ, 9Ş TC ṣ, 9Ş TC ṣ, ṣṢŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7Ş TC ṭ, ṣṣ6Ş TMH
ṣ, ṭbŞ TPAK ṣ, 7ṣŞ kt t/t 8ṬŞ TTC ṬṭŞ VS Ṭ6, ṬṬŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṢ9Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣṣṢbŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṬṬ.
6Ṭ8. The attestations of Hurama together with other cities are found in: Apiya: I 8Ṣσ, Birtu um: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Bural-
lum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣ, Durhumit: kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ POAT 8, Hahhum: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ
kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş ATHE 6ṬŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṣṢb, Hamizanum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ, Hatikaitra:
kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Hattum: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş ICK ṣ, ṣŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, āl Kanisī’e: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8,
Karahna: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Ku ara: AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ICK ṣ, ṣŞ TC ṣ, ṣṢŞ VS Ṭ6, ṬṬ, Kuburnat: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt
9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k 966Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ RA 8ṣ, 9Ş TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, libbi mātim: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ66Ş CCT Ṭ, σ8, Luhuzat-
tiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ CCT Ṭ, σ8Ş ICK ṣ, ṣŞ KTK 6σŞ kt t/t 8ṬŞ VS Ṭ6,
ṣṢ9, Mamma: CCT 6, ṣσ, māt Tahruwa: RA 8ṣ, 9, Puru haddum: kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş TC ṣ, 9,
Qa ara: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ I 8Ṣσ, alah uwa: kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ KTK 6σŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ TMH
ṣ, ṭb, alatuwar: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, amuha: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ TC ṣ, ṣṢ, Tegarama: AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Tilimra: TC
ṣ, ṣṢ, Timelkiya: kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9σ/k 76ṣŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ kt 9σ/k
ṣ8Ṣ
σ.ṣṢ HURAMA
Burallum
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hattum
āl kanišī’e
Kuššara
Kuburnat
libbi mātim
Luhuzattiya
Purušhaddum
Qaṭṭara
Šalahšuwa
Šamuha
Tegarama
Timelkiya
Wahšušana
Zalpa
0 5 10 15 20 25
Graph 10: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hurama. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
The neighbouring city of Timelkiya (cf. section σ.8) is exceptionally prominent, but also
Hahhum, Kuburnat, Kuššara, Luhuzattiya and šalahšuwa are well represented in the itinerar-
ies. A single example will illustrate the position of Timelkiya and Hurama on the route from
Assur through Syria and across the Euphrates to Kaneš:
I gave [x+] ṣ/ṭ mina of scrap metal from [A]hazum? to Qa ara for (buying) Ṭ top-packs
(needed) for transport. I gave two minas of scrap metal from Qa ara to Apiya for a don-
key for transport. I gave 6 nails for the pack-donkey that perished in the steppe. One and
a half shekels of silver for repairs. I paid [...] silver at the river (Euphrates). I gave [x] for
top-packs from Timelkiya to Hurama for transport.6Ṭ9
Also the city of šalahšuwa was located in the region of Hurama, perhaps in a position be-
tween Kaneš and Hurama (cf. σ.ṣṣ):
ṣ7ṭ9Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş CCT 6, ṣτbŞ CCT 6, σṢbŞ kt c/k 6ṬτŞ kt c/k 778bŞ CTMMA ṣ, 7ṭŞ I 8ṢσŞ
KTK 6σŞ KTS ṣ, 7bŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Ur u: CCT 6, ṣσ, Wah u ana: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ kt c/k
6ṬτŞ TTC Ṭṭ, Zalpa: AKT ṣ, Ṭ6Ş ATHE 6ṭŞ CCT 6, ṣσŞ kt c/k 778b. All itineraries have been underlined (the term
itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more top-
onyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
6Ṭ9. I 8Ṣσ (l. ṣ-Ṭṣ): [x+ṣ]/ṭ ma-na hu- a-e ‘i]-na ab-na-ti-ni ‘i] -‘t]ù A ?-ha-zi-im a-dì Q‘á- ]á-ra Ṭ e-li-te9-en a-na
ta- í-a-tim a-dì-in Ṭ ma-na hu- a-‘e] i -tù Qá- á-r‘a] a-dì A-pí-a ANšE a-na ta- í-‘a]-‘tim] a-dì-in 6 à-am-ru-a-
tim ANš[E] a up-qí-im i-na kà- à-im ih-liq-ma a-dì-in [ṣ ṣ/Ṭ] GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ta-ak- é-er-tum [x G]ÍN
KÙ.BABBAR ‘i-n]a? na-ri-im 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ‘x] e-li-a-tim i -tù ‘Ti]-me-el-ki-a a-dì ‘H]u-ra-ma a-na
‘t]a- í-a-tim a-dì-in. For the ANšE a up-qí-im, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: Ṭ8Ṣ-Ṭ8ṣ and n. 787. I am grateful to K.
R. Veenhof for his comments on this text.
ṣ8ṣ
When I travelled to Timelkiya to meet up with the goods: a third mina of silver for sun-
dries. Ten shekels of silver for lodgings: ive shekels of silver for lodgings in šalahšuwa
(and) ive shekels of silver for lodgings in Hurama. 6 shekels of silver for the oficial in
Hurama – he fooled me out of half a shekel of silver.6ṭṢ
The other routes converging on Hurama have already been examined in the previous sections:
the main road passed Hurama on the way from Hahhum to Kaneš, another route connected
Hurama to Tegarama (σ.ṭ), and route went from Hurama to Luhuzattiya (σ.σ) and further into
Hattum (σ.τ, σ.6, σ.7). Most of the relevant itineraries have been discussed in the previous
sections, and a few examples will sufice to establish the position of Hurama on a road-knot.
The following two memoranda show that the road from the Euphrates divided once it
reached Hurama. The texts come from the same archive and refer to the same voyage, but the
author kept two separate records because the caravan was divided in Hurama. The author took
his share of the merchandise with him to Luhuzattiya, and sent the goods belonging to šu-
Ištar to Kaneš with a hired packer to Kaneš:
6 ṣ/Ṭ shekels (of tin) from āl Kani ī ē to Timelkiya. I paid Ṭ shekels of silver and Ṭ shek-
els of tin for the hire of a donkey from Timelkiya to Hurama. From Hurama to Kaneš I
paid σ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver and σ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin for the hire of a donkey and a packer.
I paid all this on behalf of šu-Ištar6ṭṣ
7 shekels of tin for the hire of a wagon from āl Kani ī ē to Timelkiya. I paid Ṭ shekels of
silver and Ṭ shekels of tin for the hire of a donkey from Timelkiya to Hurma. From
Hura ma to Luhuzattiya (I paid) ṭ shekels of silver and ṭ shekels of tin for the hire of a
donkey.6ṭṬ
The two records refer to an otherwise unattested toponym āl Kani ī ē , i.e. the town of the
Kanešites . The meaning of the term is unclear, but it may have been an idiosyncratic way of
referring to the Assyrian settlement of traders at Hahhum since it turns up in a position where
one would have expected to ind that city mentioned.6ṭṭ Also the fact that a wagon was used
on the trip to Timelkiya implies the existence of a road or a very good track, and it indicates
that trafic between the two cities must have been common.6ṭσ
The connection between Hurama, Kuššara and the Narrow Track have also already been
discussed previously, but the following text ties the three neatly together and shows that
Kuššara was considered to be either on the Narrow Track or on the way to it from the vantage
point of Kaneš and Hurama:
6ṭṢ. AKT 6, σ9ṣ (l. 8ṭ-9Ṣ): i-n‘u-m]ì a-na Tí-me-el-ki-a a- é-er lu-qú-tim e-tí-qú ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-sà-he-er-
tim ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-É ub-ri τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR É wa-á‘b-r]i i-na a-lá-ah- u-a τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
É u‘b-ri] i-Hu-ra-ma 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na kà- í-im i-H‘u-r]a-ma ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ú-qá-li-lá-ni.
6ṭṣ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8 (l. τ-ṬṢ): 6 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN i -tù A-al Kà-ni- í-i a-dí Tí-me-el-ki-a Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ù Ṭ GÍN AN.NA
ig-ri ANšE i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a a-dí Hu-ra-ma á -qúl σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ù σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA ig-ri ANšE ù
sá-ri-di-im i -tù Hu-ra-ma a-dí Kà-ni-i á -qúl mì-ma a-nim a- u-mì u-I tar ú- a-qí-ilτ.
6ṭṬ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ (l. ṣṭ-Ṭσ): 7 GÍN AN.NA i -tù a-al Kà-ni- í-e a-dí Tí-me-el-ki-a a-na ig-ri e-ri-qí-im i -tù Tí-me-el-
ki-a a-di Hu-ur-ma a-na ig-ri ANšE á -qúl i -tù Hu-ra-şmaš a-dí Lu-ha-za-tí-a ṭ GÍN KÚ.BABBAR ṭ GÍN
AN.NA a-na ig-ri ANšE.
6ṭṭ. See also the discussion in veenHof ṬṢṢ8b: Ṭσ, Ṭ8.
6ṭσ. Cf. also kt b/k 66τ for a wagon going to Hurama. An argument against the identiication of āl Kani ī e with
Hahhum would be that the fees between āl Kani ī e and Timelkiya are three times higher than the fees between
Timelkiya and Hurama, even though the cities involved should be roughly equidistant. On the other hand, the
listed fees may incorporate all kinds of expenses, including taxation and the hire of a wagon, and they presumably
do not relate to the distances covered in a straightforward way.
ṣ8Ṭ
σ.ṣṢ HURAMA
If Puzur-Aššur wants to send you by the Narrow Track together with his servants, you
tell him: Let me travel ahead of him, and let me take an interest-bearing loan of some [x
minas] of silver with a […] merchant in Hurama or in [Kušša]ra (and) let him give [the
silver] to them . Hold the [silver] back in [Hurama] or in [Kuš]šara.6ṭτ
As already shown, both Hurama and Kuššara (σ.τ) were in turn linked with Luhuzattiya (σ.σ)
and šamuha (σ.6), and from there onwards to Karahna, Kuburnat and Durhumit (τ.ṣ). As in
the case of Timelkiya (σ.8), a number of itineraries link Hurama directly to Central Anatolia
without any mention of Kaneš. This may have been the route commonly referred to as the
Narrow Track (σ.9) although a major reason for travelling east of Kaneš would be to avoid
paying taxes in Hurama. The most important text linking Hurama to the Central Anatolian
area is the memorandum kt 9Ṭ/ṭ (cf. σ.6), in which the traveller went from Hurama to Luhu-
zattiya, passed a city whose name is broken, and hence went across a bridge to šamuha, Ha-
tikaitra, Karahna to Kuburnat. Three additional texts of relevance for the position of Hurama
were presented in the section on the Narrow Track (σ.9). Kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6 and kt 9σ/k σσṣ link
Timelkiya to Kuburnat and Durhumit via the Narrow Track, and kt 9ṭ/k 69σ ties Hurama to
Kuburnat and Durhumit via the Narrow Track.6ṭ6
The virtual absence of šamuha and Kuššara in the Timelkiya cluster could be taken to
imply that at least two routes connected the region east of Kaneš to Kuburnat and Durhumit:
a western one from Hurama that passed through a populated area with Kuššara and šamuha,6ṭ7
and an eastern track that went north from Timelkiya through a relatively empty area to a point
on the river north of šamuha. Both would be considered parts of the Narrow Track. A similar
pattern of roads crossed the Uzunyayla in Byzantine times (cf. σ.ṣσ).
Another example of the connection between Hurama and Durhumit is found in a letter
written from Durhumit to Kaneš. The message implies that the purpose of sending a shipment
east of Kaneš could be related to matters other than tax evasion. A shipment coming from
Assur could be realised directly in Durhumit, and the proceeds reinvested a shipment destined
for Purušhaddum. Such transactions resulted in a faster turnover than shipments that irst had
to pass through Kaneš before going to Durhumit:
I am well. I stay in Durhumit. He took one kutānum-textile on my account in Hurama.

The fees from Hurama to Durhumit amounted to half a mina per donkey-load ... I want
to enter Purušhaddum before the cold sets in ... 6ṭ8
–––––
6ṭτ. VS Ṭ6, ṬṬ (l. σ-ṣ6): ‘ u]-ma PuzurṬ-A- ùr ha-ra-an ‘sú]-qí-nim-ma i -tí ‘ ]ú-ha-ri- u i- á-ra-ad-kà ‘um]-ma a-ta-
ma i-pá-ni- u ‘l]e-tí-iq-ma ‘i-na] Hu-ra-ma ù-lá ‘i-na Ku- a]-ra KÙ.BABBAR [X ma-na i ]-tí DAM.GÀR-im ‘x
x (x) l]á-al-qé ‘ú KÙ.BABBAR l]i-dí- u-nu ‘x x x] x i i-na ‘Hu-ra-m]a ú-lá i-na ‘Ku- ]a-ra ki-lá.
6ṭ6. A less clear example is RA 8ṣ, 9: I went into Kuburnat, but I did not catch up with Kazua. He is staying in the
Land of [Tah]ruwa. Let me set out and come […] from the Land of [Tahruw]a to Hurama. [Write] to Kuburnat ...
(l. Ṭ-9: a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at ‘e-ru-u]b-ma Kà-sú-a ‘ú-lá] ak- u-ud i-na ma-at ‘Ta-hu]-ru-a wa- a-áb ‘la-at-biσ]-
a-ma i -tù ma-at ‘Ta-ah-ru]-a a-na Hu-ra-ma ‘x x a]-tal-kam! a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at ‘ u-up-r]a-am …). Readings
differ from MicHel ṣ987aŞ ṣ987b. For the reconstruction of māt Tahruwa, cf. section τ.Ṭ.
6ṭ7. Cf. also TC Ṭ, Ṭ7 under section τ.Ṭ.
6ṭ8. Kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭ (l. ṭ-9): ál-ma-ku i-Durσ-hu-mì-it wa-á -ba-ku i-na Hu-ra-ma ṣ ku-ta-nam i- é-ri-a ilτ-qé i -tù Hu-
ra-ma a-dí Durσ-hu-mì-it ṣ/Ṭ ma-na da-tum a-na ANšE ik- u-ud … (l. ṣ9-ṬṬ): lá-ma ku- í-im a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-
tim le-ru-ub na-áb-ri-tum lá i-kà-ş aš-da-ni. It is possible to argue that the author wrote to Kaneš after complet-
ing a journey from Hurama to Durhumit via Kaneš, but with the reference to expenses in Hurama that the
recipient is not thought to be familiar with, it seems more likely that the author went on a direct journey from
Hurama.
ṣ8ṭ
As a major road-knot in the lands east of Kaneš, Hurama played a central role in the Assyrian
trade. The city held an Assyrian Colony (kārum),6ṭ9 but the information on the city is sparse and
there are only a few texts concerned with the political establishment in Hurama. One is an of-
icial communication from the Hurama Colony to the Kaneš Colony, unfortunately very broken:
To the Kaneš Colony from the Hurama Colony. The king of Hurama has issued a decree,
saying: [...] donkeys [...] and textiles [...] The king can deduct ten textiles from your
textiles, and they will inspect the sacks and [...] . We replied: [...] do [...] the caravan
[...] . He will inspect the package. Since the Palace set [...] against him. It is not feasible,
and we cannot do it.6σṢ
The Assyrian Colony in Hurama was negotiating a new treaty, and reported back to Kaneš
about problems related to future inspections of shipments passing through the city. The bro-
ken reference to ten textiles may refer to the i rātum or tithe , which gave the palace a right
of pre-emption of up to ten percent of the textiles in a passing shipment.
There are a few more letters preserved that refer to the ruler of Hurama. One is a very bro-
ken tablet found on the mound of Kültepe. The legible portion of the text reads:
He wrote to the man of Hurama, and the king of Hurama later wrote, and the textiles
have been removed from Luhuzattiya.6σṣ
Since the text was found on the mound, it may have belonged to the oficial archives of the
Kaneš palace in parallel to the letter kt g/t ṭτ from the king of Mamma to the king of Kaneš.
The fragmentary nature of the document prevents anything but the most rudimentary inter-
pretation of its contents. Another letter was written by the king of Hurama himself, appar-
ently not as an oficial missive to an Anatolian ruler or the Assyrian authorities, but addressed
to a private Assyrian trader:
Thus speaks the king of Hurama to Mannum-ki-Aššur. Here ṣṣ donkeys were lost, so I
searched and brought (the donkeys) back. Dear father, check the matter of the Colony so
that they may send me a copper kettle.6σṬ
The context of the message is unclear. Perhaps the Anatolian ruler compensated the losses of
an Assyrian merchant passing through his territory and expected a little something in return.
No matter what, a number of particular implications arise from the communication. Firstly,
the ruler of Hurama had a scribe available who mastered the Assyrian language and script.6σṭ
6ṭ9. The Hurama Colony is attested in kt 86/k ṣ96Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṭ7ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṬσŞ AKT 6, σ9τŞ BIN 6, ṭṬŞ kt c/k 778bŞ ICK
ṣ, 6ṣŞ kt m/k ṣṭσŞ kt n/k ṣṬ9τŞ kt n/k ṣ8ṣτŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṢ9.
6σṢ. Kt m/k ṣṭσ (l. ṣ-Ṭṣ): a-na kà-ri-im ‘Kà-ni-i ] qí-bi-ma um-ma k‘à-ru-um] Hu-ra-ma-ma ru-ba-um Hu-ra-‘ma-i-
um] ma-mì-tám i-dí-i‘n-ma] um-ma u-ut-ma i [x (x)] ANšE.HI.A x x ‘x x (x)] ù TÚG x x x ru-ba-um i-na
TÚG.H[I.A.-tí-ku]-n‘u] ṣṢ TÚG i-lá-qé ú na-ru-qá-tim ú-na-du-du x x x -hu um-ma n‘é-nu-ma] a-li-kam ù bu x
ú-ba-kà hu-ur- í-a-na-‘am] ú-na-da-ad ki-ma É.GAL-lúm x ‘x (x)] i -ku-nu- u-ni ú-lá na- ù ú-lá né-pá-‘á ].
6σṣ. Kt t/t 8Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): Hu-ra-ma-i-im i -pu-ur-ma ru-ba-um Hu-ra-ma-i-um ur-kà-nu i -pur-ma TÚG.HI.A i -tù Lu-
hu-za-tí-a a?-lu-hu-ma?.
6σṬ. Kt n/k ṣṢṬσ: um-ma ru-ba-um Hu-ra-ma-i-ú-ma a-na Ma-nu-ki-A- ur qí-bi-ma a-na-kam ṣṣ ANšE.HI.A ih-li-qú-
ma á -e-ma ú-ta-er a-biσ a-ta a kà-ri-im a-wa-tám bi-ri-ma ú a-na-am lu- é-bi-lu-nim.
6σṭ. KTS Ṭ, Ṭ9 shows that the town-scribe in Hurama at one point was an individual who bore the Hurrian name
Haššim-Nawar (l. ṭ-ṣτ): You wrote and said: I have had Ṭ6 kutānum-textiles and Ṭ thin (textiles) brought to the
scribe in Hurama, and Haššim-Nawar said: I took Ṭ bags in which ṣṭ textiles were packed . Apart from the ṣṭ
textiles and a single thin (textile) they did not bring anything. Send the rest of the textiles from Hurama ahead of
you (‘t]a-á -pu-ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma Ṭ6 ku-ta-ni ù Ṭ ra-qí-té-en6 a-na Hu-ra-ma a- é-er DUB.SAR ú- é-bi-ilτ
ṣ8σ
σ.ṣṢ HURAMA
We know that the Assyrian language was used to draw up oficial documents between locals
in the Assyrian Colony in Kaneš, and that Akkadian was the lingua franca of the rulers in
Kaneš and Mamma.6σσ Now Hurama may be added to this list. Secondly, the king of Hurama
is seen to deal directly with an Assyrian merchant whom he addresses as his father before
presenting his request. The king of Hurama and Mannu-ki-Aššur must have known each
other personallyŞ and, even though the Anatolian ruler wrote himself irst in the letter heading
because of his superior social status, he assumes the role of a minor as a courtesy to the As-
syrian. This is clearly done in anticipation of a favour, yet the letter implies the political and
social relations that must have existed between the most successful Assyrian merchants and
the Anatolian elite.6στ
Numerous documents relate to the payment of nishātum-tax in Hurama on shipments mov-
ing towards Kaneš, but only a single judicial document provides any details on the matter:
Asanum s servants of the house of Asqudum and Pilah-Ištar son of Elamma travelled
jointly, and in Hurama they entered the house of Kubiya jointly, and the palace levied
their nishātum-tax from them jointly. Later the goods were coniscated, and the palace
has taken away Asanum s belongings ...6σ6
The remainder of the text concerns the smuggling of tinŞ and, in general, the number of
sources referring to smuggling in Hurama seems to indicate that the city controlled the most
important point of taxation on the road between the Euphrates and Kaneš. In fact, roughly one
out of every six texts that mentions Hurama relates to issues of smuggling and tax evasion.6σ7
The only indication of political strife in the region is found in a possible reference to the
redemption of some donkeys that had been impounded for use in a sikkātum in Hurama:
They took my donkeys out for the sikkātum and I paid τṢ shekels of tin to redeem
them.6σ8
There is no mention of any religious or social institutions in Hurama, and the single reference
to a house of the gubabtum-priestess in Hurama almost certainly refers to an Assyrian and
not a local woman.6σ9 No texts mention any products or industries that may have been charac-
teristic of the city, and only a single Hittite text contrasts the white wool of Hurma to the
blue wool of Ura .6τṢ
–––––
um-ma Ha- í-im-na-wa-ar-ma Ṭ na-ru-qé-en6 al-qé-ma ṣṭ TÚG dar-ku e-şláš ṣṭ TÚG ù ṣ ra-qí-tim mì-ma ú-lá
ub-lu-nim í-tí TÚG.HI.A a Hu-ra-ma i-pá-ni-kà áb-kam).
6σσ. Note the reference in kt 9ṣ/k τṭ9 (veenHof ṬṢṢ8d: ṣṬ-ṣ6) to a scribe who understands Subarean (l. Ṭ9-ṭṣ: a-na
DUB.SAR a u-biσ-ri-a-ta-am i- a-me-ú).
6στ. Also kt 9ṭ/k 7ṭ7 lists a number of textiles given as an erbum to the king of Hurama and his wife (l. ṣṢ: a-na a- í-
tí-[ u x x]).
6σ6. Kt 9ṣ/k ṭ7Ṣ (l. ṣ-ṣσ): ú-ha -ru- ú? A- sà-nim a É Ás-qú-dim ú Pì-lá-ah-I tar DUMU E-lá-ma ha-ra-nam i -
té-ni-i i-li-ku-nim-ma i-na Hu-ra-ma a-na É Ku-bi-a i -té-ni-i e-ru-bu-ma ni- is-ha -tí- u-nu É.GAL-lúm i -té-
ni-i i-sú-ùh i-na wa-ar-ki-tim lu-qú-tum i- í-bi-it-ma lu-qú-tám a A-sà-nim É.GAL-lúm i-ta-ba-al. Proceedings
held in the plenary assembly of the Hurama Colony.
6σ7. Smuggling associated with Hurama is found in: kt 87/k στṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ7ṢŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ AKT ṣ, Ṭ6Ş
AKT 6, ṣσ9Ş ATHE 6ṬŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş CCT Ṭ, σ8Ş ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9Ṣ and KTK 6σ, i.e. almost every sixth of all texts that men-
tion Hurama.
6σ8. Kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭ (l. ṣ9-Ṭṣ): ANšE-ri i-sí-kà-tim it-ru-ú-ma a-pa- á-ri- u-nu τ/6 ma-na AN.NA á -qúl.
6σ9. Kt m/k ṣṬτ. Cf. MicHel ṬṢṢ9b and section σ.Ṭ above.
6τṢ. IBoT ṭ.99: σ -τ ..
ṣ8τ
Hittite Hurama (wr. Hurma), like Kaneš, seems linguistically to have belonged to the Nesite-
speaking area of Anatolia, based on the name of its main divinity Hantidassu.6τṣ Hurma was
conquered by one of the earliest kings of Hattusa, and according to the Zalpa Chronicle6τṬ the
city was given to the father of the old king (i.e. the father of Labarna) by the grandfather of
the king .6τṭ This early governor of Hurma may have become prototype for the ofice of City
Lord of Hurma , who played an important role in later history.
Hurma remained important city throughout Hittite history, both as an administrative centre
with a palace and a seal house ,6τσ and as a point of focus for an important cult.6ττ The city
occurs several times in the Palace Chronicles , allegedly in relation to events that took place
during the life of Hattusili I. The Chronicles contain a cycle of stories about an individual
named Askaliya, whose position as City Lord in Hurma or Man of Hurma gave him the
power e.g. to appoint the commander of Ulama.6τ6 Two other individuals named Nunnu and
Sanda, are known to have held the title man of Hurma during the Old Hittite kingdom.6τ7
Both held jurisdiction and obligations far beyond the territory of their city – in Arzawa and
Hassuwa respectively.6τ8 The City Lord of Hurma also had cultic dutiesŞ he was in charge of
the Spring Festival in Hurma,6τ9 and he was present when the festival was celebrated in the
nearby town of Sarissa66Ṣ under the direction of his colleague, the City Lord of Sarissa .66ṣ
The continued importance of the ofice may be relected in the presence of the City Lord of
Hurma among the witnesses of important oficial documents, such as the Ulmi-Tessub treaty
and the Deed of Sahurunuwa.66Ṭ
In his study of the earliest history of the Hittite royal family, Beal also pointed out that
Hurma had been one of the main centres of power under the new regime.66ṭ On the basis of
his interpretation of CTH 9 and CTH ṣṭ, which both refer to a war against the prince of Par-
suhanda, Beal argued that Tawananna, the wife of Labarna, had taken over rule of Hurama
after the death of her husband. Furthermore, he suggested that Tawananna used the city as a
power base in her attempt to reinstate her own dynastic line in place of her nephew Hattusili I.
Since Tawananna had no sons, the queen had forged an alliance with her son in-law, the
prince of Parsuhanda.66σ
The revolt failed, and the following quote, coming from a text dated to Mursili I, may in
fact suggest that Tawananna had not been sent to Hurma prior to the revolt. Instead she may
have banished there by Hattusili and continued to stir up trouble under Mursili. This would
6τṣ. Hittite: The Strongest One , cf. larocHe ṣ9σ7: 7ṭŞ singer ṣ98ṣ: ṣṬσ, ṣṬ8f.
6τṬ. CTH ṭ, KBo ṭ.ṭ8 obv. ṣ9-ṬṢ. Cf. otten ṣ97ṭ: ṣ8-ṣ9, σṢ, ττŞ corti ṬṢṢṬŞ ṬṢṢτ.
6τṭ. Since the king in Zalpuwa Chronicle was Hattusili I, adopted son of Labarna, the grandfather of the king and the
father of the old king were not the same individual. A probable identiication of the grandfather is Pimpirit or
Huzziya, cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press, ch. Ṭ. The father of the old king would have been PU-
LUGAL-ma For Pimpirit, cf. otten ṣ9τ8: ṣṣṣ (KBo ṣṣ.ṭ6 (col. iii): 8-ṣṬ).
6τσ. Palace: KUB τ6.τ6 (col. iv): 6, ṬṢ, Ṭṭ, Ṭ7. Seal house (É NA KIšIB): KBo ṭ.ṣ (col. iii): ṬṬ.
σ
6ττ. For the early history of Hurma, cf. forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ6σ-Ṭ66Ş Ṭ69 n. ṭ6 and Ṭ78-Ṭ79.
6τ6. URUHurmi EN-as, LÚ URUHurma. Cf. DarDano ṣ997: σ6-σ9. Later Askaliya was moved (demoted?) to a position
of AGRIG in Ankuwa.
6τ7. DarDano ṣ997: ṭṬ-ṭṭ, ṭ6-ṭ7.
6τ8. DarDano ṣ997. Cf. also HarDY ṣ9σṣŞ arcHi ṣ98Ṣ: 9Ş BrYce ṬṢṢṭ: σ7. Sanda of the Palace Chronicle may be the
same individual active in the Ursu-text (CTH 7), cf. Beal ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭ7.
6τ9. KUB 8. 69 obv. ṣṢ-ṣṭ, cf. DarDano ṬṢṢ6: τ9-6Ṭ.
66Ṣ. KuT 6 (col. i): ṣṭ, cf. wilHelM ṣ997: ṣ8-ṣ9.
66ṣ. KuT ṣ (col. i): ṣṣ, cf. wilHelM ṣ997: ṣ8-ṣ9.
66Ṭ. KBo σ.ṣṢ rev. ṭṬ (Hattusili III), KUB Ṭ6.σṭ rev. ṭṬ (Tudhaliya IV).
66ṭ. Beal ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭ7 ff.
66σ. For the role of Parsuhanda during this period, cf. section τ.ṣ6.
ṣ86
σ.ṣṢ HURAMA
explain the mention of her being the daughter in-law in Hurma, and suggest that her hus-
band s father (PU-LUGAL-ma) was still alive and governing the city:
The aforementioned queen was a daughter in-law in Hurma. My father had done right to
her (saying): Wherever you carry away the daughter of the house of the queen, do not
harm her. But the queen has continually rejected the one whom I place on my throne.66τ
In general, the early Hittite texts emphasise the strategic and political importance of Hurma
– irst as an early Hittite conquest, then as a ief of Labarna s father, and inally as a retreat of
Labarna s widow.
Less than a generation later, Hurma and Lawazantiya were involved in a war against an
invading Hurrian army.666 Hurma was besieged and the enemy harvested the ields and emp-
tied the stores of the land for bread and wine.667 But the Gods protected Hurma , and shot
their plague-stricken arrows against the Hurrian army .668 The enemy withdrew down and
away 669 from Hurma to spend the winter in Sukziya,67Ṣ and plague raged in the Hurrian
camp.
In later times the city does not appear in the Hittite military narratives, and Hurma seems
to have been too far away from the Syrian and Kaska frontiers to have held any strategic im-
portance.67ṣ But the cults of Hurama continued to grow, and the gods of Hurma are summoned
as witnesses to all Hittite treaties and decrees. In addition, the city attracted a number of for-
eign deitiesŞ Teššub and Hebat of Halpa were both established in Hurma with a cult and
shrine,67Ṭ and also the Storm-God of Zippalanda and his holy mountain Taha had a temple in
the city.67ṭ
66τ. Translation in Beal 2003: 26-27.

666. Esp. CTH ṣṭ = KBo ṭ.σ6 (col. ii): ṣσ-σṣ and KBo ṭ.τṭ + KBo ṣ9.9Ṣ (col. ii): ṣ-ṣσ. Cf. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ:
87-ṣṣ6.
667. Houwink ten cate ṣ98σ: 7ṢŞ puHvel ṣ997: 9σ.
668. Cf. CHD vol. S: ṬṢa.
669. [URUHu]rmaz kattan arha, cf. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: 9Ṣ. The passage suggests that Sukziya was located at a
lower altitude than Hurma.
67Ṣ. Captured by the Hurrians at the beginning of the invasion. The city had previously been under the Hittites, prob-
ably since Hattusili I, and was governed by a royal prince named Amuna (cf. KBo ṭ.ṭσ (col. iii): ṣτ-ṣ7, and see
DarDano ṣ997: τ8-τ9). For the location of the city, cf. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: ṣṢṣ. It occurs in the sacriice list
KBo σ.ṣṭ alongside Hurma and Sallahasuwa. For a possible link between Sukziya and the toponym Su-ki-ti in the
Boybeypɩnarɩ inscription, cf. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: ṭṭ6, ṭṭ8, ṭσṣ-ṭσṬ.
67ṣ. A single text, KUB σ8.8Ṭ (col. i): ṣ -ṣṬ records a visit to the city by Suppiluliuma I, who arrived there from An-
ziliya and Istahara. klengel ṣ968: 69 has suggested that the city was ruined and that its population led to Isuwa,
but few appear to have accepted this idea.
67Ṭ. CTH ṭ8ṣ (KUB 6.στ (col. i): 7σ-7τ = KUB 6.σ6 (col. ii): ṭ9-σṢ). Cf. singer ṣ996: ṣṭ, ṭσ, τ7.
67ṭ. wilHelM ṬṢṢṬ. KUB τ6.τ6 contains an inventory of the cults of Hurma (esp. col. iv ṣ-ṣṢ), and (l. Ṭṣ) mentions
another City Lord of Hurma – a man named Kassu. Cf. peccHioli DaDDi & BalDi ṬṢṢσ: σ97-τṢṢŞ τṢṬ. The fact
that the rituals, which were to be performed by the City Lord of Hurma during the Spring Festival, had been lost
according to the library catalogues at Hattusa, was taken as a possible sign of a lack of interest in the city and its
cult during the Empire period (cf. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: ṣṢṬ). With the new evidence, especially from
Ku aklı, this idea has to be abandoned.
ṣ87
4.11 alah uwa67σ

The city of šalahšuwa appears in only Ṭτ of the texts dated to the Old Assyrian period. This
may be compared to the 78 texts that mention Hurama and ṣṣ8 that refer to Timelkiya to chal-
lenge the common assumption that šalahšuwa, like the other two cities, was located on the
main route between Hahhum and Kaneš. Either the journey through šalahšuwa was consid-
ered so trivial and inexpensive that it was routinely left out of the accounts and included in
lists of general fees, or else the city was located on an optional detour on the main road to
Kaneš. The latter option conlicts with the established fact that nishātum-tax was levied at
šalahšuwa as well as Hurama, and that it was at times actively avoided by leading shipments
onto the Narrow Track.67τ If šalahšuwa was located on an optional route, then it is hard to see
why one would wish ever to suffer the additional expense.
Because šalahšuwa occurs rarely with other toponyms it is dificult to locate the city with
any certainty,676 but texts from the Old Hittite period provide additional evidence for its loca-
tion.
Buruddum Ṭ Luhuzattiya ṭ
Durhumit σ Nihriya ṣ
Eluhhut ṣ Qa ara ṣ
Hahhum τ šalatuwar ṣ
Hattum ṣ Tegarama ṣ
Hurama 7 Timelkiya 8
Kuššara Ṭ Zalpa Ṭ
Kuburnat ṭ
Table ṣ8: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šalahšuwa.
šalahšuwa is most frequently attested with Hurama, Timelkiya and Hahhum. None of the
other toponyms are as prominent, although the high proportion of itineraries in comparison
to the total number of attestations implies that also Durhumit, Kuburnat and Luhuzattiya may
belong to the cluster.
67σ. Attestations of šalahšuwa are found in: kt 89/k ṬṬṬŞ kt 89/k Ṭ67Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣσ8Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ78Ş kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ6Ş kt 9ṣ/k
σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 9ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k 8τṣŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ kt k/k ṣṬ6Ş kt n/k ṣ98Ş AKT Ṭ, ṣσŞ AKT 6, ṭ8ṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ
ATHE 6ṬŞ kt c/k 6Ṣ6Ş ICK Ṭ, ṭṭ7Ş KTK 6σŞ KTS ṣ, ṣṬŞ LB ṣṬ8ṭŞ OIP Ṭ7, τŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ TMH ṣ, ṭbŞ TPAK ṣ, 7σ. The
reference in ICK ṣ, 6ṣ (l. ṭ), which states that: They seized us (as witnesses) in Hurama a ah u a is excluded.
An emendation of this text would require not only a şlá> for šalahšuwa, but also an şù> ( and ) between the two
place-names. This goes against the interpretation suggested by nasHef ṣ987: ṭ9-σṢ and followed e.g. by forla-
nini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ6τŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ6Ṣ. The latter takes the reference as a unique combination of two place-
names . From an orthographic view this certainly seems possible, but the text would then be a unique example of
seizing witnesses at two locations at once, an event that is otherwise always punctual and restricted to the loca-
tion in which the judicial proceedings take place, cf. Hertel ṬṢṢ7: ṬṬσ. Cf. also n. σσ8.
67τ. Cf. AKT Ṭ, ṣσŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ KTK 6σ.
676. The attestations of šalahšuwa together with other cities are found in: Buruddum: AKT Ṭ, ṣσ, TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Durhu-
mit: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6, kt 9ṭ/k 69σ, AKT 6, σ9ṣ, TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Eluhhut: TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Hahhum: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6, kt 9ṭ/k 9ṭ, ATHE
6Ṭ, LB ṣṬ8ṭ, TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Hattum: kt 89/k ṬṬṬ, Hurama: kt 9ṭ/k 69σ, kt 9σ/k 9Ṭσ, AKT 6, σ9ṣ, ATHE 6Ṭ, KTK 6σ,
LB ṣṬ8ṭ, TMH ṣ, ṭb, Ku ara: AKT 6, ṭ8ṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Kuburnat: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6, kt 9ṭ/k 69σ, AKT 6, σ9ṣ,
Luhuzattiya: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, ATHE 6Ṭ, KTK 6σ, Nihriya: KTS ṣ, ṣṬ, Qa ara: TC ṣ, 8ṣ, alatuwar: AKT 6, σ9ṣ,
Tegarama: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Timelkiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6, kt 9σ/k 9Ṭσ, AKT 6, σ9ṣ, ATHE 6Ṭ, kt c/k 6Ṣ6, KTK 6σ, LB ṣṬ8ṭ,
TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Zalpa: kt c/k 6Ṣ6, OIP Ṭ7, τ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any
just journeys from A to B).
ṣ88
σ.ṣṣ šALAHšUWA
Buruddum
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hurama
Kuššara
Kuburnat
Luhuzattiya
Timelkiya
Zalpa
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Graph 11: Frequency of a given toponym associated with alah uwa. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
This is easily rejected by a closer examination of those itineraries . Durhumit, Kuburnat and
Luhuzattiya always appear as alternative destinations to šalahšuwa on a given journey, and
only Hurama, Timelkiya and Kaneš stand in a close and direct geographical relation to the
city. One could of course travel between šalahšuwa and Durhumit, Kuburnat or Luhuzattiya,
but one would seemingly always pass either through Hurama or Timelkiya.
An important text for locating šalahšuwa has been the memorandum LB ṣṬ8ṭ, which was
irst used by Nashef to place the city on the main route leading from the Euphrates to Kaneš,
somewhere between Timelkiya and Hurama:677
(The dātum-fees for his goods) with a declared value of ṣṢ minas [...] for the donkeys
from Hahhum to Timelkiya were Ṭ/ṭ minas of tin. From Timelkiya to šalahšuwa, Ṭ ṣ/σ
shekels per (talent). From šalahšuwa to Hurama the head-tax was Ṭ ṣ/σ shekels each.678
His suggestion is supported by the order of the cities listed in kt 9σ/k 9Ṭσ:
Out of the ṣ97 textiles, which he left behind in Timelkiya, [x] ubātum-textiles (were) for
smuggling. The šalah[šuwean and Hu]ramean levied nishātum-tax (on the rest).679
However, the great majority of the sources that refer to journeys between Hahhum and Kaneš
routinely mention Timelkiya and Hurama but leave out šalahšuwa (cf. sections σ.8 and
677. nasHef ṣ987: ṭ9Ş ṣ99Ṭ: 99f. Followed e.g. by forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ7τŞ kawasaki ṣ996.
678. LB ṣṬ8ṭ: Ṭ/ṭ ma-na AN.NA ša ṣṢ ma-na? a-wi-tí- u? i ? zu? x [x] x [ ]a? ANšE.HI.A i -tù Ha-hi-im a-dí Tí-me-el-
ki-a i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a a-dí a-lá-ah- u-a ṣ/σ GÍN.TA i -tù a-lá-ah- u-a a-dí Hu!-ra-ma! Ṭ ṣ/σ GÍN.şTA> qá-
qá-da-tum?.
679. Kt 9σ/k 9Ṭσ (l. τ7-6Ṣ): [i]-na ṣ me-at 97 TÚG.HI.[A ša] i -na Tí-me-el-ki- a e-z‘i-bu x+]6 ú-ba-tù i-na pá-zu-
ur-‘tim] (ras.) ni-is-ha-tim a-lá-ah-‘ u-a-i-um ù Hu-ra]-ma-i-um ilτ-qé-ú, cf. section σ.9.
ṣ89
σ.ṣṢ).68Ṣ Furthermore, the memorandum AKT 6, σ9ṣ already quoted in section σ.ṣṢ, appears
to list Timelkiya, šalahšuwa and Hurama in the same order as the two examples given above.
But the traveller moved in the opposite direction, i.e. from Kaneš towards the Euphrates. The
passage is repeated below:
When I travelled to Timelkiya to meet up with the goods: a third mina of silver for sun-
dries. Ten shekels of silver for lodgings: ive shekels of silver for lodgings in šalahšuwa
(and) ive shekels of silver for lodgings in Hurama. 6 shekels of silver for the oficial in
Hurama – he fooled me out of half a shekel of silver.68ṣ
Taken together, this would imply that Hurama and šalahšuwa were located on parallel routes,
and that it was possible to travel directly between Hurama and Kaneš, from Timelkiya via
šalahšuwa and Hurama to Kaneš, or even, from Timelkiya via Hurama and šalahšuwa to
Kaneš. How this its with the issue of taxation is unclear.
Forlanini has argued in favour of a close geographical proximity between Kaneš and
šalahšuwa on the basis of the Anatolian administrative text kt g/t σṬ+ found on the palatial
acropolis at Kaneš.68Ṭ The text lists a number of villages and towns under Kanešite jurisdic-
tion, among them a place named šalahašuwa. The text dates to the Ib period of Assyrian trade
in Anatolia, and Forlanini took it as proof that šalahšuwa at some point fell under the rule of
Kaneš.68ṭ In support of this claim, the Ib-period text OIP Ṭ7, τ found at Ali ar mentions refu-
gees from šalahšuwa, who were kept in jail probably at Kaneš (see below). The text may be
taken as a reference to the actual conlict that brought šalahšuwa under Kanešite jurisdiction.
However, the toponym is spelled šalahašuwa, rather than šalahšuwa, in kt g/t σṬ+, and it
is possible that these are quasi-homonymous places. This would not be unexpected, consider-
ing that the remainder of the names on the list were probably small settlements. The text gives
a number of individuals (qaqqadātū) that are assigned to oficials stationed in such hamlets
surrounding of Kaneš, and some of the places have been identiied by Forlanini to correspond
to localities in the immediate vicinity (ṣṢ-ṣτ km) of the capital on grounds of linguistic crite-
ria.68σ This renders the equation of šalahšuwa and šalahašuwa more doubtful.
The Hittite annals of Hattusili I imply that šalahšuwa came into conlict with the king of
Hattusa only during the early years of his reign, at a time when Hurma had already been under
Hittite rule for a generation or more (cf. σ.ṣṢ).68τ This could be taken as an indication that
šalahšuwa was located further away from Kaneš than Hurama as implied by LB ṣṬ8ṭ and kt
9σ/k 9Ṭσ. Furthermore, the Hittite texts show that šalahšuwa was located in an exposed posi-
tion to Hurrian attacks, which its less well with a location close to Kaneš. Both facts place
the city further away from the Hittite heartland.
Nevertheless, šalahšuwa in Hittite times was written Sallahasuwa as well as Sallahsuwa ,686
and the early Hittite state may have expanded in a fashion similar to the later Neo-Assyrian
68Ṣ. See e.g. kt 9ṣ/k σ8ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢ8Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9σ/k 76ṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṭ9Ş I 8Ṣσ.
68ṣ. AKT 6, σ9ṣ (l. 8ṭ-9Ṣ): i-n‘u-m]ì a-na Tí-me-el-ki-a a- é-er lu-qú-tim e-tí-qú ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-sà-he-er-
tim ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-É ub-ri τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR É wa-á‘b-r]i i-na a-lá-ah- u-a τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR
É u‘b-ri] i-Hu-ra-ma 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na kà- í-im i-H‘u-r]a-ma ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ú-qá-li-lá-ni.
68Ṭ. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb.
68ṭ. forlanini ṣ98τ: 6σ n. 8ṣŞ ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ7τ. See also günBatti ṣ987.
68σ. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb and section σ.ṣτ below.
68τ. KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. i): ṬṬ, σṣ-σσ.
686. Cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: ṭṭṬ. Examples of such variations in spelling are common, e.g. Hurama/Hurma,
Tuhuppiya/Tuhpiya, Tawiniya/Tamniya.
ṣ9Ṣ
Empire, i.e. by slowly incorporating strategic points of control along the major routes as op-
posed to whole territories.687
The few itineraries that relate šalahšuwa to the remaining toponyms in its geographical
cluster add little evidence to help decide between the two options. Plainly, the fact that the
Assyrians were required to pay nishātum-tax in šalahšuwa shows that Assyrian caravans
moving from the Euphrates to Kaneš did at least occasionally pass through the city. Further-
more, kt 9ṭ/k 69σ (cf. section σ.ṣṢ) shows that goods could be declared in šalahšuwa in the
same fashion as at Kaneš. Finally, the author of kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6 explicitly differentiates between
sending a shipment via šalahšuwa and via Timelkiya to Durhumit , implying that the for-
mer was the legal course of action, and the latter was equivalent to smuggling (cf. section
σ.9):
(Regarding the) two talents of tin, four textiles of good quality and three textiles of ordi-
nary quality and a black donkey that Pilah-Ištar will transport down from Hahhum … do
not let them send the tin via šalahšuwa. For the safety of my tin, they should let the tin
travel via Timelkiya to Durhumit.688
To send something via šalahšuwa would thus have amounted to the same as sending it to
Kaneš, which in itself indicates a close relation between the two cities. It is likely that the
reason why the author mentions šalahšuwa instead of Hurama in the given context was that
the Narrow Track to Durhumit could still be reached from Hurama, but not from šalahšuwa.
Both are vague indications that šalahšuwa was closer to Kaneš than Hurama.
–––––
As already mentioned, it is possible that šalahšuwa came under the rule of Kaneš at a late
point during the period of trade contemporary with level Ib in the lower city of Kültepe.689 A
passage in the letter OIP Ṭ7, τ refers to refugees coming from šalahšuwa that may be linked
to this event:
To Nabi-Enlil from Ennam-Aššur ... I wrote to you about the refugees that the palace [...]
from šalahšuwa, who are in jail: Make enquiries there about the order of the Queen and
the Lord of the Staircase – whether the Q[ueen and the Lord of the Staircase] are willing
to return them. If they do not (want) to return them [...] redeem those men, and let me
know whatever price the palace demand from you for the redemption, and I will send it
to you so that you may get hold of these men . Let me know whatever answer the Palace
gives you about these men in your message – these people have a lot of ransom money.69Ṣ
687. liverani ṣ99Ṭ.

688. Kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6 (l. σ-8): Ṭ GÚ AN.NA σ TÚG.SIGτ ṭ TÚG a qá-tim ù ANšE a-lá-ma-am a Pí-lá-ah-Ištar i -tù
Ha-hi-im ù- é-ra-da-ni … (l. ṣ6-ṬṬ): AN.NA a-na e-ba-a‘r] a-la-ah- u-wa lá ú- é-tù-qú ki-ma a-lá-am
AN.NA-ki e-ba-ar Tí-me-el-ki-a-ma AN.NA a-na Durσ-hu-mì-id lu- é-tí-qú.
689. The archive belonging to Nabi-Enlil can be dated to the reigns of Pithana and Anitta based on its prosopographical
link to the texts from Boğazköy (cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: σṢ), sc. c. ṣ7τṢ-ṣ7Ṭτ BC. according to the estimates sug-
gested in BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
69Ṣ. OIP Ṭ7, τ (ṣ. ṣ-Ṭ): a-na Na-biσ-dEN.LÍL qí-bi-ma um-ma E-na-A- ùr-ma ... (l. 9-Ṭτ):a- u-mì a-wi-lì ha-pì-ri a
É.GAL-l‘im] x x a a-lá-ah- u-wa a i-na ki- ‘é-er- í-im wa]-á -bu-ni á -pu-ra-ku-um a-‘ma-kam pí]-i ru-ba-tí
ú GAL sí-‘mì-ilτ-tim í-t]a-a-al-ma u-ma r‘u-ba-tù ú GAL sí-mì-ilτ-tim] ú-ta-ru- u-nu u-up-r‘a-am u]-ma lá
ú-ta-ru- u-nu ‘x x x] a-wi-lì u-nu-tí pu- ù-u‘r- u-nu-ma] mì-ma ip- é-ri- u-nu á É.G[AL-lúm] e-ri- u-kà-ni i-na
na-á -pè-er-‘tí-kà] ú-dí-a-ma lu- é-biσ-lá-ku-um ú a-wi-‘lì] u-nu-tí qá-at-kà li-i -ba-at mì-ma na-pá-al-tám a
É.GAL-lúm a- u-mì a-wi-lì u-nu-tí e-pu-lu-kà i-na na-á -pè-er-tí-kà ú-dí-a-am a-wi-lu ip- é-ri ma-dí-i i- u-ú.
The transliteration follows Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: σṭ n. ṬṬ, although the present translation of the text differs slightly.
ṣ9ṣ
The letter belongs to the archive of Nabi-Enlil found at the site of Ali ar c. ṣτṢ km north of
Kültepe,69ṣ and the reason to think that the queen mentioned ruled at Kaneš is found in the related
message OIP Ṭ7, ṣṭ.69Ṭ Nabi-Enlil is the recipient of OIP Ṭ7, τ, and Ennam-Aššur urges him to
go and meet the queen. This necessitates that the letter must have been sent to Kaneš even though
the tablet was found at Ali ar. The political event that caused the refugees from šalahšuwa to be
imprisoned at Kaneš is unknown, and it is not possible to determine their identity. However, if
one accepts the equation of šalahašuwa in kt g/t σṬ+ with šalahšuwa, then OIP Ṭ7, τ may refer
to some of the events that brought the city under the political dominance of Kaneš.69ṭ
The Hittite sources rarely mention šalahšuwa, and the city may already have been de-
stroyed by the beginning of the Old Hittite kingdom.69σ The archaic list KBo σ.ṣṭ mentions
Sallahasuwa between the cities of Hurama and Sukziya and Karahna, placing it in the same
general region, but nothing more.69τ
The political and social structures of šalahšuwa during the Colony Period are almost nev-
er mentioned by the Assyrian merchants. An envoy of the ruler occurs in kt k/k ṣṬ6,696 and a
single text refers to an anonymous ka um-oficial and his ofice.697 There are a few refer-
ences to šalahšuwa as a location where taxes were paid,698 a city avoided by using the Narrow
Track,699 or a place use to smuggle goods to Kaneš.7ṢṢ Only a single reference in a judicial
document shows that an Assyrian Colony (kārum) was located there.7Ṣṣ
Surprisingly, the best-attested individual linked to any Anatolian city other than Kaneš in
the Assyrian material is one Adada of šalahšuwa. He turns up in a large number of texts
spread across different archives, which all show that Adada had a house and ran his activities
out of this city:
I left behind ṣ8 kutānum-textiles of good quality marked with the name of the trader in
šalahšuwa in the house belonging to Adada.7ṢṬ
If (you head) to Timelkiya, then leave them in the house of Adada in šalahšuwa.7Ṣṭ
Thus (speaks) Aššur-bani to Aššur-nišu and his brothers: Adada of šalahšuwa … I seized
the silver owed by Adada and Aššur-nišu out of Kulumaya s caravan as witnessed by ive
afiliated traders, saying: I have laid claim on the silver. You shall not to release any
silver whatsoever to Aššur-malik , and in the presence of the witnesses that I had estab-
69ṣ. For the full study of this archive, see Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ.
69Ṭ. Based on the readings suggested ibid. σσ.
69ṭ. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ6Ṣ appears to read: the palace [...] of šalahšuwa . This is an equally viable interpretation based
on the text itself, and would identify the palace mentioned in the text with the palace of šalahšuwa. However, the
relation to OIP Ṭ7, ṣṭ in Dercksen s reading makes the suggestion less probable.
69σ. See KBo ṣṢ.ṣ about Hattusili I s return from Arzawa and the battle of Sallahasuwa, but note the translation in
J. L. Miller ṣ999: Ṭ9, which indicates that the city may have survived the visit from Hattusili: (But) the land of
Sallahasuwa delivered itself from the (impending) conlagration, and they became my subjects.
69τ. forlanini ṬṢṢ7b.
696. Kt k/k ṣṬ6 (l. Ṭ-8): Two shekels for the guard. One shekel for the envoy of the šalahšuwean. Half a shekel ṣτ
grains for a cup ( Ṭ GÍN a-na mu-qá-ri-biσ-im ṣ GÍN a-na í-ip-ri-im a-lá-ah- u-wa-i-im ṣ/Ṭ GÍN ṣτ šE a-na
ki-ri-im).
697. Cf. kt 9ṭ/k 69σ under section σ.9.
698. Cf. AKT Ṭ, ṣσŞ ATHE 6ṬŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ KTK 6σ.
699. Cf. kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṬσŞ KTK 6σ.
7ṢṢ. Cf. AKT Ṭ, ṣσ and possibly ICK Ṭ, ṭṭ7Ş TC ṣ, 8ṣ. The latter mentions a shipment entrusted to Adad-bani the smug-
gler in šalahšuwa.
7Ṣṣ. Kt 9ṣ/k ṣσ8 (l. ṭτ): kà-ru-um a-lá-ah- u-a.
7ṢṬ. Kt n/k ṣ98 (l. τ-ṣṢ): ṣ8 TÚG ku-ta-ni SIGτ a u-mì DAM.GÀR wa-du-ú i-na a-lá-ah- u-a É A-da-da e-zi-ib.
7Ṣṭ. Kt c/k 6Ṣ6 (l. ṣ8-Ṭṣ): u-ma a-na Tí-me-el-ki-a É A-dá-dá i-na a-lá-ah- u-a ez-ba.
ṣ9Ṭ
lished against Adada and his son Aššur-nišu, I established the witnesses in the following
way, saying ...7Ṣσ
I said to Adada of šalahšuwa and his son Aššur-nišu the guide that ...7Ṣτ
To Adada of šalahšuwa [...].7Ṣ6
Here Adada agreed with Aššur- ab son of Azuzaya in šalahšuwa, and Adada has trav-
elled to Kuššara to have the man swear an oath. He will get an oath from the man and
then he will dispatch the goods of Azuzaya s son on the Narrow Track.7Ṣ7
The name Adada can be both an Assyrian and Anatolian, but his son s name being Aššur-nišu,
and judging by the fact that Adada had funds invested in an Assyrian caravan, he can hardly
have been a native. It seems that several families used the house owned by Adada in šalahšuwa
as storage, and the inal example (see also section σ.9) implies that he was somehow person-
ally linked with the ruler of Kuššara.
The economy and natural resources of šalahšuwa have been the subject of three recent
studies, all written on the basis of four supposed references to mining in texts mentioning the
city.7Ṣ8 The most important example comes from the following letter:
Bu[...] will weigh out ṣ/ṭ mina and Ṭ shekels of gold of extra good quality of š[alahšuwa]
to Ikun-pi-[Aššur?]. He (Ikun-pi-[Aššur?]) will (then) set the (debt) tablet of ṣ/ṭ mina of
gold with his seal free to him. If he does not send him the gold from šalahšuwa, he must
pay him ṭ minas and 6 shekels of s[ilver] (instead).7Ṣ9
The text was published by Kawasaki,7ṣṢ who used it to argue that gold was produced in
šalahšuwa, and he coupled this reference with quotes from two additional letters:
Not only am I furious, but I reined the silver and out of τ minas only ṭ ṣ/ṭ minas came
up! Here I gave you the instruction to send Lube and šu-Hubur here to me right away.
Twenty days ago he arrived in Hurama. He travelled to šalahšuwa because of the gold. I
heard that he had travelled to Hurama and (that) apart from lead there was nothing.7ṣṣ
7Ṣσ. Kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ6 (l. ṣ-σ): um-ma A- ùr-ba-ni-ma a-na A- ùr-ni- u ù a-hi-e- u ‘qí-bi-ma] A-da-da ‘ a a-lá-a]h- u-wa
… (l. σ -ṣσ ) i-na ILLAT-at ‘Ku]-lu-ma-a IGI τ me-er-e um-mì-‘a-ni] KÙ.BABBAR i-na li-biσ A-da-d‘a] ù A- ùr-
ni- u a -ba-at-ma um-ma a-na-ku-ma i-na KÙ.BABBAR qá-tí a-ak-na-at a-na A- ùr-ma-lik u-um- u
KÙ.BABBAR lá tù- a-ar ù IGI í-bi a a-na A-da-da ù A- ùr-ni- u me-er-i- u á -ku-nu-ni ki-a-am í-biσ á -ku-un.
7Ṣτ. Kt 9ṣ/k ṣ78 (l. σ-9): a-na A-da-da a a-lá-ah- u-wa ù A- ùr-ni- u me-er-i- u ra-dí-im um-ma a-na-ku-ma (legal
testimony related to kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ6 above).
7Ṣ6. TPAK ṣ, 7σ (l. ṭ -σ ): a-na A-da-da a a-lá-ah- u-wa.
7Ṣ7. AKT 6, ṭ8ṭ (l. 6-ṣ6): a-na-kam A-da-da i -tí A- ur-DÙG DUMU A-zu-za-a i- a-lá-ah- u-wa i-mì-ig-ru-ma a-na
Ku- a-ra A-da-da a-na a-wi-lim ta-mu-im e -tí-tí-iq ma-mì-tám i -tí a-wi-lim i-lá-qé- ma ú lu-qú-tám a DUMU
A-zu-za-a-ma ha-ra-an sú-qá-ni-ma i- a-lá-ah. ICK Ṭ, ṭṭ7 (l. ṣ-8) may also refer to Adada and his son: Out of
the eleven minus one textile that the šalahšuwean brought to me, six belong to Kurub-Ištar. One had no seal. I
have paid the šalahšuweans six shekels of silver. (ṣṣ LÁ ṣ TÚG.HI.A a-lá-ah- u-a-i-ú ub-lu-nim šÀ.BA 6
TÚG.HI.A a Kur-ub-I tar i -té-en ku-nu-ku- u lá- u 6 GÍN KÙ a-na a-lá-ah- u-a-i-e a-dí-in). Cf. ulsHÖfer
ṣ99τ: Ṭṣτ. The expected delivery must have been ṣṣ textiles, but one was missing.
7Ṣ8. kawasaki ṣ996Ş sever ṣ999Ş forlanini ṬṢṢτ.
7Ṣ9. Kt 89/k Ṭ67 (l. ṣ-ṣṭ): ṣ/ṭ ma-na Ṭ [GÍN] KÙ.GI a [a!-lá-ah- u-a] SIGτ DIRIG Bu-[...] a-na I-ku-pì-[A- ur?]
i- a-qal DU[B!-pá-am a] ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.GI a ku-nu-ki-‘ u] ú- a-ar- u-‘um] u-ma KÙ.GI a a-lá-ah- u-a lá
u -té-biσ-lam ṭ ma-na 6 GÍN K[Ù.BABBAR] i- a-qal- u-um.
7ṣṢ. kawasaki ṣ996.
7ṣṣ. TMH ṣ, ṭb (l. ṭ-ṣτ): a- é-er li-biσ lá-am-nu KÙ.BABBAR am-sí-ma i-na τ ma-na ṭ ṣ/ṭ ma-na e-li-a-am a-na-kam-
ma ú-na-hi-id-kà Lu-be ú u-Hu-bu-ur i -tí pá-nim-ma ù-ur-da-am i-na ṬṢ uσ-me a-na Hu-ra-ma i-li-kam a-na
a-la-ah- u-a a- u-mì KÙ.GI e-tí-iq á -me-ma a-na Hu-ra-ma e-tí-iq-ma a-lá-an a-ba-ri-im mì-ma a-nim lá- u.
ṣ9ṭ
As for the fact that the su um-stone has not yet been cut up: the man is still staying in
šalahšuwa. I have written to him at least ten times. If he comes here and cuts it I can go
to Hattum.7ṣṬ
The irst example shows that one could buy gold in šalahšuwa. Whether the gold actually
came from the city is unclear. The relation between the su um-stone and gold is also unclear.
Kawasaki then connected the reference made to lead to a mention of silver from šalahšuwa
in the following letter:
Haluli became indebted to me for ṭ minas of silver from šalahšuwa, but he has given me
a corresponding amount.7ṣṭ
Kawasaki pointed out that lead is a common by-product in the production of silver and used
the references to argue that silver as well as gold was mined in šalahšuwa.7ṣσ But the silver
occurs only as a means of payment and appears to refer to a debt incurred in šalahšuwa or an
amount deposited there. The connection between the two references that mention gold are far
from clear either. In the irst example the metal was brought in from šalahšuwa to settle a debt
in gold. In case the gold was not produced the debt had to be settled in silver at an unfavour-
able rate of exchange (9.Ṭ:ṣ). That the gold had actually been mined in the city is by no means
implied. In the second example the author writes about his experience with reining some
silver before turning to the topic of an individual who went to šalahšuwa and Hurama in
search of gold. Gold was unavailable in both cities and only lead was marketed in Hurama. In
the third example a type of heavy implement made of stone was to be produced by an indi-
vidual who was staying in šalahšuwa.
Nevertheless, Forlanini used the results presented by Kawasaki in an attempt to localise
šalahšuwa.7ṣτ He took šalahšuwa to be a centre for the production of lead, and found that the
only lead-mine east of Kaneš was at Akçaparmak north of Pazarören. Therefore, he con-
cluded, one of the archaeological sites located in the vicinity of this mine has to be šalahšuwa.
The entire line of reasoning seems to be based on a doubtful interpretation of the quoted texts.
The connection between the lead and šalahšuwa is nonexistent, and even if the gold men-
tioned in some of the text did come from the city, this does not imply that it was a mining
centre for lead. The Taurus is relatively poor in gold ores and the only substantial auriferous
deposit is found in the vicinity of Elazığ on the east bank of the Euphrates. But gold that had
been slowly washed out of the rock by nature could presumably be collected in rivers by pan-
ning, and a number of the Anatolian rivers carry gold in small quantities. If the gold did come
from šalahšuwa it may well have been harvested from alluvial deposits. This would lead one
no closer to the geographical location of šalahšuwa, but it renders the claim that we have to
look for the city in the vicinity of a lead mine doubtful.
7ṣṬ. Kt 89/k ṬṬṬ (l. ṣσ-Ṭṣ): a-dí sú-ú-um lá ar-ma-at-ni a-wi-lúm i-na a-la-ah- u-wa ú- a-áb a-dí ṣṢ- u á -ta-pár-
u-um i-lá-kam i- a-ra-am- í-ma a-na Ha-tim a-ta-lá-ak. According to the examples listed in the CAD, the su u
were heavy objects used for hammering or grinding.
7ṣṭ. OAA ṣ, 6ṭ (l. σ-6): ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a a-lá-ah-šu-a ùh-ta-bi-lá-ma Ha-lu-li me-eh-ra-tim i-dí-nam.
7ṣσ. Interestingly, Kawasaki does not translate the irst sentence, which actually seems to imply that the author of the
text reined the metal himself. The loss of ṭṭḪ in the given sample suggests that a silver-lead ore can hardly be in
question, since even a rich lead ore contains only a few percent of silver.
7ṣτ. forlanini ṬṢṢτ.
ṣ9σ
σ.ṣṬ URšU
4.1Ṭ Ur u7ṣ6
The city of Uršu is only attested in Ṭṭ Old Assyrian texts, but together with the evidence found
in records from the third- and second-millennium BC there is good evidence for the location
of the city. The attestations of Uršu with other toponyms in the Old Assyrian sources are:
Aruwar ṣ Mamma 9
Bulbulhum Ṭ Nihriya ṣ
Hahhum Ṭ Purušhaddum ṣ
Hirašta ṣ Unipsum ṭ
Hurama ṣ Zalpa ṭ
Table ṣ9: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Uršu.
With only ṣṢ toponyms on the list the statistics are weak. Nevertheless, Uršu and Mamma
were clearly very closely associated, and also Unipsum and Bulbulhum may belong to the
cluster:7ṣ7
Bulbulhum
Hahhum
Mamma
Unipsum
Zalpa
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Graph 12: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Ur u. Itineraries are shaded in a darker colour.
The connection between Uršu and Mamma on a southern route to Kaneš has been known for
a long time because of a letter sent from Aššur-idi in Assur to his son Aššur-nada.7ṣ8 The son
was leading a caravan to Kaneš when he received the following instructions from his father:
If you are afraid (to go) to Hahhum, then go to Uršu instead. Please, please! Go alone!
Do not enter Mamma together with the caravan. Further, in accordance with the orders
of the City assembly your brother s caravan must be divided into three parts, so that the
7ṣ6. Attestations of Uršu are found in: kt 87/k ṣ79Ş kt 9ṭ/k ṣ9σŞ kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 7σṬŞ kt 9σ/k στσŞ kt 9σ/k 67ṭŞ AKT
6, ṭṬ8Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9Ş ATHE ṭ7Ş BIN σ, ṣσ8Ş BIN σ, Ṭṣ9Ş CCT ṣ, σ6a+bŞ CCT ṭ, 9Ş CCT 6, 6bŞ CCT 6, ṣσŞ kt c/k
σ7Ṣ+767Ş kt c/k 766Ş CTMMA ṣ, 8ṣaŞ OAA ṣ, ṣ8Ş kt /k ṣṢŞ SUP 7Ş TC ṣ, ṭ8?Ş VS Ṭ6, ṬṢ.
7ṣ7. The attestations of Uršu together with other cities are found in: Aruwar: kt c/k 766, Bulbulhum: kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767Ş
kt c/k 766, Hahhum: CCT 6, 6b (coll. Larsen)Ş OAA ṣ, ṣ8, Hira ta: kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767, Hurama: CCT 6, ṣσ,
Mamma: kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 7σṬŞ kt 9σ/k 67ṭŞ AKT 6, ṭṬ8Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9, (rest.)Ş BIN σ, Ṭṣ9Ş CCT 6, ṣσŞ kt c/k
σ7Ṣ+767Ş TC ṣ, ṣ8, Nihriya: 9ṭ/k ṣ9σ, Puru haddum: ATHE ṭ7, Unipsum: AKT 6, ṭṬ8Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9Ş BIN σ,
Ṭṣ9, Zalpa: kt 87/k ṣ79Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9Ş CCT 6, ṣσ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is
applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not
necessarily just journeys from A to B).
7ṣ8. Cf. e.g. Bilgiç ṣ9στ-τṣ: Ṭσ-Ṭτ (quoting Landsberger)Ş garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṣṢ6-ṣṢ8.
ṣ9τ
irst may leave Mamma, and as soon as it has reached the land of Kaneš, then the second
will leave Uršu. The third can then leave in the same way.7ṣ9
Bilgiç took the text as proof that a southern route via Uršu and Mamma existed as an alterna-
tive to the well known road through Hahhum. His claim has been substantiated by all later
studies, but the statistical analysis suggests that the route via Uršu was much less used than
the road that passed through Hahhum. Although there are a greater number of references to
Mamma than Uršu (σ.ṣṭ), which might imply that the road through Uršu saw more trafic
than the direct evidence seems to suggest,7ṬṢ the crossings at Hahhum and Zalpa were clearly
preferred by the Assyrian traders.
It is also hardly a coincidence that τ out of the Ṭṭ texts dealing with Uršu come from the
archive of the same merchant, namely that of Aššur-nada son of Aššur-idi.7Ṭṣ Also šalim-
Aššur son of Issu-arik had a special relationship with the Uršu route, and the family had an
agency in nearby Mamma (σ.ṣṭ).7ṬṬ But in general it seems that only a few Assyrian families
had permanent representation in Uršu or Mamma, and only those families used the southern
route on a regular basis.
The letter to Aššur-nada implies that Hahhum and Uršu were seen as alternative gateways
into Anatolia, in turn suggesting that the territory of Uršu bordered directly onto the Euphra-
tes. It has already been established that crossing the Euphrates meant entering a different
economic zone where the Assyrians were allowed to trade (cf. sections ṣ.Ṭ and σ.ṣ). This is a
weighty argument against the localisation of Hahhum in the region of Elazığ east of the Eu-
phrates, and likewise, Uršu must have been located on the Anatolian side of the river in order
to function as an entrepôt for the Assyrian traders. A few texts show that this was the case:
I sacriiced one sheep at the bank of the river. I sacriiced one to Ištar bēlat kà-le-ta in
Uršu. The caravan told me to sacriice one in Mamma. I paid ṣτ shekels of tin for the
wagon.7Ṭṭ
This itinerary is comparable to the one found in the letter to Aššur-nada, i.e. (Assur)-Uršu-
Mamma-(Kaneš), and the reference to a wagon indicates the existence of an acceptable road
between Uršu and Mamma. Furthermore, the text suggests that the actual city of Uršu was
located at some distance away from the river.
The importance that the Assyrian merchants assigned to the passage of the river is implied
by another reference to a sacriice conducted at the river bank. A memorandum refers to the
expenditures for a sheep for/at/from bu-ra-dim . In his latest edition of the text Larsen took
the inal word to refer to the Syrian toponym Buraddum and translated the passage as: ṣ6
shekels of tin for a sheep from Buraddum ,7Ṭσ but the passage may equally well be read as: ṣ6
7ṣ9. OAA ṣ, ṣ8 (l. ṭṬ-σ6): u-ma a-na Ha-hi-im ta-pá-lá-ah a-na Ur- u-ma a-li-ik a-pu-tum a-pu-tum we-dí-kà-ma
a-li-ik i -tí ILLAT a-na Ma-ma lá té-ra-áb ù ma-lá té-er-tí a-limki ILLAT-at a-hi-kà a-na ál- í- u li-pè-er-sú-ma
pá-ni-ú-um-ma i-Ma-ma lu- í-ma a-na-ma ma-at Kà-ni-i ik- u-du a-ni-um i-na Ur- u lu- í ù a-li-i -tum ki-a-
ma lu- í.
7ṬṢ. Contra forlanini ṬṢṢσa: ṬτṬ (see also ṬṢṢ6: ṣ67) who states that Uršu, in contrast to Mamma, was rarely visited
by the Assyrians. However, there is no direct evidence for a route to Mamma that did not pass via Uršu, and it
seems that the road to Mamma was tied to the crossing of the Euphrates at Uršu.
7Ṭṣ. OAA ṣ, ṣ8 (TC ṣ, ṣ8)Ş OAA ṣ, ṭ7 (ATHE 66)Ş OAA ṣ, τ9 (CCT ṭ, 9)Ş OAA ṣ, 9ṭ (CTMMA ṣ, 8ṣa) and OAA ṣ, ṣ6ṣ
(BIN σ, ṣσ8).
7ṬṬ. Cf. e.g. kt 9σ/k 67ṭŞ AKT 6, ṭṬ8Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9.
7Ṭṭ. Kt 9σ/k 67ṭ: i-na a-pá-at na-ri-im i -tí-in e-me-ra-am a-qí-i i -tí-in i-na Ur- u-ú a-na I tar be-lá-at kà-le?-ta a-
qí-i i -tí-in i-na Ma-ma ILLAT-tum iq-be-ma a-qí-i ṣτ GÍN AN.NA a-na e-ri-qí-im á -qúl.
7Ṭσ. OAA ṣ, ṣ6Ṣ (l. ṣṬ-ṣṭ): ṣ6 GÍN AN.NA a-na UDU a Pu-ra-tim.
ṣ96
σ.ṣṬ URšU
shekels of tin for a sheep for the Purattum , that is, the River Euphrates . The parallel situa-
tion in the irst example, and the close association of the archive of Aššur-nada to Uršu, both
point in favour of the latter interpretation.7Ṭτ
Although the city may have been located at a certain distance from the Euphrates, evidence
suggests that its territory went all the way down to the river. One example comes from the
Mari letter that was discussed in its entirety under section σ.Ṭ. The relevant passage reads as
follows:
Second, Abdi-erah was coming here from Zalba, but the king of Uršu detained him, say-
ing: I will ill your wine-boat, and I will also provide you with an escort, and then (you
can) leave . He then came here to Carchemish and met with me, and I returned him to
Uršu, saying: Go quickly . His escort, a man from Zalba, stays in Carchemish.7Ṭ6
The fact that the king of Uršu detained the boat on its way to Carchemish implies that Uršu
controlled a stretch of the Euphrates River between Carchemish and Zalpa. An additional
example comes from another letter from Mari:
Sin-tiri wrote to me for help, so I went to him in šubat-šamaš together with the troops.
The following day a letter with a message about the enemy came, saying: Yapah-Adad
has taken up position at the town of Zallul on the bank of the Euphrates on the opposite
bank from here, and together with Ṭ,ṢṢṢ men – hāpiru of the land – he is now staying in
that town . This was the news that reached me, so I hastened with the men under my
command and the men under Sin-tiri from šubat-šamaš, and I took up position in front
of the town of Zallul in Himuš. Between the two towns is a distance of ṣ,8ṢṢ m. And
when I took up position in Himuš and he saw the help of the land, he gave a ire-signal
so that all the towns on the far bank of the land of Uršu, came to him. The nabru-men
that are behind the wall, and who have united, are many, and so to avoid spreading out
the men, I will not go to the city. I send this, my message, to my lord from the bank of
the Euphrates. The men and the livestock are well.7Ṭ7
7Ṭτ. An additional example linked to the crossing of a river relates to the consumption of wine (cf. τ.6). Kt c/k τ9σ
states: I paid ṣ mina and ṣ6 shekels of copper for three cups at the bank of the river (l. ṣτ-ṣ9: ṣ ma-na ṣ6 GÍN
URUDU a-na ṭ ki-ra-tí-im i-na a-pá-at na-ri-im á -qúl). Compare to the Hittite version of the Myth of Sargon,
KBo ṬṬ.6 (col. i): ṣσ-ṣ8 Sarrukinas machte sich auf nach Purushanda. Sein(?) Heer wimmelte(?) um ihn(?)
herum. Und er opferte dem heiligen Flusse Aranzah einen Stier und sieben Shcafe. Den Brücken aber opferte er
zwei Widder ... , cf. güterBock ṣ969: ṣσ-Ṭ6.
7Ṭ6. FM Ṭ, 8 (M.7τṭ6) (l. Ṭ -ṣσ ): a-ni-tam mAb-du- e ‘ra-ah] i -tu Za-al-baki il-‘li-kam-ma] LUGAL a Ur-siki ik-ta-
la- u um-ma-a-mi GIš.MÁ.GEšTIN.NA lu-ma-kum-ma a-li-ik ‘i-d]i-im lu-ud-di-na-ak-kum ù a-l‘i-i]k a-na Kar-
ka-mi-iski il-li-kam -ma it!(da)-ti-ia in-na-me-er ù ut-‘t]e-er- u a-na Ur-si-imki-ma um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-li-ik hu-
um- à-am ù a -‘li-ik i-d]i- u LÚ Za-al-baki i-na Ka‘r-ka-mi-is] ki -ma wa- ‘i-ib]. Cf. Charpin apud DuranD ṬṢṢ6:
ṬṬ6. Uršu and Zalpa also appear together in the Assyrian text kt 87/k ṣ79, which probably (but not necessarily)
represents an example of a false itinerary. The text refers to a slave, who is said to have been bought in Uršu,
handed over in Zalpa, and later taken to Kaneš. This may be taken as evidence of a direct route between the two
cities (it could even be the river) but it is not required by the context.
7Ṭ7. ARM Ṭ.ṣṭṣ (LAPO ṣ7 no. σ9ṣ) (l. τ-σṢ): mdṭṢ-ti-ri a-na né-eh-ra-ri-im a-na e-ri-ia i -pu-ra-am-ma a-na e-ri- u
a-na u-ba-at-dUTUki qa-du-‘u]m a-bi-im ak- u-d‘am] a-né-em uσ-um-‘ ]u eσ-mu-um a na-ak-ri-im im-qú-ut
‘u]m-ma-mi Ia-pa-ha-dIM a-lam Za-al-lu-ulki i-na a-ah ídBURANUN e-bé-er-tam an-ni-tam i-pu-ú ù qa-du-um
Ṭ li-im a-bi-im ha-bi-ri a ma-a-tim i-na li-ib-bi a-lim a-a-ti wa- i-ib a-wa-tum an-ni-tum im-qú-ta-an-ni-ma
i -tu u-ba-at-dUTUki qa-du-um a-bi-im a ma-ah-ri-ia ù qa-du-um a-bi-im a ma-ha-ar mdṭṢ-ti-ri ú-ud-di-id-
ma a-lam Hi-mu-u ki a-na pa-an a-lim Za-al-lu-ulki e-pu-u bi-ri-it a-la-ni ‘ki]-la-li-in ṭṢ A.šÀ ki-ma a-lam Hi-
mu-u ki a-na pa-ni- u e-pu- u ù né-eh-ra-ar ma-a-tim i-mu-ru i- a-tam i - i-ma a-la-nu-ú ka-lu- u-nu a e-bé-er-
tim a ma-a-at Ur-si-imki im-hu-ru- u a-bu-um na-bu-‘rum] a i-‘n]a zu-mu-ur SIGσ né-en-mu-du ma-ad-ma
a - um a-‘b]a-am la i- i-ib-bi-ru a-na a-lim[ki] ú-ul a-sà-a‘n-ni]-iq up-pí a-ni-‘e-em] i -tu a-ah ídBURANUN
a-na e-er be-lí-ia ú- e-bi-lam a-bu-um ù bu-qá-ru a-al-mu. Cf. cHarpin & Ziegler ṬṢṢṭ: ṣṢτ-ṣṢ6.
ṣ97
The events apparently took place in the vicinity of šubat-šamaš on the eastern bank of the
Euphrates north of Carchemish, and so the reference to all the towns on the far bank of the
land Uršu must refer to the settlements located with Zallul on the western bank of the river
and in a position to come to the aid of Yapah-Adad. Although one cannot exclude the possibil-
ity that the frontiers of Uršu changed during the Old Assyrian Colony Period, this letter lo-
cates Uršu north of Carchemish and on the western bank of the river. That Uršu presumably
also controlled a stretch of the river in earlier times is implied by the fact that wooden beams
were loated down the Euphrates from Uršu to Southern Mesopotamia during the reign of
Gudea of Lagaš.7Ṭ8
The name and location of the river crossing remains unknown, although the following list
of expenses paid by a caravan travelling from the east via Uršu and Mamma suggests that it
may have been at a place called Hirašta:
ṭṢ shekels of copper and sundries in Hirašta. I added ṬṢ shekels for him in Uršu … ṭṢ
shekels of copper in Bulbulhum … [long list of items] – all of this I paid in Mamma.7Ṭ9
The text also shows that a town named Bulbulhum was located on the road between Uršu and
Mamma. Bulbulhum reappears in an itinerary followed by Aruwar, Uršu and the moun-
tains , and seems to have been located in the immediate vicinity of Uršu.7ṭṢ
Quite a number of texts refer to journeys between Uršu and Mamma, showing that also a
city named Unipsum/Unapse was located somewhere in the region.7ṭṣ To judge by the irst
example given below, it would seem that also Unipsum was located between Uršu and Mam-
ma.7ṭṬ However, the inal reference suggests that it lay somewhere on the route past Mamma
on the way to Kaneš:
There is no honey here, and so we will write to Uršu so that they can bring some honey
up here. We have been delayed due to the children in Unipsum, and (since) the son of
Hamhamtum has gone up to Mamma ahead of us, we have not caught up with him.7ṭṭ
Until recently this was one of only two attestations of Unipsum, and due to the similarity
between the signs şGI> and şZI> the toponym was commonly read as Unipkum .7ṭσ Several
new attestations of the toponym and a new collation proves the reading Unipsum with the
variant spelling Unapse:7ṭτ
7Ṭ8. RIME ṭ/ṣ.ṣ.7StB (col. v): τṭ-τ8: From the city of Uršu and the mountain range of Ebla he (brought) juniper, big
irs, as well as plane trees, mountain wood, joining them to form rafts ... . Cf. J. L. Miller ṣ999: 6Ṣ-6ṣ.
7Ṭ9. Kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767 (l. Ṭ-σ): ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU ú sà-he-er-tám i-Hi-ra-á -ta ṣ/ṭ ma-na i-na Ur- u ú-ra-dí- u-um
… (l. ṣṢ-ṣṣ): ṣ/ṭ ma-na ṣṢ GÍ[N] URUDU i-na Bu-ul-bu-ul-hi-im … (l. ṭṢ-ṭṣ): mì-ma a-nim i-Ma-a-ma á -qúl.
7ṭṢ. Kt c/k 766 to be published by Dercksen. The text mentions an inn and a bridge at Bulbulhum, and proves that the
town of Aruwar, which also had an inn, was located between Bulbulhum and Uršu. Aruwar appears also in OAA
ṣ, 9Ṭ (KUG Ṭ9 from the archive of Aššur-nada) – passage that has been extensively discussed, cf. e.g. nasHef
ṣ99Ṭ: ṣṭŞ larsen ṬṢṢṬ: ṣṭσ with earlier literature. Kt c/k 766 proves contra j. l. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 7Ṣ-7σ that Aru-
war in KUG Ṭ9 should not be read *Za!-ru-ar and equated with the city of Zalwar. Aruwar would have been lo-
cated in the immediate vicinity of Uršu. Aruwar in KUG Ṭ9 is a personal name.
7ṭṣ. Cf. J. L. Miller ṣ999: 6ṣ.
7ṭṬ. forlanini ṬṢṢ6: ṣ67-ṣ68 with further references.
7ṭṭ. BIN σ, Ṭṣ9 (l. ṭ-ṣṭ): a-na-kam dí-i -pu-um lá- u a-na Ur- u-ú ni- a-pá-ar-ma dí-i -pá-am ú- é-lu-nim i-na Ú-ni-
ip-sí-im a- u-mì ú-ùh-ri-im uσ-ma-kál ni-is-hu-ur-ma DUMU Ha-am-ha-am-t‘im] i-pá-ni-ni a-na Ma-a-ma i-tí-
li-ma lá ni-ik- u-sú.
7ṭσ. The memorandum CCT ṣ, ṣb, which lewY ṣ9τṬ: Ṭ89-Ṭ9Ṣ had read as Unipgum , was collated by ulsHÖfer
ṣ99τ: ṭṭ7-ṭṭ8. She instead saw the signs é ni ib í im and read bēt nib îm (the storehouse).
7ṭτ. The text CCT ṣ, ṣb has been collated twice by Larsen, who conirmed the reading Ú-ni-ib- í-im. Cf. also BaYraM
ṣ997: τ9-6ṢŞ forlanini ṬṢṢ6: ṣ67. Additional references to Unipsum are found in: kt c/k ṭ6τŞ kt c/k 7ṭ6 +6ṬṭŞ
ṣ98
σ.ṣṬ URšU
You wrote to me, saying: [Leave the textiles belonging to] the merchant in [Mamma]
and in Unipsum, [and …] the caravan [...] ṣ shekel . [When] the caravan got delayed in
Uršu, and I sent word to you, saying …7ṭ6
I wrote to you earlier, saying: If your caravan is being packed, then you too should pack
together with your caravan, and choose textiles of good quality from the goods of the
merchant that you are leading, leave them behind in Mamma or Unapse, and the remain-
der of the less good textiles – both from what remains of the merchant s and from your
own working capital and from the working capital of the servants – should enter the
palace together with your partners. Now, winter has caught you in Uršu. Since there is a
lot of snow I have not sent anyone on whom I could rely for the goods of the merchant.7ṭ7
I paid 6 shekels of silver as import duty for your 6 donkeys in Mamma. I rented Ṭ don-
keys from Mamma to Unipsum and paid ṭ shekels of silver.7ṭ8
It seems that a caravan travelling from Assur to Kaneš paid its import duty in Mamma before
moving on to Unipsum. In that case, Unipsum would have been located further down the road
to Kaneš and beyond Uršu. Based mainly on the Assyrian sources, one can conclude that Uršu
was located on a route leading from Assur to Kaneš, south of Hahhum and north of Carchem-
ish. It controlled the western bank of the River Euphrates and at least one of its important
crossings. A good road led from Uršu to Mamma, probably passing Bulbulhum on the way.
Unipsum lay beyond Mamma on the road to Kaneš:
Unipsum Mamma Bulbulhum Uršu Hirašta
Fig. 14: The Ur u and Mamma cluster.
–––––
A number of texts refer to an Assyrian Colony (kārum) located in Uršu,7ṭ9 but apart from the
company of Aššur-nada there is no evidence that any Assyrian family had permanent agents
stationed in the city. The status of the settlement as a Colony thus indicates that there may be
other reasons why Uršu so seldom occurs in the texts. It is probably not without signiicance
that Uršu held an Assyrian Colony (kārum), while Mamma, attested four times as frequently,
housed a Station (wabartum). This may relect a historical development in which Uršu played
the dominant role during the early years of the Assyrian trade, and that the settlement in
kt n/k 6ττŞ kt 88/k 6ṬσŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ78Ş and kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9 – none of them in a geographical context. The personal name
Unapše (of Hurrian etymology) is relatively well known in the Assyrian texts (cf. e.g. kt 9ṣ/k τṭ9Ş AKT σ, ṭσ and
kt c/k 79), and as a toponym it appears e.g. in the texts from Nuzi, cf. Zaccagnini ṣ979.
7ṭ6. AKT 6, ṭṬ8 (l. τ-ṣṣ): ‘ta-á ]-pu-ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma [ ú-ba-tù a D]AM.GÀR i-na ‘Ma-a-ma] ú i-na Ú-ni-ip-
zi-im [e-zi-ib-ma] ILLAT-tum ‘x x x ]u ṣ GÍN-im [i-nu-mì] ILLAT-tum i-na Ur- u ‘i-m]a-ri ú tí-ir-tí ‘i-li]-kà-ku-
nu-tí um-ma a-na-ku-ma. The text can be reconstructed on the basis of AKT 6, ṭṬ9.
7ṭ7. AKT 6, ṭṬ9 (l. ṭ-ṬṬ): i-na pá-ni-tim-ma á -pu-ra-kum um-ma a-na-ku-ma u-ma ILLAT-at-kà i-sà-ri-dam ù a-ta
qá-dí-ma ILLAT-tí-kà sí-ir-dam-ma lu-qú-tám a DAM.GÀR a ta-ra-dí-ú TÚG.HI.A SIGτ-tim bi-ir-ma i-na Ma-
a-ma ú-lá i-na Ú-na-ap-sé e-zi-ib-ma í-tí TÚG.HI.A ma- í-ú-tim lu i-na a DAM.GÀR i-ba- í-ú lu a bé-ú-lá-tí-
kà ù-lu i-na a bé-ú-lá-at ú-ha-re-e i-ba- í-ú qá-dí-ma tap-pá-e-kà a-na É.GAL-lim le-ru-bu-nim a-ni na-ab-ri-
tum i-na Ur- u i- a-ba-at-ku-nu ki-ma ku-pá-um ma-du-ni a-na lu-qú-ut DAM.GÀR-ri-im a ki-ma qá-qí-dí-a
ú-lá á -tap-ra-am.
7ṭ8. Kt 9σ/k ṣṬτ8 (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ8): 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ni-is-ha-at 6 ANšE-ri-kà i-na Ma-a-ma á -qúl Ṭ ANšE.HI-ri i -tù
Ma-a-ma a-dì Ú-ni-ip-sí-im a-guτ-ur-ma ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR á -qúl.
7ṭ9. CCT ṣ, σ6 a+b (dated to REL ṣṭṣ), CCT 6, 6b (enanātim a kārim Ur u, coll. Larsen)Ş SUP 7.
ṣ99
Mamma only later rose to control the trafic. As implied by the numerous attestations of Uršu
in the archives at Mari, this by no means suggests a diminishing importance of Uršu as a cityŞ
only its function in the Assyrian trade network.
In spite of the very small number of references to Uršu, the Assyrian texts do occasionally
refer to the political and social life of the city. For instance, one text mentions an i rātum-
textile that was brought from the house of a native in Uršu,7σṢ and a letter written to Uršu in-
structs that a shipment of tin is to be converted into local ulhum-textiles.7σṣ Both references
suggest that a local production of textiles was valued and traded by the Assyrians. Oil from
Uršu appears alongside various aromatics in an Old Babylonian letter from Sippar,7σṬ a text
from Mari records the delivery of wine from Uršu,7σṭ and also slaves from Uršu and Hahhum
along the Euphrates occur in Babylonia.7σσ Finally, BIN σ, Ṭṣ9 discussed above implies that
Uršu was a place one could buy honey. Bees thrive in cooler climes, and both the Siege of
Uršu and kt c/k 766 refer to mountains in the vicinity of Uršu.7στ
A few texts also refer to religious institutions in the city. An otherwise unknown goddess
named Ištar bēlat kà-le-ta occurs in the text about offerings made at the river bank,7σ6 and a
letter written from the Assyrian Colony in Uršu to Kaneš contains the only explicit reference
to a temple dedicated to the god Aššur outside of the city of Assur. The reference is to a disas-
trous incident in which the entire temple treasure was stolen:
To the Kaneš Colony from the Uršu Colony. That which has never happened before has
taken place – thieves have entered Aššur s temple and they have stolen the golden sun on
Aššur s breast and Aššur s dagger. The Justice(-emblem), the kalubu, the samru ātum,
the katappu – (all) have been taken away. The temple has been picked clean. We searched
for the thieves but cannot ind them. Our dear fathers and lords, take care of the matter
there!7σ7
–––––
In the third millennium Ursa um was one of the major centres of political power in the North
Syrian Region, and sources from Ebla in Syria and the Ur III-dynasty in southern Iraq contain
relevant historical and geographical references to the city. In the texts from Ebla, Ursa um
appears as one of the major political powers in the North Syrian region and as the seat of a
city lord (en) and his vizier (badalum) – a title particular to this region. Ebla and Uršu shared
a border in the years immediately prior to the destruction of Ebla,7σ8 and the two cities were
7σṢ. Kt 9ṭ/k ṣ9σ (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭṭ).

7σṣ. OAA ṣ, 9ṭ.
7σṬ. CT Ṭ9, ṣṭ, cf. leeMans ṣ96Ṣ: 9Ṭ.
7σṭ. ARM Ṭṭ.σ9σ.
7σσ. Cf. leeMans ṣ96Ṣ: ṣṣṣ-ṣṣṬ: Hahhum (VS 9, ṣσ6) and Uršu (VS 7, τṢ = VAB τ, 8σ).
7στ. Note that contra N. ÖZgüç ṣ98Ṣ: 6τ, the seal on the bulla (ig. III) from Acemhöyük does not show that Yahdun-
Lim also bore the title as king of Uršu, cf. cHarpin & DuranD ṣ986:ṣτṬ.
7σ6. Cf. kt 9σ/k 67ṭ above. Kt c/k σ7Ṣ (l. 6-8) refers to a bureaucrat (ka um), a leader (masu um) and the perfume
lask of the God ( ikkat DINGIR) in Uršu in an context of payments made by a passing Assyrian caravan. For the
possible mention of a divine statue of the god of Uršu (known from Hittite sources as dUr- u-u-e), cf. DuranD
ṬṢṢτ: ṣ68Ş cHarpin ṬṢṢ8: 99 n. ṣτ.
7σ7. SUP 7 (l. ṣ-ṬṬ): a-na kà-r‘i-im] Kà-ni-i qí-b‘i4-ma] um-ma kà-ru Ur-‘ u-ma] a i -tù du-ri-‘im] lá ib- í-ú-ni a-
ru-qú a-na É-tí dA- ur e-ru-bu-ma a-am- a-am a KÙ.GI a i-ir-tí dA- ur ú pá-a -ra-am a dA- ur ‘x (x)] a ú
mì- u-ru-um kà-lu-bu-ú sà-am-ru-a-tum ù kà-ta-pu ta-áb-lu É-tum lá-qú-ut mì-ma lá e-zi-‘bu] a-ri-qí ni- é-e-ma
lá ni-mar a-ba-ú-ni be-lu-n‘i] a-tù-nu a-ma-‘kam] ma-lá-ku-nu. Cf. larsen ṣ976: Ṭ6ṣ. Note that the sacred pre-
cinct (hamrum) for Aššur (and thus his temple) is attested also in Kaneš, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣṢṣ on the basis of
I σστ and kt n/k ṭṬ.
7σ8. arcHi ṣ988Ş ṬṢṢ8. What follows is a short summary of his work.
ṬṢṢ
σ.ṣṬ URšU
bound by friendship and treaty. The court in Uršu sent substantial mu-túm deliveries of silver
to Ebla, and garments went the opposite way to the king and the elders of Uršu.7σ9 Judging by
the number of garments, Uršu appears to have been the most important city in the coalition
supporting Ebla. The badalum in Uršu during the irst part of the period in question was a man
named Kun-tisu. He occurs a number of times in the texts from Ebla, and his son rose to be-
come the valet of the Eblaite king. Slightly later texts refer to a badalum named Zimisu, who
participated in a military expedition on the side of Ebla against the city of Ibal.
The texts from Ebla make it clear that Ursa um belonged to the political and geographical
sphere of Northern Syria, and that the city played an important role as a regional power in the
Ṭσth century BC. In this respect, the records add an important dimension to the early history
of Uršu, even if the exact geographical evidence is vague. For years, the excavators at Ebla
argued in favour of identifying Ursa um with the site of Tell Touqan just ṣτ km north-west of
Ebla. More comprehensive studies of the geography in the Ebla-texts have been conducted in
recent years by Bonechi and Archi. They both locate Ursa um north of the Turkish border
near Gaziantep, which agrees with the Assyrian evidence.7τṢ
Uršu seems to have retained its political status down through the ṭrd millennium, and in the
texts of the Ur III dynasty Uršu appears regularly as one of the major Syrian powers alongside
Mari, Tuttul and Ebla. The texts that mention Uršu are usually accounts of rations from the
temple kitchens or lists of objects donated to envoys from the Syrian region during festivals
and ceremonies, and the city must have had relatively permanent representation at the court
of Ur.7τṣ Some of its envoys bore Akkadian names while others appear to have had names
with Hurrian etymologies that may be indicative of a linguistically mixed population.7τṬ The
common reference to Mari, Uršu and Ebla together point to the continued importance of Uršu
at the dawn of the Old Assyrian trade.7τṭ This may explain why the Assyrian merchants chose
to set up their colony in Uršu instead of Mamma.
Also the texts from Mari give information about Uršu (wr. Ursu) and show that the city
played an important part in regional politics in the ṣ8th century BC. One letter proves that
Uršu was an active partner in the alliance with šamši-Adad and the neighbouring states of
Haššum and Carchemish against the regional power of Yamhad.7τσ The text refers to a contin-
gent of Ṭ,ṢṢṢ men sent by šamši-Adad as reinforcements to the king of Uršu, presumably
indicative of the size and military potential of the city. Another letter refers to a conlict be-
tween Uršu and neighbouring Carchemish, relating how several hundred Rabeans and Upra-
peans attacked Uršu and made away with considerable booty while Carchemish stood idly
7σ9. arcHi ṬṢṢ8: 9ṭ.

7τṢ. BonecHi ṣ99ṭ: ṭṣṭ-ṭṣσŞ arcHi ṬṢṢ8. sMitH ṣ9τ6: ṭτ-σṭ already suggested localising Uršu north of Carchemish,
but then garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: ττ identiied Uršu with Urussa in the Sunassura-treaty (CTH σṣ and CTH
ṣṭṭ) and argued in favour of a position closer to Wašukanni. BeitZel ṣ99Ṭ suggested identifying Uršu with Bire-
cik, while a long list of scholars followed lanDsBerger ṣ9Ṭσ: Ṭṭτf. in locating Uršu at Urfa on the eastern bank.
For references, cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978, and note astour ṣ997.
7τṣ. Uršu appears in following texts from the Ur III period (the date and the name of envoy from Uršu is given in the
parentheses): AnOr 7, 99 (AS.Ṣσ.Ṣτ.Ṣ6, Gu-ra-a)Ş AUCT ṣ, σ9σ (š.σ7.Ṣ9.Ṣ9)Ş BIN ṭ, ṬṬṣ (šS.ṢṬ.Ṣ6.ṭṢ, Tá- al-
ib-ri)Ş BPOA 7, Ṭ9ṣ6 (AS.ṢṬ.Ṣσ.ṣσ, Na-na-ù) JCS 7, ṣṢσ, 6ṣ (AS.ṢṬ.Ṣτ.ṬṢ, Na-na-ù)Ş JCS τ7, Ṭ8, Ṣσ (AS.Ṣṣ.
ṢṬ.Ṭṭ, Bu-du-úr)Ş MMFM ṬṢṢτ, ṬṢ, ṭ (š.σ6.Ṣ9.ṢṢ, Bu-ud-ra)Ş MVN ṭ, ṭ8σ (X.X.Ṣṭ.Ṣ7, Gu-ra-a)Ş MVN τ, ṣṣṣ
(AS.Ṣσ.Ṣτ.Ṣ9, Gu-ra-a)Ş MVN τ, ṣṣ6 (AS.Ṣ7.Ṣṭ.Ṣ9)Ş MVN ṣτ, ṭ6Ṣ (AS.ṢṬ.Ṣṭ.ṣṭ, Na-na-ù)Ş NYPL Ṭ7σ
(šS.ṢṬ.Ṣσ.Ṣ6, Tá- al-ib-ri)Ş PDT ṣ, τ9σ (IS.ṢṬ.ṣṢ.ṢṢ, Bu-du-úr)Ş TLB ṭ, Ṭτ (AS.Ṣσ.Ṣṭ.ṬṬ, Gu-ra-a)Ş Umma Ṭ7
(date missing, Kur-bi-la-ak)Ş Sum. Rec. Dreh. ṭ (š.ṭṣ.Ṣ7.Ṣ7)Ş Ebla 197τ-198τ, Ṭ67 (AS.Ṣ7.τ.Ṭṣ, ‘x]-ri-i -ti- i-ri)Ş
Ebla 197τ-198τ, Ṭ89 (AS.Ṣṣ.ṢṬ.Ṭ6, Bu-du-úr).
7τṬ. Cf. wilHelM ṣ996Ş ṬṢṢ8.
7τṭ. klengel ṣ989.
7τσ. ARM ṣ.Ṭσ (LAPO ṣ7 no. ṭṭṢ). cHarpin & Ziegler ṬṢṢṭ: ṣσ6 date the letter to REL ṣ88 = ṣ78Ṭ BC.
ṬṢṣ
by.7ττ In reprisal, the army of Uršu attacked a contingent of soldiers and civilians from
Carchemish that had advanced along the bank, once more implying the location of both states
on the Euphrates.
The repeated references to Uršu in what appears to be a geographical cluster with Haššum,
Carchemish and Yamhad coincide with the political horizon of the Mari archives and stand in
contrast to the city as seen through Assyrian eyes. The southern and western political connec-
tions of Uršu are never mirrored in the Assyrian material, and an impermeable frontier seems
to have separated the Assyrian traders from all states south of Uršu. Carchemish is not men-
tioned a single time in the ṣṣ,ṢṢṢ texts from Kültepe available for the present study, and
Haššum turns up only once or twice in very late texts.7τ6 Conversely, the texts from Mari refer
to Hahhum and the Assyrian Zalpa only a few times, and they never mention Mamma or
Timelkiya further to the west and north. Plainly, the sources determine the image we have of
Uršu as a political entity, not historical reality.
Uršu occurs a number of times in the Mari texts as the origin and recipient of goods going
to and from Eastern Syria. Administrative records mention shipments of tin sent to Aplahanda
of Carchemish and šennam of Uršu,7τ7 small gifts of tin sent to Uršu,7τ8 the mu-túm delivery
of metal objects and sheep from Uršu to Mari,7τ9 and the delivery of tin to one Pidim of
Uršu.76Ṣ The references to tin are interesting from the point of view of the Assyrian trade as an
indication that the merchants from Assur by no means held a monopoly on the trade at this
time and place.76ṣ
The political importance of Uršu continued into Old Hittite times where the city is the
focus of a short passage in the annals of Hattusili I,76Ṭ as well as in the literary account com-
monly known as The Siege of Uršu .76ṭ The latter is a narrative of a Hittite attack and six-
7ττ. M.ṣṭṢ96 (LAPO ṣ7 no. 7ṣ6).

7τ6. Haššum is attested in the letter kt k/k σ and the closely related judicial testimony kt n/k ṣ9τṬ: I write to you from
the road time and again about these witnesses from the city of Haššum (l. ṣτ-ṣ7 in both texts: í-bu an-nu-tum a
a-lim Ha-a - i i-na ha-ra-ni á -ta-na-pá-ar-ma). Note the un-Assyrian spelling: a a-lim Ha-a - i. The city may
reappear in a broken context in LB ṣṬ86, but this is doubtful (l. ṭ-σ: ‘W]a-ar-ba- í-a-im ù Ha- u-i-im u-x). for-
lanini ṣ98τ: τσ-ττ suggested that Mamma and Haššum were two names for the same state, Mamma being the
Assyrian and Haššum the Syro-Babylonian one. This is based partially upon the fact that Anum-Hirbi styles him-
self as ruler of Mamma in the Old Assyrian letter kt g/t ṭτ, but appears exclusively as the king of Haššum or
Zalpa in the texts from Mari (cf. guicHarD ṣ99ṭŞ J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa). The letter from Mari A.ṭṭ6ṣ gives a se-
quence of toponyms: māt Hahhim, Haššum, [Uršu?] and Zalwar, while ARM ṣ.ṣ (LAPO ṣ7 no. ṭṢτ) lists Haššum,
Uršum, Carchemish and Yamhad. This could simply imply that Haššum was located south and east of Mamma,
that its absence in the Assyrian texts is a consequence of the same trade agreements that left Carchemish and
Zalwar outside the Assyrian orbit of trade. The references to Anum-Hirbi from Mari refer to the ruler as seen from
a Syrian political perspective. The fact that Haššum does actually occur in the Assyrian corpus suggests that
Mamma and Haššum are not the same entity. Mamma appears in one text from Leilan, cf. vincente ṣ99ṣ no. ṣτṭ
in context with an Assyrian merchant: One litre of irst quality oil, visit gift of Innaya, the merchant, who came
from Mamma. Received by abiya. Fifth day of ayārum, the year of Habil-kenu (ṣ S”LA ”.SAG ta-ma-ar-ti In-
na-a-ia LÚ DAM.GÀR a i -tu uruMa-am-ma-aki il-li-kam šU.TI.A à-bi-ia [ITI] A-ia-ri Uσ.τ.KAM li-mu Ha-bil-
ki-nu). For the location of Haššum based on the evidence from Ebla, cf. arcHi ṬṢṢ8.
7τ7. ARM Ṭṭ.τṬσ.
7τ8. ARM Ṭτ.ṣ6.
7τ9. ARM Ṭτ.Ṭṭ (bronze nail), ARM Ṭṭ.ṭṭ9 (sheep).
76Ṣ. ARM Ṭτ.6ṭṬ.
76ṣ. A number of these references are discussed by Miller ṣ999, 6τ, who also calls attention to the reference in
M.7ṭṬ8 of another king of Uršu, Atru-šipti, who travelled to Mari in the ṣṬth year of the reign of Zimrilim.
76Ṭ. The Hittite version of the annals gives the itinerary: Alalakh – Warsuwa – Ikakkali – Tashiniya while the more
detailed Akkadian version has: Alalakh – Uršu – Ikakkali – Tašhiniya – Uršu. Presumably this march is to be in-
terpreted as some kind of demonstration of power towards Halpa and Hassuwa during Hattusili I s second year of
reign, and it is highly unlikely that the episode has anything in common with the siege in CTH 7. See also klengel
ṣ998: σ7-τσ.
76ṭ. CTH 7.
ṬṢṬ
σ.ṣṬ URšU
month siege of Uršu under the command of general Sanda. From Luhuzattiya his army is
said to have descended to Uršu and besieged the cityŞ they built a siege ramp and had a ram
made of wood from the mountains of Haššum to breach the city gate. The text is broken, but
it seems the Hittite attack failed, and Uršu is said to have maintained its contacts with
Aleppo, Zalwar and Zuppa(ni) in spite of the siege. Units from Carchemish kept an eye on
the situation from a nearby hill, and when Sanda was summoned to Luhuzattiya for a de-
brieing:
The king interrogated him concerning the servant of the man of Carchemish, (asking
him): What is the country saying? He answered: If Uršu is destroyed the servant will
fall into our hands. At the moment, their servants are posted on the mountain and are
keeping watch .
The passage was taken by Miller to prove that a mountain pass leading to Uršu was vital to
its strategic security ,76σ and thus to render a location of Uršu too far from a mountainous
country untenable. Ignoring the fact that this is literature, it certainly makes sense to con-
sider that a mountain ridge may have formed the frontier between the two states. But a look-
out could presumably also have been posted inside the territory of Uršu to keep an eye on
things.
Uršu occurs again in the treaty between Sunassura of Kizzuwatna and the Hittite king
Tudhaliya in the ṣτth century under the spelling Urussa.76τ The king gave Sunassura domin-
ion over the city in a region east of the kingdom of Kizzuwatna, presumably as an advanced
trading post. The passage is of some importance for the historical geography of the region,
given that it excludes a location of Uršu east of the Euphrates. The territory on the opposite
bank belonged to the king of Mitanni at the time, and so the passage shows that Uršu has to
be located somewhere in the region between the eastern frontier of Kizzuwatna and the
river.
Finally, Urussa appears in the land grant to the nobleman Sahurunuwa, dated to the last
part of the Hittite Empire.766 The text records a donation made around the villages of Ganga-
zuwa and Hamara in the region of the city. Once again this marks the Euphrates as the east-
ernmost possible border of Uršu, since the opposite bank of the river was then under Assyrian
control.767
76σ. J. L. Miller ṣ999: 6σ-6τ.

76τ. KBo ṣ.τ (col. iv): τ-ṣṢ.
766. KUB Ṭ6.σṭ obv. ṭ9-σṢ.
767. Note that the Kingdom of Carchemish at this point in time seems to have controlled the lands along the river north
of the city, cf. Hawkins ṣ98ṭ, which would push Uršu further west and allow for a more precise localisation of the
city between Kizzuwatna and the domain of Carchemish. Note the reference to Urussa in the instructions to the
people from Ismeriga (KUB Ṭṭ.6Ṣ rev. ṬṬ-Ṭσ) who were acting as keepers of the eastern border of Kizzuwatna
after the conquest of the region late in the regin of Tudhaliya II (goetZe ṣ9σṢ: σσ-στ). Line ṬṬ-Ṭṭ distinguishes
between [...]puriya and Iriddu on the eastern bank of the River, and Urussa on the western bank when the king
assigns new ictive homes to the keepers: [PN, a man from the Land of ...]puriya, but in the Land of Kizzuwatna
Urussa is his town. [PN, a man from the Land of] Iritta, but in the Land of Kizzuwatna U[russa] is his town .
ṬṢṭ
4.1ṭ Mamma768
The city of Mamma is attested much more often in the documents of the Assyrian traders than
neighbouring Uršu, but the number of instances where it appears alongside a given toponym
more than a single time is low and the surrounding cluster is clear:
Badna ṣ Sibuha ṣ
Bulbulhum ṣ šalatuwar Ṭ
Durhumit ṭ Taišama ṣ
Hahhum Ṭ Talhat ṣ
Hattuš ṣ Taštama ṣ
Hattum Ṭ Tegarama 6
Hirašta ṣ āl-Timniye ṣ
Hurama ṣ Tuhpiya Ṭ
Hurumhaššum ṣ Ulama ṭ
Kuššara ṣ Unipsum σ
Nišilan ṣ Uršu 9
Nihriya σ Wahšušana 6
Ninašša ṣ Wašhaniya ṣ
Purušhaddum ṭ Zalpa σ
Table ṬṢ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Mamma.
The only places that occur with any frequency are Nihriya, Tegarama, Uršu, Wahšušana and
Zalpa, and taking the proportion of itineraries into account, only Tegarama, Uršu and Unip-
sum appear regularly together with Mamma in a geographically relevant context:769
768. Attestations of Mamma are found in: Ma-a-am: CCT τ, ṭṢa, Ma-a-ma: kt 7ṭ/k σŞ kt 87/k ṭ99Ş kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ9ṣŞ kt 9ṭ/k
7σṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṬτ8Ş Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ AKT 6, ṭṬ8 (rest.)Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9Ş ARK ṣ67-9σ7τ?Ş BIN σ, Ṭṣ9Ş CCT Ṭ, ṣṣaŞ CCT
τ, ṭṢaŞ CCT τ, σ7cŞ CCT 6, ṣσŞ CCT 6, σṬcŞ kt c/k σṢ9Ş kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767Ş kt c/k 8σṣa+bŞ I τ6ṣŞ KTH ṣŞ KTS ṣ, σaŞ
kt n/k σŞ kt n/k τ, kt n/k ṣṢŞ kt n/k ṭṬŞ kt n/k 7Ṭ9Ş kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṭτŞ TC ṣ, σṭŞ TC Ṭ, σ9Ş TC ṭ, 6τŞ TPAK ṣ,
τṢŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣ9σ, Ma-ma: kt 89/k ṭ7τŞ kt 9ṣ/k τṭ9Ş kt 9σ/k τ9τbŞ kt 9σ/k 67ṭŞ kt 9σ/k 676Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσ6τŞ AKT Ṭ, ṭσŞ
AKT ṭ, 8τŞ AKT ṭ, ṣṢṣŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ AKT τ, ṬṬŞ AKT τ, Ṭ6Ş AKT τ, τṣŞ AKT 6, ṬṢṭŞ BIN σ, ṬṢṣŞ CCT ṣ, ṭṢaŞ kt c/k
Ṭ7ṢŞ kt c/k ṭṣṣŞ kt c/k στṭŞ kt h/k ṣ8Ş kt n/k 86Ş kt n/k ṣστṬŞ I 77ṭŞ RA 8ṣ, ṭ9 (AO Ṭ9ṣ88)Ş Tab. Naster (VAT
Ṭ6.σ6)Ş TC ṣ, ṣ8Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ, Ma-ma-a: kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9Ş kt 9σ/k 667Ş AKT τ, τṢŞ Boğ. σŞ CCT Ṭ, 7Ş kt g/k ṬτŞ Ne r.
Boğ. Ṭ, Ma-am-ma: AKT Ṭ, Ṭ7Ş CCT ṣ, ṭṢaŞ kt o/k ṣṬ8Ş RA τ8, τ6 (Sch. Ṭ)Ş RA τ9, ṭ6 (MAH ṣṢ8Ṭσ). In addition,
a series of different spellings of the nisbe are attested: Ma-ma-i-i/u(m): kt 86/k σṢŞ kt 86/k ṣṢṬŞ kt 9σ/k σ9ṢŞ kt
9σ/k ṣṣ76Ş kt a/k ṣ76Ş AKT ṭ, 6ṣŞ kt b/k ṣ76Ş CCT ṣ, ṭ7bŞ CCT σ, Ṭ7aŞ CCT σ, σσbŞ kt g/k τṣŞ kt g/t ṭτŞ Kay σṭŞ
kt n/k ṣ6σ8, Ma-ma-i-e-im: kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9σ, Ma-ma-ú-um: kt 89/k ṭṬ9.
769. The attestations of Mamma together with other cities are found in: Badna: kt c/k σṢ9, Bulbulhum: kt c/k
σ7Ṣ+767, Durhumit: kt 9σ/k ṣσ6τŞ kt c/k 8σṣ a+bŞ I τ6ṣ, Hahhum: kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ TC ṣ, ṣ8, Hattu : kt n/k ṣṢ,
Hattum: kt c/k σṢ9Ş TPAK ṣ, τṢ, Hira ta: kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767, Hurama: CCT 6, ṣσ, Hurumha um: TPAK ṣ, τṢ,
Ku ara: Ne r. Boğ. Ṭ, Ni ilan: kt 9σ/k ṣṬτ8, Nihriya: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ9ṣŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ AKT τ, τṢ, TPAK ṣ, τṢ, Nina a:
AKT τ, Ṭ6, Puru haddum: CCT Ṭ, ṣṣaŞ KTH ṣŞ Tab. Naster (VAT Ṭ6.σ6), Sibuha: kt g/t ṭτ, alatuwar: AKT τ,
ṬṣŞ AKT τ, τṢ, Tai ama: kt g/t ṭτ, Talhat: kt n/k ṣστṬ, Ta tama: kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9, Tegarama: Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ AKT τ,
ṬṣŞ CCT τ, ṭṢaŞ kt g/k ṬτŞ Ne r. Boğ. ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, τṢ, āl-Timniye: AKT τ, Ṭṣ, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, τṣŞ kt n/k ṣṢτṬ,
Ulama: AKT τ, τṣŞ AKT 6, ṬṢṭŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ, Unipsum: kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṬτ8Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9Ş BIN σ, Ṭṣ9, Ur u:
kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 7σṬŞ kt 9σ/k 67ṭŞ AKT 6, ṭṬ8 (rest.)Ş AKT 6, ṭṬ9Ş BIN σ, Ṭṣ9Ş CCT 6, ṣσŞ kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767Ş TC
ṣ, ṣ8, Wah u ana: kt 9Ṭ/k Ṭ9ṣŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ KTH ṣŞ kt h/k ṣ8Ş kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ, Wa haniya: kt n/k ṣṢτṬ,
Zalpa: Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ AKT 6, ṭṬ9Ş CCT 6, ṣσŞ kt n/k ṣṢ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary
is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and
not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṬṢσ
σ.ṣṭ MAMMA
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hattum
Nihriya
Purušhaddum
Šalatuwar
Tegarama
Tuhpiya
Ulama
Unipsum
Uršu
Wahšušana
Zalpa
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Graph 13: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Mamma. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Section σ.ṭ shed some doubt upon the existence of a direct geographical connection between
Tegarama and Mamma. Most of the itineraries are panoramic (i.e. not direct) and leave the
impression that the occurrences of Mamma and Tegarama (and often also Zalpa and Uršu) in
the same text appear as a consequence of their position as alternative gateways to Anatolia.
This of course by no means excludes the possibility that a less regularly used route ran along
the southern foothills of the Taurus and connected the two cities directly. The question re-
mains unsolved from the time being.
Since Mamma is the last toponym to be discussed in this chapter, most of the relevant at-
testations of the city have already been presented elsewhere. Section σ.ṣṬ showed a close tie
between Uršu and Mamma, as well as the existence of a road between the two cities that ap-
pears to have passed via Bulbulhum and onwards to Unipsum. The remaining part of this
paragraph on the location of Mamma will attempt to link the city to its remaining neighbours
to the north and south.
An important source for the geography north of Mamma is the letter sent by Anum-Hirbi
king of Mamma to Waršama king of Kaneš. Although this text dates to the Ib period and al-
most a century later than the bulk of the Assyrian documentation, it does give a unique view
of the political situation in the Taurus region during the period contemporary with the ar-
chives of Mari, Rimah and Leilan:77Ṣ
Thus says Anum-Hirbi, King of Mamma, to Waršama, King of Kaneš: You wrote to me,
saying: The Taišamean is my slave. I will personally take care of him, but will you then
take care of the Sibuhean, your slave? Since the Taišamean is your dog, then why is he
negotiating with the other vassal princes? For he did consult other vassal princes! Is my
dog, the Sibuhean, negotiating with the other vassal kings? Is the prince of Taišama to
77Ṣ. Cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press, ch. Ṭ.
ṬṢτ
turn into a third king with us? In truth my enemy defeated me and the Taišamean fell
upon my country and destroyed ṣṬ of my towns. He took their cattle and their sheep
away, saying: The king is dead, so I have taken (out) my fowler s trap. Instead of pro-
tecting my territory and encouraging me, he set ire to my country and made it reek of
smoke. Did my land invade your land when your father Inar laid siege to the city of
Harsamna for nine years? Did my country fall upon your country and did it withhold a
single ox or sheep? Now you wrote to me, saying: Why do you not open the road for
me? I will open the road from here. … and I will […] the city, and then [...]. Let me […]
a single road, and then I will open the road from here. … You wrote to me, saying: Let
us swear an oath. The former oath has become insuficient. Let your envoy come to me,
and let my envoy come regularly to you. Tarikutana sealed stones as if they were silver
and left them behind. Are such things pleasing to the gods?77ṣ
There is a crisis in the relations between Mamma and Kaneš and Anum-Hirbi charges Waršama
with a lack of will or ability to keep his vassal prince of Taišama in line. The vassal is accused
of conducting an independent foreign policy and of raiding the territory of Mamma during a
time when it was in a vulnerable state after a military defeat. The independent actions of
Taišama are compared to Mamma s own vassal in Sibuha, who is said not to have taken
similar advantage of a period of military weakness in Kaneš. In reaction to Taišama s conduct
Anum-Hirbi has ordered the road to Kaneš closed, and the letter constitutes Mamma s reply
to an embassy sent by Waršama to negotiate its reopening. Anum-Hirbi ends the letter by ac-
cusing the former ambassador to Mamma of fraud,77Ṭ and he uses this as a inal reason to re-
ject Waršama s proposal to renew the treaty between the two lands.
77ṣ. Kt g/t ṭτ (l. ṣ-σṣ): um-ma A-nu-um-hi-ir-bi ru-ba-um Ma-ma-i-ú-um-ma a-na Wa-ar- a-ma ru-ba-im Kà-ni- í-im
qí-bi-ma ta-á -pu-ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma Ta-i- a-ma-şiš-ú-um ur-dí-i a-na-ku ú- a-ba- u ú a-ta Sí-bu-ha-i-a-am
”R-ra-ad-kà a-ta a-bi- u i -tù-ma Ta-i- a-ma-i-ú-um kà-lá-áb-kà-ni a-mì-nim i -tí a-ra-né-e a-ni-ú-tim i-dá-
ba-áb a-ni-ú-tim i-da-ba-áb Sí-bu-ha-i-ú-um kà-al-bi i -tí a-ra-né-e a-ni-ú-tim i-da-bu-ub ru-ba-um Ta-i- ‘a-
ma-i-ú-um] a-na a-al- í-ni ru-ba-im i-tù-wa-ar ke-na be-el nu-ku-ur-tí-a i-du-kà-ni ù Ta-i- a-ma-i-ú-um a-na
ma-tí-i-a im-qú-ta-ma ṣṬ a-lá-né-e-a úh-ta-li-iq al-pí- u-nu ú é-ni- u-nu ilτ-té-qé um-ma u-ut-ma ru-ba-um me-
et-ma hu-ha-ra-am al-té-qé ki-ma ma-tí-i-a na- a-ri-im ú li-bi-im ta-da-nim ú ma-tí-i i -ta-ra-áp ú qú-ut-ra-am
ub-ta-i-i i-nu-mì a-bu-kà I-na-ar a-lam Ha-ar-sá-am-na MU.9.š’ ilτ-wi-ú ma-tí-i a-na ma-tí-kà im-qú-tám-ma
al-pá-am ú-lu é-na-am i -qí-it uσ-ma-am ta-á -pu-ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma a-mì-nim ha-‘ra-nam] lá tù- a-ra-am
ha-ra-nam lu- í-ir a-ma-e-ma li- li-a-ku-ma a-lá-am a‘l-x-x] ú ‘x x x x x (x x)] ha-ra-n‘am] i -‘té-et x x x (x x)
a-na-nu-ma ha-r]a-nam lu-‘ í-ir …] (l. σ9-τ7): [ta-á -pu-ra]-am um-ma a-ta-ma lu ni-it-ma ma-mì-tum pá-ni-tum
e- a-at DUMU í-ip-ri-kà a-na é-ri-a li-li-kam ù DUMU í-şipš-ri-a a- é-ri-kà li-ta-lá-kam Ta-ri-ku-ta-na ki-
ma KÙ.BABBAR áb-na-tim ik!-nu-uk-ma e-tí-zi-ib a-ni-a-tum a-na DINGIR-li dam-qá-a. The letter was pub-
lished in Balkan ṣ9τ7. This translation suggests a number of changes in relation to his edition, particularly in the
number of restitutions and the length of the quotes. The upshot of the reinterpretation is that the letter constitutes
a basic rejection of Waršama s diplomatic overtures. Line ṣṬ is taken as a reassertion of line ṣṣ, not as a dittogra-
phy. Note that the use of dá/da may be intentional and somehow relate to this reiteration. The verb in l. ṣ7 is
translated in the present/future tense, but it could also be in the perfect (ittuwar) and represent a rhetorical excla-
mation: the prince of Taišama has turned into a third king with us . The verb ubta i in line Ṭ9 takes two objects.
Line ṭ7 after a-ma-e-ma DiviDer can not have ended with a word divider, and so the text from line ṭ6 must have
continued onto ṭ7. Hence the suggested reading of l. ṭ6: ha-ra-n‘am a-na-/nu-ma]. The same situation appears in
lines σ7-σ8, where l. σ8 ends with a word divider to separate it from the continuation of line σ7: a ú-/bi-lu-nim
σ8: […]-x-ma DiviDer . This goes against Balkan s interpretation and shows how important it is to mark word
dividers in primary text editions. For the short and long forms of the precative (lu- í-ir / lu-wa- í-ir), see Hecker
ṣ968: §9ṭe. Dercksen (personal communication) suggests a reading apā um (AHw ṣṣ77b to silence ) for the
opening passage, i.e. I will personally silence him, but will you then silence the Sibuhean, your slave? .
77Ṭ. The Anatolian name Tarikuta/Tarikuda is commonly attested in texts from Kaneš, cf. e.g. kt 87/k Ṭ66 (the priest)Ş
kt 87/k Ṭ8τ (father of Peruwah u)Ş kt 88/k ṣṢτṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ8ṣ (son of Kurkura)Ş kt 9ṣ/k τṣ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṬṢṢŞ CσṣŞ
ATHE 7τŞ BIN 6, ṬṬ6Ş kt c/k ṣ6ṭ8 (father of Ha u i)Ş kt d/k Ṭτ (Tarikuda rabi e i)Ş kt d/k ṭσŞ kt f/k 8ṣŞ ICK ṣ,
ṭ9Ş kt k/k ṭτ (son of Halkia u)Ş kt m/k Ṭσ ( a amnim)Ş kt m/k ṭτ ( a amnim)Ş kt n/k 7ṭ (son of umiawa a)Ş
kt n/k 7σ (son of umiawa a)Ş kt n/k 7τŞ kt n/k ṣ8τσ (rabi mū i im a rabi sikkitim)Ş Oslo ṭṬ.σσ6Ş TC ṭ, ṬτṭŞ TPAK
ṣ, ṣ6ṣaŞ TPAK ṣ, ṬṢτŞ TPAK ṣ, ṬṣṭŞ kt v/k ṣτṬ (father of Peruwa)Ş kt v/k ṣτṭ (son of Halkia u)Ş kt z/t ṣṭ.
ṬṢ6
σ.ṣṭ MAMMA
The letter implies that Mamma and Kaneš bordered directly onto one another during the Ib
period, possibly with the two vassal kingdoms of Taišama and Sibuha positioned between
them as buffer states. Yet the references to the location of Taišama and Sibuha are too vague
to exclude other possibilities, and with the apparent position of Unipsum on the route be-
tween Mamma and Kaneš (cf. σ.ṣṬ) during the heyday of the Assyrian trade imply that
Taišama and Sibuha may have been located further to the north or west.77ṭ The instruction in
Aššur-idi s letter to his son in OAA ṣ, ṣ8 (cf. σ.ṣṬ) to let his shipment reach the Land of Kaneš
before allowing the next part of his load depart from Mamma does imply that the two territo-
ries were directly connected during the heyday of the Assyrian trade, while an often quoted
reference to the loss of a load of textiles in the mountains of Mamma on the way to Kaneš
suggests a mountainous frontier.77σ
–––––
The history of Mamma in general, and the reign of Anum-Hirbi in particular, was the subject
of a thorough investigation by Jared Miller less than a decade ago. Instead of repeating Mill-
er s many valid observations, the following paragraphs will offer a short summary of his
work and point out a few disagreements with the present reconstruction.
Miller assigned a ṭṢ-year reign to Anum-Hirbi during which Mamma gained control of two
of its important neighbours, Zalwar and Haššum.77τ Texts from Mari refer to Anum-Hirbi as
king of Zalwar in the ifth year of Zimrilim s reign, while two years later the texts call him king
of Haššum.776 Although it is uncertain whether Anum-Hirbi lost control of Zalwar or gained
control of Haššum during the intervening two years, Miller argued convincingly in favour of the
latter.777 He rejected Forlanini s proposal that Haššum and Mamma are alternative names for the
same place in the Old Assyrian and in the Old Babylonian sources,778 and he discussed the loca-
tion of Mount Atalur in the southern Kara Dağ, where the Neo-Assyrian king Shalmaneser III
states that he had a relief carved at the place where the image of Anum-Hirbi stands .779
The two main points of disagreement between Miller s reconstruction and my own relate
a) to the exact position of Mamma in the network of Assyrian colonies, and b) to the geo-
graphical implications of the Mari text FM Ṭ, 8 (M.7τṭ6, cf. σ.Ṭ) mentioning Anum-Hirbi. As
for the location of Mamma, Miller used the texts CCT τ, ṭṢa and TPAK ṣ, τṢ to conclude that
the city of Tegarama had to be located on the route between Mamma and Kaneš. As already
shown (cf. σ.ṭ), these two texts are problematic to use as itineraries, and even if Mamma and
Tegarama are directly connected, there is no real evidence to associate them with Kaneš in the
77ṭ. Whereas Sibuha occurs only in the present text (but the personal name Sibuhuliwe may be derived from it, cf.
wilHelM ṬṢṢ8: ṣ88-ṣ89), Taišama reappears in a list of products sent to different destinations that dates to the
period when also Unipsum occurs in the texts: TC ṣ, 87 (l. ṭṣ -ṭṭ ) (coll. Larsen) states that: Out of ṣṢ sacks and
Ṭ pots of barley that Pilah-Ištar left for me I brought 6 pots to […] and σ pots to Taišama (i-na ṣṢ na-ru-uq ú Ṭ
DÚG šE-im ar- a-tí a Pì-lá-ah-I tar e-zi-ba-ni šÀ.BA 6 DUG a-na […] σ DUG a-na X -i- a-ma ú- é-biσ-ilτ).
A city named Ta-hi-i-sa-ma-as also occurs in the Hittite text KUB σ8.ṣṬ (col. ii): 6 although the context shows
that the toponym has to be located in the Black Sea region near Zalpuwa (cf. forlanini ṣ979: ṣ66Ş ṣ98σ: Ṭσ8 w.
n. ṣṢ). Perhaps a better candidate for a Hittite attestation of Taišama is Ti-i-sa-m‘a?], which appears in ABoT τ6
(col. ii): ṣ6 (cf. J. lewY ṣ96Ṭ: τṭ-τσ n. σṭ and σ6-σ8).
77σ. Cf. CCT Ṭ, ṣṣa.
77τ. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa.
776. guicHarD ṣ99ṭŞ BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
777. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 8ṭ and n. σ7.
778. forlanini ṣ98τ: τσ-ττŞ ṬṢṢ9: 6Ṣ.
779. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 86-9ṭ with some important references in note 9ṣ. For the text of Shalmaneser III (Kurkh
Monolith) cf. RIMA A.Ṣ.ṣṢṬ.Ṭ (col. ii): ṣṢ: a- ar NU á AN-hi-ir-bi zaq-pu. Note also YaMaDa ṬṢṢṢa: ṣṢτ who
locates Atalur at Kurt Dağ.
ṬṢ7
Fig. 15: View from Hasancıklı to the southwest.
given contexts. Miller suggested locating Mamma somewhere between Göksun and
Kahramanmara , but the fact these two cities are connected by an 8Ṣ km long pass through
narrow gorges and along winding streams suggests that only the plain at Göksun or the plain
of Kahramanmara are suitable for its location.
The discovery of a couple of arrowheads carrying the name of Anum-Hirbi at the village
of Hasancıklı ṣσ km north-west of Kahramanmara points to the latter identiication,78Ṣ which
is further supported by the fact that the plain at Göksun is relatively small and that it has only
a single mound.78ṣ Also the distinct political orientation of Mamma towards the Syrian area
seems in better accordance with a location around Kahramanmara .
In regard to FM Ṭ, 8, Miller struggled with his interpretation of the geographical setting of
the letter due to his conlation of Zalwar and Assyrian Zalpa.78Ṭ The author of the letter states
that a man named Abdi-erah travelled from Zalpa to Carchemish by ship, and that a man
from Zalba now stays in Carchemish (cf. σ.Ṭ). Since Anum-hirbi appears in the beginning of
the letter, and the document dates to a period when he was presumably the ruler of Zalwar,
Miller concluded that the man from Zalba and Anum-hirbi are one and the same person and
that the king of Mamma had arrived from Zalpa to Carchemish on a boat via Uršu. This inter-
pretation can now be refuted on the basis of the new readings offered by Charpin,78ṭ and in
line with the conclusions presented in σ.Ṭ it seems much more likely that the Zalba mentioned
78Ṣ. DonBaZ ṣ998. The village of Hasancıklı (or Hasancık) is erroneously said by Donbaz (followed by Miller) to be
located σṢ-στ km. from Kahramanmara . The actual distance is ca. ṣσ km from the city centre at Kahramanmara .
The main road 8Ṭτ to Kayseri now passes right beside Hasancıklı village (ṭ7oṭ6 στN ṭ6oσ7 ṭṭE) at a command-
ing position on the banks of the Ceyhan River that gives a wide view over the plain to the south and is an excellent
vantage point towards both the pass to Göksun and the pass to Andırın and Kozan. The village itself appear to
contain no ancient remains.
78ṣ. Cf. Brown ṣ967 and www.tayproject.org. The mound itself (Map σ, No. ṣṭ at ṭ8oṢṣ ṣτN ṭ6oṬ9 ṭ6E) is covered
with modern houses and is under immediate threat of destruction. Its estimated dimensions, based on images from
www.googleearth.com, are c. ṭτṢ m N-S by ṬτṢ m E-W.
78Ṭ. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 96-97.
78ṭ. Note also the comments in Charpin apud DuranD ṬṢṢ6, who in turn conlates Zalwar and Zalba.
ṬṢ8
σ.ṣṭ MAMMA
Fig. 16: The pass north of Hasancıklı.
in FM Ṭ, 8 is identical with the Assyrian Zalpa on the Euphrates and not Zalwar. This invali-
dates the suggestion that Anum-hirbi ever went to Carchemish, and implies that the two
halves of the letter relate to two distinct matters: one about a missive sent from Aplahanda to
Aniš-hurpi in relation to the journey of a certain Qaqqadanum to Haššum and another about
Abdi-erah and his journey from Zalba to Carchemish via Uršu.78σ
–––––
Mamma was home to an Assyrian Station (wabartum) in both the early and the later period of
trade, but apart from the fact that a number of Assyrians had permanent representation in the
city, little is known about the city and the local community.78τ Reference to the activities of
Assyrians in Mamma appears in a letter quoting an order from the City Assembly in Assur that
the Station in Mamma should refrain from levying the addu utum-tax because of problems
with local authorities.786 Also, a verdict passed by the dātum-payers, the travellers to the city
and the Station at Mamma during the later level Ib-period of trade, grants the widow of a cer-
tain Beliya son of Etinnum the right to take out a loan of one mina of silver from a trader s
house at a set interest rate for his burial.787 In addition to the letter from Anum-Hirbi, it has been
78σ. Hittite literary tradition gave a special position to Anum-Hirbi as the Hirtenjunge who conquered the trans-Tau-
rus, and he alone rivals Anitta in the collective memory of the dynasty in Boğazköy (cf. Helck ṣ98ṭ, ünal ṣ99τ:
Ṭ7Ṭ, J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣ: 97-ṣṢṣ). The early Hittite authors had a fascination for Anum-Hirbi, and he was adapted
into the narû-literature alongside the legendary Old Akkadian kings Sargon and Naram-Sin. The motif as Findel-
kind was applied and explored by the later authors at a time when the Hittite state itself was preoccupied with an
expansion in south-east Anatolia. The Hittite tradition is further explored by J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 97-ṣṢṣ, who
discusses the fragmentary reference to a battle between Anum-Hirbi and uruZa-al-pa (Kbo ṣṬ.ṭ (col. ii): Ṭ-Ṭṭ)Ş cf.
Helck ṣ98ṭ: Ṭ7σ-Ṭ76Ş Haas ṬṢṢ6:ṣ8-ṣ9. The latter also discusses the later tradition surrounding Anum-Hirbi s
was against Zalpa, Ursu and Hassu (KUB ṭ6.99) and his death, possibly by suicide (KBo ṣṬ.ṭṭ).
78τ. The wabartum in Mamma is attested in kt 86/k ṣṢṬŞ kt 9ṭ/k 7ṣ9Ş kt c/k 8σṣa+bŞ CCT 6, ṣσŞ kt n/k σŞ kt n/k τ and
Ne r. Boğ. Ṭ.
786. Cf. Ne r. Boğ. Ṭ under section σ.ṭ.
787. Kt n/k τ.
ṬṢ9
suggested that the text kt n/k ṭṬ may give the name of one of the rulers of Mamma during the
Ib period.788 This can now probably be rejected on chronological grounds, and the events re-
ferred to in the text may well have taken place during the reign of Anum-Hirbi.789 Instead, a
number of other documents refer to the rulers of MammaŞ although, in all cases, the exact
context of the passages has yet to be published.79Ṣ Finally, one document contains a unique
reference to a āpirum of Mamma, a title that is usually translated as governor in texts from
later periods,79ṣ and two texts simply refer to city oficials and their ofice in Mamma.79Ṭ
In an article on the Assyrian trade in Anatolia during the Ib period, Dercksen assumed the
existence of a route that led from Mamma directly to the north via Karaözü to the Kızılırmak
and bypassing Kaneš into Central Anatolia. He further suggested that a growth in the impor-
tance of the Assyrian trade via Mamma during the Ib period is relected in the relatively large
number of references to the city in texts of this date.79ṭ There is no real evidence for a route
leading from Mamma to the area inside the bend of the Kızılırmak that went around Kaneš.
The purpose of such a route would presumably have been the same as that of the Narrow
Track, i.e. to avoid paying the taxes levied in Kaneš, but there is no mention of any such activ-
ity. Conversely, the frequency with which Mamma appears in the Ib-texts stands out when
compared to other Anatolian toponyms and may well relate to the growing political impor-
tance of Mamma in the region. But with less than τṢṢ documents dated to the late period of
trade, all conclusions based on statistics are tentative.
Various products are explicitly said to derive from Mamma in the Assyrian records. One is
a locally produced sweet wine, which appears in the following two related texts:
I gave ṭ ½ minas of good copper plus ṣ shekel of silver to PN. He will bring me σ
alluārum-containers with ine sweet wine when he returns from Mamma. Also, Puzur-
Amurrum sealed the kukanninum of … wine with his own seal.79σ
788. The text kt n/k ṭṬ certiies the dissolution of a partnership between an Assyrian merchant and two Anatolian
brothers. The partnership is said to have involved trade in silver, gold, iron cups, tin, textiles, slaves and lapis la-
zuli in both Kaneš and Mamma. The original contract carried a notarization clause (ina qātē) in the name of king
Hurmeli and Harpatiwa the rabi simmiltim, whereas the termination of the partnership is certiied by king Inar and
šamnuman the rabi simmiltim. DonBaZ ṬṢṢ8: σ8 took Hurmeli and Harpatiwa to be the ruler and rabi simmiltim
of the city of Mamma and understood them as contemporaries of Inar and šamnuman in Kaneš. forlanini ṣ99τ:
ṣṬσ-ṣṬτ offered a number of arguments why Hurmeli had to be the ruler of Kaneš and not Mamma, and Dercksen
ṬṢṢṣ: 6ṭŞ ṬṢṢσb: ṣτṬ-ṣτṭ, ṣ66-ṣ67 produced a corrected translation and edition of the text that laid plain its
contents and chronological arrangement. krYsZat ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ6ṭ and ṬṢṢ8b: ṣ96 argued that the partnership had in
fact been authorised by king Hurmeli of Mamma in conjunction with Harpatiwa, the rabi simmiltim of Kaneš.
789. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
79Ṣ. Kt g/k τṣ (l. ṬṢ-ṬṬ): KÙ.BABBAR u-a-tí a-ru-ba-im Ma-ma-im ú- é-bi-lu- u (quoted in Balkan ṣ9τ7: ṭṬ). Kt
86/k ṣṢṬ from the Station in Mamma to the Kaneš Colony states that the colonial envoys have been held back
while the king of Mamma has left town. Kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767 refers to a king (rubā um) in a broken passage that may
relate to fees paid in Mamma. BIN σ, ṬṢṣ lists a number of textiles - Ṭ abarnium, ṣ kutānum, ṣ kusītum and a
double i partum – that are brought into Mamma as an erbum-gift . The erbum was usually given to local rulers.
AKT ṭ, 6ṣ refers to the man of Mamma , which may refer to the ruler of the city or simply a family agent or
contact.
79ṣ. CCT σ, σσb (coll. Larsen: Buy … and send it to me with the caravan. Dear father. Pay heed, take possession of
the textiles, and pack (them) with the āpirum of Mamma. (l. ṬṢ-Ṭ7: … ‘ a-m]a-ma i -t‘í] KI (ras.) a-li-ki-im é-
biσ-lá-nim a-hi a-ta i-hi-‘id]-ma TÚG.HI.A le-qé-ma KI a-pì-ri-im ma-ma-i-im ra!?-ki-is. Judging from the con-
text, it would seem that a āpirum denotes a messenger of sorts, unlike the iprum, which is derived from the same
verbal root, pr to send . The latter always appears as an oficial envoy in the Assyrian texts.
79Ṭ. AKT Ṭ, ṭσ refers to a ka um-oficial named Abaya and his house (cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: σ6), and CCT τ, ṭṢa simply
refers to a ka um receiving a payment of one shekel of silver (cf. section σ.ṭ).
79ṭ. Cf. e.g. kt 7ṭ/k σ, kt n/k σ, kt n/k τ, kt n/k ṣṢŞ kt n/k ṭṬ. The latter four texts may all come from the same archive,
cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
79σ. Kt 9σ/k 667 (l. ṣ-ṣτ): ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU SIGτ ú ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na Puzurσ-A-mu-ri-im DUMU Ni-mar-
ṬṣṢ
σ.ṣṭ MAMMA
I furthermore gave ṣ mina of good, native copper for another alluārum-container of

sweet wine from Mamma to PN.79τ
It is not known how large an alluārum was, but since a single man could oversee the transport
of ive aluarātu they were presumably of a manageable size. Compared to the amount of cop-
per and silver paid for the wine, the text gives the impression that the sweet wine was a rela-
tively expensive luxury.796
A large number of texts refer to Mamma as the place of origin of different types of textiles,
even if it is not always possible to ascertain whether the textiles were produced in the city or if
they were simply stored there. There are references to makūhum-textiles coming from the man
of Mamma ,797 traditional Anatolian pirikannum-textiles,798 kisiātum-textiles,799 textiles of sec-
ond good quality that are being brought by a certain Zu ula from Mamma,8ṢṢ a letter orders an
agent in Mamma to buy kusītum-textiles, menuniānum-textiles and woolen leece so that no
donkeys come (to Kaneš) empty ,8Ṣṣ and another letter refers to a kusītum-textile coming from
either Mamma or Tal at.8ṢṬ References to other products from Mamma include wool and metal-
work. One text mentions soft, long and extremely good wool from Mamma – something that
has led to Mamma being emphasised for its importance in wool production.8Ṣṭ However, wool
from Mamma only appears in this one text, and the amount procured was tiny.8Ṣσ Another text
mentions a payment to a man from Mamma for a cauldron weighing ifteen pounds.8Ṣτ
A few Assyrian merchants were particularly active in the trade that passed through Mam-
ma and may have had permanent agents settled there, e.g. Aššur-nada son of Aššur-idi,8Ṣ6 and
the family of šalim-Aššur.8Ṣ7 In addition, a couple of texts from the archive of Ali-ahum son
of Aššur-malik refer to a certain Ali-ahum from Mamma .8Ṣ8 Finally, Mamma appears as a
personal name for natives living in Kaneš, although it seems unlikely that their name and the
toponym would be directly related.8Ṣ9
I tar a-dí-in σ a-lu-a-ra-tim ki-ra-nam SIGτ á-ba-am i -tù Ma-ma-a i-na tù-a-ri- u ú-ba-lam ù ku-kà-ni-na-am
a ki-ra-nim mì-da-a-tim i-na ku-nu-ki- u Puzurσ-A-mu-ri-ma ik-nu-uk- í.
79τ. Kt 9σ/k 676 (l. ṣ-8): ṣ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a a-du-we- u a-na a-lu-a-ri-im ki-ra-nim á-bi-im a Ma-ma-a a-na
Puzurσ-A-mu-ri-im DUMU Ni-mar-I tar a-ha-ma a-dí-in- u.
796. The best wine imported at Mari came from Charchemish (cf. MicHel ṣ996: ṭ87f.), i.e. roughly in the same region
as Mamma and probably in a similar ecological zone.
797. AKT ṭ, 6ṣ.
798. CCT σ, Ṭṣa.
799. Kt o/k ṣṬ8.
8ṢṢ. Kt 86/k σṢ.
8Ṣṣ. OAA ṣ, ṣṣτ.
8ṢṬ. Kt n/k ṣστṬ (l. 9-ṣσ): Over there, you should clothe the guide in a kusītum-textile from Mamma or Talhat (a-ma-
kam ra-dí-a-am lu ku-sí-ta-am a Ma-ma lu Ta-al-a-at la-biσ- u), cf. MicHel & veenHof ṬṢṣṢ. Ta lat in this pas-
sage is probably to be identiied with the Syrian town of Talhat.
8Ṣṭ. Cf. veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṣṬσ (Mamma was also known for its wool), Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣ8ṭ (The communal wool trade
often obtained this commodity in Mamma), and MicHel & veenHof ṬṢṣṢ, ch. Ṭ.ṣ.Ṭ (Mamma, a town also known
for its ine wool production).
8Ṣσ. As argued in lassen ṬṢṣṢ. Cf. TC ṭ, 6τ (l. ṣ8-Ṭṭ): Buy two shekels of silver worth of wool from Mamma – soft,
long and extremely good – and Adad-bani should bring it here ( a Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-áp-tám a Ma-a-ma
na-ri-ib-tám a-ra-ak-tám da-mì-iq-tám ú-ta-ar-tám a-ma-ma dIM-ba-ni lu-ub-lam). An indirect reference to
wool from Mamma may appear in kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9σ (l. Ṭṭ-Ṭ7): He replied, I paid the money to the native of Mamma.
Ṭ8 minas of wool have been noted in your missive (um-ma u-ut-ma KÙ.BABBAR a-na nu-a-e-im Ma-ma-e-im
a- a-qal Ṭ8? ma-na SÍG.HI.A i-na na-á -pè-er-tí-kà lá-pì-it).
8Ṣτ. Kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9σ. Conversely, AKT τ, ṬṬ refers to a cauldron owed by an Assyrian merchant to a man in Mamma (per-
haps: the man , i.e. the ruler).
8Ṣ6. Cf. larsen ṬṢṢṬ.
8Ṣ7. larsen ṬṢṣṢ.
8Ṣ8. Kt c/k Ṭ7ṢŞ kt c/k σ7Ṣ+767.
8Ṣ9. Kt 9ṣ/k ṣ (Ma-ma-a wife (?) of šakriahšu)Ş TC ṭ, ṣ9ṣ (Tarmana son of Ma-ma-a).
Ṭṣṣ
4.14 The Geography East of Kane
The written evidence for the location of all the major toponyms located between the Euphra-
tes River and Kaneš has now been presented, and each city, its geographical cluster, and its
relation to other toponyms has been discussed. This evidence will now be brought together to
identify a system of routes and road-knots that may be attached to the ixed points of the ge-
ography, associated with the physical setting, and correlated with the archaeological evidence
(discussed under section Ṭ.8).
The only real ixed point in the region is the site of Kültepe near Kayseri. The number of
sites excavated in the Taurus region is low, and for a large part the area has never been submit-
ted to intensive archaeological survey (cf. Map τ). This complicates any attempt to recon-
struct the historical geography of the Old Assyrian Colony Period. On the other hand, the
topography of the Taurus and the barrier created by the Euphrates constrains the natural set-
tlement patterns and the traveller in transit. This narrows down the number of probable routes.
The paragraphs on Hahhum, Zalpa and Uršu have shown that the territories of all three
cites bordered the river Euphrates on its western bank, and that they all functioned as ports of
entry for the Assyrian merchants travelling from the Syrian region into Anatolia. From the
three crossings along the river one may stretch out a grid of toponyms that follows the natural
routes leading across the Taurus to Kaneš at the opposite end. The close association between
the clusters of Hahhum and Zalpa and the overlap between the clusters of Zalpa and Tegara-
ma indicates that Tegarama should be found in a direction away from Hahhum, with Zalpa
located between them. The link between the clusters of Tegarama, Kuššara and Hattum pulls
Tegarama to the north of Zalpa and helps to orient the grid. The close relation between Uršu
and Mamma, the association between Uršu and Carchemish, and Mamma s conquests in a
region that was not frequented by the Assyrian traders all points to a location of Uršu to the
south of the other routes used by the Assyrians.
This simple set of deductions allows one to locate the three main entrepôts in relation to
one another from north to south. Each of the local clusters deined in the previous paragraphs
can be combined into a regional grid and fastened at these three gateways. The main route
from Hahhum on the river through Timelkiya and Hurama to Kaneš is directly attested in
about twenty sources and appears to have been much more commonly used than the separate
alternative that crossed at Uršu and passed through Mamma to Kaneš. A traveller crossing at
Zalpa could proceed by Timelkiya to Kaneš or enter the Narrow Track as if he or she had
crossed at Hahhum. In addition, Zalpa was connected to Tegarama, and from there to the
north and east. A basic diagram of the regional cluster appears as follows:
Tegarama Haqa
Zalpa imala
Kane Hurama Timelkiya Hahhum Badna
N
Unipsum Mamma Bulbulhum Ur u
Fig. 17: The main routes in the regional cluster east of Kane .
ṬṣṬ
σ.ṣσ THE GEOGRAPHY EAST OF KANEš
Kuburnat / Durhumit
Supana
amuha
ha
rr
ān
sū
qi Tegarama Haqa
nn
Luhuzattiya Ku ara im
Zalpa imala
Kane Hurama
alah uwa
N
Euphrates
Fig. 18: The regional cluster east of Kane .
Onto this igure one can add the information from the clusters of Kuššara, Luhuzattiya and
šamuha. Both Kuššara and Luhuzattiya appear to have been closely tied to Hurama, whereas
the šamuha cluster (albeit very small) leans towards Luhuzattiya and connects to Karahna
and Kuburnat further to the north. The fact that there are no direct itineraries between Kuššara
or Luhuzattiya and Kaneš indicates that trafic to this region mostly passed through Hurama.
The location of šalahšuwa is determined by its relation to Kaneš and Hurama, but it remains
unclear whether it was located on a subsidiary route between Timelkiya to Kaneš or not. The
entire group of cities located north of the main route between Hahhum and Kaneš are tied to
the region known as Hattum, and the so-called Narrow Track ran from the region of Timel-
kiya on a set of routes into Central Anatolia and the region of Durhumit east of Kaneš.
Figure ṣ8 illustrates the relations between the toponyms and says nothing about actual
distances. But the image can be compared with the regional topography and correlated with
archaeological data in reference to the major natural routes passing through the landscape. In
accordance with the approach proposed by French (cf. section Ṭ.8), the identiication of the
routes should precede the identiication of the sites themselves. For this purpose the main
routes and road-knots in the system irst have to be identiied. The result is then compared to
better-known later road systems in agreement with Ramsay s suggestion that the regional
topography dictates a relatively constant network of possible routes.
Perhaps the most prominent feature in the igure is the central position held by Hurama in
the regional cluster. As many as six different routes branch out from the cityŞ one of them
connecting the main route between the Euphrates and Kaneš with an entirely independent
group of toponyms. Kaneš was obviously another major road-knot and formed the main hub
for trafic coming from the Taurus and going into Central Anatolia. But unlike the other top-
onyms in the regional cluster, which would all have been located at road-forks and cross-
roadsŞ it looks as if Hurama occupied a speciic function in the system that was tied to its
particular geographical position.
Mountains, rivers and valleys dominate the region east of Kaneš, and geologically the area
marks the transition between the Anatolian plateau and Mesopotamia. Much of the Taurus and
the less rugged Anti-Taurus lies above the tree line and is snowbound between December and
April. Settlement has always been concentrated along the Kızılırmak and the Euphrates valleys
as well as on the high plains of Elbistan and Elazığ, and the rivers and mountain passes formed
the main axes of communications in antiquity as they do today. A series of studies of the road-
system in the region in Byzantine times undertaken by the TIB-project in Vienna provides an
Ṭṣṭ
Fig. 19: The laborious ascent from Gölba ı.
excellent tool for the identiication of the main natural routes through the landscape.8ṣṢ The
sources for Byzantine geography are much more detailed than those available for the Old As-
syrian Colony PeriodŞ and, even if some routes must have gone in and out of use through the
ages, a main thoroughfare in one period may still function as a subsidiary route in a later era.
Fig. 20: After 30 km the pass becomes much easier.
8ṣṢ. HilD ṣ977Ş HilD & restle ṣ98ṣ.
Ṭṣσ
This is especially true in a region where the constraints of topography signiicantly limit the
choice of movement, and one can consult the layout of main routes though the region in
Byzantine and add details from Roman and early modern geography in order to identify pos-
sible candidates for the Assyrian roads to Kaneš and the position of Hurama.
The three main passes through the central Taurus are shown on the map below. From north
to south a traveller standing on the bank of the Euphrates and going to Kayseri could choose
between a route that led over Kahramanmara and Göksun, a route that went via Elbistan, and
a route that passed Darende and Gürün. The road over Elbistan came in several variants: one
entering the plain from Malatya in the northeast, another coming from Kahramanmara in the
southwest, and a third passing via Nurhak in the southeast. In Byzantine times the road to
Nurhak left Gölba ı and went by the fortress of Adata through a pass known in Arabic as the
Darb al-Ḥadath ( road of bad news ).8ṣṣ It was the route used during the Arab invasions into
Anatolia, and it goes by the Turkish name Kanlı Yol – the Road of Blood.8ṣṬ The existence
of this particular route into Anatolia needs to be emphasised, since it is less well known than
those that went through Kahramanmara and Malatya, and because it only seems to have been
used in certain periods. However, it is the shortest route between the Euphrates crossings in
the Karababa Basin and Kayseri, which is a good reason to consider whether the Assyrian
merchants may have used it.
In Byzantine times the main road-knots in the Taurus Region were at Malatya, Kayseri and
Kahramanmara , with Elbistan located in the most prominent position at the centre of the
regional system. The Roman network of roads was of a different character and appears to
have followed the easiest route instead of the shorter distance. The main Roman military road
from the eastern limes followed a convoluted route from Malatya via Elbistan, Göksun, Tu-
fanbeyli (Komana) and Tomarza to Kayseri. 8ṣṭ The road through Darende and Gürun was of
less importance, and the main land route between Syria and Anatolia bypassed the region
entirely and went through the Cilician Gates onto the Plateau.
The imperial Hittite and later Iron Age roads presumably passed Develi to the Gez Bel
Pass, since a whole series of ancient reliefs and monuments have been identiied along this
Map 9: The roads in Byzantine

times (red), the main roads in
Roman times (blue) and a pro-
posed Hittite road (green).
8ṣṣ. HillenBranD ṣ989: ṣ69.

8ṣṬ. HilD ṣ977: ṣṭ7-ṣσṢ. The route is described in the Great Britain Naval Staff Intelligence Department Turkey
from ṣ9ṣ9 (vol. IV/Ṭ): 66Ṣ on an authority dated to ṣ9ṢṬ as follows: From Inekli an easy track which could be made
it for wheels runs NW. to Albistan, σṢ milesŞ at ṣṣ miles it crosses the Gök Su, and at ṣ7 miles passes Nurkhakh Yazy .
8ṣṭ. Cf. talBert ṬṢṢṢ, map 6σŞ 67.
Ṭṣτ
route.8ṣσ The further course of the road is unknown, but one may suppose that one branch
continued via Elbistan and descended to the Euphrates at Malatya or Samsat and that another
route went to Kahramanmara . On the following map the main routes in all three periods have
been shown together.
A comparison between the later routes in the region and the regional cluster of the Colony
Period suggests that Hurama should be located on the Elbistan plain, this being the most
prominent natural crossroad.8ṣτ From Elbistan the roads radiate out in all directions, and the
plain acts as a nodal point for trafic crossing the Taurus. Most earlier studies of the geogra-
phy have placed Hurama further west and closer to Kaneš,8ṣ6 but they also tend to locate
Luhuzattiya or šalahšuwa on the main route from the Euphrates,8ṣ7 which would leave less
space for each city. Section σ.σ has shown that the road to Luhuzattiya probably split off from
the main route in Hurama, and σ.ṣṣ argued that šalahšuwa may not have been located on the
direct road between Hahhum and Kaneš either. This leaves more space between the individ-
ual toponyms.
Hahhum should in turn be sought on a crossing of the Euphrates that gave easy access to
the plain of Elbistan. Since the Euphrates between Pirot east of Malatya and Gerger Kalesi
runs through a series of cataracts and down a narrow gorge with perpendicular limestone
walls rising to a height of some ṣṢṢ m, this effectively prevents trafic from crossing the
river and Hahhum must have been located either north or south of that canyon. It follows that
the city could have been centred on the Malatya Plain and connected to Assur via Elazığ, or
it could have been located further downstream and connected to Assur by a route that fol-
lowed the southern slopes of the Tur Abdin.
Since Tegarama was connected to Supana and Išuwa and Zalpa was a neighbour of both
Hahhum and Tegarama, a location of Hahhum south of the cataracts seems to be the best op-
tion. This leaves room for Zalpa and Tegarama north of Hahhum and places Hahhum on the
shortest route between Assur and Kaneš. The model justiies why Hahhum and Zalpa got to
play the prominent role as gateways for the Anatolian trade, and the position of Tegarama on
the far side of the Malatya Dağları explains why it is associated with Zalpa but not with
Hahhum. The connection between Mamma and Tegarama could be explained by the exis-
tence of a route following the south-eastern foothills of the Taurus.
After Gerger the Euphrates runs free of the mountains and receives several small streams
into a winding trench from τ to 8 km wide that has now been completely submerged by the
waters of Lake Atatürk. In this area – known as the Karababa Basin – there were several suit-
able places where one could cross the river, the main ones in early modern times being Kho-
jan (Bahçe) and Samsat. Downstream from Samsat the river dug into the rock, and getting
down to the river became more dificult. Ferries operated at points where there was access to
the river, mainly at Adil Pazarı/Kızılin, Kilik, and Rumkale/Halfeti.8ṣ8 Further south the river
8ṣσ. Cf. e.g. T. ÖZgüç ṣ97ṣ. On p. ṣṣ9 the author refers to a mound at Eğirköy next to the relief at Fraktın, which has
an assemblage dated to the Old Assyrian Colony Period. The site does not appear in Brown ṣ967.
8ṣτ. Note that the similarity between the names Hurama and Khurman (castle and river) in the north-western corner of
the Elbistan plain is derivative and probably accidental. Turkish Khurman comes from Byzantine Hermonas and
Aromane, cf. forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ79. tscHiHatscHeff ṣ867: τ8 took it to mean Dattel-luss from Arabic.
8ṣ6. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: 6ṣŞ forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ6σff with earlier references.
8ṣ7. For location of šalahšuwa and Luhuzattiya on the main route, cf. forlanini ṣ98τ: 6σ n. 8ṣŞ ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ6τ n. ṣ8, Ṭ69
n. ṭ6. As pointed out by nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: 79 there are no actual records of a journey that place Luhuzattiya on the
main route from the Euphrates. Both of authors emphasise the importance of the text ICK ṣ, 6ṣ for the location of
šalahšuwa. This is probably wrong, see section σ.ṣṣ.
8ṣ8. According to the Great Britain Naval Staff Intelligence Department Turkey from ṣ9ṣ9 (vol. IV/Ṭ) and the maps
produced by the British War Ofice around WWI. The crossing at Halfeti has played a particularly important role
throughout history, as implied e.g. from the line of Roman fortiications (Elif, Rumkale) defending the area, as
Ṭṣ6
Map 10: The region between the Euphrates and Kane .
entered the Birecik plain with the main crossing being at Birecik itself. Before the looding
the river south of Gerger used to be around ṬτṢ m wide, with the lood width being up to 7ṢṢ
m in some places. The current was strong and the river shallow. Although the depth of the
river would occasionally reach Ṭ,τ m or more, the average depth was rarely more than ṣ,τ m
in the areas of the crossings.8ṣ9 Around Samsat and Birecik there were several small islands
and sand-bars, but the river was never fordable even during the dry season.
The Assyrian traders would arrive at the Euphrates from the direction of Mardin. At the
river they could choose between a number of crossings, three of which were located near
Haqa, šimala and Badna on the eastern bank of the river. Haqa links up with Zalpa, while
Badna and šimala connect to both Zalpa and Hahhum. They can be located along the stretch
of the Euphrates where the distance to the Nurhak Pass and Kanlı Yol is the shortest. The
close association between Hahhum and the Euphrates in the treaty text and in the annals of
Hattusili I imply a location of the city close to the river. On the other hand, the fact that one
always ascends to and descends from Hahhum in the records may be suggestive of the lo-
cal topography and imply that the capital city was located further inland. The solitary refer-
ence to Habnuk on the river at Hahhum may give the name of its crossing on the western
bank.8ṬṢ
well as the location of the now destroyed relief at Kenk erected by the Neo-Assyrian king Shalmaneser III. Below
the remains of the Assyrian relief is a Roman inscription commemorating the building of a cable car across the
river. The Roman road is still clearly visible at several places in the region, most prominently at Aynı.
8ṣ9. Data taken from the Geographical Handbook Series B. R. 507 of the Naval Intelligence Division, Turkey (vol. i):
ṣ69-ṣ7ṣ (dated April ṣ9σṬ).
8ṬṢ. The excavations at Samsat might have been helpful in solving this problem, but the way in which the site was dug
and published does not permit it. Only a tiny fraction of the site was ever investigated, and although there are
Ṭṣ7
Map 11: The Byzantine roads

south of Malatya.
Zalpa should be located somewhere along the western bank of the river in a position from
where it would be feasible both to travel directly to Timelkiya and to pass through Hahhum
on the way there. Furthermore, Zalpa would have been near a suitable road leading through
the mountains to Tegarama. Finally, the city or its territory has to be located south of Gerger
to allow a boat to travel downstream to Carchemish.8Ṭṣ A possible location would be near the
mouth of the Kâhta River Valley and the crossing at Khojan.
A third route crossed the river South of Zalpa and Hahhum at Uršu and continued west and
north to Mamma. It appears that this was the simplest road, although not necessarily the
shortest or the one most commonly used, by the Assyrians. No branches are visible on the
route and the traders appear to have headed straight for Kaneš. This southern route may have
crossed the river at Halfeti or Birecik and proceeded through to Kahramanmara before turn-
ing north through the Göksun Pass.
reports of investigative soundings done in the extensive lower city this has not been properly documented. On the
high mound two large sections were opened but after more than ten intensive seasons of work on the site, a inal
report of less than one hundred pages of text (in Turkish only) has appeared. A major part of the analysis is taken
up by conjectural statements made about the history of the site (which the excavator identiies with both Hahhum
and Kumaha on the Azzi-Hayasa frontier), and the description of single inds. Below stratum XIII there are no
plans published and black and white photographs document the remaining ṣσ strata. Strata XIII-XV are Old As-
syrian and Early Hittite in date according to the excavator s terminology. Stratum XIV had an administrative
building (dubbed Hahhum saray) with a monumental entrance and a large inner courtyard with preserved wall
paintings (N. ÖZgüç ṬṢṢ9: 68-7Ṣ and ig. ṭṣσ-ṭṣ6). No analysis of the inds or function of the large building is
provided and only a few selected inds are described according to material (clay, metal, stone) and provided with
a stratum and locus number. By the waterfront a photo documents what appear to be four freestanding buildings
in stratum XV but little additional information is provided. The available evidence indicates that a large public
building existed on the mound during the heyday of the Old Assyrian trade. An Anatolia-style stamp seal was
found in stratum XIV (St. 8τ-ṭ6Ṭ), but since no plan is provided it is not clear whether it may have come from the
public building.
8Ṭṣ. Cf. FM Ṭ, 8 under section σ.Ṭ. The port or crossing at Zalpa may have been named Abrum, cf. fn. ṭṣτ.
Ṭṣ8
Map 12: The crossroad at Gölba ı, the likely route between Hahhum and Hurama and the Narrow Track
from Timelkiya.
Timelkiya should be located at a place that allows easy passage between the Euphrates and
the Plain of Elbistan. In addition, it would have been situated near a route that led north and
east of Kaneš into Central Anatolia. A position around Gölba ı or Doğan ehir would it both
requirements. The main obstruction on the route from Samsat is the crossing of the Göksu
River, which is described by ṣ9th century travellers as a wild and dangerous place.8ṬṬ But if
one accepts the identiication of āl Kani ī e with Hahhum or its port city, then Timelkiya
would have been connected to the Euphrates by a road suitable for wheeled traficŞ and one
would have to assume the existence of a bridge.8Ṭṭ A suitable northbound road leads through
the Erkenek Pass and via Sürgü and Akçadağ further north, and it is tempting to identify this
as the head of the Narrow Track and extend it northwards across the Kırkgöz Köprü on the
Tohma ‘ay in the direction of Kuluncak and Hekimhan to Kangal and Sivas.
If it is correct that the Narrow Track from Timelkiya passed through largely unclaimed terri-
tories which Kaneš could patrol, then a likely route would lead through the Erkenek Pass,
across the Tohma ‘ay, and up through the river valleys to Kuluncak, Hekimhan, or Kangal
and into the Sivas region upriver from Kayalıpınar. The surveys performed in this region
imply that only fairly small and relatively isolated communities populated the high plateau.
The Narrow Track would correspond to one or several of the Byzantine routes crossing the
plateau through Tonosa, Larissa or Spynin to Sebasteia. The apparent connection between
Kuššara, Luhuzattiya and the Narrow Track implies that those cities should be sought in an
adjacent region, perhaps east of Gemerek and arkı la.
Throughout history the course of the main routes has been inluenced by the population
distribution and ideally the archaeological and topographical data can help determine the
8ṬṬ. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): Ṭ6Ṣ-Ṭ6σ.

8Ṭṭ. Great Britain Naval Staff Intelligence Department Turkey ṣ9ṣ9 (vol. IV/Ṭ): 6ṭ6-6ṭ7 notes on grounds of a
source dating to ṣ88Ṭ that the track from Samsat in the direction of Gölba ı mostly leads through easy country
and is said to be passable for wheels with little dificulty. Water is plentiful, but there is little information as to
other supplies. Fuel is scarce . But on p. 6ṭ9 and according to a source from October ṣ9ṢṬ we learn that: Gök Su
in bed ṬτṢ yds. wideŞ alt. ṣ,8ṢṢ ft. Cross stream, which is ṭṢ yds. wide and up to horses girths. Current rapid. In
spring and winter crossing is very dificult and is effected by several men joining hands .
Ṭṣ9
Fig. 21: The Erkenek Pass near Sürgü.
relative density of settlements and their distribution, size and date in a given region at a
given time. In reality the number of archaeological excavations and regional surveys under-
taken east of Kaneš is so low that the archaeology of large parts of the Taurus region remains
unknown.8Ṭσ The most important sites are Kültepe at Kayseri and Arslantepe at Malatya,
both of which have been under continuous excavation for decades. In addition, a large num-
ber of missions working inside the limited area along the Euphrates were carried out as
salvage projects related to the building of the Atatürk, Birecik and Keban dams on the Eu-
Fig. 22: The Uzunyayla.
8Ṭσ. çifçi & greaves 2010.
ṬṬṢ
phrates. Finally, shorter campaigns at sites with material dating to the early Middle Bronze
Age have been conducted at Karahöyük Elbistan, Kayalıpınar, Sultanhanı, Topraktepe and
Yassıdağ.
Most of the detailed archaeological surveys in the region have also come about as a result
of the rescue operations carried out in the Euphrates valley. In the areas that were to be
looded the surveys were thorough and comprehensive, but the surface area covered was
relatively small. A series of more extensive surveys have covered larger territories in the
provinces of Adiyaman, Gaziantep, Malatya, Kahramanmara , Sivas and in the region east of
Kayseri (cf. map 6 and appendix Ṭ), but the level of information they offer for the present
topic varies with the degree of intensity and attention to detail in each individual project.
Even an extensive survey will presumably identify most of the large mounded sites and
include the obvious candidates for the capital cities of the Old Assyrian Colony Period, but
the routes and the organisation of the urban hinterland only becomes evident through more
intensive and systematically published investigations. Regional surveys that are set up to
answer questions about the nature and development of settlement, defence, transport and in-
dustry in a given area often succeed in providing a more comprehensive image of the eco-
nomic foundations and basic social organisation of a given society than a fragmentary and
biased textual record. Unfortunately the general and unsystematic type of survey that simply
catalogues what was there has been dominant in the region east of KayseriŞ8Ṭτ and, as a
whole, the quality of the work excludes the level of interpretation that is possible in Northern
Syria or Southern Iraq.8Ṭ6
An additional problem in using the survey data relates to a lack of detailed information about
what exactly we should be looking for. The Assyrian merchants provide only a very rudimen-
tary image of the political and social structures of Anatolian society in their texts, and too often
one is reduced to guesswork in an attempt to construct an image of the physical reality that sur-
rounded them. The traders distinguish a city and the surrounding land or territory (mātum),8Ṭ7
with each territory being dominated by a single city that gave its name to the area it controlled.
The political elite and social and religious institutions were all concentrated in that one city, and
the remaining settlements within the territory appear to have been small and rural.
In this respect Anatolia during the early part of the Colony Period appears as a standard
example of a city-state culture as deined by Hansen.8Ṭ8 But the city-states of Anatolia appar-
ently controlled fairly large territories and would not have been dependent upon the food
production of a peasantry living inside the city. A simple division of the territory between the
Euphrates and Kaneš into sections that corresponds to the number of major toponyms re-
corded in the Assyrian texts implies that each unit would have been quite largeŞ and, in the
case of Kaneš, one can show that the city was surrounded by a large number of villages with
apparent semi-autonomous economic and social structures8Ṭ9 that provided food and raw ma-
terials for the urban population.8ṭṢ
8Ṭτ. Important exceptions are the surveys conducted around Kahramanmara by Carter (never inally published) and
those conducted around Sivas by ›kse. For references cf. ch. Ṭ.
8Ṭ6. See e.g. aDaMs ṣ96τŞ ṣ98ṣŞ aDaMs & nissen ṣ97ṬŞ wilkinson ṬṢṢṢŞ wilkinson, ur & casana 2004; wäfler
2001; casana 2003; ur 2004.
8Ṭ7. The idea that the term mātum in the Assyrian sources was reserved for a small group of the most powerful states
in Anatolia (cf. BrYce ṣ998: Ṭτ with earlier references) now has to be abandoned. For the use of mātum in the Old
Assyrian evidence cf. fn. ṭτ8.
8Ṭ8. Cf. Hansen ṬṢṢ6: 7-Ṭ8. For developments during the Ib period, cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
8Ṭ9. For a detailed survey, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b and cf. section σ.ṣτ.
8ṭṢ. This is presumably what led veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣσ9 to deine Anatolia as a mix of city-states and territorial states –
which is of course to some degree a question of deinition. But there is currently no reason to assume that any of
the political units in Anatolia were territorial states with multiple centres of commerce and political power even if
ṬṬṣ
It is of course possible that the merchants only mentioned a select number of major cities
along their route where they had their colonies and stations. In fact, there are occasional refer-
ences to stops made between the well-known stations, e.g., at Hirašta, Bulbulhum and Unip-
sum on the southern route (σ.ṣṬ) or Lalga and Hazu around Timelkiya (cf. σ.8). But in com-
parison to the impression one gets from the Assyrian records related to contemporary North
Syria, it does seem that the states in Anatolia were larger and located further apart, presum-
ably as a result of the irregular distribution of agricultural farmland.
But even if the territory of the individual city-states was extensive, there is no reason to
assume that there were other large settlements located within their borders. This holds some
signiicance for the settlement pattern and the site hierarchy we should look for in the ar-
chaeological record. Each of the dozen toponyms studied in this chapter presumably corre-
sponds to a fairly substantial site with the remains of a considerable population and concen-
tration of industry. Surrounding it one would expect the countryside to have been dotted with
smaller farming settlements. Although the city-states themselves were organised into political
hierarchies and some rulers were subservient to others, the dominant states and their vassals
would presumably have a similar archaeological proile. The written evidence – as imperfect
as it is – indicates that only a dozen or so substantial settlements dominated the region be-
tween the Euphrates and Kaneš, and that the reconstruction of the historical geography should
attempt to relate these units into a meaningful two-tier settlement hierarchy according to the
clusters, itineraries, natural routes, archaeological data and topographical units in the land-
scape.
Only a very limited number of the sites with an archaeological assemblage dated to the
Middle Bronze Age in the region east of Kaneš appear as obvious candidates for a central city
with a considerable population and substantial administrative buildings. The largest exca-
vated mounds are Samsat, Arslantepe and Karahöyük Elbistan, and one may suppose that
sizeable settlements could lie hidden in the mounds of the modern cities of Kahramanmara
and Gaziantep. But even if all ive sites could be shown to represent one of the major top-
onyms occurring in the Old Assyrian records, almost twice as many candidates are still miss-
ing. A range of smaller sites in the region are known to have Colony Period pottery, but it is
unclear whether they might represent villages, fortiications, or the heavily damaged remains
of actual urban sites.
With this level of uncertainty it is usually neither possible nor feasible to identify an ar-
chaeological site with a given ancient toponym without additional evidence. The known sites
distort the overall picture of the geography and tempt us to draw preliminary conclusions
without regard to the great number of localities that have not yet been found or settlements
that have disappeared without leaving much trace. One should also take into consideration the
probable use of building techniques that leave less conspicuous ruins than the mud-brick ar-
chitecture found in the alluvial plains. Settlements located on hills and ridges are more vul-
nerable to destruction and are much harder to identify than the mounds during extensive
surveys.8ṭṣ In large areas east of Kaneš where the archaeological data is sparse it seems that
the main natural routes are more important for the reconstruction of the historical geography
than the direct correlation of archaeological data and textual evidence.
On the other hand, the archaeology of the Upper Euphrates valley in the late third and
early second millennium BC has been the subject of a number of recent studies that have at-
tempted to synthesise the considerable amount of data produced during the past four decades
the individual city-states could be organised in leagues and alliances with dominant partners (cf. Hansen ṬṢṢ6) as
seen e.g. from Anum-Hirbi s letter kt g/t ṭτ in section σ.ṣσ.
8ṭṣ. Yakar & gürsan-salZMann ṣ979: σṢ-σṣ.
ṬṬṬ
of intensive rescue operations in the region.8ṭṬ Interestingly, the archaeological evidence from
the submerged Karababa Basin of Lake Atatürk and the Birecik-Carchemish area shows two
very different evolutionary trajectories and does not it very well with the image provided by
the written documentation,8ṭṭ calling out for an independent explanation.
In the north the two most signiicant sites of the late Early Bronze Age were Samsat (ṬṢ ha)
and Titri (σṭ ha), both of which appear to have been regional capitals in a complex four-tired
regional settlement hierarchy. A large number of satellite towns, such as Lidar (ṣṬ ha), Kur-
ban (6 ha) and Tatar (ṣṢ ha) were in turn surrounded by smaller villages and hamlets. By the
end of the Early Bronze Age this system appears to have collapsed, and the principal centres
contracted dramatically or disappeared entirely.8ṭσ Titri shrank to ṭ,ṭ ha, Kurban was virtu-
ally abandoned, and Samsat became radically reduced in size.8ṭτ When the Old Assyrian trad-
ers began passing through the region it seems that the river valley was occupied by a large
number of small and largely self-suficient villages.
This image does not it the textual data. It may be that the intensive surveys of the now
looded valleys are documenting a population moving away from the river and into the hin-
terland, or perhaps the ceramic sequences are not well enough understood.8ṭ6 But the required
social and physical infrastructure needed for the Assyrian trade to function (cf. sections ṣ.σ
and ṣ.τ) precludes a system lacking the social power and workforce to maintain the roads,
bridges, guards and inns necessary for the trade to function. The present reconstruction of the
geography may be wrong, the established ceramic sequences may be inaccurate, or the cen-
tres of population moved far inland towards the end of the Early Bronze Age. It even seems
possible that the Middle Bronze Age was a period of peace and prosperity, during which a
large part of the population to spread out into farmsteads throughout the countryside. The
textual evidence available for the plain of Kaneš produces an image of a large dispersed rural
population surrounding a single urban centre (cf. σ.ṣτ).
Downstream, the situation seems to be almost the opposite of the one seen in the Karababa
Basin. Around Birecik and Carchemish in the Tishreen area, Algaze reported a high degree of
cultural continuity from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age, but with a signiicant jump in
settlement number and size.8ṭ7 Excavations have produced traces of large public buildings,
clay sealings and cylinder seals dated to the period contemporary with the Old Assyrian
8ṭṬ. algaZe, Breuninger & knuDstaD ṣ99σŞ tuna & veliBeYoğlu ṬṢṢṬŞ kuZucuoğlu, fontugne & Mouralis ṬṢṢσŞ
peltenBurg ṬṢṢ7aŞ ṬṢṢ7bŞ wossnik ṬṢṢ9Ş erarslan ṬṢṢ9.
8ṭṭ. erarslan ṬṢṢ9: Ṭ69-Ṭ7Ṭ.
8ṭσ. The transition from the ṭrd to the Ṭnd millennium BC is marked by an environmental degradation, especially in
the Middle Euphrates Valley (e.g. at Titri and Kurban, cf. wilkinson ṣ99Ṣ, ṣ999) by a narrowing of the channels
and the aggradation of colluvium and small alluvial fans, cf. kuZucuoğlu, fontugne & Mouralis ṬṢṢσ: ṬṢṢ,
wossnik ṬṢṢ9. The causes may be primarily the change in land use practices by (wilkinson 1999), although a
progressively drying phase in the early Ṭnd millennium BC is also signalled in the isotopic record of Lake Van
(kuZucuoğlu, fontugne & Mouralis 2004: 204). Signs of deforestation have been observed not only in the
Euphrates Valley, but also e.g. in the lake of Gölba ı on the road to Elbistan (cf. wilkinson ṣ99Ṣ: ṣṣṢ).
8ṭτ. aBaY ṬṢṢ7: σṢ8:
8ṭ6. The Adiyaman province was surveyed by BlaYlock, frencH & suMMers ṣ99Ṣ, who did not identify a single site
dated to the Middle or Late Bronze Age. On p. ṣṢṭ they note that: It is dificult to distinguish late Early Bronze
Age pottery (simple ware) from that of the early Middle Bronze Age. Perhaps some early Middle Bronze Age
sherds have been dated too high ... if the absence of surface sherds signiies a contraction of settlement numbers,
there is here a relection of a major change in settlement pattern. Compare to the situation north of the Taurus in
the Malatya plain, where Di nocera ṬṢṢτŞ ṬṢṢ8 identiied Ṭ9 sites dated to the Middle Bronze Age based on the
well-established ceramic sequence from Arslantepe.
8ṭ7. algaZe et al. ṣ999Ş lacaMBre & tunca ṣ999Ş tuna & veliBeYoğlu ṬṢṢṬŞ erarslan ṬṢṢ9: Ṭ7ṭ-Ṭ76Ş wossnik
2009: 73. Note also Wossnik s critical remarks about the pottery sequence used to date these sites on pp. 67-68 in
relation to the reavaluation of Algaze s gap in settlement during the late Middle Bronze Age (cf. peltenBurg
ṬṢṢ7a, ṬṢṢ7b).
ṬṬṭ
trade.8ṭ8 The site of Horum (ṣṬ-ṣτ ha, classical Ourima) on the western bank of the river may
have been of particular importance as a crossing of the river during this period.
The southern route that passed through Uršu and Mamma to Kaneš should presumably be
linked to this evidence. The exact location of Uršu depends upon which crossings the Assyr-
ians used. It has been suggested that the capital of Uršu is to be identiied with the citadel
mound in Gaziantep, but the crossing usually associated with this important city lies at Bire-
cik only ṬṢ km upriver from Carchemish. Unless one was to identify Badna in the Assyrian
records with the later Roman city of Batnae (which seems too far south for it to be a viable
neighbour to Hahhum),8ṭ9 the absence of any reference in the Assyrian texts to the cities that
are known to have been located in this region – e.g. Carchemish itself, Harranu and Admum
– implies that the merchants crossed the Euphrates further to the north.8σṢ
This pushes the territory of Uršu upstream, although a good road leads from Halfeti across
the Karadağ to Gaziantep and the citadel mound there may still be identiied with the ancient
capital of Uršu. The proposal to locate Uršu at the large site of Tilbe ar (τṭ ha) ṭṢ km south
of Gaziantep on a route crossing the river at Carchemish appears less likely, although a site of
such proportions presumably represents an important ancient city.8σṣ Taking the evidence
from Ebla and Mari into account, the suggestion by Archi to identify Tilbe ar with Haššum
and Gaziantep with Uršu seems more convincing.8σṬ
From Gaziantep the topography dictates the route to Kayseri via Kahramanmara and the
Göksun pass, but there are no obvious archaeological candidates for the site of Mamma. The
8ṭ8. Marro ṬṢṢ7Ş fuensanta ṬṢṢ7.

8ṭ9. Modern Suruç, cf. goetZe ṣ9τṭ: 68Ş ṣ96σ: ṣṣ7Ş veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: Ṭ9ṭŞ astour ṣ989: 687Ş veenHof ṬṢṢ8b: ṣτŞ tal-
Bert ṬṢṢṢ: ṣṢṬ9.
8σṢ. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢṣa: 7τ (supported by cHarpin & Ziegler ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭ76) proposed to locate Uršu at Samsat. This is
possible only because he placed Hahhum on the eastern bank of the Euphrates. Charpin apud DuranD ṬṢṢ6: ṬṬ7
moved Uršu down to Birecik, which seems possible, but problematic for the reasons just mentioned – the Assyrian
merchants appear never to have ventured that far south (see also MarcHetti ṬṢṢ8: ṭ9ṭ). The capital city of Uršu
was probably located a bit inland and not at the river bank. The name of the port or crossing may have been Hirašta
(cf. σ.ṣṬ). The identiication of Nihriya with Kazane Höÿuk proposed by J. L. Miller ṣ999: 99-ṣṣ7 and accepted
by cHarpin & Ziegler 2003: σ6 n. ṣτ7, Ṭ7σ would pull the Assyrian routes down south, but the suggestion seems
unlikely as the site ended around the time of Hammurabi and Nihriya continued to play an important role further
down in history. The location of Nihriya/Nahriya remains problematic and depends upon Old, Middle and Neo-
Assyrian texts, Hittite and Urartean sources as well as the Old Babylonian text from Mari. Cf. cHarpin & Ziegler
op. cit. for further references and add the later Assyrian and Urartean evidence (cf. cancik-kirscHBauM ṣ996Ş rÖl-
lig ṣ997Ş forlanini ṬṢṢσa). The Old Assyrian evidence shows that the town had king, a palace, a kārum and a
ten-man board (cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣτ9) and that Assyrians owned houses there (CCT σ, ṭ6b). One would pass
through Nihriya with shipments of tin and textiles going to Anatolia (cf. e.g. CCT Ṭ, ṬṬŞ I σ89). Amorites could
come from the city: CCT Ṭ, σ9a: I owe two Amorites from Nihriya ṣ/ṭ mina of silver (l. ṣṭ-ṣ6: ú ‘a]-na a-mu-re-
en a Ni-ih-ri-a KÙ.BABBAR ṣ/ṭ ma-na ha-bu-lá-ku – could also be an object). It seems to have been located
before Haqa east of the Euphrates (cf. kt 86/k ṣ9Ṭ and perhaps kt 86/k Ṭṭ6). It may have been located far enough
east to allow all options open in relation the river crossings since kt 9ṭ/k ṣ9σ records a load of textiles sent from
Nihriya to Kaneš and a sack of textiles sent from Uršu to Kaneš, but it is unclear whether the two actions are di-
rectly connected. Similarly, kt 9ṭ/k 7ṭσ refers to ṭ textiles from Nahriya, τ from Zalpa and one from Kaneš and kt
9ṭ/k Ṭ9ṣ mentions a deposit given by Kukulanum from Nihriya to a person travelling to Mamma and back. All
examples lack an explicit geographical context. forlanini ṬṢṢσa: σṣṬ locates the town of Hurumhaššum that may
be linked to Ni-ha-ri-a in the letter TPAK ṣ, τṢ just south of the pass leading to Ergani. The Tikunani letter (cf. σ.Ṭ)
associates Nihriya with Hahhum, and Sarduri II (DI+DII in arutjunan ṬṢṢṣ: Ṭτσ-Ṭττ) refers to the destruction of
the land of Arme and the city uruNi-hi-ri-a – a royal city. The late records in particular pull Nihriya far to the east,
while the Mari-texts suggest for a western location. It is possible that the sources deal with two homonymous topo-
nyms, one in the area immediately east of the Euphrates and one on the Upper Tigris. To judge from the Old Assyr-
ian evidence alone, a location on the Mardin – Samsat line (perhaps at one of the large mounds at Telgoran or
Turna) is possible.
8σṣ. There is also some doubt in relation to the level of occupation on the site in the early Middle Bronze Age, cf.
kepinski & Önal ṬṢṢ8.
8σṬ. arcHi ṬṢṢ8.
ṬṬσ
Fig. 23: The plain of Göksun seen from the south.
plain south of Kahramanmara is spacious and fertile with a large number of fairly small
mounds,8σṭ but there is no central place and it is possible that the capital of Mamma lies under
the modern city and its imposing citadel. The strategic position of Kahramanmara on a fertile
plain at the intersection of a road from Cilicia and a road from Cappadocia means that the site
has been continuously occupied for at least ṭ millennia. In the Iron Age it was the capital of
the kingdom and province of GurgumŞ under Roman, Byzantine, and Ottoman rule it was the
important garrison city of Germanicea/Mara .
Fig. 24: The citadel mound in Gaziantep.
8σṭ. Carter et al. ṣ999Ş konYar ṬṢṢ7aŞ ṬṢṢ8aŞ ṬṢṢ8b.
ṬṬτ
Fig. 25: Panoramic view of Karahöyük Elbistan.
Further inland the plain of Göksun might correspond to Unipsum in the Assyrian records.
At the moment the most probable candidate for the location of Hurama is the large site of
Elbistan Karahöyük, but also Tanır Yassıhöyük and Af in are possible.8σσ According to
Brown s extensive surveys in the ṣ96Ṣs virtually all sites in the area have pottery dated to the
Middle Bronze Age, and this image has to some extent been corroborated by more recent
studies.8στ
Using a separate line of evidence, Forlanini recently proposed the location of Tegarama on
or near the plain of Malatya.8σ6 Several mounds have material dated to the relevant periods and
appear as possible candidates, but Arslantepe is the only site excavated in the region so far.8σ7
The evidence for šalahšuwa is conlicting and the fact that taxes were levied there on
caravans going up to Kaneš creates some doubt about whether it was really an optional stop
on the route. Perhaps a position around Bünyan, Pınarba ı or Tomarza on the frontier between
Kaneš and the Uzunyayla could explain why it was sometimes possible to avoid šalahšuwa,
and it would clarify why one could reach the Narrow Track from Hurama but not from
šalahšuwa. On the other hand, this position does not it well with the record LB ṣṬ8ṭ (cf.
σ.ṣṣ) or the fact that the city was vulnerable to Hurrian attacks at a time when neighbouring
Hurama had been under Hittite control for a long time.
An entire group of toponyms in the regional cluster is connected only through Hurama and
forms a separate section of the grid that links up with Kuburnat and Durhumit in Hattum and
the terminus of the Narrow Track. The lack of any direct itineraries between Kaneš, Luhuzat-
tiya, šamuha and Kuššara implies that all trafic into that region had to pass through Hurama.
8σσ. Til Af in and Tanır Yassıhöyük are both fairly substantial mounds (ṬṢṢ meters or more in diameter) with signs of
settlement dating from the late chalcolithic period until medieval times (cf. Brown ṣ967: ṣ6ṣ-ṣ6ṬŞ çifçi &
greaves ṬṢṣṢ). Both were prominent settlements in Roman times (Arabissos and Tandaris) and it is impossible
to estimate their size during the Middle Bronze Age. A visit to Karahöyük Elbistan in August ṬṢṣṢ showed that
the dimesions of the site are much larger than hitherto assumed. The mound slopes downwards and extends below
the modern village at least as far the village mosque (c. σṬṢ m from the northern edge of the site). In addition, the
low rock west of the mound and separated from it by the river are covered in Bronze Age potsherds. Holes dug by
the villagers close to the river reveal cultural layers down to a depth of about a metre.
8στ. Brown ṣ967Ş güneri ṬṢṢτŞ konYar ṬṢṢ8aŞ ṬṢṢ8b.
8σ6. forlanini ṬṢṢ7a: Ṭ6ṭ-Ṭ66.
8σ7. Di nocera ṬṢṢτ.
ṬṬ6
HATTUM
Durhumit Kuburnat / Karahna
ha
rr
amuha ān
sū
river qi
nn
im
Luhuzattiya Ku ara
Kane Hurama Timelkiya
Fig. 26: The roads north and east of Kane and the Narrow Track to Durhumit.
This is surprising given the apparent association of Kuššara and Kaneš in the Anitta-text and
the attempts by the queen of Kaneš to prevent the use of the Narrow Track through collabora-
tion with Luhuzattiya as well as Hurama and šalahšuwa. In reality, the picture drawn by the
sources may be skewed by the fact that the region usually appears in contexts of smuggling
when the point was to avoid Kaneš. Compared to the main route from the Euphrates to Kaneš,
only a small number of traders record journeys on the Narrow Track in Timelkiya, and even
fewer shipments appear to have gone north directly from Hurama and into the region known
Map 13: The Byzantine roads

north of Malatya.
ṬṬ7
Fig. 27: The pass between Khurman Kale and Sarız.
as Hattum. The journey recorded in kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ links Hurama to šamuha, Karahna, and Kubur-
natŞ and the identiication of Karahna with Sulusaray south of Tokat gives an important ixed
point for orienting the regional cluster.8σ8
This identiication of Karahna supports the recent suggestion to locate šamuha at the large
mound of Kayalıpınar (ṬṢ ha) just south of Sivas on the basis of the journey recorded in kt
9Ṭ/k ṭ (cf. σ.6).8σ9 Even though a number of other large sites in the region carry an assemblage
Fig. 28: The pass of Yedi Oluk in May.
8σ8. forlanini & MaraZZi ṣ986, tav. xviŞ MitforD ṣ99ṣ: ṣ8Ṭ-ṣ8ṭŞ forlanini ṣ99Ṭa: ṭṢṣ n. 9σ.
8σ9. A. Müller-karpe ṬṢṢṢŞ ṬṢṢ6Ş ṬṢṢ9Ş V. Müller-karpe et al. ṬṢṢ6.
ṬṬ8
dated to the relevant period,8τṢ the fact that Kayalıpınar has produced an actual Old Assyrian
tablet renders the identiication more convincing. šamuha presumably controlled a bridge
crossing the Kızılırmak on the same central road-knot that was later occupied by Sebasteia/
Sivas. This is where the great route from eastern Turkey to the Mediterranean meets the main
thoroughfare from the Euphrates to the Black Sea.
This location of šamuha leaves plenty of room for Luhuzattiya and Kuššara between Elbi-
stan and Kayalıpınar. The fact that Luhuzattiya appears not to have been a considered part of
the Narrow Track, and that Kaneš sought an alliance with the city to prevent smuggling, im-
plies that Luhuzattiya was closer to Kaneš than Kuššara. The latter did apparently exert some
control over the route. Conversely, the close physical association between Luhuzattiya and
Kuššara meant that the Assyrian colonial representation in Kuššara could handle the traders
interests in both cities.
On the physical map Hurama and Timelkiya can act as anchors at one end of the system,
and Karahna provides a ixed direction to the north. A high and dry plateau known as the
Uzunyayla ( Long Pasture ) takes up most of the region separating Elbistan from the Upper
Kızılırmak and the pass at Yıldızeli. This forbidding region never supported a large
population,8τṣ but in Byzantine times three important roads crossed it, connecting Malatya
and Elbistan to Sivas and the Black Sea region.
The two most prominent townships in the southern part of the region today are Gürün and
Darende. Both are located on intersections where roads between Elbistan and Sivas cross the
route from Malatya to Kayseri,8τṬ and both towns are situated in fertile mountain valleys
whose history can be followed back into Neo-Hittite times.8τṭ Further north and west the re-
gion of Gemerek, arkı la and the Altınyayla supported a dense settlement during the Middle
Bronze Age. This is another possible candidate for the territories of Kuššara and Luhuzattiya,8τσ
although it is dificult to understand why Hurama would be the gateway into that region for
travellers coming both from Kaneš and from the east. Moving Hurama west to accommodate
this suggestion does not seem a valid option, since it leaves a large gap between Hahhum and
Zalpa on the Euphrates and Hurama which would have to be covered by Timelkiya only. Op-
tions further north are also possible, where larger sites, such as A ağı Kalaca (Ṭ6 ha) at Acı-
yurt near Ulukı la,8ττ have been reported in recent years.
8τṢ. E.g. Kalkankaya (ṣ8 ha) and Gerdekkaya (7,τ ha), cf. Ökse ṣ998Ş ṬṢṢṢa: 9Ṭ-96Ş engin ṬṢṢ9, and the citadel
mound in Sivas (Topraktepe, c. 7,τ ha), cf. T. ÖZgüç ṣ9σ7cŞ Ökse ṬṢṢṢa: 9ṣ.
8τṣ. Yakar & gürsan-salZMann ṣ979: ṭṣŞ Ökse ṣ99σŞ ṣ999Ş ṬṢṢṢaŞ güneri ṬṢṢτ.
8τṬ. The pass north of Gürün that ascends the Uzunyayla was known as the aqal Tūtān ( the Beard-stroker ) due to
the frustrations associated with climbing it, cf. jennings ṣ978: 89 n. ṬŞ ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṬσṢ. The latter
describes the dangers encountered on his descent to Gürün, including a fall by Rassam and a baggage horse that
rolled over the mountain side. The trip from Gürün to Sivas was covered by tscHiHatscHeff 1867: τ9 in Ṭσ.τ hours
within three and a half days. In Gürün he came upon a caravan of τṬṢ men and 8ṢṢ animals carrying silk from
Aleppo to Ankara.
8τṭ. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ. Darende (Taranta in Classical times) may well be a survival of an unattested Hittite toponym. For
Gürün (Greek Gauraena , Hebrew Togarmah , Arabic Tarchamah and Armenian Torgom ) cf. section σ.ṭ.
8τσ. güneri ṬṢṢτ: τṣ lists a large site named Küllü Tepe Ṭ km east of the village of Gömürgen and c. ṭṢ km south-east
of Gemerek where he collected a lot of pottery typical for the II and Ib strata at Kültepe. A visit to Küllü Tepe
showed that the dimensions of the site given by Güneri (ṭṢṢ m in diameter) are widly exaggerated.
8ττ. A walled site with an extensive lower terrace, but the collected material dates mainly to the Hittite Empire period,
see Ökse ṬṢṢṣa: 9ṭ and map ṭ.
ṬṬ9
4.15 Kane
The identiication of Kaneš with Kültepe near Kayseri has been widely accepted for almost
a century,8τ6 and it serves as one of the few ixed points in the historical geography of Ana-
tolia in the Colony Period. Several studies of the administration, cultural traditions, and
economic and social organisation of the city during the Old Assyrian period have been pub-
lished over the years,8τ7 and the present section offers only a few remarks about the history
and geography of Kaneš and its surroundings that are of speciic relevance to the analysis at
hand.8τ8
Little evidence on the history of Kaneš survives from later historical periods: Hittite texts
refer to Nesite singers,8τ9 Kaneš is mentioned once as the seat of a Hittite royal administrator,86Ṣ
and Hattusili III states that Kaska had crossed the Kızılırmak to plunder the city during the
time of the concentric invasions.86ṣ Such rare references imply that the city continued to exist
8τ6. In lanDsBerger ṣ9Ṭτ: τ one still reads: … so muß die aus der eventuellen Gleichung Kaniš = Kül Tepe zu ent-
nehmende Lagebestimming noch mit abwartender Skepsis betrachtet werden . Two years after conducting his
excavations at Kültepe HroZný ṣ9Ṭ7: ṣṣ-ṣṬ identiies the site with ancient Kaneš.
8τ7. For a comprehensive overview of the ield cf. T. ÖZgüç ṬṢṢṭŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8a. Note the following additions: the
text kt m/k ṭ may imply that a man named Papala ruled Kaneš during the period contemporary with the II level of
occupation in the lower city at Kültepe. The text refers to a gift of one very ine thin textile and a seal made of
lapis lazuli of the inest quality, and it mentions an oath, a sikkātum and the brother and sister of Papala. He could
also simply be a local dignitary. ICK ṣ, ṣ78 shows that a certain Labarša seized kingship in Kaneš during the II
period. KTK ṣṢ implies that a man named Kuku may have ruled Kaneš during the II-period as well. The texts
ATHE 6ṬŞ ATHE 66Ş CCT 6, ṭσa and perhaps also Kay ṬṭṢṢŞ ICK ṣ, ṣṭaŞ kt m/k Ṭσ and kt m/k ṭτ show that Kaneš
had a ruling queen during the II-period. The texts kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ8ṬŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṣστŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ69ṬŞ kt n/k τṢσ and KTK ṣṢ6
all refer to the ruling couple. The text AKT 6, ṣṣṭ quotes an unnamed ruler of Kaneš. OIP Ṭ7,ṣṭ (cf. Dercksen
ṬṢṢṣ: σσ) from Ali ar would prove that Kaneš had a ruling queen at some point during the Ib period, possibly
during a war with šalahšuwa (cf. σ.ṣṣ), but this is based upon a restoration and is rejected in fn. 87ṣ below. A
number of texts that record loans made to local Anatolians are dated according to particular events. In addition to
ICK ṣ, ṣ78 mentioned above, which is dated to the time: When Labarša seized kingship (l. Ṭ-σ: i-nu-me Lá-ba-
ar- a ru-ba-ú-tám i -bu-tù-ni), similar formulae are found in kt j/k 9: When the king went into the qa um of the
temple of Anna (l. ṣṣ-ṣṬ: i-nu-me ru-ba-um a-na É A-na a-na qá- í-im e-ru-bu, cf. also RIMA.Ṣ.ṭṭ.σ: ṣ6)Ş kt n/k
ṣ7ṣ6b: When the king went out of the temple of Nippas (l. 9-ṣṣ: i-nu-me ru-ba-um i-na É Ni-pá-as ú- í-a-ni)
(dated REL 97 = ṣ87ṭ)Ş kt d/k σ6: When the king went out of the of the temple of Nippas (τ-7: i-nu-me ru-ba-um
i-na É Ni-pá-as ú- í-a-ni)Ş kt 88/k 9Ṣ: When the king came in to … the harvest (l. ṣṢ-ṣṬ: i-nu-me ru-ba-um a-na
hu-zi-nim e- a-dim e-ru-bu, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢτb n. ṭ8). Two additional examples refer to political events (prob-
ably in Kaneš) to date a transaction: KTS ṣ, τṢc: When the queen of Wahšušana entered (l. ṣ-ṭ: i-nu-me ru-ba-
tum Wa-ah- u- a-na-i-tù te9-ru-ba-ni)Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṣṬ8: When the king went to Hanaknak (ṣ-ṭ: i-nu-me ru-ba-um
a-na Ha-na-ak-na-ak i-li-ku). Following the suggestion of forlanini ṣ99τ based on the text kt n/k ṭṬ (cf. also
veenHof ṬṢṢ8aŞ BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press and contra krYsZat ṬṢṢ8b), Hurmeli ruled Kaneš during
the Ib period and before Inar. Since the text OIP Ṭ7, τṭ from Ali ar mentions Hurmeli s rabi simmilitim and was
found in level ṣṢ T at Ali ar (cf. krYsZat ṬṢṢ8b: ṬṢṢ-ṬṢṣ), this would either date the stratum at Ali ar to the very
early Ib period (which Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ showed is not the case) or else the text was an antique by the time it was
deposited. The witness Kikaršan priest of Higiša occurs both in OIP Ṭ7, τṭ and in kt n/k ṭṬ, showing that the
two texts must date to the same generation. The reference to both Kikaršan and Harpatiwa implies that Ali ar was
under the rule of Kaneš early in the Ib period. This does not it with the date for KTK ṣṢ proposed by larsen ṣ97Ṭ
in which Amkuwa acts as an independent player in a regional alliance, and the text should be dated to the II-peri-
od (cf. τ.ṣṢ). Much has recently been made out of the fact that a ruler of Harsamna bore the name Hurmeli
(forlanini ṬṢṢ8Ş veenHof ṬṢṢ8a). Veenhof s suggestion that the adversary of Harsamna in kt Ṣṣ/k Ṭṣ7 could be
Anum-Hirbi rests upon the assumption that Zalwar and Zalpa were the same city.
8τ8. T. ÖZgüç 2003; veenHof ṬṢṢ8aŞ Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b.
8τ9. Such references may refer to the language sung rather than the origin of the artists. See e.g. güterBock ṣ9τ8: σ6-
τṢŞ McMaHon ṣ99ṣ: ṣ9Ṣ-ṣ9ṣ, ṣ9σ-ṣ9τŞ carruBa ṬṢṢσ: ṬṬ6-ṬṬ7. For references, cf. del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978:
ṣ7Ṣ.
86Ṣ. CTH τ8τ, cf. otten & souček ṣ96τ: Ṭσ-Ṭτ. In addition, a Hittite poem discussed in gilan ṬṢṢσ: Ṭ7Ṣ mentions
Hurrians and textiles from Neša, and Kaneš appears in the cultic inventory KBo σ.ṣṭ (col. i): ṭ9 recently edited
by forlanini ṬṢṢ7b.
86ṣ. CTH 8ṣ, cf. otten ṣ98ṣ: ṣṢ-ṣṣ.
ṬṭṢ
σ.ṣτ KANEš
after the Colony Period, but that it had lost most of its importance. The archaeological layer
Ia in the lower city at Kültepe with its well-built masonry presumably belongs to the early
years of the Old Hittite kingdom, and there is no sign of occupation in the lower city during
the empire period.
Kaneš grew to be an important place again in the Iron Age when the mound became the
seat of one of the lords of Tabal, but written sources are lacking.86Ṭ In the Hellenistic period,
Anisa appears as a thriving polis with its own assembly, mint, and temple.86ṭ But with the Ro-
man invasions the city withered awayŞ perhaps the victim of the Mithradatic wars (88-6ṭ BC)
that laid waste to the region, or possibly succumbing to the success of neighbouring Mazaca.
The toponym itself survived into the seventeenth century AD where it appears in a judicial
record as the village of Kıŋı .86σ
The frontiers of the state of Kaneš during the Old Assyrian period can be determined with
some degree of certainty by combining textual and topographical evidence. In turn, the neigh-
bours of Kaneš can be located in reference to its ixed position. What exactly a frontier was
in terms of the Colony Period city-states in Anatolia is not entirely clear. Liverani suggested
that ancient states perceived their borders mainly as watersheds of taxationŞ86τ but this idea
was developed in relation to large and permeable empires, and the city-states of Anatolia in
the Colony Period seem to have had more precisely deined territories. General references to
the crossing of Mamma or the entering the Land of Kaneš imply this,866 and so do records
mentioning a particular (usually mountainous) region that was considered a part of the land
e.g. of Hahhum,867 Mamma,868 Zalpa,869 or Haqa.87Ṣ More importantly, a few Old Assyrian
texts refer to payments made inside the territory of a given city-state,87ṣ and the existence of
86Ṭ. T. ÖZgüç ṣ97ṣ: 77-8ṭŞ Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: σṬσff.

86ṭ. A bronze tablet bought at Gemerek but found at Kültepe (roBert ṣ96ṭ: σ6ṣ) commemorates an occasion at which
Ariarathes king of Cappadocia granted a new constitution to the citizens of Anisa (Michel Recueil d Inscr. gr. no.
τσ6). The text mentions a boulé and an ecclesia, a demos with prytaneis and a board of archons as well as an
eponymous demiourgos. It refers to festivals for Zeus Soter and Heracles, and the tablet is said to have been de-
posited in the temple of Astarte in Anisa. The decree was voted by the boulé and the demos in honour of an archon
who had successfully pleaded an inheritance suit in Eusebeia pros tô Argaio (Kayseri). By this the city had come
into possession of certain property. Perhaps the text is to be dated to Ariarathes V (ṣ6ṭ-ṣṭṢ BC), who also re-
founded Mazaca (Kayseri) and was an active builder in the region in general, or perhaps slightly later. Cf. cur-
tius ṣ88ṢŞ cuMont ṣ9ṭṬŞ roBinson ṣ9ṭṬ, roBert ṣ96ṭ: στ7-τṬṭŞ lipiński ṣ97τ: ṣ8σ-ṣ9σŞ MitcHell ṣ99ṭ: 8ṭŞ
coHen ṣ99τ: ṭ78Ş talBert ṬṢṢṢ: 986. The reference to a person named Barsames is taken by Lipiński (p. ṣ9ṭ) as
proof that this individual was of Aramaic background, but the name might also be related to the name of the
nearby village of Barsama. This would further corroborate the identiication of Anisa and Kaneš. In proof of later
settlement at the site, the remains of a Roman cistern in the lower town area was reported during the ṬṢṢτ and
ṬṢṢ6-seasons and Kültepe, and in the seasons of ṬṢṢ7 and ṬṢṢ8 a total of ṣṬṢ Hellenistic, Roman and early me-
dieval graves were dug close by (information retrieved from the Türk Tarih Kurumu website in July ṬṢṣṢ and
personal communication F. Kulakoğlu). BÖrker-kläHn ṬṢṢ7: ṣṢṢ locates Anisa somewhere between Kültepe and
Kayseri, which seems unlikely in light of the local topography and a lack of archaeological evidence.
86σ. T. ÖZgüç ṣ9τṢ: ṣṢσ (kariye i-Kıŋı ).
86τ. liverani ṬṢṢṣ.
866. Cf. e.g. OAA ṣ, ṣ8 under section σ.ṣṬ.
867. Kt ṢṢ/k ṣṢ.
868. CCT Ṭ, ṣṣa.
869. AKT 6, σ.
87Ṣ. Kt g/k ṬṬṢ. Perhaps also Timelkiya, cf. CCT 6, σṢb.
87ṣ. Two words in the Akkadian language denote the two closely related concepts of border and a territory: pā u and
battu. The two are indistinguishable in Old Assyrian orthography. According to the CAD and the AHw the word
battum appears exclusively in the Assyrian dialect of Akkadian. It is translated as a side , the edge of an object
or a region , surroundings etc. The word pā u is attested only in the Babylonian dialects (including texts from
Amarna, Alalakh, Ugarit, Shemshara and Mari). It is translated as edge, border (of a plot of land) and boundary,
border (between two territories) . A detailed study of the concepts of frontier and territory in the Mari-texts has
appeared in cHarpin ṬṢṢσ. Given their dialectal distribution, it is possible to regard them as the same word. Judg-
ing by context alone, the Old Assyrian references may cover both meaningsŞ but battu ( region ) would it all
Ṭṭṣ
regional trade monopolies suggests that fairly precise deinitions of political and iscal bound-
aries would have existed. Perhaps they were akin to the topographical boundaries deined in
the later Hittite treaties.87Ṭ
Dercksen recently produced a study of the agrarian hinterland of Kaneš based on the
texts,87ṭ and the local topography has been examined in great detail by Forlanini.87σ Forlanini
tried to deine the boundaries of Kaneš by reference to the villages surrounding the city. He
discussed the toponomastic continuity in the region and suggested that a number of the vil-
lages recorded during the Colony Period reappear in later Hittite documents. He identiied the
village of Kazana with Kanzana in the Hittite province of Kukuwawa, which he located north
of the KızılırmakŞ87τ and he linked the villages of Tinipiya and Kibita with homonymous
settlements in the Hittite province of Washaniya.876 On this basis he argued that Kaneš in the
late Colony Period extended its territory into a region far north and west of Kültepe.877 He
also proposed to identify the toponym a-lá-ha- u-wa in kt g/t σṬ+ with the city of šalahšuwa
cases (for a possible exception, cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ76). All Old Assyrian instances appear to be in the plural:
O ṭ67τ (Brussel ṣ): I gave ṣ/ṭ mina of cedar in the territory of Burullum (l. 9-ṣṬ ṣ/ṭ ma-na e-re-na-am i-ba-té a
Bu-ru-lim a-dí-in)Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σ: They held me back and I paid Ṭ minas of copper in the territory of Tišmurna (l.
σ-7: Ṭ ma-na URUDU i-na ba-té a Tí-i -mur-na ik-lu-ú-ni-ma a-dí-in)Ş kt n/k ṭ88: Upon the king s return from
the sikkātum, I confronted him in his territory (l. σ-6: a-na ru-ba-im i -tù sí-kà-tim i-tù-a-ri- u i-ba-tí- u am-hu-
ur- u-ma)Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7: I paid 6 shekels of tin for lodgings in the territory of Hanaknak at the place where we
made a declaration under oath (l. ṭ-τ: 6 GÍN AN.NA i-na ba-té a Ha-na-ak-na-ak a- ar ni-iz-kà-ru a-na É ub-ri
a-dí-in Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ: They took 6 ṣ/ṭ shekels of tin as nishātum-tax in the territory of Zuhta (l. ṣσ-ṣτ: 6 ṣ/ṭ GÍN
AN.NA ni-‘is-] ha-tim i-na ‘ba]-té-e a Zu-ùh-ta ilτ-qé -ú (coll. from photo))Ş BIN σ, ṣṬσŞ BIN σ, ṣ6ṭ and TC ṭ,
ṣ6ṭ all refer to the same situation and so only BIN σ, ṣṬσ is quoted: I paid Ṭ shekels less ṣ/σ of tin for lodgings
in the territory of Razama (l. ṣ-τ: Ṭ LÁ ṣ/σ GÍN AN.NA a-na É-be-té ub-ri i-na ba-té a Ra-za-ma a-dí-in)Ş kt
c/k τ9τ: I paid ṣṣ minas and ṣṢ shekels of tin to the caravan in the territory of Eluha (l. ṣ6-ṣ8: ṣṣ ma-na ṣṢ GÍN
AN.NA i-na ba-té a E-lu-ha a-na e-lá-té a-dí-in)Ş CCT Ṭ, ṣ9b: Since he did nothing wrong, the palace wrote to
its guide at the frontier and I will return to Wahšušana (l. ṣṣ-ṣ6: ki-ma í-lá-tám lá i- u-ú É.GAL-lúm ra-dí- u
a-na ba-té i -pu-ra-ma a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a-tù-ar, coll. Larsen)Ş kt 87/k τṣ8: We paid? [x] shekels at the fron-
tier (l. ṣṬ-ṣṭ: [x] GÍN a-na ba-té ni-i ?-‘qul?])Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ: I paid 6 shekels of silver as nishātum-tax at the border
of [GN] (l. Ṭσ-Ṭ6: 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a -na ni-is-ha-tim a-ba-té ‘a GN] a-dí-in)Ş OIP Ṭ7, ṣṭ: Take the serv-
ant with you and he should hand them over in the territory of Kaneš (l. τ-7: ú-ha-ra-am i -tí-‘kà le]-qé-ma a-na
ba-té a Kà-ni-i li-ip-qí-sú-nu (but note Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: σσ n. Ṭ6), and kt e/k ṭσ: We had ṣ ṣ/ṭ minas and Ṭ
shekels of silver brought to the territory of Wašhaniya (l. ṣ8-ṬṢ: ṣ ṣ/ṭ ma-na Ṭ GÍN a-na ba -‘x] Wa -‘á ]-ha-
ni-a nu- é-biσ-ilτ). I am grateful to Hakan Erol for collating this text for me. The reference in CAD vol. B: ṣ68 to
VAT ṣṭτσ7 (VS Ṭ6, τṭ) l. ṣ9 is wrong. TC ṣ, ṬσṢ (EL 8) is doubtful.
87Ṭ. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: section Ṭ.6. For Hittite examples, cf. e.g. BeckMan ṣ999.
87ṭ. Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b. See also klengel ṬṢṢτ, ṬṢṢ6, ṬṢṢ7 for an analysis of the Hittite organisation of agriculture.
87σ. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb.
87τ. Kt g/t ṭ6 (l. ṬṬ): Ga-za-na and KBo Ṭ.7 vs. Ṭ : Gaz-za-na-aŞ KUB ṭ8.6 (col. i): Ṭ7: Kán-za-‘a?-n]a-a and HT Ṭ
(col. v): ṬṢ: Ga-an-za-na.
876. Kt g/t σṬ (l. Ṭ9): Tí-ni-bi-a and KUB Ṭ6.σṭ (col. i): ṭ7: uruTi-ni-pí-ia (the deed of Sahurunuwa). Kt g/t σṬ (l. ṭṬ):
Ki-biσ-ta and KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ vs. ṣṢ : Ki-bi-it-ta. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ7σ n. Ṭṭ makes a point of distinguishing
Kipitta from the similarly named Kapitta attested in KBo ṣṬ.τṬ, but forlanini ṬṢṢ9b: σṭ associates Kap-pí-it-ta
in KBo ṣṬ.ṣṭτ (col. vi): 7 -ṣṢ with the mountain of Erciyes and lists Kapitta in KBo ṣṬ.τṬ (col. ii): Ṭ URUKa-bi-
it-t‘a] under the section on Wašhaniya (ibid. p. τṢ). The number of homomyms on village level renders the entire
analysis uncertain.
877. The exact directions of course depend upon the location of Kukuwawa and Wašhaniya. Forlanini places Wašhaniya
south of the Kızılırmak and west of Kaneš. The present book suggests that a location inside the bend of the
Kızılırmak is possible as well (cf. τ.ṣṣ). forlanini ṣ999a discusses the evidence for a northern expansion of
Kaneš on grounds of the onomastic material found in the texts. According to him, toponyms such as Zuliya, Sak-
dunuwa and Sarpunuwa link Kaneš to the northern regions. This is certainly possible, but it is dificult to see why
it would have any political as opposed to cultural implications. The suggestion made in forlanini ṣ99τ: ṣṬσŞ
ṬṢṢ8a: 77 that the royal name Hurmeli at Kaneš implies that Hurama was a dependency of Kaneš seems unneces-
sary. That Hurmeli of Kaneš and Hurmeli of Harsamna should be the same individual as assumed by forlanini
ṬṢṢ8a: 76-77 is also dificult to follow, cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press. The observation in forlanini
ṣ999a that the Anitta text deals exclusively with an expansion of Kuššara to the west of Kaneš seems appropriate,
but the exact historical implications of this are unclear.
ṬṭṬ
σ.ṣτ KANEš
Map 14: The heartland of Kane . On this British map based on authorities dated c. 1890-1910 many of the
ancient toponyms (Tavlasun, Manjusun, Suksun, Arlisa, cf. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ76 n. ṭσ) have been pre-
served. The map the sites identiied in forlanini ṣ99Ṭb highlights. As an appropriate illustration of the rule
that the number of homonyms grows on village level, there are two places on the map named Gesi and two
almost identically villages named: Dadusu and Dedesin. A probable course of the main roads is shown in
red.
(cf. section σ.ṣṣ), placing it east of Kültepe on the Zamanti Su (Yenice Irmak) and extending
the territory of Kaneš in that direction.
A dificulty with this type of analysis is that the incidence of homonyms grows consider-
ably on a village level. The fact that the political inluence of Kaneš did reach beyond the
Kızılırmak during the late period of the Old Assyrian trade is undoubtedly true since Anitta
and Pithana are known to have ruled Amkuwa (cf. section τ.ṣṢ) well north of Kültepe.878
Given that the two main texts listing the toponyms discussed by Forlanini are late administra-
tive lists from the local administration in Kaneš,879 his identiication of Kazana and Kibita
with the later Hittite provincial towns seems possible. But Forlanini went on to identify a few
toponyms in the texts from Kültepe with modern place names in the region solely on the basis
of linguistic similarities. Kazina was equated with a modern village named Gesi, 9 km north-
east of Kültepe,88Ṣ Mašika was identiied with Persian and Classical Mazaka, i.e. Kayseri on
the ive hills,88ṣ Tataša was taken to be modern Dadasun 7 km southwest of Kültepe,88Ṭ and he
878. This expansion may have taken place even earlier if the text OIP Ṭ7, τṭ was in fact notarised at Ali ar where it
was found, cf. fn. 8τ7 above.
879. Kt g/t ṭ6 and kt g/t σṬ+ both found on the mound of Kültepe and dated to the Ib period, cf. Bilgiç ṣ96σ.
88Ṣ. Kt g/t σṬ+ (l. Ṭ7): Ga-zi-na.
88ṣ. Kt g/t ṭ6 (l. Ṭ6)Ş kt g/t σṬ+ (l. ṣṢ): Ma- í-ga. Cf. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ7σ for a discussion of the problems associ-
ated with its probable Persian etymology. The distance between Kültepe and the Kale in Kayseri is c. ṬṢ km.
88Ṭ. ICK ṭ, Ṭṣb (l. τ ): Ta-ta- a. Cf. p. ṭ9. Again our authorities on the location of the modern village seems to disa-
Ṭṭṭ
Fig. 29: Overview of the Plain of Kane .
proposed that Waršabama might correspond to contemporary Barsama c. ṣṬ km northeast of

the site.88ṭ
This approach runs into a serious problem related to the growing frequency of homonyms
on a village level. As an example, Forlanini s authority for locating Gesi refers to a village of
that name northeast of KültepeŞ88σ but, as seen from map ṣσ above, at least two more villages
named Gesi were located south and southeast of the site in early modern times.88τ The fact that
two or even three villages named Gesi existed within a ṣṢ km radius of Kültepe casts serious
doubt on the general validity of toponomastic analyses on this level of detail (cf. section Ṭ.8).
In addition to the material brought together by Forlanini, one can now include a number
of settlements located in the area of Kaneš that have turned up in the texts in recent years.
Most important is Tumliya, which occurs a number of times in the archive of šalim-Aššur
son of Issu-arik.886 Other new toponyms have been compiled recently by Dercksen,887 and a
gree. On the old British map Dadusu is located east of Erkilet and near the modern Oymaağaç Mh. c. Ṭτ west-
southwest of Kültepe. The other possibility is the now abandoned village of Dedesin, only Ṭ,τ km southwest of
Kültepe.
88ṭ. The new oficial name of the village is ‘avu ağa. It is located 7 km by the old road from Kültepe. The reference
is kt g/t ṭ6 (l. ṣṭ): Wa-ar- a-ma. Collated by DonBaZ ṣ99Ṣ: σṭτ as Wa-ar- a-ba-ma. Hakan Erol kindly collated
the text for me, conirming the reading by Veysel Donbaz.
88σ. HilD & restle ṣ98ṣ: ṬṢṬ.
88τ. One of the villages still exists today under the name Melikgazi and the old road connecting it to Kültepe 7,τ km
to the north is clearly visible on satellite images. Probably this is the route mentioned by T. ÖZgüç ṣ9τṢ: ṣṣṭ. An
ancient bridge connects the two at ṭ8 σ8 Ṭτ.78 N, ṭτ σṢ ṣσ.ṣσ E.
886. The references to large amounts of grain taken from Tumliya to Kaneš imply that the two were located close to-
gether: AKT 6, ṭṢσŞ AKT 6, ṬṢṢŞ kt 9σ/k 8σ6Ş AKT 6, ṣ7σŞ AKT 6, ṣσṣ. (Refers to ṭṬṢ sacks of grain, plus 8Ṣ sacks
and two pots of grain as interest)Ş AKT 6, ṣσṬ. (Related to the previous text)Ş kt 9σ/k 99ṬŞ AKT 6, ṬṬτ. Refers to
ṭσ sacks and σ pots of grainŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṬṬ6Ş AKT 6, ṣ7τŞ kt 9σ/k ṣτṣ7 (referring to the woman (awēltum) of the
man of Tumliya. Alongside references to the man of Tumliya taking and receiving objects from the Assyrians, it
would seem that he was a kind of local lord, although he presumably was not an actual ruler, since his wife would
then be styled as queen )Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣ, (Tu-me-li-a)Ş AKT 6, ṣṬ9. Refers to a perdum-animal brought by the man
of Tumliya ). Outside of the archive of šalim-Aššur Tumliya occurs in kt 9ṣ/k ṭστ (written: Tù-me-li-a)Ş kt 9σ/k
σṣṣ (nisbe)Ş KTS Ṭ, τ7Ş kt n/k τṢτ. The reference in kt 9ṣ/k ṭστ implies that Tù-me-li-ya was located on the road
to Wahšušana, but the unique spelling suggests that it may have been a homonymous settlement (cf. τ.ṣṭ). Cf. also
CCT τ, ṭτc discussed below.
887. Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b: ṣṭ9 n. ṣ, (Hailawakuwa, Meliliya, Tahišra, Talwahšušara, Teramega, Tarimišna and Tiwara).
Ṭṭσ
σ.ṣτ KANEš
Fig. 30: The site of Yassıdağ.
few more possible candidates can be added here: Harkimna,888 Utišša, Umeliya889 and Tu-
bezi.89Ṣ
Regardless of their exact location, one gets the image of a central city surrounded by a
densely settled agricultural hinterland. The plain of Kültepe would have been dotted with vil-
lages and hamlets,89ṣ and beyond was a much larger territory under the political control from
Kaneš.89Ṭ
Dercksen followed a topographical approach to deine the frontiers of the city, but under-
lined their dynamic nature and linked the territorial expansion of Kaneš to its growing success
as a commercial centre.89ṭ He drew upon data from von der Osten s archaeological recogni-
sance in the region and Jennings work on the Kayseri plain in the sixteenth century AD to
deine the natural boundaries of the plain.89σ Dercksen regarded this as the natural limit of
Kaneš as an agrarian unit, and he took any expansion beyond those boundaries to be a result
of the political success that came with commercial importance.
888. Kt m/k σ. Refers to bread and water from Harkimna.

889. CCT τ, ṭτc (cf. ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: Ṭ8ṣ-Ṭ8Ṭ) refers to the miller of Utišša, the fuller, the leather worker and an indi-
vidual named Kikaršan of Umeliya. Perhaps identical to Tumliya.
89Ṣ. Kt 9σ/k ṭ77. Other candidates appear in kt s/t 9ṬŞ kt 9ṭ/k 6Ṣσ, but it is unclear whether the names listed are topo-
nyms or personal names.
89ṣ. This stands in contrast to the observations offered by Yakar ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭṭṣ on the basis of the archaeological evidence:
the scarcity of Bronze Age mounds in this region, especially around Kültepe, could perhaps indicate that its ag-
ricultural capacity at the time either could not support a dense concentration of settlements or was not fully ex-
ploited . It is remarkable that the number of known Bronze Age settlements around Kültepe is so low, but this is
presumably the result of a lack of systematic surveys in the region (cf. Brown ṣ967Ş Yakar & gürsan-salZMann
ṣ979Ş güneri ṬṢṢτ) as well as heavy alluviation of the plain (kasHiMa et al. ṬṢṢτ). This situation is about to be
rectiied by the current excavator of Kültepe, who is currently planning such survey operations (pers. comm.). The
textual evidence implies that a large number of small settlements surrounded Kültepe and for a city of this size we
should assume that the agricultural potential plain (ca. 6τ kmṬ) was fully exploited as implied in Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b.
89Ṭ. wilkinson ṣ99σ operates with an average ṣτ km agricultural catchment zone surrounding each city while Morgan
& coulton ṣ997: ṣṬτ-ṣṬ6 settle for half as much based on the Classical Greek evidence.
89ṭ. Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b: ṣσṢf.
89σ. von Der osten ṣ9ṭṢŞ jennings ṣ99ṭ.
Ṭṭτ
Fig. 31: The village of Barsema.
In most respects this is a fairly straightforward exercise due to the nature of the local to-
pography. Northeast of Kültepe two passes form possible boundaries, one at Bünyan (Lâle-
beli Geçidi) and one just south of Gemerek (Be tepeler Geçidi).89τ South and east of Kaneš
the Erciyes and its foothills create a formidable barrier, and the Kızılırmak deines the most
obvious boundary toward the northwest. Only the western limit can be the matter of some
debate. Jennings drew the boundary as far west as Gül ehir, but the irst natural barrier seems
to be the dry plateau that follows the southern bank of the river from around Bir Göz Köprü
and gradually transforms into the carstic landscape of central Cappadocia.
Southwest of the Erciyes the plain between Ye ilhisar and Develi is a perennial lake and
marsh,896 and surveys conducted in the area imply that the ancient settlements stayed west of
the modern road from Incesu and Ye ilhisar.897 Nevertheless, a route must have crossed the
plain at some point to reach Develi and the road marked by Hittite monuments that led east to
Tufanbeyli and Ye ilköy. A road leading south to Niğde and the Cilician Gates would surely
also have been in use, but the area was beyond the Assyrian orbit of trade and the cities that
are known to have been in this area therefore only appear in the onomastic material from
Kaneš.898
The main route from Kaneš to the west probably crossed the Kızılırmak close to the city
and bypassed the region of Cappadocia as it did in Roman times. The crossings at Bir Göz
Köprü and ‘ok Göz Köprü connected Kaneš to the two main routes leading further north into
Anatolia, both of them dictated by natural features.899 The western route from Bir Göz Köprü
89τ. The area may have been densely forested in antiquity, cf. Yakar & gürsan-salZMann ṣ979: ṭ9Ş DinçÖl & Darga
ṣ97Ṣ, but see asouti in press.
896. Now the Sultan Sazlığı Ku Cenneti reservation for birds. For a pre-modern map of the region, see e.g. HogartH
ṣ9ṢṬ.
897. güneri ṬṢṢτ.
898. Cf. e.g. Tuwanuwa (AKT ṭ, ṣσ) and Hupišnuman (kt b/k Ṭ6Ṣb).
899. See also cornelius ṣ96σ: ṣσŞ Meriggi ṣ966: 8ṭ. Note garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: Ṭ, who state that Barnett found
Hittite pottery at ‘e nir Köprü. frencH ṣ97σ states that it is: clear the road does not cross the Kızılırmak at
Avanos as often thought.
Ṭṭ6
σ.ṣτ KANEš
Fig. 32: The reconstruction of the

network of Hittite roads south of Sivas
by T. Ökse, based upon archaeological
surveys of the region. From Ökse
ṬṢṢṢa. (Reproduced with kind
permission from the author).
appears to have followed the modern Route Ṭ6Ṣ to Kır ehir and Yassıhöyük, passing the
mounds in Himmetdede and Topaklı. The eastern road led across ‘ok Göz Köprü north to
Boğazlıyan, Ali ar and Alaca. The three long valleys separating Kaneš from the Kızılırmak
due north of Kültepe seem much less densely settled, and the modern and now submerged
road that connected Güne li to Felâhiye crossed the river in a deep gorge that may have been
avoided in antiquity.
The river that formed the Kaneš Plain is the Sarımsaklı,9ṢṢ which descends from Bünyan
and passes along the site of Kültepe to Boğazköprü and a marshy delta. Today the river is
barely visible due to intensive irrigation, but in Ottoman times it had to be bridged to allow
Map 15: The main passes leading to Kane .
9ṢṢ. Literally: Like/with/of garlic in reference to its source at Bünyan (former Sarımsaklı) known for its large produc-
tion of alliaceae.
Ṭṭ7
Fig. 33: View from Limpara to the north.
trafic to pass.9Ṣṣ According to its excavator, the river used to pass right by the southern edge
of the mound of Kültepe,9ṢṬ and an Old Assyrian house sale implies that it ran through the
lower town area.9Ṣṭ
The area to the northeast of Kültepe is mainly known from the two excavations undertaken
by Emre and her team at Sultanhanı and Yassıdağ (Palas).9Ṣσ Both sites are relatively small but
ideally located to guard the road (both are on the modern railway line) and harvest salt from
the nearby Tuzla Gölü.9Ṣτ Slightly further to the north, the hilltop fortress at Karaözü with
pottery dated to the Middle Bronze Age guards an important crossing of the Kızılırmak.9Ṣ6
Whether the region north of Lâlebeli belonged to the territory of Kaneš is unclear, but it is
worth noting that the modern boundary between the provinces of Kayseri and Sivas runs from
Be tepeler down to Karaözü and follows the topography.9Ṣ7
The lack of any evidence for a direct road between Kaneš and šamuha implies that the
modern Route ṬṢṢ along the Kızılırmak River played a minor role in the Colony Period com-
9Ṣṣ. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṬṬσ states that the river is 7 meters wide Ṭ,τ km from Kayseri. He thereupon visits
Kültepe (being the irst to measure its dimensions – 7ṢṢ yards in diameter), and notes that the Sarimsak now
began to narrow much, and the stream had become a mere rivulet. We crossed it by a wooden bridge … .
9ṢṬ. F. Kulakoğlu (pers. comm).
9Ṣṭ. Kt n/k ṣ888: The house of šu-Belum adjacent to his own house and the storehouse at the bridge (l. 9-ṣṣ): É be-
tám a u-Be-lim a é-hi É be-tí- u ú a-bu-sú a tí-tù-ri-im. The river Humatum appears in three related docu-
ments kt n/k ṣ87, kt n/k τσṣ and kt n/k 7ṣτ. Contra BaYraM ṣ997: 6Ṣ the context (as well as the possible Hittite
etymology of Humatum = Humant) implies that the river was located near Kaneš. Perhaps it is to be identiied
with the Sarımsaklɩ? AKT 6, 9 and kt d/k Ṭ7b (cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b: ṣσ9) refer to a well in Kaneš, showing that
water was not drawn (exclusively) from the river.
9Ṣσ. Cf. Appendix Ṭ.ṣ. The medieval caravanserai on the road between Kayseri and Sivas is located near a natural
spring. Barsama (ancient Warsabama, according to Forlanini) is on this.
9Ṣτ. For the trade in salt, cf. ṣ.ṭ. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṬṬ7 records that the salt lake at Palas (Yassıdağ) was har-
vested for ṣ,ṢṢṢ wagonloads of salt per year.
9Ṣ6. von Der osten ṣ9ṭṢ: ṣṭ8-ṣṭ9Ş Yakar & gürsan-salZMann ṣ979: ṭ9, τṬŞ Ökse ṣ99ṭ: Ṭσ no. ṢṢṣ. The site is also
known from Roman times, see raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: Ṭ7Ṣ.
9Ṣ7. Note the description of the now invisible mound Meriggi ṣ966: 78 at nearby Gemerek. The author emphasises the
large size of the site. A large höyük is visible in satellite photos of arkı la as well, but most parts except for the
kale are covered with modern houses. A visit to the site revealed no useful evidence.
Ṭṭ8
σ.ṣτ KANEš
Fig. 34: Limpara Höyük and the Zamanti Su (Yenice Irmak).
pared to the routes over the Uzunyayla. This may of course be a result of the mercantile bias
of the sources and the particular function of the Narrow Track (cf. section σ.9), but it is inter-
esting to note that ›kse in her study of the Bronze Age routes in the province of Sivas reached
a similar conclusion.9Ṣ8 Although her results may have been inluenced by a lack of any cor-
responding surveys on the Kayseri side of the provincial border, the settlement hierarchy and
the ceramic assemblage both point in a direction from Sivas across the Uzunyayla towards
Malatya.
If the plain north of the Lâlebeli pass belonged to the state of Kaneš, then the territory un-
der the control of the city would have covered an area of as much as ṣ.7ṢṢ kmṬ before count-
ing its extensions into the plain of Develi or the expansion in the direction of Ali ar. This
extensive territory would presumably have included thinly populated areas such as the Erci-
yes, the marshes of the Sarımsaklı and the folded region northwest of Kültepe where the
Kızılırmak runs through a narrow gorge.
If one is to follow Forlanini s suggestion and locate šalahšuwa on the Zamanti Su, then
this would also place the plain of Tomarza on the eastern side of Erciyes under the direct
control of Kaneš during the Ib period. This might explain why the king of Mamma appears to
have considered himself a neighbour of Kaneš (σ.ṣṭ). The mound of Limpara Höyük on the
Zamanti would be a possible candidate for šalahšuwa,9Ṣ9 but it would not explain why the city
only occurs in so few of the itineraries that connect Hurama and Kaneš (σ.ṣṣ).
Coming from Elbistan the natural road to Kaneš follows the course of the Khurman Su and
skirts the modern town of Sariz before descending into the north-south corridor that connects
Göksun to Pınarba ı. Here the traveller can choose between a fair number of different passes
leading to the Kayseri Plain. The importance of those passes have changed through time.
Travelling through the area in the late ṣ9th century, Hogarth listed seven main passes to Kay-
seri – the Yedi Oluk, Kabak Tepe, Kuru ‘ay, Kuru Bel, Gök Bel, Dede Bel and Gez Bel (cf.
9Ṣ8. Ökse ṬṢṢṢa: 9Ṣ and ig. ṭŞ ṬṢṢṣa: ig. τŞ ṬṢṢσ.

9Ṣ9. Brown ṣ967: no 8 (erronously named Himepara). A fairly small site situated on a natural rock formation.
Ṭṭ9
map ṣ6).9ṣṢ In Byzantine times the Kuru ‘ay appears to have been the one most frequently
used, but in the Roman Empire the Gez Bel leading from ar to Fraktın was preferred instead.
Judging by the monuments at Fraktın and Imam Kulu this was also a favoured route during
the Hittite period. Today the road from Kayseri to Kahramanmara enters Central Anatolia
from the south through Yedi Oluk. The shortest route from Elbistan to Kültepe passes through
the Kuru ‘ay and descends right next to Limpara Höyük while the easier but longer route
goes north via Yedi Oluk. The Assyrians presumably used several of the passesŞ their choice
depending upon what direction they came from, the length of the route, and which passes
were closed by snow. The shortest route from Karahöyük Elbistan to Kültepe passes through
Tanır, Sarız, Limpara, Ekrek, Karatay, Akme cit, Kanber, Kuruköprü, Salkuma, Gesi and
E elı.
The extensions of Kaneš into Amkuwa and Wašhaniya will be dealt with separately in the
coming chapter. The present section has already argued how important the strategic location
of Kaneš was for its function as the primary hub of trade coming from Mesopotamia, and
since Cilicia appears to have been off limits for the Assyrian traders, the only alternative to
passing through Kaneš was a lengthy trip north and east across the Uzunyayla and through the
pass at Yıldızeli near Sivas. In contrast, all roads north and west into Cappadocia lay open
from Kaneš.
9ṣṢ. HogartH ṣ89ṭ: 669.
ṬσṢ
The Lands North and West of Kaneš
The city-states north and west of Kaneš extended across the elevated plateau of Central Ana-
tolia into the Black Sea region. Compared to the Taurus this is a relatively open landscape that
allows easy passage of people and goods. The ancient routes crossing the plateau were less
constrained by the topography than the areas to the south and east. Instead, the rivers, dry
areas and forests determined the course of routes. Like the region east of Kaneš, Central Ana-
tolia during the Colony Period was divided into a number of large city-states connected by
constantly changing political alliances and trade.
The wares brought from Assur were not only sold on the market in Kaneš, but were fre-
quently sent further into Anatolia with agents or as sale on credit. The wares could also enter
Anatolia by smuggling or via the Narrow Track in the east. The proceeds could be invested in
a brisk local trade in wool and copper (cf. section ṣ.ṭ), and the records of such activities rep-
resent the main source of evidence for the present chapter. This analysis depends as much
upon a correct interpretation of the way in which the Assyrian trade was organised as the to-
pography, geographical clusters and itineraries .
In spite of the wealth of written documentation, only twenty Central Anatolian toponyms
appear in the texts with such frequency that it is possible to suggest their location. The Assyr-
ian records focus only on a tiny fraction of the hundreds of settlements that are known to have
existed in Anatolia from occasional references in the texts.9ṣṣ A number of the chief Hattian
cities and cult centres that igure prominently in the later Hittite material never occur in the
Assyrian records,9ṣṬ and it seems that political and historical changes alone cannot account for
this discrepancy.
The particular bias of the texts from Kaneš means that only a select group of cities located
on the main routes of transport igure regularly in the records. The itinerant traders would
presumably peddle their wares throughout Central Anatolia, but no record was kept of their
activities apart from a contract of credit, which simply states that a set amount of silver was
due by a certain date. The records kept at Kaneš mainly deal with larger transactions, tied to
a handful of prominent markets and the routes connecting them. Most important are the four
great termini on the two major routes that crossed Anatolia: Kaneš, Durhumit, Wahšušana and
Purušhaddum. Kaneš was the gateway into Anatolia, Durhumit was the chief outlet for cop-
per, Purušhaddum was the main emporium for the trade in copper, tin, wool and textiles, and
Wahšušana was a key port of transit where the copper road and the main road between Kaneš
and Purušhaddum intersected.
The present chapter is structured according to the copper route across Anatolia and begins
with a discussion of the location of Durhumit at the easternmost end of the system. Due to the
9ṣṣ. Cf. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ with later additions in BaYraM ṣ997 and kuZuoğlu ṬṢṢ7a.
9ṣṬ. The list includes Katapa, Zippalanda, Arinna, Nerik, Anziliya, Hakmis, Zithara, Hurna, Hanhana, Hattena, Maris-
ta, Sapinuwa and probably also Zalpuwa.
Ṭσṣ
CHAPTER τ: THE LANDS NORTH AND WEST OF KANEš
consequences of its location for the reconstruction, particular care is taken to present the pre-
vious discussions of its position and it is argued why the predominant hypothesis for its loca-
tion should be corrected. Then follows an analysis of the towns surrounding Durhumit and
how they were connected to the regional cluster east of Kaneš via the Narrow Track. The
analysis follows the copper route west and south, and the chapter ends by examining the top-
onyms west of the Kızılırmak.
5.1 Durhumit9ṣṭ
Durhumit was the central market for copper in Anatolia and was presumably located in a
strategic position in relation to the main areas of extraction. Durhumit occurs in more than
two hundred twenty Old Assyrian texts, and like Assur and Kaneš it appears a great number
of times in contexts that contain no geographical information. The statistical analysis pro-
duces a complex image, and the city occurs in relatively few itineraries compared to the
total number of times it is attested.
In table Ṭṣ and graph ṣσ references to Kaneš have been included to illustrate how often the
major trading centres occur out of technical reasons instead of geographical proximity. On the
same grounds one cannot use the statistical analysis to argue that Purušhaddum and Wahšušana
were closely located to Durhumit. These were all major emporia and they are mentioned for
commercial reasons. All three cities are left out of the discussion of the Durhumit cluster.9ṣσ
9ṣṭ. Attestations of Durhumit are found in: Dí-ir-hu-mì-it: AKT 6, ṣσσ, Du-ur-mì-it: RA 6Ṣ, ṣσṭ, Du-ur-hu-mì-it: kt
8ṭ/k ṣτ6Ş kt 87/k ṭσṢŞ kt 87/k ṭ7ṢŞ kt 87/k ṭ8ṭŞ kt 87/k σṭ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬ7Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k 7τṣŞ
AKT Ṭ, ṬṬŞ AKT ṭ, τṢŞ AKT τ, 6Ş AKT τ, τ7Ş AKT τ, τ8Ş AKT 6, Ṭ69Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE ṭ8Ş BIN σ, Ṭ6Ş BIN σ, 7ṢŞ
BIN σ, ṣ7ṬŞ CCT ṭ, ṣ6bŞ CCT σ, σṬbŞ CCT τ, ṣṭaŞ CCT τ, ṣσbŞ CCT 6, ṣ8cŞ CCT 6, ṬσbŞ kt c/k ṭ6Ş kt c/k 96Ş kt
c/k ṣ6ṢŞ kt c/k ττ6Ş kt c/k 7σṭŞ ICK Ṭ, τσŞ ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9ṭŞ I 7τṢŞ kt j/k ṣṢ7Ş KTK ṣσŞ KTS ṣ, ṭbŞ KTS ṣ, ṣ9aŞ kt n/k
ṣσṢŞ kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k σ8ṭŞ kt n/k ṣσ7σŞ kt n/k ṣ67ṭŞ POAT 8Ş POAT Ṭ8Ş TC ṭ, ṬṣṣŞ TC ṭ, Ṭṣ6Ş VS Ṭ6, σσŞ Wink-
enbach 7, Du-ur-hu-mi-tu: kt 8ṭ/k ṣ8ṭ, Durσ-mì-it: LB ṣṬ9Ṭ, Du-ru-ùh-mì-it: BIN σ, 9ṭŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ TC Ṭ, τṬŞ
Durσ-hi-mì-it: AKT τ, τ8a, Durσ-ùh-mì-it: OIP Ṭ7, τ6, Durσ-hu-mì-it: kt 78/Et 8ṭŞ kt 87/k ṭτṢŞ kt 87/k σ6ṢŞ kt 87/k
τṬ9Ş kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢṭŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣσṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ8ṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭ9ṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṣṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k
σṭ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k ṭστŞ kt 9ṭ/k σ7ṬŞ kt 9ṭ/k τστŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k Ṭ87Ş kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ7τŞ kt 9σ/k σṢ8Ş kt 9σ/k
σ8τŞ kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ kt 9σ/k τṢτŞ kt 9σ/k τṭ9Ş kt 9σ/k τ7τŞ kt 9σ/k τ78Ş kt 9σ/k 8ττŞ kt 9σ/k 887Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢττŞ kt 9σ/k
ṣṣṬσŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṣṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṣ8ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσ6τŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσ78Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ AAA ṣ, ṭŞ kt a/k ṭṢṢŞ kt a/k στṣbŞ kt
a/k ττ6Ş kt a/k 977Ş kt a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ AKT ṣ, ṣ7Ş AKT ṣ, 66a+bŞ AKT ṣ, 7σŞ AKT Ṭ, τṢŞ AKT ṭ, σ9Ş AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ,
τŞ AKT τ, 7τŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ AKT 6, ṣ8ṭŞ AKT 6, ṣ9τŞ AKT 6, ṬṭṢŞ AKT 6, ṬσṭŞ AKT 6, ṬτṣŞ AKT 6, ṬττŞ AKT 6,
Ṭ6σŞ AKT 6, Ṭ67Ş AKT 6, Ṭ68Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7ṬŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7τŞ AKT 6, Ṭ77Ş AKT 6, Ṭ8ṣ, AKT 6, ṭṣτ, AKT 6, ṭσσŞ AKT
6, ṭ99Ş AKT 6, τṢṣŞ AKT 6, τṢṬŞ Ank. ṣ7Ş AnOr 6, ṣṬŞ ATHE ṬṬa+bŞ BIN σ, ṣ9Ş BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, σ9Ş BIN σ, τṬŞ
BIN σ, 6σŞ BIN σ, 87Ş BIN 6, ṣ96Ş CCT Ṭ, ṣ6bŞ CCT Ṭ, ṭṢŞ CCT ṭ, ṣŞ CCT ṭ, 7bŞ CCT σ, Ṭ7aŞ CCT σ, ṭ8aŞ CCT σ,
σ8aŞ CCT τ, 6bŞ CCT τ, ṣṢbŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ kt c/k ṣṬṢŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k Ṭτ6Ş kt c/k Ṭ79Ş kt c/k Ṭ99Ş kt c/k ṭṭ8Ş kt
c/k τσ8Ş kt c/k 7τσŞ kt c/k 8σṣbŞ kt c/k 8σ6a+bŞ CTMMA ṣ, 79Ş CTMMA ṣ, 8σaŞ CTMMA ṣ, 97Ş kt f/k ṣ8ṭŞ ICK ṣ,
8τŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ87Ş ICK Ṭ, ṣσṣŞ I σσ6Ş I τṢσŞ I τṢ7Ş I τṬτŞ I τṭτŞ I τ6ṣŞ I τ98Ş I 676Ş I 69ṢŞ I 79ṢŞ I 8σṬŞ Ka ṭ98Ş kt
k/k 6ṣbŞ kt k/k ṣṢσŞ kt k/k ṣṣṬŞ KTS ṣ, ττaŞ KTS Ṭ, ṭ9Ş kt a/k σ97a+bŞ MNK 6ṭ6Ş kt n/k ṬṣṢŞ kt n/k Ṭṣ8Ş kt n/k
66ṣŞ kt n/k 8ṢτŞ kt n/k ṣṬ77Ş kt n/k ṣṬ89Ş kt n/k ṣṭṬṣŞ kt n/k ṣσṢ8Ş kt n/k ṣστṣŞ kt n/k ṣσ97Ş kt n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ kt n/k
ṣ8σṬŞ POAT ṬŞ RA 6Ṣ, ṣṬ8 (AO ṣṣṬṣ6)Ş Rosenberg ṣŞ TC ṣ, ṣσŞ TC ṣ, Ṭ7Ş TC ṣ, ṭτŞ TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ TC Ṭ, ṬṭŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ6Ş
TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣσṭŞ TC ṭ, ṣσ9Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, 7Ş TPAK ṣ, σσa+bŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa+bŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ66Ş TPAK ṣ,
ṣ8ṣŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ89Ş TPAK ṣ, ṣ96Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣ8Ş VS Ṭ6, 7ṣŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣ7ṬŞ Durx-hu-mì-it: kt 9ṣ/k σṣτ.
9ṣσ. Attestations of Durhumit together with other cities are found in: Badna: TC ṭ, Ṭṣṣ, Baniharzum: AKT τ, 6, Bu-
ruddum: TC ṣ, 8ṣ, āl Buṭnātim: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Eluhhut: TC ṣ, 8ṣ, Hahhum: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş AKT 6, ṬσṭŞ AKT 6, ṭσσŞ
TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ Hanaknak: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT τ, 6, Hanika: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Hapalzi: AKT ṭ, τṢ, Haqa: TPAK
ṣ, 7, Hattum: AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ kt h/k ṭ8, Hattu : AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6Ş kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, Hurama: kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ
AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ POAT 8, Kane : kt 78/Et 8ṭŞ kt 87/k ṭτṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṣṭ8Ş kt a/k 977Ş kt a/k
ṣṢτ6bŞ AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, 7τŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ AKT 6, Ṭ68Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7ṬŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ AKT 6,
Ṭ77Ş AKT 6, Ṭ8ṣŞ AKT 6, τṢṣŞ AKT 6, τṢṬŞ AnOr 6, ṣṬŞ BIN σ, τṬŞ kt c/k Ṭ79Ş CCT τ, 6bŞ CTMMA ṣ, 8σaŞ kt f/k
ṣ8ṭŞ I σσ6Ş I 676Ş ICK Ṭ, ṣσṣŞ kt j/k ṣṢ7Ş kt k/k 6ṣbŞ kt k/k ṣṢσŞ MNK 6ṭ6Ş kt n/k 66ṣŞ kt n/k ṣṬ77Ş kt n/k ṣστṣŞ
POAT ṬŞ POAT 8Ş RA 6Ṣ, ṣṬ8Ş TC ṣ, ṭτŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, 7Ş TPAK ṣ, σσa+bŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣbŞ TPAK ṣ,
ṬσṬ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
Badna ṣ Kuburnat 7 Tapaggaš ṣ

Baniharzum ṣ Kunanamit ṭ Tawiniya ṭ
Buruddum ṣ Kuššara ṣ Tegarama Ṭ
āl Bu nātim ṣ Luhuzattiya ṣ Tišmurna 9
Eluhhut ṣ Mamma ṭ Timelkiya 7
Hahhum σ Marithum τ Tuhpiya τ
Hanaknak ṭ Ninašša Ṭ Ušbugattum ṣ
Hanika ṣ Purušhaddum Ṭ8 Ulama τ
Hapalzi ṣ Qa ara ṣ Wašhaniya ṭ
Haqa ṣ šalahšuwa σ Wahšušana ṭṭ
Hattum Ṭ šalatuwar 9 Wazida ṣ
Hattuš ṭ šinahuttum Ṭ Zalpa ṣ
Hurama σ šuppiluliya ṣ Zimišhuna Ṭ
Kaneš στ Taedizina ṣ Zuhta ṣ
āl Kubilšan ṣ Talhat Ṭ
Table Ṭṣ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Durhumit.
Once the three great trading ports are left out of consideration the graph gives a fairly clear
picture (Graph ṣσ).
Hanaknak, Kuburnat, šalatuwar, Tišmurna, Timelkiya and Tuhpiya all appear as possible
candidates for the geographical cluster. Kuburnat is particularly prominent with six itinerar-
ies out of seven attestations, but also Hanaknak (three out of three), šalatuwar and perhaps
also Tišmurna (three out of nine) appear to be connected to the city.
The position of Timelkiya at the head of the Narrow Track has already been discussed
previously under sections σ.8 and σ.9. Timelkiya was located near the Euphrates, and there
was a number of cities between it and Durhumit. The two appear together because they rep-
resent two extremities of a route that led east of Kaneš, and accordingly Timelkiya should be
excluded from the geographical cluster. For similar reasons šalatuwar can be removed as well
ṣ66, āl Kubil an: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Kuburnat: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT τ, 6Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7τŞ AKT 6,
ṭṣτŞ kt n/k Ṭṣ8, Kunanamit: KTS ṣ, ṣ9aŞ POAT ṬŞ VS Ṭ6, 7ṣ, Kussara: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Luhuzattiya AKT 6, σ9ṣ,
Mamma: kt 9σ/k ṣσ6τŞ kt c/k 8σṣa+bŞ I τ6ṣ, Marithum: kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k 7τṣŞ CCT τ, ṣṭaŞ I τ98Ş kt j/k ṣṢ7,
Nina a: AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ, Puru haddum: kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ
kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ kt a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, 6σŞ CCT σ, σ8aŞ CCT τ, ṣṭaŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ7Ş
CTMMA ṣ, 79Ş I 7τṢŞ I 79ṢŞ KTK ṣσŞ kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k σ8ṭŞ kt n/k 8ṢτŞ kt n/k ṣṬ77Ş TC Ṭ, ṬṭŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ,
ṣσ9Ş TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa+bŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣ8Ş VS Ṭ6, 7ṣ, Qa ara: TC ṣ, 8ṣ, alah uwa: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ
TC ṣ, 8ṣ, alatuwar: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ AKT 6, ṬτṣŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ BIN σ, 7ṢŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş KTS ṣ, ττaŞ TC Ṭ,
Ṭ6Ş TC Ṭ, ṭ6, inahuttum: AKT τ, 6Ş kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ, uppiluliya: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ9, Taedizina: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Talhat: AKT
6, ṭσσŞ kt c/k Ṭτ6, Tapagga : kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Tawiniya: AKT τ, ṬŞ kt f/k ṣ8ṭŞ KTS ṣ, ṭb, Tegarama: AKT τ, τ, AKT
6, σ9ṣ, Ti murna: kt 87/k τṬ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ AKT τ, 6Ş AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ CCT σ, Ṭ7aŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ kt k/k
ṣṣṬŞ kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, Timelkiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ POAT 8Ş TC ṣ, 8ṣŞ TC ṭ, Ṭṣṣ,
Tuhpiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, 6Ş CCT ṭ, ṣŞ CCT 6, ṣṬa, U bugattum: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ, Ulama: kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ
AKT ṭ, τṢŞ CCT τ, ṣṢbŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9ṭ, Wa haniya: AKT τ, 6Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ CCT τ, ṣṢb, Wah u ana: kt
89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ7τŞ AAA ṣ, ṭŞ AKT τ, τŞ AKT
6, Ṭ7ṭŞ kt a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, 7ṢŞ CCT τ, ṣσbŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k 7σṭŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş I τṢ7Ş I τṬτŞ I τṭτŞ ICK
ṣ, 8τŞ kt j/k ṣṢ7Ş MNK 6ṭ6Ş kt n/k Ṭṣ8Ş kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k ṣστṣŞ kt n/k ṣσ7σŞ RA 6Ṣ, ṣσṭ (Dessalien)Ş TC ṣ, ṣσṭŞ
TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣσṭŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣbŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ8ṣ, Wazida: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Zalpa: AKT τ, τ7, Zimi huna: kt 9σ/k
ṭṣṢŞ n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, Zuhta: AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any
just journeys from A to B).
Ṭσṭ
Hahhum
Hanaknak
Hattum
Hattuš
Hurama
Kaneš
Kuburnat
Kunanamit
Mamma
Marithum
Ninašša
Purušhaddum
Šalahšuwa
Šalatuwar
Šinahuttum
Talhat
Tawiniya
Tišmurna
Timelkiya
Tuhpiya
Ulama
Wašhaniya
Wahšušana
Zimišhuna
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
Graph 14: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Durhumit. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
(cf. τ.ṣτ). šalatuwar was located on a direct route between Durhumit and Purušhaddum, but
itineraries show that a number of other cities were located in between them. The four re-
maining toponyms that require closer investigation are Hanaknak, Kuburnat, Tišmurna and
Tuhpiya.
Suggestions for the location of Durhumit (Durmitta in Hittite) have so far relied mainly
upon evidence found in the Hittite sources. The purpose of the following paragraphs will be
to present those views as loyally as possible, and to hold them up against the Assyrian evi-
dence. The literature on the subject is large and sometimes hard to follow. A main task will be
to separate evidence from interpretation and discern between what is factual and what is con-
jectural. This will illustrate how and why Durhumit has moved back and forth on the maps of
ancient Anatolia in the past few decades and argue that it should be returned to the region
where it was irst located by Garstang, Goetze, Gurney, Cornelius and Houwink ten Cate ive
decades ago.
The most important sources for the location of Durhumit have traditionally been two
episodes found in the annals of the Hittite king Mursili II and a passage from the Apol-
Ṭσσ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
ogy of Hattusili III.9ṣτ In his irst year Mursili II led two campaigns against the Kaska
people:
The Kaska of the land of Durmitta began hostilities with me and [came] for battle against
me. Subsequently (other) Kaska also came. They began to attack the land of Durmitta. I,
My Majesty, went against them. I attacked the leading districts of the Kaska Land –
Halila and Dudduska. I looted them including their deportees, cattle and sheep and
brought them away to Hattusa. The towns of Halila and Dudduska I burned down. When
the Kaska heard about the destruction of Halila and Dudduska, the whole land of the
Kaska came to help and came for battle against me. I, My Majesty, fought them. The Sun
goddess of Arinna, my lady, the victorious Storm-god, my lord, Mezulla and all the gods
ran before me. I defeated the levies of the Kaska and killed them. The Kaska of the land
of Durmitta resubmitted and they began to give [me troops]. [Then] I, [My Majesty,]
returned. Because the Kaska of the land of Ishupitta had become hostile and ceased to
give me troops, I, My Majesty, went to the land of Ishupitta. I attacked the town of [...]
humissena. I looted it including its transplantees, cattle and sheep and brought them
away to Hattusa, while the town I burned down. I resubjugated the Kaska of the land of
Ishupitta. They began to give me troops. All this I did in one year.9ṣ6
This places Durmitta in a zone settled by Kaska tribesŞ the land (presumably meaning prov-
ince) is said to belong to the Hittite Empire, but Kaska settlements, such as Halila and Dud-
duska, exist within its territory. When the local Kaska in Durmitta turned hostile, the entire
nation of Kaska is said to have come to their aid. In the same year the Kaska in Ishupitta re-
belled, but the two episodes are not directly connected and one cannot determine the exact
geographical relation between Ishupitta and Durmitta on the basis of this text.
The next passage comes from the Extensive Annals of Mursili II and refers to events
that took place more than a decade later. Again Durmitta appears directly on the Kaska
frontier:
The Kaska enemy [said as follows]: In Hatti there is plague , [and then] he began to
des[troy the lands of Hatti]. On the one side, from Hakpis, the Land Tuhumutaru, [the
Land …, the Land …], the Land Harsamma and the Land Tuhmiyara [turned hostile]. To
me, coming from the city Durmitta, the […] of the Land of DurmittaŞ and of the Land of
Tapapanuwa, the Tahara River […] I had destroyed, and he too made war on me.9ṣ7
9ṣτ. Del Monte & tiscHler: σσṭ.

9ṣ6. Translation in Beal ṬṢṢṢ. Cf. goetZe ṣ9ṭṭŞ Del Monte ṣ99ṭ.
9ṣ7. KBo ṣσ.ṬṢ + (col. i): 8-ṣṭ, cf. Houwink ten cate ṣ966a: ṣ69, ṣ78 (fragment iv). N. P. Skøtt Jørgensen (personal
communication) suggests that the passage may be read and translated as follows. This would separate Hakpis,
Durmitta and Tapapanuwa entirely:
6 LÚ
KUR URUGa-a -ga-a -ma
7 [ki-i - a-an me-mi-i -ta I-NA šÀ URUHa]-at-ti-wa-kán hi-in-kán ki- a-at
8 [nu šÀ KUR URUHa-at-ti KURMEš har-ni]-ni-in-ki-e -ki-u-wa-an ti-i-ja-at
9 [ki-i-mu KUR.KURMEš ku-ru-ur nu-mu k]i-iz-za URUHa-ak-pi - a-za KUR Tùh-mu-ta-ru
ṣṢ [KUR Ga-a -ga-ma KUR u-hu-ri-ja K]UR Hur- a-am-ma Ù KUR Tu-uh-mi-ja-ra
ṣṣ ‘ku-ru-ri-ja-ah-ta ki-iz-zi-ja]-mu URUDur-mì-it-ta-az šÀ KUR URUDur-mì-it-ta
ṣṬ [URUGa-a -ga-ma ku-ru-ri-ja-ah-t]a KUR URUTa-pa-pa-nu-wa-ja ÍDDa-ha-ra
ṣṭ [URUAt-hu-li - a ku-in LUGAL-u] har-ni-in-kán har-ku-un nu-mu a-pa-a-a - a ku-ru-ri-ah-ta
The Kaska enemy [said as follows]: In Hatti a plague has broken out , [and then] he began to des[troy the lands
of Hatti. The following lands became hostile to me]: in the direction of Hakpis, the Land Tuhumutaru, [the Land
Kaskama, the Land Suhurriya], the Land Harsamma and the Land Tuhmiyara [became hostile to me]. In the direc-
tion of Durmitta, the [Kaska settlements] of the Land of Durmitta [became hostile to me]. And the Land of Tapa-
panuwa, the Tahara River [and Athulissa, which I, the ki]ng, had destroyed, also became hostile to me.
Ṭστ
The plague in Hatti resulted in renewed attacks on the border provinces, but the text is broken
and the exact relation between the toponyms is unclear. Hakpis and Durmitta appear to have
been located in two different directions (probably as seen from Hattusa), and the break in the
following sentence makes it unclear whether and how Tapapanuwa and Durmitta are con-
nected. The passage can only be used to show that several territories on the frontier were re-
belling or under attack at the same time, and there is no evidence to propose that forces from
Durmitta invaded Tapapanuwa and to draw further conclusions on that basis.9ṣ8
In the annals of Mursili II the Land of Durmitta appears as a Hittite territory on a contested
frontier. In a later group of oracular queries Durmitta it is part of enemy territory alongside
Pala and Tumanna.9ṣ9 This shows that Durmitta luctuated between Kaskean dominance and
imperial control, but the oracles can not be used to argue a geographical relation between
Durmitta, Pala and Tumanna.9ṬṢ They may belong to the same region or they might represent
the extreme points on the line on which the Hittites feared a Kaska attack.
Durmitta appears again on the margins of the Hittite state in the Apology of Hattusili III.
This text narrates how Muwatalli moved the state capital to Tarhuntassa in the Lower Land
and left the Kaska frontier under the control his brother Hattusili. The text begins with a
synopsis of events during Hattusili s early years when a Kaska rebellion had to be sup-
pressed:
... all the Kaska lands (from) Pishuru and (to) Daistipassa rebelled. They destroyed the
land of Ishupitta, Marista and the fortiied cities. The enemy crossed the Marassanda
River and began to raid the Land of Kaneš and the [Land] of [...]. The cities of Ha[...],
Kurustama and Gazziura turned hostile on the spot and began to raid the mounded cities
of Hatti.9Ṭṣ
The irst victims of the Kaska attack were the provinces of Ishupitta and Marista that were
both located in the region of Tapigga and Karahna south and east of modern Zile.9ṬṬ Kurusta-
ma and Gazziura also belong to the region around Zile,9Ṭṭ and apart for the foray south into
Kaneš the attacks appear to have been concentrated west of modern Tokat. At the same time
the forces from Durmitta entered Hittite territory. Durmitta must have been beyond Hittite
control at this point, and Tuhuppiya (cf. σ.9) may have been the frontier:
And the enemy of the land of Durmitta began to raid Tuhuppiya, [and because] the land
of Ippasana was uninhabited, [the enemy troops] kept coming in as far as Suwatara.9Ṭσ
The length of the breaks is determined on the basis of the join between KBo ṣσ.ṬṢ and KUB ṭσ.ṭṭ, cf. košak
ṣ999: Ṭ9Ṣ. Also, the name [mPí-en-du-um-li-is-s]a is expected in l. ṣσ. The stock phrase …-mu --- kururiyahta is
used to reconstruct lines ṣṣ-ṣṬŞ this is instead of reading ]A at the end of l. ṣṬ and taking it as a genetive. The
toponyms in l. ṣṣ come from the parallel list in KBo 7.ṣ7 + KBo ṣ6.ṣṭ (col. i): 6-ṣṭ (Houwink ten Cate, frag. vi
+ xiv). Athulissa in l. ṣṭ is restored on the basis of events in l. ṣσ-ṣ8. The singular (kuis) is used with a plural
subject in l. ṣσ, and therefore probably also in l. ṣṭ And the lands … he also became hostile to me (cf. frieDricH
ṣ97σ §ṣ9Ṣ a Ṭ).
9ṣ8. forlanini ṣ977: ṬṢṭŞ ṬṢṢ9b: τ7Ş MattHews & glatZ ṬṢṢ9b: 6σ.
9ṣ9. Cf. sakuMa ṬṢṢ9.
9ṬṢ. See forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 7σ n. 86.
9Ṭṣ. CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): Ṭ-ṣṢ. Translation adapted from van Den Hout ṣ997b.
9ṬṬ. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: ṣσ6-ṣσ7Ş otten ṣ976-ṣ98Ṣ: ṣ78ff.Ş Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ: τṭ, ṣṢṬ.
9Ṭṭ. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: ṬṢτ-ṬṢτŞ forlanini ṣ98ṭŞ ṬṢṢṬ.
9Ṭσ. CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): ṣṬ-ṣṭ.
Ṭσ6
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
The following section states that the cities of Hakpis and Istahara remained loyal to Hatti but
were cut off from the capital by the invading Kaska. It is not clear whether Durmitta s actions
against Tuhuppiya were the cause of this:
Both the cities of [Hakpis] and Istahara, however, escaped [but since the land] was
blockaded, they did not till their ields for ten years.9Ṭτ
The battles against the Kaska dragged on across a broad front. All Kaska are said to have
turned hostile against Hatti. Kaska destroyed the lands of Saduppa and Dankuwa, and the
Hittite army besieged Pittiyariga and fought a battle at the city of Hahha. Muwatalli ap-
pointed Hattusili as king of Hakpis to deal with the threat and rebuild the territories that had
been devastated by war:
My brother Muwatalli followed me and fortiied the cities Anziliya and Tapigga, (but) …
to Durmitta (and) Kurustama, however, he did not go. In these countries he left me (be-
hind), and these desolate countries he gave me to govern. The lands of Ishupitta, Marista,
Hissashapa, Katapa, Hanhana, Darahna, Hattena, Durmitta, Pala, Tumanna, Kassiya,
Sappa, the Hulanna River (and their) chariots and golden chariot ighters I commanded
all. The lands of Hakpis and Istahara he gave me in vassalship and in Hakmis he made
me king … and these desolate lands I resettled on my own and made them Hittite again.9Ṭ6
… Because my brother Muwatalli had given me the cities of […]-ta, Durmitta,
Zip[palanda, Hat]tena, Hakpis and Istahara in vassalship, I resettled […these deso]late
territories.9Ṭ7
The text was composed as a political statement to justify that Hattusili III ended up seizing
the throne of his brother, but there is no reason to doubt the historical and geographical frame-
work that structures the narrative. During the Kaska attacks some provinces were destroyed
(Ishupitta, Marista, Saduppa, Dankuwa) and others were raided (Kaneš, Tuhuppiya). Hat-
tusili later conquered and resettled territories along the frontier, which are said to have been
abandoned and desolate. This list of desolate lands under Hattusili s command continues to
cause dificulties for students of historical geography, and the exact principle behind its inter-
nal structure remains disputed.9Ṭ8
The general direction from Hattusa to Durmitta may instead be inferred on the basis of the
cultic text KUB ττ.σṭ, which gives directions for the renewal of the two divine Hunting-
Bags of the god Zithariya and the tutelary deity of the city Hatenzuwa:
They take away the old hunting bag of Zithariya to Tuhuppiya. When they bring it down
from Hattusa (through) the [...]-gate, they call it The Tutelary Deity of the Hunting
Bag . The [old] hunting bag of the Tutelary Deity of Hatenzuwa, however, they take to
Durmitta. When they bring it down [from Hattusa] through the Asusa-Gate, they take its
name away from it and call it The Tutelary Deity of Zapatiskuwa .9Ṭ9
9Ṭτ. CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): ṣσ-ṣ6.

9Ṭ6. CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): σ8-68.
9Ṭ7. CTH 8ṣ (col. iii): ṭṣ-ṭτ.
9Ṭ8. gurneY ṬṢṢṭ.
9Ṭ9. KUB ττ.σṭ, cf. otten ṣ9τ9Ş McMaHon ṣ99ṣ: ṣσ6-ṣσ7.
Ṭσ7
The Asusa-Gate occurs often in Hittite texts and is known to have linked Hattusa to the city
of Arinna and the huwasi-stone of the Storm-God. Arinna is generally placed to the north or
northeast of Hattusa, perhaps at Alaca Höyük,9ṭṢ and the huwasi-stone in question has been
identiied with the rock-sanctuary of Yazılıkaya ṭ km northeast of Boğazköy.9ṭṣ This implies
that Durmitta should be sought in the same general direction as Alaca and Yazilikaya, i.e. to
the northeast of Hattusa.9ṭṬ
–––––
Until ṣ979 these sources comprised most of the available evidence for the location of Dur-
mitta. The strong ties to the Kaska region, its apparent association with the settlements around
Zile, and some less clear testimonies from the Sacriice-list and Hattusili s Command, led
most scholars to locate Durmitta in the region south and east of Amasya.9ṭṭ Garstang and
Gurney proposed a location of Durmitta at Yenihan, Cornelius suggested Zile itself and Hou-
wink ten Cate and Goetze placed it between ‘orum and Merzifon. Forlanini was the only
scholar to propose a location west of the Kızılırmak, somewhere south of ‘ankırı.9ṭσ
In ṣ98Ṣ this image was changed by the edition of KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+KBo ṣṬ.τṭ,9ṭτ which pre-
serves c. Ṭ/ṭ of a single-column text listing allotments of various groups of deportees (NAM.
RA) given to religious foundations according to the formula: in the city GN, to the god DN
(and the gods DNN), the king put (ordained) the following .9ṭ6 The foundations are listed ac-
cording to the administrative province they belonged to, and the preserved part of the text
begins in the middle of an entry dealing with the province of Washaniya. Two well-preserved
sections on the provinces of Durmitta and Kassiya follow, and the inal section on Tapigga
breaks off somewhere in the middle. In the province of Washaniya, named individuals give
livestock and smaller objects to most of the institutions. In Durmitta and Kassiya this role is
taken by the vassal king of Tumanna, who adds livestock to the deportees awarded by the
Hittite king.9ṭ7 The reference to the vassal king of Tumanna dates the text to the late part of
the Hittite Empire, probably to the cultic reorganizations of the kings Hattusili III or Tud-
haliya IV.
9ṭṢ. erkut ṣ99ṬŞ BurneY ṬṢṢσ: Ṭ8. Haas ṣ99σ: τ8σ-τ8τ identiies it with Eskiyapar. forlanini ṣ979: ṣ8τŞ ṬṢṢ8b:
ṣ6ṭ suggests identifying it with Büyüknefes south of Hattusa.
9ṭṣ. singer ṣ98ṭ: ṣṢṢ-ṣṢṣŞ ṣ98σa: ṬṬ-Ṭṭ.
9ṭṬ. A inal possible piece evidence for the location of Durmitta comes from a later passage in the same text, which
lists the Marassanda River as one of the divinities revered during the renewing of the Hunting Bag of Hatenzuwa
in Durmitta (KUB ττ.σṭ (§Ṭṭ ), cf. McMaHon ṣ99ṣ: ṣτ6-ṣτ7). The Marassanda is securely identiied with the
Kızılırmak River (cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: τṭ8-τṭ9), and the passage could be taken as evidence that a
geographical relation existed between Durmitta and the river although this is by no means required. The other
deities in the list do not appear to be tied to the local topography in any particular way: Hasgala, the Tutelary De-
ity of the Spear, Halmasuitta, the Fate Deities, Hilassi, Hasamili and the divine mountains and rivers. Fish occur
twice in relation to Durhumit/Durmitta, but there is no direct link between the ish and the city. AKT τ, τ8 refers
to a box of kamārum-ish in DurhumitŞ they were probably dried (cf. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ: ṣ7Ṣ). A broken passage in the
Palace Chronicles (CTH 8 = (a) KBo ṭ.ṭσ (col. iii): 6 -9 , (e) KUB ṭṣ.ṭ8 rev. 8 -ṣṬ ) refers to a man named
Kuli[…], perhaps from Durmitta, who was caught [stealing?] a ish of the sea. The king s father had not yet tasted
the ish, and he had the man sentenced to death. Cf. DarDano ṣ997: τ6-τ7.
9ṭṭ. For the Sacriice list and the problems with the provinces in Hattusili s Apology cf. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9
and the critique voiced in the review by güterBock ṣ96ṣ: τ7. See also gurneY ṬṢṢṭ.
9ṭσ. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: σσṬ-σσσŞ MicHel ṣ99ṣaŞ forlanini ṣ977: ṬṢṭ-ṬṢτ.
9ṭτ. arcHi & klengel ṣ98ṢŞ giorgaDZe ṣ98Ṭ. gilan ṬṢṢ7: ṭṣτ understands the document as a result of the reorganisa-
tion of the empty lands under Hattusili s command.
9ṭ6. INA URUx ANA Dy (ANA DINGIRMEš) DUTU I ki da-a-i .
9ṭ7. This may be of geographical relevance and taken as a sign that Kassiya and Durmitta were neighbouring prov-
inces of Tumanna.
Ṭσ8
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
In addition to its importance as a source on Hittite administration, KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ gives

important evidence for the location of Durmitta. The section on the Land of Durmitta com-
mences with a very long list of deportees, objects, livestock and real-estate given to the
Storm-god of the town x-x-ši-na.9ṭ8 Next, it records smaller donations made to a series of in-
stitutions according to the following principle:
In the land of Durmitta, in the city of GN, his Majesty put the following ...
The list gives the cities belonging to the land of Durmitta: x-x-ši-na, Nenassa, Uwalma, Teni-
zidassa, Piddaniyassa, [Mall]idaskuriya, [...], [...], [...]ra, [...]ratta, Kalasmitta, Tamettaya,
Durmitta, [...], [...], [...]pargawa?, and [...] – A total of ṣ7 entries. The section concludes with
the statement:
[...] the divinities [...] the land of Durmitta: end.
The references to Nenassa and Uwalma were taken by the editors of the text as proof that
Durmitta had to be moved south and west of the Kızılırmak River and to include the cities of
Ninašša and Ulama, which were identiied with the cities known from the Old Assyrian re-
cords (cf. sections τ.ṣṬ and τ.ṣṭ). Both cities were known to have been located in the vicin-
ity of the Tuz Gölü and near the Kızılırmak, and KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ was seen to conirm Forlani-
ni s suggestion to locate Durmitta on the western bank of river. The strong Kaska presence in
Durmitta had to be interpreted as an extension from their heartland in the Black Sea region
toward the south.9ṭ9
Since ṣ979 this position of Durmitta has seemingly been conirmed by a rich body of cir-
cumstantial evidence, and a location of the city immediately to the north of the Salt Lake has
received wide approbation. But several issues in relation to KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ present serious
problems. Firstly, an independent Land of Nenassa is well-attested in the Hittite sourcesŞ
most importantly, it igures on equal terms with a long list of other major Hittite cities and
cultic centres in the prayer of Muwatalli II one generation before KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ was written.
Conversely, the city of Ulama in Old Assyrian records appears to have been destroyed by
Hattusili I early in the Old Hittite Period, and it does not reappear in the later Hittite sources
except for KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+.9σṢ A nearly homonymous town of Walma on the Astarpa River in
known in the Hittite texts,9σṣ and the later settlement of Holmoi near Silifke on the Cilician
coast may correspond to a Bronze Age Ulama/Walma as well.9σṬ
As argued under section σ.ṣτ, the frequency with which one inds homonymous settle-
ments grows markedly as one moves down in the settlement hierarchy, and to relocate Dur-
mitta to an entirely different region of Central Anatolia on the basis of two places in a list of
provincial settlements is risky. One would have to resurrect Old Assyrian Ulama for this pur-
pose, and accept that Nenassa had gone from being a provincial centre to a less important
9ṭ8. KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ (obv. ṣ9): URUx-x-si-na. forlanini ṣ979: ṣ7σŞ ṣ99Ṣ: ṣṬτ n. ṭσŞ ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ68Ş ṬṢṢ9b: τṣ proposes the
reading URUÚ?-is?-si-na (hapax), equates it with Us-su-na from KBo σ.ṣṭ. (col. i): ṭ9 and takes it as a variant spell-
ing *Ussina. He then proposes to identify *Ussina with Byzantine Osiena in the vicinity of Aksaray to establish
the location of Durmitta near the Tuz Gölü. Prof. Gernot Wilhelm kindly collated the passage in Ankara. It reads:
Aš KUR URUDur-mi-it-ta INA URU Li-i - i-na. The copy in KBo ṣṬ.τṭ is correct, except that the irst wedge of the
sign li is a Winkelhaken and not a vertical.
9ṭ9. In support of this he refers to the concentric invasions (cf. σ.ṭ) under Tudhaliya III when the Kaska enemy laid
waste the lands of Hatti and made made Nenassa his frontier (cf. KBo 6.Ṭ8 obv. 7-8).
9σṢ. KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ obv. ṭṣ: [UR]UÚ-wa-al-ma.
9σṣ. At ‘ay south of Bolvadin, cf. del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: σ7ṭŞ forlanini ṣ988: ṣτ6Ş Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ: ṣ8τ.
9σṬ. forlanini ṣ998: Ṭṭ9Ş Hawkins ṣ998a.
Ṭσ9
township in an unstable frontier province within a generation. With no strong evidence to

support this it seems better to suggest that Nenassa and Uwalma in the Land of Durmitta were
small settlements in an exposed corner of the Empire.
In support of this it is necessary to introduce and examine some of the arguments that have
been presented since ṣ979 in conirmation of the location of Durmitta west of the Kızılırmak.
The evidence is put to the test to decide whether any of it forbids the return of Durmitta to the
eastern bank of the river.
The initial suggestion by Forlanini to locate Durmitta on the western bank of the Kızılırmak
appeared before the publication of KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ and relied upon a close reading of a broken
passage in the Deeds of Suppiluliuma where Mursili II gives a detailed account of his fa-
ther s campaign against the Kaskan rebel Pitakkatalli. The complexity of Forlanini s argu-
ment and the importance of understanding his deductions behind the suggestion to locate
Durmitta west of the Kızılırmak demands a careful presentation and discussion of the argu-
ment in its entirety:
[He (my father) burned down the towns of ...] and [Pal]huissa [...]. And [ag]ain [he went]
to Kamm[ama] and burned down the town of [Kamm]ama. [When my father] had burned
down [these] lands, he went [from there into] the Land of Istahara. [From Istahara] he
went into Hattena, and ascended [Mount ...]su. And he proceeded to burn down [the land
of ... and the land of] Tessita. [From there] he went into Tuhpilisa [and re]fortiied [it].
Furthermore, while my father was there, [the people of Zida]parha brought (him) word:
If you, O my Lord, were to go [to ...] but not [to come] into the land of Zidaparha, [then]
we would not hold out in front of the enemy . [But my father] spoke [th]us: If I from
here were [to march] along the foot of [Mount ...]mitta [then I would] (have to) turn very
much out [of my way . And he marched on] from there and went into the land of
Ti[kukuwa. And he] spent the night in Tikukuwa. [From there he (went out and)] spent
the night in Hurna (and) burned down [the land? of Hurna. From there he ascended Mou]nt
Tihisna and burned [down] the land of Hauri[… and came t]o the river Marassanda.9σṭ
Into this complicated narrative Forlanini read the name [Dur]mitta after the mention of the
Land of Zidaparha, and he concluded that Durmitta had to be located on a route that branched
out from the Tuhpilisa-Tikukuwa road and connected it to Zidaparha.9σσ
Suppiluliuma s campaign continued down to the Marassanda River and went to the land of
Taritarra, and hence via Tumanna and the Kassu Mountain to the Tahara River. The route is
intricate and highly detailed, but in the long series of toponyms the only ixed point is the
River Marassanda, modern-day Kızılırmak. The entire system of toponyms can be oriented in
any direction according to the river, and it could even be placed on the upper as well as the
lower course of the river. Forlanini was therefore compelled to locate at least a few other
names in the Deeds in order to place his reconstructed routes onto a map.
A premise for his further discussion was the identiication of the Tahara River with Devrez
‘ay and Tumanna with Kastamonu. The two suggestions are hardly remarked upon in the
course of his analysis, but they seem to have been chosen on the basis of internal criteria in
the Deeds, i.e., that they it the description. But more importantly, his identiication of [...]
mitta with Durmitta received no further comment in spite of the verbal construction (kattan
arha ‘pai]mi), which expresses a movement down under and along [...]mitta to Zidaparha.
Probably Mursili refers to a mountain (and not a city) in the present passage, as suggested
9σṭ. KUB ṣ9.ṣṭ+. Edition in güterBock ṣ9τ6. Translation from Hoffner ṣ997a: ṣ9ṣ.
9σσ. Accepted by MattHews & glatZ ṬṢṢ9b.
ṬτṢ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
both in Güterbock s edition and in Hoffner s translation given above. Thereby, the link be-
tween Durmitta and all the other places disappears.9στ
Forlanini went on to substantiate his claim by reference to the passage from the Extensive
Annals of Mursili II discussed above. Forlanini took it to prove that Durmitta, Tapapanuwa
and the Tahara River all had to be located in the vicinity of one another. On the basis of his
own premise that Tahara is to be identiied with Devrez ‘ay and on the supposed link be-
tween Tahara, Zidaparha and *[Dur]mitta in the Deeds , Forlanini concluded that two sepa-
rate itineraries point to a location of Durmitta west of the Kızılırmak and in the vicinity of
Tahara, Tapapanuwa, Tumanna and Zidaparha. He therefore suggested a location of Durmitta
in the region south of modern-day ‘ankırı.9σ6
When the edition of KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ appeared shortly after Forlanini s study, the location of
Nenassa and Uwalma in the province of Durmitta were taken as strong evidence for his pro-
posal that Durmitta had to move west of the Kızılırmak. The Old Assyrian document TC ṭ,
ṣ6τ, which records a journey from Kaneš to Wašhaniya, Ninašša, Ulama and Purušhaddum
had been known for a long time, and the editors of KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ used the apparent proxim-
ity of Ninašša/Nenassa to Ulama/Uwalma in the two texts to argue that Durmitta had to move
south towards them.9σ7 Further evidence was found in Muwatalli s Prayer,9σ8 which invokes a
very long list of divinities throughout Anatolia. All the divinities are sorted into separate sec-
tions according to their hometown, following the model:
Storm-god of Lihsina, Tasimi, male gods, female gods, mountains (and) rivers of Lihsi-
na.
Each section of the text is clearly separated from the next, but the exact geographical princi-
ple that structured the list had hitherto eluded students of Hittite geography. Now, with KUB
σ8.ṣṢτ+ at least one cluster in the sequence appeared to become clear:
Telipinu of Durmitta, male gods, female gods, mountains (and) rivers of Durmitta.
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Storm-god of Nenassa, Lusiti of Nenassa, River Marassanda, male gods, female gods,
mountains (and) rivers of Nenassa.
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
GAZ.BA.IA of Hupisna, Storm-god of Hupisna, Zababa of Hupisna, Mount Sarlaimi,
male gods, female gods, mountains (and) rivers of Hupisna.
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Storm-god of Tuwanuwa, Sahassara of Tuwanuwa, male gods, female gods, mountains
(and) rivers of Tuwanuwa.9σ9
9στ. After the publication of KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ forlanini ṣ979: ṣ7τ n. στ showed careful reservation about his reconstruc-
tion of [Dur]mitta, but his conclusions are repeated e.g. in forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 7ṭŞ ṬṢṢ9b: τ7.
9σ6. In inal corroboration of the new location of Durmitta, forlanini ṣ977: ṬṣṢ equated the village of Zelputta, in the
Hittite province of Salma with Zalputta listed as a settlement in the land of Durmeta in KUB Ṭ6.69 (col. v): ṣτ.
Another settlement in the Salma province – Tataniya – is equated with the town of Dadaniya, which occurs as a
station on a journey between Old Assyrian Zalpa and Kaneš in TC ṭ, ṣ66. The point is further elaborated in for-
lanini ṣ979: ṣ76, where he also draws Hanhana into the equation and suggests an entire network of states in the
environs of Durmitta (Timmuhala, Hanhana, Tawiniya, Salma). Section σ.Ṭ showed that Old Assyrian Zalpa was
located on the Euphrates, and that Zalpa (and hence Dadaniya) cannot possibly be identical to the Zalputta and
Tataniya in the provinces of Salma and Durmeta.
9σ7. arcHi & klengel ṣ98Ṣ: ṣτσ.
9σ8. singer ṣ996.
9σ9. CTH ṭ8ṣ (col. ii): ṣṢ-ṣ9.
Ṭτṣ
The excerpt from the prayer locates Nenassa at the River Masassantiya (Kızılırmak), and
Hupisna and Tuwanuwa both belong among the small number of ixed points in the Hittite
geography on grounds of their linguistic associations with the classical settlements Kybistra
and Tyana (modern-day Ereğli, and Kemerhisar) in the Tyanitis. It was therefore tempting to
see a logical geographical progression in Muwatalli s Prayer: a line beginning in Durmitta
north of the Salt Lake and moving via Nenassa (located in Durmitta s later provincial terri-
tory) and due south to Ereğli and Kemerhisar in the Taurus foothills.9τṢ
Five years after the appearance of KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ Forlanini published a study devoted to the
location of toponyms known from both Old Assyrian and Hittite sources.9τṣ Although KUB
σ8.ṣṢτ+ had required him to pull Durmitta south towards the Tuz Gölü, his analysis of Sup-
piluliuma s Deeds basically seemed validated by the recent association between Durmitta and
Nenassa.9τṬ A long section of his article was devoted to Durmitta, and no less than eight sepa-
rate lines of evidence were argued in order to locate its exact position.
As a result of the movement of Durmitta, Forlanini could argue that a number of other
toponyms known from the Assyrian and the Hittite texts had to follow suit. He presented an
entirely new model of the regional geography of Central Anatolia,9τṭ in which the penetration
and impact of the Assyrian trade became much smaller than hitherto assumed. Each of his
eight points are discussed below. Later iterations, additions, comments and combinations are
relegated to the footnotes.
ṣ) The fact that Durhumit often appears in close association with cities in the west (e.g.
Wahšušana and Purušhaddum) in the Assyrian corpus might suggest that Durhumit should be
sought in the same general region.9τσ But the particular bias of the Old Assyrian sources, which
is a result of the way in which the trade was organised, has already been addressed in the
course of this book (sections Ṭ.8, σ.ṣ). Certain cities in the network – Hahhum, Assur, Kaneš,
Wahšušana, Purušhaddum and Durhumit – appear frequently together in the texts due to the
way in which the trade was organised and not as a result of their geographical proximity.
Ṭ) Large deposits of copper at Karaali were used to suggest that Durhumit may have been
located in its vicinity. Rich deposits of copper are found all over Turkey (see below).
ṭ) Forlanini saw a close relation between Durmitta and Tuhuppiya, and he proposed that
Tawiniya and Durmitta had to be in the same region due to the Old Assyrian letter kt f/k ṣ8ṭ
written from a ruler of Tawiniya to the Assyrian colonial authorities in Durhumit. Both obser-
vations are valid but do not have any geographical implications because none of the cities can
be located with any certainty. The importance of the cult of Telipinu in Durhumit alongside
other western cities (Hattusa and Hanhana) was seen as a further indication for the western
position of Durhumit.9ττ This is to some degree a circular argument, which depends upon a
western location of Hanhana that is tied to the location of Durhumit. Furthermore, important
cults for Telipinu are known from all over the Hattian area, also in the region east of the
Kızılırmak (e.g. in Kastama, Hakpis and Karahna).9τ6
σ) KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+. Nenassa and Uwalma in the province of Durmitta (see above). Forlanini
suggested that the provinces themselves appear in geographical order in the list, and that
9τṢ. arcHi & klengel ṣ98Ṣ: ṣτσ-ṣττ. Cf. singer ṣ996: ṣ76. On p. ṣ7ṭ he states: Although geographical proximity
is no doubt one of the governing principles in the list, clearly, this principle cannot be universally applied .
9τṣ. forlanini ṣ98τ.
9τṬ. forlanini ṣ98τ: σ9 and n. ṭσ.
9τṭ. Later stages of the same model are seen in Forlanini s two contributions to the ASVOA, forlanini & MaraZZi
ṣ986 and Di nocera & forlanini ṣ99Ṭ, cf. map Ṭ under section Ṭ.ṭ.
9τσ. The statement is repeated in forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 7ṢŞ ṬṢṢ9b: τ7.
9ττ. Repeated in forlanini ṬṢṢ9b: τ7.
9τ6. van gessel ṣ998: σ66-σ78.
ṬτṬ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
Wašhaniya, Durmitta, Kassiya and Tapigga constitute a geographically meaningful sequence.

This depends upon where one locates Wašhaniya, and it would seem that a number of prov-
inces are missing in the list if only Kassiya is inserted between the Salt Lake (Durmitta) and
Zile (Tapigga).
τ) A settlement named Tamitta appears in the province of Durmitta in KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ and
occurs in the frontier description of the land of Timmuhala in the annals of Mursili II along-
side the mountain Yuhini.9τ7 Forlanini states that: Nous sommes donc à proximité de Tapa-
panuwa, Gazzapa et Tasmaha, ainsi que Hurna, sur le Kızıl Irmak au Sud de la région du
mont Gassu et du leuve Dahara .9τ8 This is doubtful (note the discussion of Mursili s Ex-
tended Annals above). Also, Tamitta may be a common toponymŞ and besides, the text links
Timmuhala to Hurna four stations away and nothing more. There is no good reason for locat-
ing Durmitta in the same cluster as Tahara, even if one could travel from Timmuhala to
Hurna.
6) According to Forlanini, the command of Hattusili III locates Durmitta between central
Hatti (Katapa, Hanhana and Hattena) and north-western Hatti (Pala, Tumanna, Kassiya and
Sappa). This depends upon the other identiications and needs further corroboration. Even if
all the other identiications turn out to be correct, and if the list was structured according to a
meaningful geographical principle, then Durmitta in the Black Sea region its just as well into
the list as Durmitta north of Tuz Gölü.
7) The alleged geographical relationship between Durhumit, Wahšušana and šalatuwar in
the Assyrian texts is corroborated by a number of Hittite texts. Three Hittite texts are drawn
in to support that Durmitta was located in the western part of Central Anatolia. First is a list
of divinities KUB τṭ.σṬ that mentions the gods of Durmitta immediately before Kattila and
Harziuna. The latter were both located in Lycaonia according to Forlanini. The geographical
principles governing this kind of lists can be shown to be obscure at best and does not pull
Durmitta towards šalatuwar. Second, is the fragment of a ritual text KUB τṣ.Ṭ, which associ-
ates [D]urmittiyas with [...] K[u]waliyatti . A Mount Kuwaliyatta also appears in the Tar-
huntassa-treaty as a peak in Lycaonia, but Forlanini himself remarks: Durmittiyas (= Dur-
mitta?) . Popko later showed that the passage is a reference to the popular Storm-god of
Durmitta.9τ9 Third, Forlanini identiied the settlement of Suwatara, which was sacked by Kas-
ka coming from Durmitta,96Ṣ with the Greek toponym Saoatra near Konya.96ṣ An etymology
of Suwatara – without water – has been proposed,96Ṭ which would place the name in a very
common class of toponyms with many probable homonyms.96ṭ In any case, Byzantine Saua-
tra was located at Yağlıbayat just east of Konya. One must ask whether the Kaska would
conceivably have made it that far west and on several occasions.96σ
8) Two of the toponyms listed under the province of Durmitta in KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+, Piddani-
yassa and [...]ratta, are identiied by Forlanini with the Classical and Byzantine settlements
9τ7. KUB ṣ9.ṭ7 (col ii): ṭṭ.

9τ8. forlanini ṣ98τ: τṢ.
9τ9. popko ṣ986: σ7τ on the basis of KUB τṣ.Ṭ obv. τ: [dD]urmittiyas = IBoT ṣ.Ṭṭ (col. iii): τ (dU uruDurmitta). Note
also the parallelism in the two texts: *dX? uruZithara = dZithariya.
96Ṣ. KBo ṭ.6+.
96ṣ. forlanini ṣ979: ṣ77Ş ṣ98τ: τṣŞ ṬṢṢ8a: 7ṭŞ ṬṢṢ9b: τ6, following J. lewY ṣ9σ7: ṣτ n. ṣ8.
96Ṭ. neuMann ṣ9τ8: ṣṣṬ * a-watar-a Ohne-Wasser , tiscHler ṣ977: ṣṭṬ. Strabo s description of Saoatra states
that: Es herrscht dort großer Mangel an Wasser; und wo es denn schon zu inden ist, sind die Brunnen die
tiefesten die es gibt, wie in Soatra, wo das Wasser sogar verkauft wird (es ist eine Dorfstadt in der Nähe von
Garsaura [Aksaray]) (transl. raDt ṬṢṢσ: τ97). A dry place to go on a rampage.
96ṭ. The modern Turkish equivalent Susuz occurs Ṭσ times in the index of the Türkiye köy-köy atlası.
96σ. For Saὺatra at Yağlıbayat just east of Konya, cf. Belke ṣ98σ: ṬṬṬ-ṬṬṭ. The verb in CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): ṣṭ is para
ar(a)sk [the enemy] kept penetrating as far as Suwatara .
Ṭτṭ
Pitnissos and Baretta in the region of Tuz Gölü. The irst derivation (Piddaniyassa > Pitnis-
sos) seems convincing even if the identiication does not.96τ
The location of Durmitta has grown into an accepted fact,966 and in his summary article on
the state and progress of the historical archaeology in Anatolia Gurney wrote that Forlanini s
study of the area seems now to be established beyond reasonable doubt .967 The location of
Durhumit on the Middle Kızılırmak has in turn led to a level of derivative arguments. For
instance, Dercksen expressed his scepticism about the result of a metallurgical analysis of
objects coming from Horoztepe, Alaca Höyük and Kültepe, because they showed that all
three groups derived from the same ore.968 He expected to ind that the copper at Horoztepe
and Alaca Höyük came from Pontic ores, but that the metal used at Kaneš would come from
the Bala region close to Durhumit. Similarly, Hutter in his study of Luwian religion a priori
96τ. The exact location of Pitanissos is not known (Belke ṣ98σ: Ṭṣ6). According to Strabo it was located in the cold
and dry region west of the Salt Lake and the city was a suffragan of Pessinus in the so-called Proseilēmmenē be-
tween Lycaonia and Galatia. Probably it was located too far west to be a provincial town in Durmitta even if
Durmitta is located in the region of Karakeçili. For Βά , cf. HilD & restle ṣ98Ṭ: 76 n. ṣτṬ. A homonymous
toponym is Βά north of Karaman (Belke ṣ98σ: ṣṭ8-ṣσṭ).
966. In anticipation of the present work, forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 7σ listed a number of dificulties involved in moving Dur-
mitta back across the Kızılırmak based on negative evidence. Durmitta does not appear in the Hittite texts from
Ma at Höyük or in the published texts from Ortaköy, nor does it occur in the texts related to the cultic centre of
Nerik, and it does not occur in the list of lost provinces occupied by the Kaska in the prayer of Arnuwanda and
Asmunikal (CTH ṭ7τ). The particular archival scope of the texts from Ma at and Ortaköy is probably the reason
why Durmitta does not appear thereŞ presumably the city was located too far north to be of much relevance for the
local administrators. Conversely, the fact that it does not occur in CTH ṭ7τ is presumably due to Durmitta being
only partially occupied by Kaska during the reign of Arnuwanda, as stated in forlanini ṬṢṢ9b: τ6. What to con-
clude from the fact that it is missing from the cultic itineraries of Nerik depends on where one locates Nerik. A few
minor issues remain to be addressed. forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ67 in his important reinterpretation of the structure of KBo
σ.ṣṭ has Durmitta as the only city west of the Kızılırmak in his section on Hatti (among the other towns one inds
Hattusa, Tawiniya, Zalpa, Ankuwa, Zisparna (cf. τ.σ) and Tuhuppiya). He quotes the Old Assyrian circular letter
AKT τ, Ṭ that was sent to the colonies of Durhumit, Hattuš, Tamniya, Tuhpiya as far as (adi) Ninašša, and takes
this to represent all the Assyrian colonies in Hattum. How the position of Durhumit and Ninašša on the list its the
fact that they were later to end up in the same province is not addressed (cf. also forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 69). Quoting
MicHel ṣ99ṣa: Ṭτ6, forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 68 sees Durhumit holding pre-eminence over Ulama and Tuhpiya in the Old
Assyrian colonial system, taking this as an implication of their geographical proximity. This is based on an out-
dated view of the Assyrian judicial procedures, cf. Hertel ṬṢṢ7: ṣṣτ-ṣṣ8 and fn. σσ8. For the same reason the ju-
dicial record kt b/k Ṭ6ṣ cannot be used to argue any geographical relation between Tahara and Durhumit, cf. for-
lanini ṬṢṢ8a: 7σ n. 86. forlanini ṬṢṢ9b: σ9 refers to the unpublished Assyrian text kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 (quoted from
Dercksen ṣ996:ṣṭ), which shows that Durhumit was located at a river crossing. He takes this as evidence for its
location on the Kızılırmak near the Tuz Gölü. The text is now published in veenHof ṬṢṢ6. In fact it links Durhumit
and its crossing to the towns of Hanaknak and Tapaggaš in the east. forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 7Ṭ, ṬṢṢ9b: σ9, τṭ suggests
that Mallidaskuriya in the province of Kassiya (KBo τṢ.Ṭ66a), [Ma-l]i?-da-a -ku-ri-ia in the province of Durmitta
(KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ (l. σṬ )) and Melidaškuriya known from a few Old Assyrian texts (kt 88/ṣṣ, kt 9Ṭ/k σσ9, kt 9Ṭ/k τṣṭ)
are the same place. This would prove the proximity between Durhumit and Kassiya but would also have important
implications for the location of Kassiya. In Muwatalli s Prayer (CTH ṭ8ṣ) and elsewhere (e.g. KUB Ṭ6.77) Malli-
daskuriya appears an independent city. One would have to argue how and why it had come under Kassiya and/or
Durmitta, and a simpler solution would be to propose that several homonymous settlements existed on village
level (cf. section σ.ṣτ). For the etymology of Mallidaskuriya, cf. poetto ṣ999. MattHews & glatZ ṬṢṢ9b: 6σ state
that Mursili s annals inform us about a Kaska invasion from Ippasana from DurmittaŞ the episode is from Hattusili s
Apology. They use the suggested location of Ippasana in forlanini ṣ977: ṬṬṣ to place Durmitta on the map. But
Ippasana is hapax legomenon and moves with Durmitta. In addition, Tuhuppiya has to be placed in between Dur-
mitta and Ippasana. forlanini ṣ988 has since identiied Ippasana with Uppasana from the Hulaya River Land east
of Konya and taken it as evidence for the location of Durmitta west of the Kızılırmak. Matthews and Glatz state that
the Kaska from Durmitta attacked Tumanna on the basis of Houwink ten cate ṣ967: σ7. But he simply notes that
Durmitta appears immediately before Pala and Tumanna in the sequence of territories under Hattusili s Command.
Did they read Tuhuppiya as Tumanna on p. σ7 in the penultimate line? The route between Tumanna and Durmitta
via Pala discussed by Matthews and Glatz is based on garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9, who interpreted Hattusili s Com-
mand as a physical itinerary. This was proven wrong in güterBock ṣ96ṣ.
967. gurneY ṣ99Ṭ: Ṭṣτ.
968. Dercksen ṣ996: 8-ṣ7.
Ṭτσ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
assumed that Durmitta was located near the Tuz Gölü. Consequently, when the Old Hittite
magician Zuwi from Durmitta used Luwian words in her spell to revive the virility of a man,
he saw it as a clear example of Luwian inluence in the Lower Lands .969
–––––
Until recently the Assyrian data played no real part in the location of Durhumit. There were
no itineraries availableŞ and, although investigations by Larsen, Michel and Dercksen had
shown the importance of Durhumit in the Assyrian trade,97Ṣ little could be added to the debate
on its location.97ṣ New evidence has now been used to show that a route went around Kaneš
and straight to Durhumit (cf. σ.9, σ.ṣṢ)Ş this pattern is dificult to explain if Durhumit is lo-
cated northwest of Kaneš. Furthermore, one would also have to place Luhuzattiya, Kuššara
and Kuburnat on a meaningful route to Durhumit that did not go through Kaneš. References
to import tax levied on shipments arriving at Durhumit requires that caravans could go there
straight from Assur, and the lack of caravan accounts to Durhumit among the preserved texts
at Kültepe cannot be used as an argument against their existence. They would have been
stored in Durhumit.
An indirect account of this trade east of Kaneš has appeared in the archive of šalim-Aššur
and his sons in Kaneš. A junior trader named Ikun-piya wrote a letter to his business associate,
Ennam-Aššur, in Kaneš to report the arrival of a caravan. His letter contains the type of data
we would expect from a caravan account from Durhumit, and although the city is not explic-
itly mentioned in the letter, its contents and the structure of the irm allows us to locate its
author there with great certainty:97Ṭ
From Ikun-piya and … to Ennam-Aššur: τṢ kutānum-textiles, Ṭτ minas of tin, ṣ/ṭ mina

Ṭ/ṭ shekel of silver, Ṭ donkeys – you sent all of this to me. Thereof, Ṭτ kutānus were sold
at ṣṭ minas each, Ṭτ kutānus were sold at ṣṬ minas each. ṣ8 minas of tin were sold at ṣṢ
minas each, σ minas less ṣτ shekels at 9 minas each. The rest of your tin: ṭ minas ṣτ
shekels, they bring to you. ττ minas was the price of your donkeys, ṭṣ minas the price
of the silver in Dan-Aššur s possession – the total of your copper: ṣτ talents Ṭσ Ṭ/ṭ minas
of washed copper … We paid ṣ8 minas of good copper as the transport tariff on your
copper and your donkeys. One mina per talent was missing during the breaking up. We
deposited Ṭ ½ minas of good copper out of your copper and gave it to Ab-šalim for the
carriage of Ab-šalim s and Dan-Aššur s copper. We did not give them anything for ex-
penses and food.97ṭ
969. Hutter ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭσ9. See also MelcHert ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭσ9.

97Ṣ. larsen ṣ976: 9ṢfŞ MicHel ṣ99ṣaŞ Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṢ-ṣ7. Only Michel voiced some caution in regard to the loca-
tion of Durhumit. In her article on Old Assyrian Durhumit (MicHel ṣ99ṣa: Ṭττ) she pointed to what she took as a
group of Old Assyrian records that relect some confusion about whether to deduct import-taxes on shipments
arriving from Assur in Kaneš or in Durhumit. She concluded that it had to be possible for Assyrian caravans to
bypass Kaneš with entire shipments going from Assur to Durhumit, but she did not draw the inal consequence of
this fact in regard to the location of Durhumit. Although her conclusions were based on mistranslations (note e.g.
TC Ṭ, Ṭ6 in Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣṣṬ), her notion was correct.
97ṣ. veenHof ṬṢṢ6: 778 proposed a location of Durhumit east of the Kızılırmak in reference to BarjaMovic ṬṢṢτ. This
was followed by MicHel ṬṢṢ8d without reference.
97Ṭ. The text belongs to a small dossier of letters (AKT 6 nos. ṭṭ9 – ṭσ8) that all appear to refer to the same activities.
In AKT 6, ṭσσ we learn that Ikun-piya lives in Durhumit. The following analysis is based upon the ongoing re-
search of Mogens Trolle Larsen, who is publishing the texts. It relies upon a solid knowledge of each family and
its business. Until recently almost no such information was available, and very few archives had been studied in
their entirety. The example may thus serve as an illustration of the way in which broad studies of large groups of
texts bring new understanding to the underlying geography of the trade (among other things).
97ṭ. AKT 6, ṭσ8 (l. ṣ-ṣ8): um-ma I-ku-pí-a … a-na En-nam-A- ùr qí-bí-‘ma] τṢ TÚG.HI ku-ta-ni Ṭτ ma-na AN.NA
ṣ/ṭ ma-na Ṭ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR Ṭ ANšE a-lá-mu mì-ma a-nim tù- é-biσ-lam šÀ.BA Ṭτ ku-ta-nu ṣṭ ma-na.TA
Ṭττ
The letter reports the information contained in a standard caravan account and is structured
according to the principles established by Larsen in ṣ967.97σ But the text is extraordinary in
the way that the shipment did not go to Kaneš and that the local agent had to report its arrival
to his partner. Ennam-Aššur had taken over the business in Anatolia after the death of his fa-
ther and he directed his trade from Kaneš.97τ Ikun-piya was his most active correspondent,
and he functioned as permanent agent in Durhumit where the family also owned a house. The
father of Ennam-Aššur was buried there, and the fact that a sixth of all attestations of Durhu-
mit in the Old Assyrian corpus derive from this one archive shows how important the city was
for this particular irm.
At irst glance, Ikun-piya s statement that: you sent all of this to me gives the impression
that the shipment had in fact come from Ennam-Aššur in Kaneš to Durhumit. But this would
mean that a caravan arriving from Assur had been sent straight on from Kaneš without the
shipment being opened or taxed – a procedure that would go against what else is known about
the way the trade functioned. The textiles and most of the tin in the shipment was sold di-
rectly for copper, but some two kilos of tin had not been sold and were sent to Ennam-Aššur.
This would be peculiar if the caravan had come from Kaneš. Why was a part of the shipment
sent back and forth? The interpretation that the shipment went directly to Durhumit is not the
only one possible, but it seems the most likely option.
The itineraries connecting Timelkiya and Hurama to Durhumit and Kuburnat have already
been discussed in the preceding chapter, and only a few of the examples are repeated below.
This time they are used to link the toponyms and deine the local cluster:
I made your (remaining) σṣ textiles go to Hurama, I led them (onto) the Narrow Track,
and now I (have arrived) safely. I am staying in Kuburnat. I will now pay the nishātu-tax,
and in accordance with your message, I will lead your goods to Durhumit.976
Do not let them send the tin via šalahšuwa. For the safety of my tin, they should let the
tin travel via Timelkiya to Durhumit. If people from Kuburnat are staying there, then
leave the tin to them, and ... 977
… enter the Narrow Track from Timelkiya for the safety of my merchandise ... If they
demand good textiles from you for sale, be it Kuburnat, in Hanaknak, or in Durhumit,
then you should sell the good textiles for cash on delivery for at least half a mina a
piece.978
ta-ad-nu Ṭτ ku-ta-nu ṣṬ ma-na.TA ta- ad -nu ṣ8 ma-na AN.NA ṣṢ ma-na.TA σ ma-na LÁ ṣτ GÍN 9 ma-na.TA
ta-dí-in í-tí AN.NA-ki-kà ṭ ma-na ṣτ GÍN na-á -ú-ni-kum ττ ma-na í-im ANšE.HI-kà ṭṣ ma-na í-im
KÙ.BABBAR a li-biσ Dan-A- ùr šUNIGIN URUDU-i-kà : ṣτ GÚ Ṭσ Ṭ/ṭ ma-na URUDU ma-sí-um … (l. Ṭṭ-
ṭṣ): ṣ8 ma-na SIGτ a-du-a-at URUDU-i-kà ù ANšE.HI-kà ni-i - qúl ṣ GÚ-tum ṣ ma-na.TA i-na a-bu-ri-im
im- í Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-n‘a] URUDU SIGτ i-li-biσ URUDU-i-kà ni-‘dí] a-na ta- í-a-at URUDU a Áb- a-lim ù Dan-A- ùr
a-na Áb- a-lim ni-dí-in gám-ra-am ù ú-ku-ul-‘tám] mì-ma ú-lá ni-dí- u-nu-tí.
97σ. larsen ṣ967: 8-ṣσ.
97τ. larsen ṬṢṣṢ: ch. ṣ.
976. Kt 9ṭ/k 69σ (l. ṣτ-Ṭσ): σṣ TÚG.HI.A-tí-kà a-na Hu-ra-ma ú- é-tí-qám-ma ha-ra-an sú-qí-ni ar-dí-a-ma ál-ma-
ku i-Ku-bu-ur-na-at wa-á -ba-ku ni-is-ha-tim a-dan-ma a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà lu-qú-ut-kà a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it a-ra-
de8.
977. Kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6 (l. ṣ6-Ṭτ): AN.NA a-na e-ba-a‘r] a-la-ah- u-wa lá ú- é-tù-qú ki-ma a-lá-am AN.NA-ki e-ba-ar
Tí-me-el-ki-a-ma AN.NA a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it lu- é-tí-qú u-ma a? Ku-bu-ur-na-at a-ma-kam wa-á -bu AN.NA
li- í-ib -ma.
978. Kt 9σ/k σσṣ (l. τ-8): i -tù Tí-me-el-ki-a ha-ra-an sú-qí-ni-ma a- ar a-lamτ lu-qú-tí-a er-ba ... (l. ṣ6-ṬṬ) u-ma
i-na Ku-bu-ur-‘na-at] Ha-na-ak-na-ak ú-lá Durσ-hu-mì-it TÚG-tí SIGτ a- í-mì-im e-ri- u-ku-nu ṣ/Ṭ ma-na.TA
KÙ.BABBAR a-na i-ta-a -lim dí-na lá tù- a-ra.
Ṭτ6
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
All three examples link Durhumit and Kuburnat. The irst message contains a report from
Kuburnat on the progress of a journey that did not pass through Kaneš. The second and the
third letter give instructions to transporters from their superiors in Kaneš. Their onward jour-
ney would not take them through Kaneš, and directions had to be given in writing. In the inal
text, Durhumit, Hanaknak and Kuburnat appear as alternative termini that could be reached
from the Narrow Track. The following passage instead gives Durhumit and Tišmurna as the
two possible destinations coming from the Narrow Track:
... on the narrow track, and either to Durhumit or to Tišmurna, wherever ... that I have
promised to you.979
The association between Durhumit and the other settlements at the end of the Narrow Track
help deine the local cluster and draws the attention to the other texts in which those toponyms
and Durhumit are mentioned together. A relation between Durhumit and Kuburnat comes out
of two additional letters:
When Ababa and I travelled to Ili-dan we were delayed on the journey until this very day,
so his case ... and we returned from Kuburnat to Durhumit – ṭσ shekels of silver was the
expense.98Ṣ
I have personally travelled to Ili-dan in Kuburnat, and after I left, Man-mahir has married
a wife. I shall go to Durhumit for your sake, and we shall settle the matter.98ṣ
The position of Kuburnat is determined in relation to the system of toponyms east of Kaneš
by the itinerary discussed previously under section σ.6. This can in turn link Durhumit to
that system via Kuburnat:
donkey]s (and) his lodging [in GN]. I paid [x shekels of tin] at the bridge. I paid [x shekels
of t]in for lodgings in šamuha … I paid ṣṬ shekels of tin to the rabi sikkitim in Karahna.
From Karahna to Kuburnat ṭ shekels of silver came on (as expenses) for porters. I paid 6
shekels of silver as nishātum-tax at the border of [GN]. I paid Ṭ shekels for in[ns].98Ṭ
979. AKT 6, ṣτṢ (l. Ṭ7-ṭṬ): ‘x x x (x) ha-r]a-an sú-qí-nim-ma ‘a-na Du-ur-hu]-mì-it ‘ú-là Tí-i -m]u-ur-na a-li ‘x x x x
(x x)] qá-biσ-a-ku-ni-tí-ni ‘...]. Coll. from photo. The reading ‘a-na Ku-na-na]-mì-it is also possible.
98Ṣ. AKT 6, Ṭ7τ (l. ṣ6-Ṭṭ): i -nu-me a-na-ku ù A-ba-ba ‘a- ]é-er Ì-lí-dan e-tí-qú-ni ‘i?-na? h]a-ra-nim lu a-dí uσ-mì-i
‘a-nim n]i-is-hu-ru-ma a-wa-sú [x x] x-du-ku-ni ú i -tù Ku-bu-ur-na-at a-dí Durσ-hu-mì-it ni-tù-ru-ni ṣ/Ṭ ma-na σ
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ga-me-er. Ababa was the attorney appointed by the city assembly in Assur to go to Anatolia
and settle matters following the death of šalim-Aššur (cf. larsen ṬṢṣṢ). A number of texts record expenditures
during his travels through Anatolia to collect evidence. This explains the relatively large amount of silver spent
during the journey.
98ṣ. AKT 6, ṭṣτ (l. ṭ-ṣṢ): a-na-ku a-na é-er Ì-lí-dan a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at e-tí-iq-ma wa-ar-ki-tí-ma Ma-ma-hi-ir
a- a-tám e-ta-ha-az a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it a- u-mì-ki e-tí-iq-ma a-wa-tám ni-kà- a-ad. After marrying Man-mahir
went from Kuburnat to Durhumit where Ili-dan was to meet him. There is no indication of the time involved, and
the text may not be a proper itinerary .
98Ṭ. kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣṭ): ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Hu-ra-ma a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in ṣṬ GÍN pá-zu-ur-ti TÚG.HI.A i-na
in [x GÍN AN.NA] i-tí-tù-ri-im [x GÍN AN.]NA a-na É [wa]-áb-ri i-na a -mu-ha a-dí-in … (l. ṣ9-Ṭ7): ṣṬ GÍN
AN.NA i-na Kà-ra-ah-na a-na GAL sí-ki-tim a-dí-in i -tù Kà-ra-ah-na a-dí Ku-bu-ur-na-şatš ṭ GÍN KÙ.
BABBAR a-na a biσ-lá-tim ik- u-ud 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a -na ni-is-ha-tim a-ba-té [a x x (x)] a-dí-in Ṭ GÍN
a-na É [ub-ri]a-dí-in. It would be tempting to read Durhumit in the inal sentence on the left edge, but the space
after ‘a] may be too small.
Ṭτ7
The text placed Kuburnat north of Karahna at modern Sulusaray and pushes Durhumit even
further north. This is conirmed by a range of itineraries and panoramic texts that group
Durhumit and Kuburnat together with Hanaknak, Zimišhuna and Tišmurna:
I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin for lodgings in āl Bu nātim. I paid 6 shekels of tin for lodgings
in the territory of Hanaknak at the place where we made a declaration under oath. I paid
ṭ shekels of tin for lodgings at our departure from Hanika. I paid ṭ shekels of tin for
lodgings in Wazida. I paid 6 shekels of tin (a piece) as import tax on the textiles in
Hanaknak. ṣσ shekels of silver was the price I paid. I paid ṭ shekels of tin for lodgings
at our departure from Hanaknak while we searched for the things that had been lost. I
paid ṭ shekels of tin in the town of Kubilšan. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin to the oficial in
Tapaggaš. I gave a tin bead to the miller in Taedizina. I paid ṣ/Ṭ mina of copper at the
ford in the territory of Durhumit. I paid ṭ minas of reined copper to the oficial as import
tax in Durhumit. I put τ minas of reined copper at the disposal of Ili-u ranni, when he
went to Wahšušana in pursuit of my textiles (and) ṣṢ minas of ikkum-copper for lodgings
and expenses in Wahšušana.98ṭ
This exceptional document represents the most detailed itinerary available in the Old Assyr-
ian corpus. In a wholly unusual fashion, the author found it necessary to produce a detailed
account of all expenses in each place he visited on the road between a settlement named āl
Bu nātim and Durhumit.98σ Upon his arrival in Durhumit the author paid import-tax for small
delivery there.98τ He then noted that a certain Ili-u ranni was sent to Wahšušana on his behest.
The two journeys to Durhumit and Wahšušana are not directly connected, and the text can not
be used to determine the distance between those two cities.986
Although most of the toponyms in the text are hapax legomena, the region where the jour-
ney took place is identiied on the basis of the references to Tapaggaš and Hanaknak. The
town of Tapaggaš can be identiied with the later Hittite provincial capital of Tapigga, located
at modern day Ma at Höyük just south of Zile.987 In Hittite times the province controlled most
98ṭ. Kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7: ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na a-al Bu-u -‘n]a-tim a-É wa-áb-ri a-dí-in 6 GÍN AN.NA i-na ba-te a Ha-na-
ak-na-ak a- ar ni-IZ-kà-ru a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na Ha-ni-kà wa- a-i-ni a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in ṭ
GÍN AN.NA i-na Wa-zi-da a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in 6 GÍN AN.NA a-na ni-is-ha-tim a TÚG.HI.A i-na Ha-na-ak-na-
ak a-dí-in ṣσ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im á -qúl ṭ GÍN AN.NA i -tù Ha-na-ak-na-ak i-şwaš- a-i-a a-na É ub-ri-ni
a-dí hu-lu-qá-e ni-i -e-ú a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.şNA> i-na a-al Ku-biσ-ilτ- a-an a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na Ta-pá-
kà-á a-kà- í-im a-dí-in hi-dam AN.NA a-na a-lá-hi-nim a Ta-e-dí-zi-na a-dí-in ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-né-bar-
tim i- a Durσ-hu-mì-it a-dí-in ṭ ma-na URUDU SIGτ ni-is-ha-tim i-na Durσ-hu-mì-it a-kà- í-im a-dí-in τ ma-na
URUDU SIGτ i-nu-mì a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ur -ki TÚG.HI.A i-li-ku a-qá-tí Ì-lí-ú -ra-ni a-dí-in ṣṢ ma-na
URUDU í-kam lu a-É ub-ri lu gám-ri i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ6: 78Ṣ. The form i- a is taken as
shorthand for i-(na) ba-té a, cf. σ.ṣτ. nizkaru in l. σ is interpreted as a verbal form – a mistake for ni-iz-ku-ru. The
text uses the irst pers. pl. (ni-i -e-ú, ub-ri-ni) elsewhere. I am grateful to Hakan Erol for collating this important
text for me. Interestingly, photographs show that this text and the other important itinerary kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ (cf. σ.6 and
see above) were written with the same broken stylus.
98σ. For āl Bu nātim, cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ6: 78ṢŞ kuZuoğlu 2007a: τσ-ττ.
98τ. Three minas of reined copper are valued at c. ṭ shekels of silver or ṣṬ-ṣσ shekels of tin (cf. Table ṣ). If the rate
of import-tax was similar to that of Hanaknak, this amount corresponds to Ṭ textiles.
986. veenHof ṬṢṢ6: 78Ṭ takes the last sentence in the record to mean that the ikkum-copper had been paid out in
Wahšušana and wonders why the author booked no expenses between Durhumit and there. But the text simply
states that the copper was meant for expenses in Wahšušana. The author does not specify where the copper was
handed over, and probably it was paid out in advance together with Ili-u ranni s salary. This came in the form of
ive minas of reined copper, which seem to have been entrusted to him to him as a working-capital (be ulātum,
cf. ṣ.σ). The author could not record the expenses of Ili-u ranni (in contrast to his own) and could only anticipate
a total expenditure equivalent to some ten minas of low-grade copper (see also τ.ṭ).
987. veenHof ṬṢṢ6: 78Ṭ. For the identiication of Tapigga with modern Ma at Höyük, cf. alp ṣ977Ş ṣ979Ş ṣ98ṢŞ ṣ99ṣŞ
Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ: ṣ6Ṣ. The identiication has been called into question by Yakar ṣ98ṢŞ Houwink ten cate ṣ99Ṭ:
ṣṭṭ-ṣṭ7 n. ṣ7Ş ṣ998: ṣ78 but now seems to be generally accepted. The texts found at Ma at constitute the remains
Ṭτ8
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
of the plain between the ‘ekerek and the Ye ilırmak Rivers north of the Deveci Dağları and
the plain of Sulusaray.988
Among the administrative tablets of the provincial archive unearthed at Ma at Höyük one
also inds two references to the town of Hananaga, which can be identiied with Old Assyrian
Hanaknak.989 In HKM ṣṢṭ Hananaga appears among settlements belonging under Tapigga s
neighbour Ishupitta, while HKM 99 lists it together with a series of settlements in the environs
of Tapigga (cf. τ.ṭ). Similarly, the town of Hanika in kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 corresponds to the Hittite
settlement of Haninkawa mentioned in HKM τσ and ττ (cf. τ.ṭ). The appearance of three
closely related toponyms in two independent sets of data supports their identiication and
renders it unlikely that they are homonymous settlements.
The territory controlled by Durhumit can now be located in reference to the later province
of Tapigga. The mention of a fee paid at a ford or crossing (bridge) in the territory of Durhumit
shows that a river passed between Durhumit and Tapaggaš. Since the Kızılırmak is known to
have passed the later provincial territory of Durmitta (see above), the most probable candidates
for the river mentioned in kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 are the ‘ekerek and the Tersakan. The omission of any
payments made in the area of Durmitta except for the crossing itself could mean Durmitta was
located very close to Tapaggaš or the author ceased recording his expenses in detail. In any
event, it is unlikely that Durmitta was located too close to TapiggaŞ the texts from Ma at do not
refer to the city,99Ṣ and the distance from Durmitta to the Kızılırmak would be too great.
The impression of a geographical relation between Durhumit, Kuburnat and Hanaknak is
indirectly supported by two panoramic lists and a complex itinerary that all come out of the
archive of Kuliya son of Ali-abum, who functioned as envoy of the Kaneš Colony.99ṣ The two
lists come from the circular letters sent from Kaneš to a number of colonies and stations lo-
cated in Central Anatolia (discussed in σ.9):
Thus says the Kaneš Colony to the dātum-payers, Kuliya our messenger and the plenary
assemblies in the Stations of Kuburnat, Hanaknak and Tišmurna.99Ṭ
From the Kaneš Colony to the dātum-payers, Kuliya our messenger, and the colonies in
Durhumit, Hattuš, Tamniya, Tuhpiya until Ninašša.99ṭ
The two letters contain identical messages, except for a single passage that appears only in the
letter to Kuburnat, Hanaknak and Tišmurna, which gives speciic instructions about the taxa-
tion of goods coming from the Narrow Track. This passage was not relevant to the colonies
in general, and all three stations should probably be sought at the head of the Narrow Track
and close to Durhumit. The complex itinerary from Kuliya s archive keeps a systematic ac-
count of his activities during a voyage through Anatolia to collect colonial taxes from Assyr-
ian merchants trading in a ium:
of an ordered archive with administrative records, incoming letters and copies of outgoing messages (cf. peDersén
ṣ998: τ7-τ9. It is dificult to see why such texts would have moved about as a group. The most comprehensive
study of the geography of the region to date is forlanini ṬṢṢṬ.
988. For the frontiers of Tapigga, see alp ṣ979, ṣ99ṣŞ forlanini ṬṢṢṬ.
989. forlanini ṣ999b: σṢ6.
99Ṣ. forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 7σ.
99ṣ. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ. I am indebted to Klaas Veenhof for sharing his drafts and preliminary studies of this important
archive. In AKT τ, 7τ Kuliya functions as envoy of the Kaneš Colony and the Durhumit Colony.
99Ṭ. AKT τ, ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni wa-bar-tim a Ku-bur-na-
at Ha-na-ak-na-ak ú Tí-i -mur-na TUR GAL.
99ṭ. AKT τ, Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni kà-ri-im Durσ-hu-mì-it
Ha-tù-u Ta-am-ni-a Tù-ùh-pí-a a-dí Ni-na- a-a.
Ṭτ9
We collected ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of silver, the tithe from PNṣ son of PN in Kuburnat, and PNṬ
and PNṭ are bringing ṣ mina thereof to the Colony under the seal of the (Kuburnat) Sta-
tion and my own seal. PN σ gave his promise to pay ṣ/Ṭ mina of silver to the Colony in
Tuhpiya. We collected ṣτ shekels of silver from PNτ s son in Hanaknak and PN6 and
PN7 are bringing it under our seals. We collected ṣ/ṭ mina of silver as addu utum-tax
from PN8 in Durhumit. We collected ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of amūtum, the tithe from PN9, and I
entrusted it under the seals of the Durhumit Colony in šinahuttum before the Station to
PNṣṢ and PNṣṣ, who are bringing it to the Colony. We collected ṣṢ shekels of silver as
addu utum-tax from PNṣṬ of Kuburnat in Tuhpiya, and PNṣṭ, the scribe, is bringing it
to the Colony under our seals. [We collected] ṣ/Ṭ mina of silver from the servants of
[PNṣσ] as addu utum-tax. [We collected ... of silver] from [P]Nṣτ as addu utum-tax,
and [we entrusted it to PNṣ6] in [GN] and [he is bringing it to the Co]lony under our
seals. [We collected ...] of silver from [P]Nṣ7 in Tišpurna, and [we entrusted it to P]Nṣ8
and to [PNṣ]9. I took [...]+σ shekels of mashurtum-silver […] from PNṬṢ and PNṬṣ, and
we sold it to PNṬṬ, the interpreter, in Durhumit for ṣ6 shekels of silver, which I carry
under the seals of the Colony. We collected ṭ shekels of silver from PNṬṭ, and when the
king, the man of Hattuš, [went u]p? to Wašhaniya and Baniharzum [...] a kutānum-textile
for the [...] as payment for the textile [...] PNṬτ [...] in Hat[tuš ...].99σ
The journey is convoluted and dificult to follow, but the account suggests that all the places
mentioned belong in the same general region, perhaps along a route that took Kuliya in circles
back to Durhumit at least twice:
Kuburnat – Hanaknak – Durhumit – inahuttum – Tuhpiya – ‘GN] – Ti murna – Durhumit
More importantly, the fact that Kuliya did not travel to places, such as Wahšušana, Ulama and
šalatuwar, suggests that Durhumit belonged to a different region. In fact, this western circuit
never appears in relation to Kuliya s activities.99τ
The following memorandum shows that also Zimišhuna has to be located in the region of
Durhumit:
I have paid 8 ṣ/Ṭ minas of reined copper as addu utum-tax in Durhumit. I deposited ṣσ
minas of bad copper in Zimišhuna. Ṭ minas: Buitak of Tišmurna. Ṭ minas: the exit-tax
that I paid to the ka um-oficial in Wahšušana at a rate of ṣτ shekels per donkey. ṣ mina
per (animal) came on as fees until Purušhaddum.996
99σ. AKT τ, 6: ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i -ra-tim Pu- u-ke-en6 DUMU Bu-za-zu i-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at nu- a-dí-in-ma
šÀ.BA ṣ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR u-sú-in DUMU Áb-lá-ma-sí ú A- ùr-i-dí DUMU A-da-da ku-nu-ki a wa-bar-tim ú
ku-nu-ki-a a-na kà-ri-im i-ni-i -ú ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i-na Tù-ùh-pí-a A- ùr-ma-lik DUMU Ku-ra-ra e-pu-ul
a-na kà-ri-im i- a-qal ṣτ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR DUMU A-lu-lá-a i-na Ha-na-ak-na-ak nu- a-dí-ma ku-nu-ki-ni Li-ba-
a ù Ku-bi-a i-ni-i -ú ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-du-a-tám Ni-mar-Sú-in DUMU Da-dí-a i-na Du-ur-hu-mì-it nu-
a-dí ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.AN i -ra-tim u-ma-biσ-a DUMU A- ùr-e-li-tí nu- a-dí-ma ku-nu-ke-e a kà-ri-im Du-ur-hu-
mì-it i-na í-na-hu-tim IGI wa-bar-tim a-na u-A-nim DUMU Mì-na-nim ù Ma-num-ki-dIM áp-qí-id-ma a-na
kà-ri-im i-ni-i -ú ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-du-a-tám Bu-sí-a a Ku-bu-ur-na-at i-na Tù-ùh-pí-a nu- a-dí-ma ku-nu-
ki-ni dEN.LÍL-ba-ni DUB.SAR a-na kà-ri-im i-ni- í-i ṣ/Ṭ ma-na [K]Ù.BABBAR a-du-a-tám u-ha-re-e ‘ a Ma-
num-b]a-lúm-A- ùr DUMU Ku-ku-a ‘nu- a-dí x x x K]Ù.BABBAR a-du-a-tám ‘...] x-A- ùr ‘...] i-na ‘...] ku-nu-ki-
ni ‘... a-na kà-r]i-im ‘... i]-na Tí-i -pur-na ‘...]-ba-ni ‘...] x DUMU A-ni-na ‘...] a DUMU Ha-na-na ‘x x (x)] σ? GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR ma-as-hu-ru-tum [x x x] x i -tí A- ùr-ba-ni ù é-er- é-ri-im al-qé-ma i-na Du-ur-hu-mì-it a-na I tar-
pì-lá-ah ta-ar-gu-me-a-nim a-na ṣ6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ni-dí- u-nu-ma ku-nu-ki a kà-ri-im na-á -a-ku ṭ GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR DUMU A- ùr-tak-lá-ku DUMU A-lá-hi-im nu- a-dí-ma i-nu-mì Ha-tù- a-i-um ru-ba-um a-na Wa-
á -ha-ni-a ù Ba-ni-ha-ar-zi-im na x ‘x x l]i?-ú ku-ta-nam a-na ‘...] a- í-im TÚG [...]dIM-ba-ni ‘...] i-na Ha-t‘ù?-u ? ...].
99τ. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ: ṣ6-ṣ7, 8Ṣ-8ṣ. Cities inside the southern part of the Kızılırmak bend (Amkuwa, Wašhaniya) do not
occur in the archive either, and the only exception to the regional image of Kuliya s activities is found in AKT τ,
τ, which contains a message from the Kaneš Colony to the dātum-payers in the Tegarama Colony.
996. Kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢ (l. ṣ-ṣσ): 8 ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-du-a-tám i-na Du-ur-hu-mì-it a-dí-i ṣσ ma-na URUDU lá-
Ṭ6Ṣ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
The author left Durhumit with his eight donkeys, having paid his taxes there on a previous
shipment. He then left the city to go to Purušhaddum. For unknown reasons he records the
deposit of a small amount of copper in Zimišhuna in addition to the usual references to taxes
and tolls paid in Wahšušana and at Purušhaddum along the copper route. The association
between Durhumit and Tišmurna seen elsewhere (cf. τ.σ) implies that the reference to Buitak
in the text is of geographical relevance, but the passage may simply refer to a payment made
to an individual coming from Tišmurna.
The city of Zimišhuna occurs only rarely in the Assyrian texts, but it can be equated with
later Hittite Zipishuna or Zapishuna.997 As in the case of Hanaknak, Zipishuna was located
near Tapigga, and in KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ the town is listed among the settlements in the province
of Tapigga.998 Zimišhuna should thus be sought in the vicinity of Tapigga and on a route from
Durhumit toward Wahšušana.
To conclude, Durmitta was located on the later Kaska frontier, east of the Kızılırmak River
and in a close relation to Kuburnat, Hanaknak, Zimišhuna and Tišmurna. The recurring over-
lap between toponyms associated with Durhumit in the Old Assyrian texts and toponyms as-
sociated with Tapigga in the Hittite texts points to a location in that direction. Conversely, the
absence of Durmitta in the texts from Ma at Höyük and its association with the Marrasanda
River suggests that the two provinces were not direct neighbours. The statistical analysis also
implies that Tuhpiya should be included in the Durhumit cluster (cf. τ.9). Conversely, there
are few texts that connect Kaneš with Durhumit, and it would appear that the two cities were
linked only indirectly through the network of trade. Finally, Durhumit was connected to
Timelkiya and the Euphrates east of Kaneš via the so-called Narrow Track, and a main route
left Durhumit west towards Wahšušana and Purušhaddum (cf. sectins τ.ṣσ and τ.ṣ7).
The function of Durhumit as a central market for copper in Anatolia may help identify the
region in which the city was located, and earlier studies have often used the proximity to im-
portant sources of copper ore as a guideline to its position. The following section will discuss
the value of this approach and its implications for the location of Durhumit, drawing upon
recent results from archaeo-metallurgical surveys.999
–––––
By the Middle Bronze Age in Anatolia the technology of copper production had transformed
from a restricted exploitation of oxidised ores into a large-scale extraction of copper from
mu-n‘am] i-Zi-mì!-is-hu-n‘a] a-dí-i Ṭ ma-na Bu-i- ta -a[k?] a Tí-i -mu-ur-na Ṭ ma-na wa- í -tum ṣτ GÍN.TA
i-ANšE.HI.A a-na kà- í-im a-dí-in i-Wa-ah- u- a-na ṣ ma-na.TA da-tum a-di Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ik- u-ud. For ina
emāri(m) cf. also kt n/k 79σ (çeçen & Hecker ṣ99τ).
997. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: ṣσṣŞ Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ: ṣ9ṬŞ forlanini ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭ6τ.
998. The Ma at-letter HKM Ṭ6 mentions the settlement of Panata, which in turn occurs with Zipishuna in KBo ṣṬ.Ṭ6
(col. i): 6-7 but the two may be homonymous settlements.
999. An element of possible signiicance for the location of Durhumit in the region east of the Kızılırmak and north
of the ‘ekerek rivers is the apparent concentration of the characteristic toponymic sufix –it there (e.g. in Sawit,
Kunanamit). Bilgiç ṣ9στ-τṣ took –it and at/ut as variant forms, and he included toponyms, such as Kuburnat,
Hudurut and Haburat in the group. One can now add Tapašat(ta) to his list. The Hittite form of the suffux is –itta,
which von scHuler ṣ96τ: ṣṢṬ saw as particularly common in the Kaska region. The sufix remains productive
in Hittite times, and those places that can be located with some certainty are concentrated in the region of
Amasya and Tokat. In addition to Durmitta, the sufix occurs in Haitta, Hashaitta, Ishupitta, Kalasmitta, Kapitta,
Karasmitta, Kipitta, Kismitta, Litta, Malitta, Parkuitta, Sahuwitta, Salitta, Sanahwitta, Sapitta, Sipitta, Sulitta,
Tamitta(ya), Taritar(ra), Tesitta, Tupitta, Ulitta, Upasitta, Wasitta, Zalputta/Zilpitta and Zitta. In classical times,
the sufix survives in names such as Euachita (at Beyözü east of ‘orum, cf. talBert ṬṢṢṢ: ṣṬṭṣ). The main Hit-
tite settlements that may be assigned with some certainty to this region are: Tamitta (in the province of Dur-
mitta), Ishupitta, Kalasmitta and Tupitta. Sanahwitta should probably also be included in this group (cf. τ.6).
Ṭ6ṣ
sulphides.ṣṢṢṢ Copper sulphides are more dificult to process than oxides, but are also much
more abundant and are found at several easily accessible localities in Turkey.ṣṢṢṣ The main
deposits are concentrated in the Black Sea Folded Zone, where ancient mines are known from
the ifth millennium BCŞ but large quantities are also found in the Eastern Taurus and in the
Troad. Trace analyses of metal ores, slag and objects using neutron activation have been
gradually reined during the past two decades, and a small sample of a given object can be
used to determine its source even when it is composed of a mixture of different ores. Chemi-
cal analysis is also used, but the method has proven generally less reliable in determining the
origin of mixed ores. Both techniques have been used to give a general image of the ancient
zones of production and patterns of exchange.
The astounding volume of the copper production and trade during the early Middle Bronze
Age in Anatolia became fully evident with Dercksen s analysis of the subject.ṣṢṢṬ The Assyr-
ian texts measure transactions in tons and a few families appear to have specialised in han-
dling the large volumes across great distances. The archives of šalim-Aššur son of Issu-
arik,ṣṢṢṭ Ali-ahum son of Aššur-malikṣṢṢσ and Aššur-imitti with his son U ur-ša-IštarṣṢṢτ show
that these traders were particularly active in the trafic between Durhumit and Purušhaddum,
and in one case šalim-Aššur traded ṣτ tons of copper in a single transaction.ṣṢṢ6
This in itself points to the existence of a lourishing mining industry in Anatolia that would
have left behind a prominent archaeological ingerprint. The texts leave a clear impression of
something much larger than a cottage industry or small-scale exploitation. For the purpose of
locating Durhumit it is therefore worth noting that the processing of sulphide ores generates vast
amounts of slag, and that each reference to a ton of copper in an Assyrian text must correspond
to several tons of imperishable slag. A location of Durhumit in the area well north of Tapigga
favours the Black Sea region as the most likely origin of the copper traded by the Assyrians.
Analyses of the ratio of trace elements in a series of artefacts coming from Kaman Kale-
höyük suggests that most of the objects dated to the Hittite period (deined by the authors as
the time span from ṬṢṢṢ – ṣṬṢṢ BC) were produced from Taurus ores.ṣṢṢ7 Likewise, the re-
sults of chemical testing on copper objects from Acemhöyük are consistent with the ore found
in the Upper Euphrates, e.g. at Tepecik and Maden.ṣṢṢ8 If those results prove to be reliable, it
seems possible that a signiicant trafic in metals from Eastern Anatolia existed in addition to
the copper bought in Durhumit by the Assyrian merchants. Others may have dominated this
trade, or it may have lourished slightly later than the trafic evidenced in the textual sources.
Alternatively, it is possible that metal may already have travelled far by the time it reached
the market in Durhumit and that the copper sold there came from several sources.
In addition to the ubiquitous attestations to the wholesale of copper in Durhumit, the As-
syrian sources contain numerous references to copper of varying provenience. The attesta-
tions were compiled and discussed by Dercksen, who showed that provenience could refer to
the original source of the copper as well as the city where it was bought. Nevertheless, he
shows that the Assyrians traded copper originating from all over Anatolia.ṣṢṢ9 In more recent
periods of Turkish history the copper production was centred on Ergani Maden near Elazığ,
ṣṢṢṢ. reHDer ṬṢṢṢ: Ch. ṣṣ.

ṣṢṢṣ. For ancient mining and metallurgy in Anatolia, see De jesus ṣ98ṢŞ kaptan ṣ986, ṣ99τŞ Bilgi ṬṢṢṣ.
ṣṢṢṬ. Dercksen ṣ996.
ṣṢṢṭ. Kt 9σ/k τ69ff. (larsen ṬṢṣṢ).
ṣṢṢσ. Kt c/k Dercksen (in preparation).
ṣṢṢτ. Kt n/k. The archive has been divided between several scholars and is not being studied in its entirety.
ṣṢṢ6. larsen ṬṢṣṢ: The Ušinalam Dossier .
ṣṢṢ7. Hirao et al. ṣ99τ: 97.
ṣṢṢ8. çukur & kunç ṣ99ṢŞ ṣ99ṬŞ N. ÖZgüç ṣ99τ.
ṣṢṢ9. Dercksen ṣ996: σṭ-σ7.
Ṭ6Ṭ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
but the ore travelled all the way to Tokat some ṭτṢ km to the north for reining and sale.ṣṢṣṢ
Similarly, the main areas of metal production in the European Middle Ages were concen-
trated in Meissen, Bohemia, Slovenia and Bosnia, whereas both the ownership, processing
and trade was centred on a few metropolitan cities of Western Europe.ṣṢṣṣ
Ancient mining was a risky business without a developed method of prospecting and with
a relatively limited technology of excavation at hand. Presumably for this reason mining
tended to be monopolised by a central authority capable of bearing a certain loss in return for
a steady low of metal, or else mining operations would be given over to small groups of pri-
vate entrepreneurs who were willing to bear the risk. The Austrian silver production in the
ṣṭth century A.D. and the meerschaum mines of Ottoman Turkey were organised in this fash-
ion, and small groups of itinerant miners travelled from region to region as the ores dried up.
On the other hand, the status of market city is gained by tradition, and for political as well
as administrative and practical reasons a place can retain its function as a central market of a
particular commodity in spite of changes in the source of the commodity it traded. As already
stated, Tokat in the ṣ9th century retained its status as a principal centre in the copper trade long
after the Pontic mines had lost their signiicance and the ore came from Ergani. In medieval
Western Europe trade became concentrated at a few large annual fairs attended by merchants
from near and far. Such fairs were disconnected from the areas of production and came to
function exclusively as the most prominent centres of exchange.ṣṢṣṬ The conidence held by
visiting merchants that a rich supply and range of goods at competitive prices would always
be available at such gatherings led to a centralisation of trade, and cargos would travel over
great distances to attend and compete with similar products on the central market.ṣṢṣṭ
The function of Durhumit as a market for copper (as opposed to a centre of production)
gives some freedom in determining the exact location of the city. A lack of references to cop-
per coming from Durhumit itself does not preclude mining activities in its vicinity, but most
of the texts mentioning the sources copper point to locations where the Assyrian traders rare-
ly went: Haburat (location unknown), Kunanamit,ṣṢṣσ Marithum (region of Durhumit),ṣṢṣτ the
Land of Sawit (probably in the Black Sea region),ṣṢṣ6 Tišmurna,ṣṢṣ7 Tapašatta (perhaps identi-
cal to Hittite Tappasanda, location unknown),ṣṢṣ8 and Taritar (probably to be identiied with
Hittite Taritarra).ṣṢṣ9
One of the central results of Dercksen s analysis was to show the importance of Durhumit
for a number of industries related to the reining and working of copper. In Durhumit the As-
syrian merchants could convert low-grade copper into ine copper, and could have their met-
al reined or their ingots broken up for further processing and transport.ṣṢṬṢ This type of ac-
tivities implies that the initial reining took place near the site of extraction, and that Durhumit
ṣṢṣṢ. See ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. ii): ṣ8, and HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṭτṭ. The latter actually visited the foundry in
Tokat, gives a description of the local industry, and explains how the metal ore travelled for ṣṬ-ṣσ days from
Ergani Maden to get to Tokat.
ṣṢṣṣ. spufforD ṬṢṢṬ: esp. ṭτσff., ṭ66.
ṣṢṣṬ. pHillips & pHillips ṣ997: Ch. ṭ deals extensively with the marketing and trade of wool by the merchants of
Burgos in Spain, and with the transport of that wool by land and sea to the great markets of North-Western Eu-
rope in the ṣṭth – ṣ8th centuries A.D.
ṣṢṣṭ. spufforD ṬṢṢṬ: ṣσ6-ṣσ7.
ṣṢṣσ. Kunanamit occurs in seventeen texts, and considerable amounts of cooper were bought there directly, cf. p. Ṭ8σf.
ṣṢṣτ. Cf. section τ.τ.
ṣṢṣ6. Cf. AKT ṭ, τ6 and CCT Ṭ, Ṭṭ (icHisar ṣ98ṣ: ṭṢṣ-ṭṢṭŞ mentioned alongside Kunanamit).
ṣṢṣ7. An important market town as well as copper producers, cf. section τ.σ.
ṣṢṣ8. Cf. e.g. kt 9ṣ/k ṭ9Ṣ and kt n/k ṣ9τṬ.
ṣṢṣ9. For further references, see Dercksen 1996: 43-45.
ṣṢṬṢ. Dercksen 1996: ṭτ-ṭ6Ş σṢ-σṣŞ τṭ-τ7Ş ṣτ8. Note the letter CCT σ, Ṭ7a (ibid. p. ṣṬ8), which shows that the As-
syrian Colony at one point prohibited the import of copper into Durhumit. The reason behind this move is un
Ṭ6ṭ
was both a market and a centre for derivative industries. The process of converting sulphides
into pure metal is complex and toxic and involves repeated roasting, smelting, crushing and
oxidation of the ore and matte. Each kilogram of reined copper mentioned in the texts will
have required an industry able to produce c. ṬṢṢ kg of biomass for roasting and charcoal pro-
duction, and to dispose of c. ṭṢ kg of slag.ṣṢṬṣ The transaction of ṣτ tons of copper mentioned
in the archive of šalim-Aššur would thus have taken some ṭ,ṢṢṢ,ṢṢṢ kg of irewood and have
produced στṢ,ṢṢṢ kg of slag. Such an industry would have required access to both a reliable
source of irewood and the workforce to process it.ṣṢṬṬ
The secondary industries of smelting and mechanical reining could more easily have been
accommodated in workshops inside the city, and this may explain why conversion of low-
grade copper and the processing of copper ingots took place there. The rising number of
grinding tools, mortars and grinding hollows found during archaeometallurgical surveys in
the central Black Sea region also suggest that the initial stages of ore processing took place
on site, but the dificulty associated with identifying and accurately dating ancient open pit
mines and slag dumps prevents irm conclusions.
The rich mining areas in around Merzifon, Erbaa and Tokat would all be likely candidates
for the main supplier of Durhumit copper. All three areas have yielded ancient workings,
which prove that the area was mined already during the Early Bronze Age. A series of detailed
metallurgical analyses based upon a correlation between a growing database of ancient ore
and slag specimens and samples taken from ancient artefacts now begins to establish the im-
portance of the Black Sea region as a source of ancient copper during the period in question.
Sayre, Yener and ›zbal distinguish a North Central Group centred on the ores from I ık Dağ,
Merzifon, and the region south of Göksun from eastern ores found around Trabzon and Art-
vin.ṣṢṬṭ Their comparison between specimens of slag and ore collected from ancient mining
sites and ṣ8σ metal objects recovered from nine Anatolian sites showed that almost half (76)
of the artefacts had signiicant afinities with this North Central Group.
Archaeometallurgical surveys of the Central Black Sea region have only just begun, and
new inds will doubtless lead to a more accurate image of the ancient metal industry. Never-
theless, a few important ancient workings have already been identiied in the region. They
suggest a considerable mining activity also during the Old Assyrian Colony Period. A survey
conducted by Kaptan on the Almus Plain at Gevrek village east of Tokat produced a number
of moulds made for copper bars, which showed close parallels to specimens excavated in a
Colony Period metal workshop in Kaneš.ṣṢṬσ The closely matching size of the moulds from
Gevrek and Kültepe led Kaptan to suggest that a growing trade in copper favoured the adapta-
tion of common standards in the early Middle Bronze Age.
A series of important inds on the northern slopes of the Tav an Dağ along the Bakır ‘ay
(Copper Brook) just north of Merzifon have been presented by Kaptan as direct evidence for
the mining of copper during the Colony Period.ṣṢṬτ The mines themselves were not located
during the survey, probably because they were simply shallow open pits that have completely
disappeared. But a characteristic ceramic assemblage, numerous tuyères and a carbon four-
teen date of local slag deposits to c. ṣ887 BC near the site of Suba ı suggests that a local in-
known, but the perhaps the practice of exchanging copper for copper in Durhumit somehow affected the overall
trade in a negative way.
ṣṢṬṣ. reHDer ṬṢṢṢ: ṣσ7-ṣσ9.
ṣṢṬṬ. Note the description in ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): 9Ṭ of charcoal burners working for the mines at Haciköy in the
forests of oak, beech and pine on the northern slopes of the Tav an Dağ at Vezirköprü.
ṣṢṬṭ. saYre et al. ṬṢṢṣ: 8Ṭ, 88-9Ṭ.
ṣṢṬσ. kaptan ṣ979 and also ṣ986Ş ṣ99ṬŞ ṣ99τ.
ṣṢṬτ. kaptan ṣ988. Also ÖZBal et al. ṬṢṢṢŞ ṬṢṢṣ.
Ṭ6σ
τ.ṣ DURHUMIT
Fig. 35: View of the uppermost Bakır Çay seen from the south.
dustry existed here at the time of the Assyrian colonies. Along the riverbed, rich copper
minerals, such as chalcopyrite and the very conspicuous azurite and malachite, alert even the
untrained eye to the abundant presence of copper in the soil. Parallel to the brook and slightly
downstream from the processing site Kaptan found a substantial mound of slag measuring 7Ṣ
by ṬṢ by σṢ metres. At ṣτṢṢ kg per mṭ this amount of slag would correspond to c. Ṭ,τṢṢ tons
of reined copper.ṣṢṬ6 Although one cannot be certain, it seems likely that this slag mound was
associated with the ore production site of Suba ı.
Due to its location only ṣṢṢ km north of Zimišhuna and Tapigga, the Bakır ‘ay area is a
good candidate for an important site of copper production associated with the market in
Durhumit. The city itself should instead probably be sought at an important road-knot that
would allow it to attract a substantial trafic of raw metal from several sources.
–––––
Considering how many references there are to Durhumit in the Assyrian records, it is remark-
able how limited the information is with regard to the city as a political and social entity.
There are no direct references to a ruler or a ruling couple of Durhumit,ṣṢṬ7 and the palace oc-
curs only once in a record of a shipment of Anatolian textiles that was declared in a fashion
otherwise attested only at Kaneš:
ṣṢṬ6. Calculation made on the basis of one kg of slag corresponding to Ṣ.Ṣṭ kg copper (reHDer ṬṢṢṢ: ṣσ8) and a low
average density of the copper slag at ṣ,τṢṢ kg/mṭ (retrieved from http://www.simetric.co.uk, April ṬṢṣṢ).
ṣṢṬ7. MicHel & garelli ṣ996 suggested that the text kt 9ṭ/k ṣστ, which relates to a controversy between the ruling
couple of an unnamed city and the Assyrian Colony, probably took place in Durhumit (see τ.8). günBatti ṬṢṢṣ
argued against this view and found it more likely that the affair was played out in Kaneš. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: ṬσṢ-Ṭσṣ
now believes it took place in Wašhaniya. The ruler of Durhumit may appear in the letter kt n/k ṣσṢ8 (cf. veenHof
ṬṢṢ8a: ṣτ6) sent from the Colony in Durhumit to U ur-ša-Ištar. erteM ṣ99τ: 9ṣ lists Durhumit among the cities
in Anatolia that had a king but provides no reference.
Ṭ6τ
Of the ṣṢṢ pirikannus and σ black donkeys that they brought to our father in Durhumit,
the servants took σ pirikannus for their clothingŞ they took Ṭ in the palace as import dutyŞ
ṣ pirikannum was lost.ṣṢṬ8
Similarly, kt n/k 66ṣ and kt 9ṣ/k ṣ8ṣ refers to the rate of exchange on the market in Durhumit,
and kt 9ṣ/k ṭ9Ṣ quotes the standard interest rate set by the Colony of Durhumit in a fashion
that is usually connected with Kaneš. The examples suggest the relative autonomy of trade in
Durhumit vis-à-vis Kaneš and imply that the Assyrian trade on Durhumit was related to a dif-
ferent sphere of the Anatolian market system. Both Larsen and Michel used the letter kt f/k
ṣ8ṭ to argue that a gradual decentralization of the Assyrian colonial hierarchy in Anatolia
gave increasing political autonomy for some of the major Assyrian colonies.ṣṢṬ9 In this letter,
a ruler of Tawiniya complained to the Kaneš Colony about a visit from representatives of the
Durhumit Colony. They approached the ruler with a treaty proposal, but the Anatolian king
would recognise only the authority of the Colony in Kaneš, and he wrote this message to have
a delegation sent from there instead.
The Assyrian Colony in Durhumit is mentioned quite often and there are references to a
number of traders living in the city.ṣṢṭṢ Michel has discussed the data on the Assyrians operat-
ing there,ṣṢṭṣ and one should now add the important new data from šalim-Aššur s archive,
which was not available to Michel at the time of writing. His family specialised in the copper
trade and šalim-Aššur himself lived and died in his house in Durhumit.ṣṢṭṬ Not only are if-
teen percent of all references to the city in the Assyrian texts found in this one archive, but the
general region around the city – i.e., places such as Kuburnat and Tišmurna – also occur more
often in these texts than in any other group of sources.
Michel showed that several of the Assyrian traders who owned a house in Durhumit acted
as local partners and helped colleagues that did not have permanent representation in the city.
This may have been a common way of organising the trade and sharing costs, but it could also
imply that a limited number of merchants monopolised most of the trade in the city. The sug-
gestion that gradual changes in the balance of power between the Assyrian colonies took
place as the trade itself evolved seems convincing.
From the Hittite texts there is a little more information about the history of Durmitta. In
Old Hittite times, Durmitta appears in the list of towns that had an AGRIG administrator to-
gether with Hanhana, Tuhuppiya, Karasmitta and Zipishuna, and in the deposition KUB Ṭ6.69
it is mentioned along a number of smaller settlements in the region, e.g., Iyaupapa, Iumiya-
rina, Iuhastila and Zalputta. The list of settlements in KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ suggests an extensive
provincial territory, which may have stretched all the way to the Kızılırmak. At one point in
Hittite history Durmitta fell out of imperial control, and when Hattusili was given the command
over the devastated lands this also included the province of Durmitta. But the Sattiwazza
treaty still refers to The men of the town of Durmittta in the Land of Durmitta in the list of
deserters during the reign of Suppiluliuma,ṣṢṭṭ and his son Mursili II talks of the Kaska rebel-
lion in Durmitta. It therefore seems the province only fell out of imperial control for a short
ṣṢṬ8. Kt 9σ/k ṣṣṬσ (l. ṣ-ṣṢ): i-na ṣ me-at pì-r‘i-kà-ni] ú σ ANšE.HI a-lá-me a a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it a-na é-er a-bi-ni
ub-lu-ni šÀ.BA σ pì-ri-kà-ni ú-ha-ru-ú a-na lu-bu- í- u-nu ilτ-qé Ṭ í-na ni-is-ha- tim i-na É.GAL-lim i-le-qé-
şúš ṣ pì-ri-kà- nu-um ha-lá-aq.
ṣṢṬ9. larsen ṣ976: Ṭ7σ-Ṭ7τŞ MicHel ṣ99ṣa.
ṣṢṭṢ. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a. The earliest dated text mentioning Durhumit is kt 9σ/k τṭ6, dated REL 76 = ṣ89σ BC.
ṣṢṭṣ. MicHel ṣ99ṣa.
ṣṢṭṬ. larsen ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣṢṭṭ. KBo ṣ.ṣ, cf. σ.ṭ.
Ṭ66
τ.Ṭ KUBURNAT
period. Durmittta is mentioned a few times as the seat of divine Telipinu and Gulses,ṣṢṭσ and
it was the supposed home of Mallidunna, the wise Old Lady of Durmitta .ṣṢṭτ Finally, the city
occurs in a series of Luwian rituals to the Storm-god, which are said to have been composed
by the Lady Zuwi, allegedly of Durmitta.ṣṢṭ6
5.Ṭ KuburnatṣṢṭ7
Until recently, less than ten references to Kuburnat were available in the published texts from
Kültepe, and before the formation of the Old Assyrian Text project only one record offered
any clue to the location of the city. With a current total of more than ifty references (with ṣṭ
new attestations from the archive of šalim-Aššur alone), it is possible to propose a much
more accurate location for the city. In addition, the role of Kuburnat on the inal stage of the
direct route between the Euphrates and Durhumit is becoming increasingly clear.
Baniharzum ṣ Kuššara ṣ Tegarama ṣ

Durhumit 7 Luhuzattiya Ṭ Tikurna ṣ
Hahhum Ṭ Pedin ṣ Timelkiya σ
Hanaknak τ Purušaddum Ṭ Tišmurna Ṭ
Hattum ṣ šalahšuwa ṭ Tuhpiya ṣ
Hattuš ṣ šalatuwar ṣ Tukuptu ṣ
Hatikaitra ṣ šamuha ṣ Wahšušana ṭ
Hurama 6 šinahuttum ṣ Wašhaniya ṣ
Karahna ṣ māt Tahruwa Ṭ Zalpa ṣ
Table ṬṬ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Kuburnat.
The references produce a fairly coherent image.ṣṢṭ8 A particularly close link between Kubur-
nat and Durhumit is evident from the graph, but also Hanaknak, Hurama, šalahšuwa, Timel-
kiya and māt Tahruwa are candidates for the local cluster.
ṣṢṭσ. CTH ṭ8ṣ and at Ugarit RS ṣ7.ṭṭ8+: 9τ , cf. BelMonte Marín ṬṢṢṣ.
ṣṢṭτ. CTH σṢṭ, cf. Del Monte ṬṢṢṬ: 6ṭ-7τŞ larocHe ṣ966: ṣṣṣ.
ṣṢṭ6. KBo ṣṬ.ṣṢ6+ and KBo ṣṭ.ṣσ6 (col. i): Ṭ, see Hutter ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭσ9. In in KUB 7.τ7 (col. iv): Ṭτ Mallidunna is in-
stead said to be a native of the city of Angulla.
ṣṢṭ7. Attestations of Kuburnat are found in: kt 7τ/k 7ṣŞ kt 7τ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 88/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ76Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṣ/k τσσŞ
kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṣ7ṣŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k ṭṬσŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k Ṭ97Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ kt 9σ/k 6σṣŞ kt 9σ/k 966Ş
kt 9σ/k 98τŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσ9ṣŞ kt 98/k ṣṬτ; kt a/k σṢṭŞ kt a/k σ6τa+bŞ kt a/k τṣṭŞ AKT ṭ, 87Ş AKT ṭ, 89Ş AKT τ, ṭŞ
AKT τ, 6Ş AKT τ, 69Ş AKT τ, σṬŞ AKT 6, ṣ8ṬŞ AKT 6, ṬṣṢŞ AKT 6, ṬṣṣŞ AKT 6, ṬṣṬŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7τŞ AKT 6, Ṭ76Ş
AKT 6, ṭṣτŞ AKT 6, σ88Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ BIN 6, ṣ8σŞ kt c/k ṬṭτŞ kt c/k σ7σŞ kt c/k τṭ8Ş JCS ṣσ, ṣṣŞ kt k/k 87Ş KTK
ṬṭŞ LB ṣṬṢ9a+bŞ kt n/k Ṭṣ8Ş kt n/k σσ6Ş OIP Ṭ7, 6ṬŞ RA τ8, ṣṬṬŞ RA 8ṣ, 9Ş RA 8ṣ, 7τŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7.
ṣṢṭ8. The attestations of Kuburnat together with other cities are found in: Baniharzum: AKT τ, 6, Durhumit: kt 9ṣ/k
σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT τ, 6Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7τŞ AKT 6, ṭṣτŞ kt n/k Ṭṣ8, Hahhum: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş AKT ṭ, 89,
Hanaknak AKT τ, 6Ş AKT 6, ṭŞ kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ kt c/k τṭ8Ş kt k/k 87, Hattum: TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Hattu : AKT τ, 6,
Hatikaitra: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Hurama: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ kt 9σ/k 966Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ RA 8ṣ, 9Ş TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Karahna:
kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Ku ara: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Luhuzattiya: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Pedin: kt 7τ/k 7ṣ, Puru haddum: kt a/k
σṢṭŞ kt a/k τṣṭ, alah uwa: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 69σŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣ, alatuwar: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, amuha: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ,
inahuttum: AKT τ, 6, māt Tahruwa: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ6Ş RA 8ṣ, 9, Tegarama: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Tikurna: kt 7τ/k 7ṣ,
Timelkiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ7, Ti murna: AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, 6,
Tukuptu: AKT 6, σ88, Wah u ana: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt c/k τṭ8Ş kt n/k Ṭṣ8, Wa haniya: AKT τ, 6. Zalpa: kt 9ṣ/k
ṣ76. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably de-
scribes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
Ṭ67
Hurama 6 Šamuha 1 Wahšušana 3
Šinahuttum 1 Wašhaniya 1
Table 21: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Kuburnat.
The references produce a fairly coherent image.2 A particularly close link between Kuburnat
and Durhumit is evident from the graph, but also Hanaknak, Hurama, Šalahšuwa, Timelkiya
and māt Tahruwa are candidates
CHAPTER τ:for theLANDS
THE local cluster.
NORTH AND WEST OF KANEš
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hanaknak
Hurama
Luhuzattiya
Purušhaddum
Šalahšuwa
māt Tahruwa
Timelkiya
Tišmurna
Wahšušana
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Graph 15: Frequency of a given

Graph 14: Frequency toponym
of a given associated
toponym associated with Kuburnat.
with Kuburnat. Itineraries
‘Itineraries’ are arecolour.
shaded in a darker shaded in a darker
colour.
1
Attestations of Kuburnat are found in: kt 75/k 71; kt 75/k 107; kt 88/k 290; kt 91/k 176; kt 91/k 416; kt 91/k 544;
The presence of Hurama, šalahšuwa and Timelkiya in the cluster emphasises the role of
kt 92/k 3; AKT 5, 3; AKT 5, 6; AKT 5, 69; AKT 5, 42; kt 93/k 171; kt 93/k 236; kt 93/k 324; kt 93/k 694; kt 94/k
Kuburnat
297; kt 94/k as a kt
441; main
94/k port of94/k
636; kt call641;
forktgoods sentkt via
94/k 644; 94/kthe
896;Narrow Track
kt 94/k 966; to Durhumit
kt 94/k 985; kt 94/k (cf.
1007;σ.9).
kt
Conversely, an absence of the important market cities of Purušhaddum and Wahšušanaktina/k
94/1024; kt 94/k 1111; kt 94/k 1116; kt 94/k 1265; kt 94/k 1491; kt 94/k 1605; kt 98/k 125; kt a/k 403; any
465a+b; kt a/k 513; AKT 3, 87; AKT 3, 89; BIN 6, 184; kt c/k 235; kt c/k 474; kt c/k 538; JCS 14, 11; kt k/k 87;
of the itineraries suggests that Kuburnat belonged to a different geographical system and net-
KTK 23; LB 1209a+b; kt n/k 218; kt n/k 446; OIP 27, 62; RA 58, 122; RA 81, 9; RA 81, 75; TC 2, 27.
work
2
of trade, of
The attestations and it supports
Kuburnat thewith
together idea that
other Durhumit
cities are foundand WahšušanaAKT
in: Baniharzum: cannot have beenktneigh-
5, 6, Durhumit: 91/k
416; kt on
bours 93/kthe
694;western
kt 94/k 441;
bankkt 94/k 1007;
of the kt 94/k 1116;
Kızılırmak AKT
(cf. 5, 6; kt n/k 218, Hahhum: kt 91/k 416; AKT 3, 89,
τ.ṣ).
Hanaknak AKT 6, 3; AKT 5, 6; kt 94/k 441; kt c/k 538; kt k/k 87, Hattum: TC 2, 27, Hattuš: AKT 5, 6,
Most ofktthe
Hatikaitra: 92/kitineraries
3, Hurama:that are3;relevant
kt 92/k kt 93/k 694;forktthe
94/klocation
966; kt 94/k of 1605;
Kuburnat
RA 81, have been
9; TC 2, discussed
27, Karahna:
under sections
kt 92/k 3, Kuššara:σ.9 and1605,
kt 94/k τ.ṣ Luhuzattiya:
and can simply kt 92/kbe 3; listed
kt 94/k in1605,shorthand: AKT
Pedin: kt 75/k 71,6, ṣτṢ (Kuburnat
Purušhaddum: kt a/kto
kt a/k 513, Šalahšuwa: kt 91/k 416; kt 93/k 694; kt 94/k 1605, Šalatuwar:
Durhumit), AKT 6, Ṭ7τ (Kuburnat to Durhumit), kt 9ṣ/k σṣ6 (Timelkiya to Durhumit 3,via
403; kt 94/k 1605, Šamuha: kt 92/k
Šinahuttum: AKT 5, 6, māt Tahruwa: kt 93/k 236; RA 81, 9, Tegarama: kt 94/k 1605, Tikurna: kt 75/k 71,
Kuburnat),
Timelkiya: kt kt 91/k9ṭ/k
416; 69σ (šalahšuwa
kt 94/k to Durhumit
441; kt 94/k 1605; via Hurama
TC 2, 27, Tišmurna: AKT 5,and Kuburnat
3; AKT on theAKT
5, 6, Tuhpiya: Narrow
5, 6,
Track)
Tukuptu:and kt 1024,
kt 94/k 9σ/k Wahšušna:
σσṣ (Timelkiya to kt
kt 91/k 437; Kuburnat,
c/k 538; kt Hanaknak or Durhumit
n/k 218, Wašhaniya: AKT 5, 6.via Allthe Narrow
‘itineraries’
have beenOn
Track). underlined
the basis (theofterm
the‘itinerary’
last threeis texts,
appliedittoisany source
likely thatthe
that unmistakably describes in
inal destination a geographical
the detailed
relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
itinerary kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ was also Durhumit (Hurama, Luhuzattiya, [GN], šamuha, Hatikaitra,
Kutiya, Karahna and Kuburnat to [Durhumit]). 1
In addition to these itineraries , the letter TC
Ṭ, ṭ7 (cf. σ.7) shows that at least two routes led east of Kaneš to Kuburnat: one from Timel-
kiya and one from Hurama.ṣṢṭ9 It also implies that Kuburnat was a part of Hattum.
The route to Durhumit from the Euphrates passed through Kuburnat, but apparently an
alternative way through Hanaknak existed when one came from the west. The two cities oc-
cur as alternative destinations in at least two texts:ṣṢσṢ
Here šu-Kubum was instructed to go to Kuburnat, but I said: Set your feet to
Hanaknak .ṣṢσṣ
If the road to Wahšušana is not open, have my goods brought here to Hanaknak or to
Kuburnat where the road is open.ṣṢσṬ
ṣṢṭ9. Hattum and not Hatti as stated in forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ6Ṭ n. 7. Note also kt c/k σ7σ: The roads to Kuburnat are
not feasible … (l. Ṭ7-Ṭ8: ha-ra-na-tum a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at lá na- ù-ma), although this passage may refer to a
journey from Kaneš.
ṣṢσṢ. See also kt 9σ/k σσṣ and AKT τ, ṭ.
ṣṢσṣ. Kt k/k 87 (l. τ-ṣṣ): a-na-kam u-Ku-bu-u‘m] ha-ra- u-ma a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at ú- a-hi-sú-ma um-ma a-na-ku-
ma a-dí Ha-na-ak-na-şakš é-pì-kà dí-in.
ṣṢσṬ. Kt c/k τṭ8 (l. ṣṢ-ṣ6): u-ma a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ‘ha-ra-num lá pá]-tí-a-at ‘lu a]- Ha -na-ak-na-ak lu a-Ku-bu-
ur-na-at a- ar ha-ra-nu-um pá-tí-a-at-ni lu-qú-tí é-bi-lam.
Ṭ68
τ.Ṭ KUBURNAT
In addition, two letters imply that a region known as the Land of Tahruwa was located close
to Kuburnat:
Puzur-Aššur will take the wool go into the Land of Tahruwa, he will leave the Land of
Tahruwa, and he will pay the Ṭ Ṭ/ṭ minas of silver to the representatives of Iddin-Suen
in Kuburnat.ṣṢσṭ
I went into Kuburnat, but I did not catch up with Kazua. He is staying in the Land of
[Tah]ruwa. Let me set out and come […] from the Land of [Tahruw]a to Hurama. [Write]
to Kuburnat ... ṣṢσσ
The second letter is related to TC Ṭ, Ṭ7 mentioned above. Since the recipient of that letter was
stationed in Hurama, it seems the Land of Tahruwa was located between Kuburnat and Hura-
ma. Finally, Kuburnat was located on a route from Kaneš to the town of Tukuptu:
Ennam-Aššur son of šalim-Aššur shall give Ṭṣ talents of wool from Kaneš, from the
palace, to Ili-dan in Kuburnat, and Ennam-Aššur s servant, šalim-wardi, will check the
Ṭṣ talents of wool in Kuburnat, and they shall release the wool to Tukuptu on Ennam-
Aššur s donkeys.ṣṢστ
Tukuptu occurs in two additional texts: AKT 6, σṭτ that deals with the same transaction, and
C ṬṢ where the name is written Tù-ku-up-ta.ṣṢσ6 Nashef identiied it with Hittite Takkupsa/
Takkupta, known e.g. from Muwatalli s Prayer and generally thought to be located in the
north-eastern part of Central Anatolia.ṣṢσ7
–––––
Kuburnat occurs almost exclusively in relation to travels between Hurama and Durhumit, and
there is no connection between Kuburnat and Wahšušana or Purušhaddum except through
Durhumit. Kuburnat appears mainly in archives of families specialised in the trade on Durhu-
ṣṢσṭ. Kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ6 (l. 7-ṣ6): a-áp-tám Puzurσ-A- ur a-na ma-at Ta-ah-ru-wa ú- é-ra-áb-ma i -tù ma-at Ta-ah-ru-wa
ú- í-a-ma Ṭ Ṭ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a ki-ma I-dí-Sú-in i-na Ku-bur-na-at i- a-qal.
ṣṢσσ. RA 8ṣ, 9 (l. Ṭ-9): a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at ‘e-ru-u]b-ma Kà-sú-a ‘ú-lá] ak- u-ud i-na ma-at ‘Ta-ah]-ru-a wa- a-áb
‘la-at-biσ]-a-ma i -tù ma-at ‘Ta-ah-ru]-a a-na Hu-ra-ma ‘…]-ar?-dí a-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at ‘ u-up-r]a-am. Read-
ings differ from those suggested in by MicHel ṣ99ṣb (vol. ii): ṭ8-ṭ9. The Land of Tahruwa may also appear in
kt 9σ/k ṣṭ86 (l. 9-ṣṢ): i -tù ma-at? Ta-hu-ru-a. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: ṬτṢ n. σσ suggested identifying Tah(u)ru(w)a and
Hittite Tahurpa, presumably on the basis of linguistic similarity and Forlanini s suggestion to locate Tahurpa in
the Yozgat area (cf. e.g. the map in forlanini ṣ999) where she located Kuburnat. However, the location of Ta-
hurpa is based on its links with Katapa and Arinna and is affected by the move of Durhumit. Tahurpa should
presumably be located north of Hattusa and be distinguished from Old Assyrian Tah(u)ru(w)a.
ṣṢστ. AKT 6, σ88 (l. ṣτ-Ṭṭ): Ṭṣ GÚ a-áp-tám a Kà-né-e a É.GAL-lim En-um-A- ùr DUMU ál-ma-A- ur a-na
Ì-‘lí-dan] i-na Ku-bur-na-at i- ‘a-qal-ma] ú-ha-ru a En-um-A- ùr a-lim-ar-dí Ṭṣ GÚ SÍG.HI.A i-na Ku-bur-
na-at ú-sà-na-aq- u-ma ANšE.HI.A a En-nam-A- ur SÍG.HI.A a-na Tù-ku-ub-tù ú- é-ru.
ṣṢσ6. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: ṣṬṭ.
ṣṢσ7. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: ṭ87Ş alparslan forthcoming fn. ṣṢ. In the Muwatalli s Prayer CTH ṭ8ṣ, KUB 6.στ
(col. i 7ṣ-7Ṭ) Takupta appears as a part of the Nerikka-system: dLAMMA of the city Hatenzuwa, the Mountain
Haharwa, male gods and the goddess of Nerikka and the Land Takupsa . In the Deeds of Suppiluliuma KBo
ṣσ.σṬ (l. 6) it appears, perhaps as part of an itinerary: Hakmis – [Ha]patha – Takupta (cf. Houwink ten cate
ṣ966a: Ṭ7-Ṭ8). A inal mention of the city is found in the annalistic inscription KUB ṣ9.8 (col. iii): Ṭτ-ṭ6 dating
to the reign of Hattusili III, in which his adolescent old son led a punitive expedition against Hatenzuwa. Takupta
is said to have been fortiied when a Hittite garrison was stationed in the rebellious Hatenzuwa (cf. rieMscHnei-
Der ṣ96Ṭ: ṣṣ7-ṣṣ9).
Ṭ69
mit, and the town plays a particular role in archive of šalim-Aššur, whose agent Ili-dan owned
a house in Kuburnat.ṣṢσ8 A record from the later archive of Kuliya refers to a payment made by
Bu iya of Kuburnat in Tuhpiya, which implies that he also owned a house there,ṣṢσ9 and Iddin-
Adad from the archive of Ali-ahum son of Aššur-malik may have been living there as well.ṣṢτṢ
During the main period of trade, the Assyrian community in Kuburnat was organised
around a Station, which appears a number of times in the sources.ṣṢτṣ In particular, it appears
in relation to its position at the head of the Narrow Track and as a place where the merchants
paid taxes on goods that had passed east of Kaneš.ṣṢτṬ During the Ib period, the settlement
gained status as a colony alongside the two other cities in the region east of Kaneš: šamuha,
šuppiluliya and probably also Hanaknak. This may suggest a growing importance of this area
for the Assyrian trade.
Little is known about the city as a political entity during the Old Assyrian Colony Period.
References to the local ruler are found a few times,ṣṢτṭ and kt 88/k Ṭ9Ṣ refers to a queen and
a bēl mātim of either Kuburnat or Kaneš.ṣṢτσ A single text refers to trade in wool in Kuburnat,ṣṢττ
and a few records mention modest amounts of copper in the city.ṣṢτ6 Even so, the following
statement from an Assyrian letter implies that access to copper was controlled by Kuburnat
– directly or indirectly:
Do you not hear that the country of Kunanamit is in revolt? It is not feasible to demand
payment from people who owe (even) ṣṢ minas of copper.ṣṢτ7
Kappurnanda appears only once in a Hittite text. In the archaic Sacriice List KBo σ.ṣṭ, it
occurs in a section alongside Kastama, Sanahwitta, Hakmis, Istahara, Tapigga, Katapa, Zapis-
huna and Takkasta among others.ṣṢτ8 Presumably the settlement lost its importance and in-
come from the Assyrian trade that had resulted from its position on one of the main routes to
Durhumit east of Kaneš.
ṣṢσ8. Cf. e.g AKT 6, ṭṣτ: I have personally travelled to Ili-dan in Kuburnat (l. ṭ-τ: a-na-ku a-na é-er Ì-lí-dan a-na
Ku-bu-ur-na-at e-tí-iq-ma Ş AKT 6, σ88: to Ili-dan in Kuburnat … I left the certiied tablets in Kuburnat (l.
ṣ7-ṣ8: a-na Ì-‘lí-dan i-na Ku-bur-na-at … l. τṢ-τṣ: up-pé ha-ru-mu-tim i-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at e -‘zi]-ib)Ş AKT
6, Ṭ7τ: When Ababa and I travelled to lli-dan we were delayed on the journey until this very day, so his case ...
and we returned from Kuburnat to Durhumit (l. ṣ6-ṬṬ): i -nu-mì a-na-ku ù A-ba-ba ‘a- ]é-er Ì-lí-dan e-tí-qú-ni
‘i?-na? h]a-ra-nim lu a-dí uσ-mì-i ‘a-nim n]i-is-hu-ru-ma a-wa-sú [x x] x-du-ku-ni ú i -tù Ku-bu-ur-na-at a-dí
Durσ-hu-mì-it ni-tù-ru-ni). AKT 6, ṣ8ṭ: Copies of certiied tablets from Kuburnat (l. Ṭσ-Ṭτ: me-eh-ra-at up-
pé-e ha-ru-mu-tim a Ku-bu-ur-na-at). The inal example shows that part of the archive of the šalim-Aššur s
family was with Ili-dan in Kuburnat.
ṣṢσ9. AKT τ, 6 (l. Ṭṣ): Bu- í-a a Ku-bu-ur-na-at.
ṣṢτṢ. Kt c/k ṣ-869. Dercksen (in preparation).
ṣṢτṣ. As wabartum: kt 7τ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ76Ş kt 9σ/k Ṭ97Ş kt a/k σṢṭŞ kt a/k σ6τa+bŞ k/t a/k τṣṭŞ AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6Ş
AKT 6, ṬṣṢ-ṬṣṬ (three letters from the Kaneš Colony to the trading Station at Kuburnat). As a kārum in kt 98/k
ṣṬτ.
ṣṢτṬ. For addu utum see e.g. kt 9σ/k σσṣ and AKT τ, ṭ above, and note OIP Ṭ7, 6Ṭ: He paid 8 shekels of impure
silver in addu utum-tax in Kuburnat (l. στ-σ7: 8 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR mu-sú-kà-e a-du-a-tám i-Ku-bu-ur-na-at
i-dí-ma). For nishātum see kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k 69σ and section σ.9.
ṣṢτṭ. Kt m/k ṣσ8 (rubā um ku-bur-na-ta-i-im in relation to a substantial amount of silver, cf. Hecker ṬṢṢσb: 66)Ş kt
9ṭ/k ṣ7ṣ and kt 9ṭ/k τṭṣ (ku-bur-na-ta-i-um) in relation to right of pre-emption.
ṣṢτσ. kuZuoğlu ṬṢṢ7b.
ṣṢττ. AKT 6, σ88, see above.
ṣṢτ6. Kt 7τ/k 7ṣ (cf. BaYraM ṣ997. The reference is to 8 minas of low-quality copper and not tin (lammunum cf.
Dercksen ṣ996: ṭ7)Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσ9ṣ (l. τ-6): Ṭ8 Ṭ/ṭ ma-na URUDU [i-Ku-bur]-na-at (as working capital)Ş kt
c/k ṣ: ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper from Kunanamit (l. 6-7: ṣṣ/Ṭ ma-‘na URUDU] Ku-na-na-ma-i-u‘m]).
ṣṢτ7. LB ṣṬṢ9b (l. ṣṬ-ṣ8): lá ta-á -ta-na-me-i ‘k]i-ma ma-at Ku-na-na-mì-it sà-ah-a-at-ni-ma lá na-a -ù-ma a- ar ṣṢ
ma-na URUDU-am ha-bu-lu-ni lá né-ri-i . See Dercksen ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣṢτ8. forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ6Ṭ.
Ṭ7Ṣ
τ.ṭ HANAKNAK
5.ṭ HanaknakṣṢτ9
In spite of the small number of texts mentioning Hanaknak, a few detailed itineraries com-
bined with evidence from later Hittite sources helps locate the city. As in the case of Kuburnat
there is a strong archival bias. Six out of thirty attestations coming from the archive of šalim-
Aššur son of Issu-arik.ṣṢ6Ṣ
Amkuwa ṣ Taedizina ṣ
Baniharzum ṣ Tapaggaš ṣ
āl Bu nātim ṣ Tišmurna Ṭ
Durhumit ṭ Timelkiya ṣ
Hanika ṣ Tuhpiya ṣ
Hattuš Ṭ Wahšušana ṭ
āl Kubilšan ṣ Wašhaniya ṣ
Kuburnat τ Wazida ṣ
šinahuttum ṣ Zalpa ṣ
Table Ṭṭ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hanaknak.
The group of toponyms associated with Hanaknak is small, and only Kuburnat and Durhumit
show up enough to be a part of the cluster (Graph ṣ6).ṣṢ6ṣ
The most important text for the location of Hanaknak is the memorandum kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 (cf.
section τ.ṣ). The text gives a very detailed record of a journey through the countryside of
Hanaknak, and due to its importance for the following discussion most of the text is repeated
below:
I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin for lodgings in āl Bu nātim. I paid 6 shekels of tin for lodgings
in the territory of Hanaknak at the place where we made a declaration under oath. I paid
ṭ shekels of tin for lodgings at our departure from Hanika. I paid ṭ shekels of tin for
lodgings in Wazida. I paid 6 shekels of tin (a piece) as import tax on the textiles in
Hanaknak. ṣσ shekels of silver was the price I paid. I paid ṭ shekels of tin for lodgings
at our departure from Hanaknak while we searched for the things that had been lost. I
paid ṭ shekels of tin in the town of Kubilšan. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin to the oficial in
Tapaggaš. I gave a tin bead to the miller in Taedizina. I paid ṣ/Ṭ mina of copper at the
ford in the territory of Durhumit.ṣṢ6Ṭ
ṣṢτ9. Attestations of Hanaknak are found in: kt 87/k ṭ9ṭŞ kt 89/k ṬṭṢŞ kt 89/k Ṭ86Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6Ş
kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ kt 9σ/k σ6ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṢ7ṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṣṬ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ6ṬτŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṣṬŞ kt a/k ṣṬτ8bŞ kt c/k 9ṢŞ kt c/k
ṣṢ8+Ş kt c/k τṭ8Ş kt c/k 8ṢτŞ kt k/k 7ṢŞ kt k/k 87Ş kt k/k 9ṣŞ kt n/k ṣσ6ṢŞ AKT 6, ṭṣṣŞ AKT 6, ṭṭ6, CCT τ, σ6a (l.
Ṭ, coll. Larsen)Ş CCT 6, στcŞ ICK ṣ, ṭṣb+cŞ ICK ṣ, ṭṭbŞ Ka ṭσ6Ş KTS ṣ, ṭ7bŞ TMH ṣ, ṬṢb.
ṣṢ6Ṣ. Three texts from the k/k family archive mention Hanaknak, which may also be signiicant considering that the
small number of texts (c. ṣṬτ) found in that archive.
ṣṢ6ṣ. The attestations of Hanaknak together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: ICK ṣ, ṭṣb+c, Baniharzum:
AKT τ, 6, āl Buṭnātim: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Durhumit: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ AKT τ, 6Ş Hanika: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7,
Hattu : AKT τ, 6Ş ICK ṣ, ṭṣb+c, āl Kubil an: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Kuburnat: AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6Ş kt 9σ/k σσṣŞ kt c/k
τṭ8Ş kt k/k 87, inahuttum: AKT τ, 6, Taedizina: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Tapagga : kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Timelkiya: kt 9σ/k σσṣ,
Ti murna: AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6,Tuhpiya: AKT τ, 6, Wah u ana: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt c/k 9ṢŞ kt c/k τṭ8 Wa haniya:
AKT τ, 6, Wazida: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Zalpa: kt 89/k ṬṭṢ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary
is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and
not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṣṢ6Ṭ. Kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 (l. ṣ-Ṭṭ): ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na a-al Bu-u -‘n]a-tim a-É wa-áb-ri a-dí-in 6 GÍN AN.NA i-na ba-te
Ṭ7ṣ
Kubilšan 1 Wašhaniya 1
Kuburnat 5 Wazida 1
Šinahuttum 1 Zalpa 1
Table 23: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hanaknak.
The group of toponyms associated with Hanaknak is small, and only Kuburnat and Durhumit
3
show up enough to beCHAPTER
a part of τ:the cluster:
THE LANDS NORTH AND WEST OF KANEš
Durhumit
Hattuš
Kuburnat
Tišmurna
Wahšušana
0 1 2 3 4 5
Graph 16: Frequency of a given
Graph 15: Frequency toponym
of a given toponymassociated
associated withwith Hanaknak.
Hanaknak. Itineraries
‘Itineraries’ are are colour.
shaded in a darker shaded in a darker
colour.
The most important text for the location of Hanaknak is the memorandum kt 91/k 437 (cf.
section 5.1). The text gives a very detailed record of a journey through the countryside of
Hanaknak,
The author and
leftdue
āl toBu
itsnātim
importance for the following
( Pistachio-town ) anddiscussion
travelledmost of the the
through text territory
is repeatedof
below:
Hanaknak. There he spent a modest amount of 6 shekels of tin on lodgings. He passed
ṣṢ6ṭ
through the settlements of Hanika and Wazida to arrive at the town of Hanaknak itself. In
Hanaknak he paid nishātum-tax on a batch of textiles,ṣṢ6σ which suggests that the text records
only the expenditures incurred on a short stretch of a longer journey from the place where he
1
Attestations of Hanaknak are foundṣṢ6τin: kt 87/k 393; kt 89/k 230; kt 89/k 286; kt 91/k 437; AKT 5, 3; AKT 5, 6; kt
had picked up those textiles.
94/k 441; kt 94/k 460; kt 94/k 633; kt 94/k 788; kt 94/k 1072; kt 94/k 1128; kt 94/k 1625; kt 94/k 1712; kt a/k
Evenkt at
1258b; c/kthe
90; minimum number
kt c/k 108+; kt c/k 538; of days
kt c/k 805;recorded
kt k/k 70; ktbyk/kthe
87;author
kt k/k 91;(akttotal of ive
n/k 1460; CCTnights in2,āl
5, 46a (l.
Bu
coll.nātim,
Larsen);the
CCTterritory of 1,Hanaknak,
6, 45c; ICK 31b+c; ICK 1, Hanika,
33b; Ka Wazida
346; KTS 1, and37b;the
TMH city of Hanaknak) the journey
1, 20b.
2
canThree textshave
hardly from the
beenk/kafamily
directarchive mention Hanaknak,
one. Moving which may
at the normal also bespeed
average significant
of ṭṢconsidering
km per day,that the
the
small number of texts (c. 125) found in that archive.
author
3 could have walked all the way from Kültepe to Boğazköy in that
The attestations of Hanaknak together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: ICK 1, 31b+c, Baniharzum: time. Furthermore,
the
AKTfrontier of Hanaknak
5, 6, āl Buṭnātim: kt 91/kwould have toktbe91/k
437, Durhumit: four
437;days away
kt 94/k 441; from
AKT 5,its capital kt
6; Hanika: city,
91/kwhich is un-
437, Hattuš:
AKT 5, 6; ICK 1, 31b+c, Kubilšan: kt 91/k 437, Kuburnat: AKT 5, 3; AKT 5, 6; kt 94/k 441; kt c/k 538; kt k/k 87,
likely.
Šinahuttum: AKT 5, 6, Taedizina: kt 91/k 437, Tapaggaš: kt 91/k 437, Timelkiya: kt 94/k 441, Tišmurna: AKT
5, Instead,
3; AKT 5, kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7AKT
6,Tuhpiya: may beWahšušana:
5, 6, a rare record of an
kt 91/k 437;itinerant
c/k 90; c/kmerchant going AKT
538 Wašhaniya: from5,town to town
6, Wazida: kt
and
91/kpeddling
437, Zalpa:his wares.
kt 89/k 230.The unusuallyhave
All ‘itineraries’ lowbeen
prices he paid
underlined (the for
termhis lodgings
‘itinerary’ to any5)
(cf. table
is applied may
source
that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just
somehow be linked to this. The author was searching for a lost shipment of goods, and he
journeys from A to B).
stated his losses in a formal oath – presumably in front of local authorities. This may be the
1
a Ha-na-ak-na-ak a- ar ni-IZ-kà-ru a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na Ha-ni-kà wa- a-i-ni a-na É ub-ri
a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na Wa-zi-da a-na É ub-ri a-dí-in 6 GÍN AN.NA a-na ni-is-ha-tim a TÚG.HI.A i-na
Ha-na-ak-na-ak a-dí-in ṣσ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR í-im á -qúl ṭ GÍN AN.NA i -tù Ha-na-ak-na-ak i-şwaš- a-i-a
a-na É ub-ri-ni a-dí hu-lu-qá-e ni-i -e-ú a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.şNA> i-na a-al Ku-biσ-ilτ- a-an a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN
AN.NA i-na Ta-pá-kà-á a-kà- í-im a-dí-in hi-dam AN.NA a-na a-lá-hi-nim a Ta-e-dí-zi-na a-dí-in ṣ/Ṭ ma-na
URUDU a-né-bar-tim i- a Durσ-hu-mì-it a-dí-in. Published and discussed in veenHof ṬṢṢ6. In the translation
nizkaru in l. σ is taken as a mistake for ni-iz-ku-ru. Note CCT τ, σ6b: Inside Hanaknak (l. Ṭ: qé-ra-ab Ha- na-
ak -n‘a-ak]) (coll. Larsen).
ṣṢ6ṭ. The pistachio (P. atlantica, P. lentiscus) is generally sensitive to snow and fares best in the dry and hot climate
of the Arabian Platform and the Konya Plain. But wild types pistachios are widespread in the transitional zone
between Central and Eastern Anatolia (kaska ṣ99τ), and are used for fresh nut consumption, soap production
(kuZuoğlu ṬṢṢ7a: ττ), turpentine and wine preservatives (from P. terebinthus), and perhaps menengiç kahvesi.
ṣṢ6σ. Fourteen shekels of silver correspond to c. one mina (ṭṢ shekels) of tin in Anatolia. The author thus paid taxes
on six textiles.
ṣṢ6τ. Cf. section τ.ṣ. The text kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ (cf. section σ.6) that lists the expenditures on a journey from Hurama to
Kuburnat comes from the same archive as kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 and was written with the same broken stylus. It is possible
that the present text offers a detailed record of a small part of the same journey as kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, but if Hanaknak and
Kuburnat were located on alternative routes to Durhumit (cf. section τ.Ṭ) this invalidates the suggestion.
Ṭ7Ṭ
τ.ṭ HANAKNAK
reason why the record was written. After leaving Hanaknak, he and his companions pro-
ceeded through Kubilšan to Tapaggaš and hence via Taedizina to the territory of Durhumit.
As already argued in section τ.ṣ, Tapaggaš represents the Assyrian rendering of later Hit-
tite Tapigga with the nominative case ending.ṣṢ66 This provides an important ixed point for
the location of Hanaknak in relation to Tapigga, which can be identiied with the site of Ma at
Höyük.ṣṢ67 Conversely, two of the administrative texts found at Ma at Höyük refer to the
settlement Hananak(a). In the irst text Ha-na-na-ag-ga occurs alongside ten other settle-
ments that all probably belonged under the provincial capital at Tapigga.ṣṢ68 In the second text
Ha-na-na-ak and ṣ8 other settlements appear in a ration list for troops and rations in the pro-
vincial capital of Ishupitta.ṣṢ69 Finally, the town of Hanika from kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 appears in the
letters HKM τσ and ττ from Ma at as the town of Hani(n)kawa in the province of Tapigga.ṣṢ7Ṣ
In combination, kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 and the texts from Ma at suggest that Hanaknak was located
close to Ma at Höyük.ṣṢ7ṣ
The direction of Hanaknak in relation to Tapigga can be determined through a process of
elimination. Hananak cannot be located north of Tapigga, since Hanaknak, Tišmurna and Ku-
burnat were located at the head of the Narrow Track (cf. sections τ.ṣ and τ.Ṭ) south of Durhu-
mit. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ shows that the main station before Kuburnat was Karahna. Karahna can be
identiied with classical Karana and modern Sulusaray east of Ma at Höyük (cf. τ.τ). This
pulls Kuburnat to the east. In addition, the two texts kt k/k 87 and kt c/k τṭ8 (cf. τ.Ṭ) that sug-
gest Kuburnat and Hanaknak controlled alternative routes leading in the same direction both
relate to journeys coming from the west. The itineraries coming from the east (cf. σ.9 and
σ.ṣṢ) refer exclusively to Kuburnat and Hanaknak is linked to the east only in the panoramic
sequences.ṣṢ7Ṭ This suggests that Hanaknak was located west of Kuburnat and south of Tapig-
ga.
By way of elimination it seems that Hanaknak was located immediately to the south or
west of Tapigga in the ‘ekerek Valley at a spot where a route from the southwest intersected
a road coming from southeast. A road continued north to Ma at Höyük and hence to Durhu-
mit. This could it Forlanini s identiication of Old Assyrian Hanaknak and Hittite Hananak
with the Roman toponym Canana at [...]amikhnh in the province of Amasya, although a
position immediately south of the Deveci Dağları would it better.ṣṢ7ṭ The local cluster thus
appears as follows:
ṣṢ66. For the alternating vowel compare Kasiya/Kisiya, Zapishuna/Zipishuna (cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: τ6ṭ).
ṣṢ67. Cf. section τ.ṣ.
ṣṢ68. HKM 99 (l. 7): Ha-na-na-ag-ga.
ṣṢ69. HKM ṣṢṭ (l. ṭ-σ): ṣṢ ERÍN.MEš URUHa-na-na-ak ṭ PA Ṭ šA-TU mHa?-x-na-ki-li LÚDUGUD … (l. ṣ7-ṣ8):
šU.NIGIN Ṭ ME šU-š[I x x ERÍN.MEš] U[RU]I - hu -p‘i-it-ta]. Found in G/τ, Room 8. Cf. Beal ṣ99Ṭ: ṣṬ9-ṣṭṢ,
σ9ṣ-σ9τ and ττ7-ττ9. Beal provides a full transcription and corrects the order of obverse and reverse. The per-
sonal name in line σ should probably be read Ha-na!-na-ki-li, i.e. the man of Hananak .
ṣṢ7Ṣ. Cf. e.g. Ahhiya>Ahhiyawa = Hanika>Hani(n)kawa . Note also Hanika in ünal ṣ98ṣ: σṭτ ff. and ünal
ṣ98σ: 87. veenHof ṬṢṢ6: 78ṣ who had access to BarjaMovic ṬṢṢτ seems to accept the identiication. HKM τσ
(l. ṣṣ): URUHa-ni-in-qa-u-wa (letter from Kassu in Tapigga to Himuili in Hattusa asking for seed for the freshly
ploughed ields of Tapigga, Anziliya, Hariya and Haninkuwa)Ş HKM ττ (l. ṣτ): URUHa-a-ni-iq-qa-wa (letter ac-
knowledging that the grain has been delivered and that the ields are sown).
ṣṢ7ṣ. HKM ṣṢṭ lists the following settlements: Sasipuwa, […]a, […]putana, Salewanta, […]tiduwa, Taptikka, Ispis-
du[…], […]ra, […], Mura, Hananak, Sariya, Kisdumisa, Kakatuwa, Uwahsuwanda, Tupitta, Zispa, Zikkista.
HKM 99 gives the following settlements without any heading: Zikkasta, Gawattaru, Hantisizzuwa, Mura,
Hananaka, Tahasara, Anziliya, Sariya, Kapaduwa, Gadsumisa, Kappusiya. The towns Hananak, Zikka/ista and
Mura recur in both lists. Zikkasta recurs in HKM 7σ. Zikatta, if it is to be identiied with Zikka/ista, recurs in
HKM ṣṢ as a frontier settlement of Tapigga. Zispa recurs in HKM σ6 as a frontier settlement of Tapigga under
Kaska attack. Kakatuwa from HKM ṣṢṭ recurs as a township in the province of Tapigga in KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+.
ṣṢ7Ṭ. Kt 9σ/k σσṣ and AKT τ, ṭ.
ṣṢ7ṭ. forlanini ṣ999b: σṢ6 and n. ṭσ-ṭτŞ ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭ6σ, Ṭ76. Inscription from the temenos inscription of Zeus Stratios at
Ṭ7ṭ
Durhumit
Taedizina
Tapagga Kuburnat
ālKubilšan
Kubilšan Karahna
Hanaknak amuha
Kane Hurama
Fig. 36: The Hanaknak/Kuburnat cluster.
The letter kt 89/k ṬṭṢ (cf. σ.Ṭ) could be taken as an indication that Hanaknak was also located
on a route connecting Kaneš to Zalpuwa on the Black Sea. But the context of the message is
unclear, and given that the letter was written to a person staying in Kaneš, it seems more
likely that the text refers to Zalpa on the Euphrates:
When Adad-bani and šamaš-ublam entered Hanaknak, they seized them in the Ofice of
the Colony … together (they) said as follows: Ask the … that we have not traded here
– we have not traded in your country . Because they had been maltreating them, they led
into the countryside. Here, the men who took the wool and promised to catch up with a
caravan said: We will go on the journey . But given that Adad-bani was not present, I
confronted Ea-malik together with them, and I said: No matter what, they are not to go
to the Land of Zalpa . You should keep an eye on them there. They have promised me a
trip to Kaneš. They are under no circumstances to go to the Land of Zalpa.ṣṢ7σ
Ea-malik reappears as the author of a letter in which he asks his recipients to send their
message to him in Hanaknak, and it may well be that has was permanently based there.ṣṢ7τ In
Yassıçal in frencH ṣ996. I am grateful to Jakob Munk Højte (Århus University) for providing detailed photos
and information about this monument. Forlanini would have the provincial border of Roman Amasya follow the
Deveci Dağları so he favours a location of Hanaknak north of Ma at Höyük. The itinerary of kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 would
pull Roman Hanana south to the Deveci Dağları (perhaps too far south from Yassıçal?).
ṣṢ7σ. Kt 89/k ṬṭṢ (l. σ-7): ki-ma dIM-ba-ni ù dUTU-ub-lam a-na Ha-na-ak-na-ak e-ru-bu-ni i-na É kà-ri-im i -bu-tù-
u-nu … (l. ṣ6-ṭ8): um-ma dIM-ba-ni ù dIM-ub-lá-ma x-x-i-tám a-lá-ma lá a-na-kam nu-u -té-biσ-ilτ lá i-na
ma-tí-ku-nu nu-u -té-şbiš-ilτ ki-ma ú-ma-sú-hu- u-nu-ni a-na ma-tim e-ta-áb-tù a-na-kam e -lu-tum a a-áp-
tám ilτ-qí-ú-ni-ma ha-ra-nam kà- u-da-am qá-biσ-ú-ni um-ma u-nu-ma ha-ra-nam ni-lá-ak ki-ma dIM-ba-ni
lá- u-ú-ni É-a-ma-lik i -tí- u-nu ú- á-hi-i um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-sú-ri a-na ma-at Za-al-pá e i-li-ku-ú a-ma-kam
e-kà i- é-ri- u-şnuš li-li-ik a-na Kà-ni-i ha-ra-nam qá-biσ-ú a-sú-ri a-na ma-at Za-al-pá e i-li-ku-ú.
ṣṢ7τ. ICK ṣ, ṭṭb (l. ṬṢ-ṬṬ): te-er-ta-ku-nu a-na Ha-na-ak-na-şakš li-li-kam-ma. Kt 87/k ṭ9ṭ refers to a certain
Amur-Aššur, son of Ili-ide, who is staying in Hanaknak, and in the letter KTS ṣ, ṭ7b the author Aššur-bel-awatim
asks his recipient to send his messages to him to Hanaknak. CCT 6, στc refers to a strongbox containing silver
in Hanaknak. Kt 9σ/k σ6Ṣ refers to a man named Kura staying in Hanakanak.
Ṭ7σ
τ.ṭ HANAKNAK
a related message Ea-malik refers to a journey between Amkuwa and Hattuš, but the exact
relation to his residence in Hanaknak is unclear:
You have borrowed half a mina and 6 shekels of silver from the (year of) the eponym
Dadiya son of šu-Ilabrat. I seized you in Amkuwa, where you said: Go up to Hattuš and
produce a (debt) note with your witness for me . So I went up to Hattuš, but your repre-
sentatives did not give me their word. Tell my representatives: If he refuses to pay the
money there, it will make me angry . Let your message reach me in Hanaknak.ṣṢ76
–––––
Unless the order of the toponyms listed in kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 is arbitrary, the text gives the names of
three settlements located inside the territory of Hanaknak: āl Bu nātim, Hanika and Wazida.
All three settlements had a cheap inn. The same text mentions that Hanaknak itself had an inn,
and there is an indirect reference to a central institution that levied import tax – presumably a
palace. An anonymous memorandum from Kaneš notes that: I deposited Ṭτ textiles when the
king went to Hanaknak ,ṣṢ77 but the passage does not state which king went to Hanaknak or
why.
A number of documents refer to the Assyrian settlement in Hanaknak as a Station (wabar-
tum) with a plenary assembly ( aher rabi).ṣṢ78 The letter kt 89/k ṬṭṢ quoted above also con-
tains a reference to a Colony ofice (bēt kārim). Since that text refers to the trader Ea-malik,
who recurs in a text dated after REL ṣṬτ,ṣṢ79 it seems possible that the city gained status as a
Colony at some point during the last two decades of the kārum II layer at Kültepe. This would
it the general image in the region, where šuppiluliya, šamuha and Kuburnat all rose to be-
come colonies during the late period of trade.
Unlike Kuburnat, Hanaknak does not appear to have been involved in the copper tradeŞ
instead there is the reference to a nearby Pistachio-town and a memorandum from Kaneš
records ṣ jar of good quality acorns from Hanaknak .ṣṢ8Ṣ One letter also refers to a load of
two talents of lulā um that should travel to HanaknakŞṣṢ8ṣ the possible meaning of lulā um is
debated, but the fact that it occurs alongside acorns elsewhere implies that it may be a colour
or mordant used in the production of textiles.ṣṢ8Ṭ One text refers to a wagon that was handed
over to an Assyrian merchant in Hanaknak, proving that a suitable network of roads con-
nected the city to its neighbours.ṣṢ8ṭ
ṣṢ76. ICK ṣ, ṭṣb+c (l. 6-ṭṣ): um-ma E-a-ma-lik-ma ṣ/Ṭ ma-na 6 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tù li-mì-im Da-dí-a DUMU
u-lá-áp-ra-at tù-kà-al i-na A-ku-wa a -ba-at-kà-ma um-ma a-ta-ma a-na Ha-tù-u e-li-ma up-pa-am a í-be-
kà kà-li-ma-ni a-na Ha-tù-u e-li-a-ma a ki-ma ku-a-tí a-wa-tám lá i-ta-ad-nu-ni a-na a ki-ma i-a-tí qí-bi-ma
a-ma-kam ki-a-am u-ma KÙ.BABBAR a-qá-lam lá i-mu-a a-am-ri- a-ku a-na Ha-na-ak-na-ak té-er-ta-ku-
nu li-li-kà-ma (eras.). The loan is dated to REL ṣṬτ.
ṣṢ77. Kt 9σ/k ṣṣṬ8 (l. ṣ-ṭ): Ṭτ TÚG i-nu-me ru-ba-um a-na Ha-na-ak-na-ak i-li-ku a-dí-i.
ṣṢ78. Kt a/k ṣṬτ8bŞ AKT τ, ṭŞ kt k/k 7ṢŞ TMH ṣ, ṬṢb (cf. Hecker ṬṢṢṭ: ṣ9Ṭ n. ṭṭ). Since kt a/k ṣṬτ8b refers to the
merchant Išar-kit-Aššur (father of Puzur-Aššur), who belongs to the irst generation of Old Assyrian traders, the
text is probably of a very early date.
ṣṢ79. ICK ṣ, ṭṣb quoted aboveŞ dated terminus post quem REL ṣṬτ. Layer II at Kültepe burns down in REL ṣṭ8 =
ṣ8ṭṬ BC, cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press. The name Ea-malik is so far unique in the corpus. The only
possible exception is BIN σ, 7τ (l. ṣ8-ṣ9) with the uncertain reading Ì-a-ma-lik ú-ha-ru-um a I-ku-pì-a, which
may refer to a different person.
ṣṢ8Ṣ. Kt 9σ/k ṣ6Ṭτ (l. ṣ-Ṭ): ṣ GÚ a-lá-ni SIGτ a Ha-na-ak-na-ak. sturM ṬṢṢ9 translates allānū as hazelnuts, but the
evidence remains inconclusive.
ṣṢ8ṣ. Kt 9σ/k σ6Ṣ, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢτa: Ṭ9.
ṣṢ8Ṭ. Suggested in larsen forthcoming in the notes to text AKT 6, σṬṣ.
ṣṢ8ṭ. Kt c/k 8Ṣτ.
Ṭ7τ
The Hittite sources offer little information on Hanaknak except for the important fact that
Hananak belonged under province of Tapigga. HKM ṣṢṭ lists eighteen settlements that each
had to contribute an average of ṣσ men (for a total of Ṭ6Ṣ+ men), presumably for the sea-
sonal Hittite army on the Kaska frontier. Hananak s contribution of only ten may be a sign
that the settlement had become fairly small.
5.4 Ti murnaṣṢ8σ
Tišmurna is listed in the letter sent from the Kaneš Colony to the Stations located at the head
of the Narrow Track alongside Kuburnat and Hanaknak (cf. τ.Ṭ, τ.ṭ), but Tišmurna occurs
with a different set of toponyms than the other two cities, and its function in the Assyrian
trade appears to have been linked to the copper trade across Anatolia as well as the Narrow
Track. Tišmurna occurs in ṭṭ Assyrian texts, often in reference to copper or wool coming
from the city.
Amkuwa ṣ šalatuwar ṣ
Baniharzum ṣ šinahuttum ṣ
Durhumit 9 Tawiniya ṣ
Hahhum ṣ Timelkiya ṣ
Hanaknak Ṭ Tuhpiya Ṭ
Hattum ṣ Ulama ṣ
Hattuš ṭ Wahšušana σ
māt Hiruh ṣ Wahšhaniya ṣ
Kuburnat Ṭ Zimišhuna Ṭ
Purušhaddum τ
Table Ṭσ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tišmurna.
The association between Tišmurna and Durhumit is clear from the table, but also Purušhaddum
and Wahšušana on the copper route appear a number of times alongside the city. The graph
does little to change this image, but Tišmurna igures in very few itineraries and the statistics
may be misleading:ṣṢ8τ
Two sources link Tišmurna with the eastern group of cities. One is the circular letter
sent to the plenary assemblies of the Stations in Kuburnat, Hanaknak and Tišmurna about
ṣṢ8σ. Attestations of Tišmurna are found in: Tí-i -mar-na: kt a/k 9ττ, Tí-i -mu-ur-na: kt 87/k τṬ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k
ṣṭṭ8Ş kt a/k ṣσṬ9Ş AKT 6, ṣσṭŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ BIN σ, τ8Ş BIN 6, 76Ş CCT σ, Ṭ7a (also tí-i -mur-na)Ş
CCT σ, σ7aŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ CCT 6, ṣ9b (l. ṭṢ col. Larsen)Ş ICK Ṭ, στŞ JCS ṣσ, ṣṣŞ KTB τŞ kt n/k ṬṢ8Ş kt n/k σ8ṬŞ kt
n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ kt n/k ṣ8ṬṭŞ POAT ṣ6Ş Tí-i -mur-na: kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σŞ AKT τ, ṭŞ kt 9σ/k 697Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṭṭ8Ş CCT τ, 7bŞ kt
k/k ṣṣṬŞ kt n/k ṣ6τṭŞ TC Ṭ, τ6, Tí- u-wu-ur-na: TPAK ṣ, ṣ7Ṣ, Tí-i -pur-na: AKT τ, 6, Tí- a-mu-ur-na: kt n/k ṣṬṬ.
ṣṢ8τ. The attestations of Tišmurna together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: kt n/k σ8Ṭ, Baniharzum: 9Ṭ/k
ṣ9σ, Durhumit: kt 87/k τṬ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ6Ṣ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṣ686Ş AKT τ, 6Ş CCT σ, Ṭ7aŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ kt k/k
ṣṣṬŞ kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, Hahhum: KTB τ, Hanaknak: AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6, Hattum: kt 9σ/k ṣ6Ṣ9, Hattu : TPAK ṣ,
ṣ7ṢŞ AKT τ, 6Ş kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, māt Hiruh: kt n/k ṣṬṬ, Kuburnat: AKT τ, ṭŞ AKT τ, 6, Puru haddum: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ
AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ CCT σ, σ7aŞ POAT ṣ6, alatuwar: CCT 6, ṣṬa, inahuttum: AKT τ, 6, Tawiniya: kt
9ṣ/k ṭ6σ, Timelkiya: AKT 6, ṣσσ, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, 6Ş CCT 6, ṣṬa, Ulama: kt n/k ṣ6τṭ, Wah u ana: kt 9σ/k
ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṭṭ8Ş kt a/k 9ττŞ kt n/k ṣṬṬ, Wa haniya: AKT τ, 6, Zimi huna: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ. All itin-
eraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geo-
graphical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
Ṭ76
τ.σ TIšMURNA
Durhumit
Hanaknak
Hattuš
Kuburnat
Purušhaddum
Tuhpiya
Wahšušana
Zimišḫuna
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Graph 17: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Ti murna. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
the taxation of shipments arriving from the Narrow Track (cf. τ.ṣ).ṣṢ86 The other is the
written order to lead a shipment to either Durhumit or Tišmurna by the Narrow Track (cf.
σ.9):
... on the Narrow Track, and either to Durhumit or to Tišmurna, wherever ... that I have
promised to you.ṣṢ87
The location of Tišmurna in the east is supported by a couple of references. Kuliya s long
itinerary in AKT τ, 6 (Kuburnat – Hanaknak – Durhumit – šinahuttum – Tuhpiya – [GN] –
Tišmurna – Durhumit) gives the impression that Tišmurna and Durhumit belong in the same
region.ṣṢ88 In addition, the following passage connects the two cities in the metal trade:
There is no copper to convert in Tišmurna … I have gone several times to Amur-Ištar and
Pušu-ken, saying: It is impossible to convert any copper in Tišmurna, so let me bring the
copper into Durhumit and we can exchange it to (copper of) good quality there .ṣṢ89
ṣṢ86. AKT τ, ṭ.
ṣṢ87. AKT 6, ṣτṢ (l. Ṭ7-ṭṬ): ‘x x x (x) ha-r]a-an sú-qí-nim-ma ‘a-na Du-ur-hu]-mì-it ‘ú-là Tí-i -m]u-ur-na a-li ‘x x x
x (x x)] qá-biσ-a-ku-ni-tí-ni ‘...] (coll. from photo). Note also the letter AKT 6, ṣσσ sent from Kaneš to instruct a
caravan that was set to travel east of Kaneš to Durhumit, Tišmurna or as far as Purušhaddum: All my caravan
leaders must assist Ennam-Aššur and Ali-ahum on the road to either Purušhaddum, Durhumit or Tišmurna …
(l. σ9-τṭ: mì-ma kà- a-ri i -tí En-um-A- ùr ù A-lá-hi-im a-na Pu-ru-u‘ -ha-dim] lu a-na Dí-ir-hu-mì- it lu
a-na Tí-i -mu-ur-na) (coll. from photo).
ṣṢ88. Discussed under section τ.ṣ. Kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ (cf. τ.7) also refers to the cities of Hattuš, Zimišhuna, Tišmurna and
Durhumit, but here Tišmurna could simply appear as the designation of origin of a shipment of copper. The
author states: I was going to Durhumit, but when I heard this I stayed back (l. ṣ6-ṣ8: ha-ra-ni a-na Durσ-hu-
mì-it ki-ma a-ni-a-tim á -me-ú-ni a-na-kam ak-ta-la), and later he promises: I will buy you ṬṢ talents of copper
from Tišmurna and do you a favour (l. Ṭ9-ṭṢ: ṬṢ GÚ URUDU a Ti -mur-na lá-á -a-ma-ku-ma la-ag-mì-ilτ).
If the author stayed in Tišmurna the text would be another indication that Durhumit, Zimišhuna, Hattuš and
Tišmurna belong in the same general region.
ṣṢ89. CCT σ, Ṭ7a (l. 9-ṣṢ): URUDU i-na T‘í-i -mu-u]r-na a-na kà-ú-‘nim] lá- u ... (l. ṣ9-Ṭτ) a-dí ma-lá ú é-ni- u
a- é-er A-mur-I tar ù Pu- u-ke-en6 e-tí-iq-ma um-ma a-na-ku-ma i-na Tí-i -mur-na URUDU a-na kà-ú-nim lá-
u URUDU a-na Durσ-hu-mì-it lu- é-ri-ba-ma a-na SIGτ lu nu-ta-er. ka unum and ta urum are technical terms
that are hard to distinguish. One of them may refer indirectly to the metallurgical operation behind the process
Ṭ77
The letter shows that Tišmurna controlled its own source of copper, and that this copper
could sometimes be converted into metal of a higher grade locally. Failing that, it could be
shipped elsewhere for conversion. Tin and textiles could be sold directly on the market, and
the copper could be shipped directly from Tišmurna to the west without passing through
Durhumit:
I received ṣṢ talents of ine copper as the proceeds of τṢ textiles in Tišmurna. We will

make Iddin-Aššur buy (more) for the proceeds from the tin. There is poor (copper) avail-
able for the textiles and the tin, but there is nothing here to convert. We will go where we
have to, we will convert (the copper) in the Land of Hiruh, and we will top it up to a total
of ṭṢ minas and break it up (for transport), and then we will send Tazkul (with it) to
Wahšušana with the porters.ṣṢ9Ṣ
The land of Hiruh appears to have been located in the vicinity of Tišmurna, but the toponym
is hapax legomenon and does not help locate the city.ṣṢ9ṣ
In the following passage the author sold two valuable rings for a substantial amount (ṣστ
kg) of copper. Unfortunately the passage is broken, and it is impossible to understand the
exact relation between the three cities mentioned in the text:
You gave me Ṭ rings of [amūtum] belonging to Aššur-imitti in Durhumit. In your pres-

ence, I sold them for σ talents τṢ minas copper in the palace ... When you left you did not
reach Tišmurna … my message reached you on (the way) to Tuhpiya.ṣṢ9Ṭ
One gets the impression that all three cities belong to the same region, and that Tišmurna was
located closer to Durhumit than Tuhpiya depending on the direction of travel.
A memorandum of a journey from Durhumit to Purušhaddum via Zimišhuna discussed
under section τ.ṣ also refers to Tišmurna:
I have paid 8 ṣ/Ṭ mina of reined copper as adu utum-tax in Durhumit. I deposited ṣσ
mina of bad copper in Zimišhuna. Two minas: Buitak of Tišmurna. Two minas was the
(converting bad copper into good copper) and the other to the commercial operation (exchanging bad copper for
good copper). For a detailed discussion cf. Dercksen ṣ996: τṭ-τ7.
ṣṢ9Ṣ. Kt n/k ṣṬṬ (l. 8-Ṭ7): ṣṢ GÚ URUDU SIGτ í-im τṢ TÚG.HI.A i-na Tí- a-mu-ur-na am-hu-ur í-im AN.NA I-dí-
A- ùr nu- a-á -a-ma lu í-im TÚG.HI.A ú AN.NA lá-mu-num i-ba- í a-na-kam a-na kà-ú-nim lá- u a- ar ú!-
ku!- í-im nu-kà-á -ma i-na ma-at Hi-ru-ùh nu-kà-an-ma i -té-ni-i ṭṢ GÚ nu-ma-lá-ma nu- a-babar-ma Ta-az-
ku-ul i -tí a biσ-lá-tim a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ni- á-ra-ad. The related text kt n/k ṬṢ8 refers to ττ textiles brought
to Tišmurna and sold for ṣṢ talents of reined copper, and kt n/k σ8Ṭ states that textiles were reluctantly bought
by the palace in Tišmurna (cf. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣσṭ-ṣσ7 for slightly different readings and translation).
ṣṢ9ṣ. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣσ7 suggests that māt Hiruh might represent a metathesis of the better-attested toponym
Marithum (cf. τ.τ). This would have important implications for the location of Tišmurna, since Marithum oth-
erwise always appears closely tied to Durhumit. But the name can also be read Gam-ru-ùh and more evidence
is needed.
ṣṢ9Ṭ. CCT 6, ṣṬa (l. ṭ-ṣṢ): Ṭ ‘a]-nu-qú ‘a a-mu-tim] a A- ur-i-mì-tí i-na Du‘rσ]-hu-mì-i‘t] ta-dí-nam ma-ah-ri-k‘à]
i-na É.GAL-lim ga? e? pu ar a-na σ GÚ τ[Ṣ] ma-na URUDU a-dí- í ki-ma tù- ú-ni Tí-i -mu-ur-na lá ta-ak- u-ud
… (l. ṣṬ-ṣṭ): té-er-tí a-Tù-ùh-pì-a ik- u-da-kà. (Colls. K. Hecker, M. T. Larsen and I. Finkel). The following
passage from POAT ṣ6 simply shows that Tišmurna was located in a different direction than Purušhaddum seen
from Kaneš. The text is not an itinerary: You shall write, and in your letter you shall say as follows: Until I
come from Purušhaddum, you are not to send Aššur-damiq to Assur ... I said: He may not hold you idle all the
time. Until he comes here, the land will hold him back. You are to ride off to Tišmurna (l. ṭ-7): ta- a-pá-ra-am
i- up-pì-kà um-ma a-ta-ma a-dí-[i] i -tù Pu-ur-şu š-ha-tim a-la-kà-ni A- ur-SIGτ a-na a-limki la ta-‘ á]-ra-ad
... (l. ṣṭ-ṣ8) um-ma a-na-ku-ma la i -ta-na-kà-ak a-dí i-lá-kà-ni eq!-lu-um lu-kà-i-ilτ- u a-ta ta-ra-kà-ba-am
a-na Tí-i -mu-ur-na)
Ṭ78
τ.σ TIšMURNA
exit-tax (that) I paid to the ka um-oficial in Wahšušana at a rate of ṣτ shekels per don-
key. One mina per (animal) came on as fees until Purušhaddum.ṣṢ9ṭ
The shorthand in which the text was written allows several interpretations. In the translation
given above, Tišmurna simply occurs as an epithet identifying the individual named Buitak.
But it is also possible to translate as follows:
Two minas (to) Buitak of Tišmurna. Two minas was the exit-tax. I paid the ka um-
oficial in Wahšušana ṣτ shekels per donkey.
The exit tax would then have been paid in Tišmurna, and the city should be placed between
Zimišhuna and Wahšušana. Zimišhuna had a Station that does not appear in the circular letter
discussed above. Furthermore, Hittite Zapišhuna (cf. section τ.τ) belonged to the province of
Tapigga in the immediate vicinity of the Station in Hanaknak. Hanaknak does appear in the
circular letter. Together this would imply that Tišmurna should be located somewhere south
or east of Zimišhuna and closer to the exit from the Narrow Track.ṣṢ9σ
The location of Tišmurna remains unclear. Its connection with the Narrow Track and its
appearance among the towns in Kuliya s eastern circuit implies that it was located in the vi-
cinity of Kuburnat and Hanaknak. The city appears occasionally as an alternative market for
goods travelling east of Kaneš, but unlike Kuburnat and Hanaknak, the cluster implies that
Tišmurna had direct connections with the cities of the west.
Cornelius suggested equating Tišmurna and later Hittite Zisparna with the Greek toponym
Siboron at Karamağra west of Akdağmaden.ṣṢ9τ Zisparna appears only in a single Hittite text,
namely in the archaic Hittite sacriice list KBo σ.ṣṭ. There it occurs alongside Durmitta, Tuh-
uppiya and Takkupta.ṣṢ96 In view of the new variant spellings of Tišmurna, Cornelius identi-
ication becomes linguistically more plausible.ṣṢ97 From a geographical point of view it would
also explain how Tišmurna could be linked to the Narrow Track and the western circuit at the
same time and retain its close relation with the market in Durhumit. On the other hand,
Karamağra would be on the edge of Kuliya s circuit of AKT τ, 6 and one would expect
Tišmurna to turn up more frequently alongside cities known to have been located in that re-
gion, e.g. Hattuš and Amkuwa. The only possible piece of evidence is an itinerary connect-
ing Tišmurna and Tawiniya, but the location of Tišmurna depends on where one locates
Tawiniya (cf. τ.8):
ṣṢ9ṭ. Kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢ (l. ṣ-ṣσ): 8 ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-du-a-tám i-na Du-ur-hu-mì-it a-dí-i ṣσ ma-na URUDU lá-
i-ANšE.HI.A a-na kà- í-im a-dí-in i-Wa-ah- u- a-na ṣ ma-na.TA da-tum a-di Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ik- u-ud. For
ina emāri(m) cf. also kt n/k 79σ (çeçen & Hecker ṣ99τ).
ṣṢ9σ. A single itinerary also connects Tišmurna to (W)ulama, but only those two toponyms igure in the text and it
gives no indication of distance or direction: When my donkeys come down to you from Wulama, you are not
to let them remain a single day. Send them straight on to Amriya in Tišmurna (kt n/k ṣ6τṭ (l. τ-9): ki-ma ANšE.
HI.A i -tù Wu-lá-ma ur-du-ni-ni ú-ma-kál lá tù-u -biσ-tá- u-nu a- é-er Am-ri-a a-Tí-i -mur-na ù-ur-da- u-nu).
The recipient of the letter is staying in a third cityŞ based on the refernce to a descent from Ulama the destina-
tion of the donkeys may well have been Purušhaddum (cf. τ.ṣṭ).
ṣṢ9τ. cornelius ṣ97ṭ: σṢ. For Siboron at Karamağra north of Akdağmaden, cf. talBert ṬṢṢṢ: 99Ṣ. The authority for
the identiication of Siboron (known from the Antonine Itinerary ṬṢσ, ṭ and the annals of the battle of Bathys
Ryax) with modern Karamağra comes from HilD ṣ977: ṣṢ7-ṣṢ8. His suggestion depends partially upon the cor-
rect identiication of Siboron with Seberias, cf. HilD & restle ṣ98ṣ: Ṭ76.
ṣṢ96. KBo σ.ṣṭ: ṬṬ-Ṭσ: For Takkupta in the Old Assyrian evidence, cf. section τ.ṣ.
ṣṢ97. Tí-i -mar-na (kt a/k 9ττ)Ş Tí-i -pur-na: AKT τ, 6. The last spelling comes from archive of Kuliya, which dates
to the last part of the kārum II-period and is a generation later than most of our evidence.
Ṭ79
ṣ Ṭ/ṭ shekels for the fees for ive of us. A third of a shekel was for bread in Tawiniya.
They held me back and I paid Ṭ minas of copper in the territory of Tišmurna.ṣṢ98
–––––
Tišmurna was both a source and a market for copper.ṣṢ99 Generally the local copper seems to
have been of a fairly low quality, but the city could be used as an alternative market to Durhu-
mit. Tišmurna also appears as a large producer of both white and (the more expensive) red
wool.ṣṣṢṢ Four out of ṭṭ texts (ṣṬḪ) mentioning Tišmurna refer to the trade in wool, and ap-
parently the exchange was integrated in the trafic in copper between Tišmurna and Durhu-
mit.ṣṣṢṣ Finally, one text refers to trade in amūtum in Tišmurna.ṣṣṢṬ
The Assyrian community in Tišmurna was organised as a Station (wabartum) that appears
twice in our sources.ṣṣṢṭ Nothing is known about the city or its rulers, and kt n/k σ8Ṭ contains
an isolated reference to the palace of Tišmurna that buys textiles for copper.ṣṣṢσ By Old Hittite
times, the settlement appears to have lost its importanceŞ and, except for the possible refer-
ence in the archaic sacriice list mentioned above, the city is unattested the records.
5.5 Other cities in the northeast
A number of settlements located in the north-eastern corner of the Assyrian trade network
play only a minor role in the records, and yet there is enough evidence to offer some idea of
their location. This section will examine ive of those cities: Karahna, Kunanamit, Marithum,
šuppiluliya and Zimišhuna.
The frequency with which they appear in the Assyrian records cannot be taken as a direct
relection of their size or political importance. The texts focus narrowly on the interests of the
traders, meaning that minor settlements can play a prominent role if they were located on a
major route. Conversely, cities that were central players during the formative years of the Old
Hittite state, and which we would expect were large settlements during the Colony Period
(e.g. Amkuwa, Hattuš and šinahuttum) were not located on those routes and appear only
rarely in the sources.
But some such cities, like Karahna, šuppiluliya and Zimišhuna, still had permanent Assyr-
ian settlements (a Colony or a Station), suggesting that the Assyrians regularly went or traded
there. It is important to keep in mind how the narrow functional scope of the sources limits
this analysis. One can compare the sources available for the neighbouring cities of Karahna
and Kuburnat. A decade ago both cities were attested in less than ten published textsŞ now
there are ifty records of Kuburnat, but a large part of the new attestations come from a single
archive. It may be that the texts from a family with a permanent agent in Zimišhuna, Karahna
or šuppiluliya will come to light in Kültepe and change the current image.
–––––
ṣṢ98. Kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σ (l. ṣ-7): ṣ Ṭ/ṭ GÍN a da-at τ ni-a-tí ṣ/ṭ GÍN a-na NINDA i-na Ta-wi-ni-a Ṭ ma-na URUDU i-na
ba-té a Tí-i -mur-na ik-lu-ú-ni-ma a-dí-in.
ṣṢ99. For copper in Tišmurna, see Dercksen ṣ996: ṭτ, στ, ṣτσ and note also kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṭṭ8Ş CCT σ, Ṭ7aŞ
ICK Ṭ, στŞ JCS ṣσ,ṣṣŞ KTB τŞ kt n/k ṣṬṬŞ kt n/k ṬṢ8Ş kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ.
ṣṣṢṢ. lassen ṬṢṣṢ: ṣ68Ş ṣ69 n. 7σ. References in BIN σ, τ8Ş BIN 6, 76Ş CCT σ, Ṭ7aŞ CCT σ, σ7a. In total the four texts
refer to ṣσṢ talents = σ,ṬṢṢ kg of wool.
ṣṣṢṣ. lassen ṬṢṣṢ: ṣ77.
ṣṣṢṬ. CCT 6, ṣṬa.
ṣṣṢṭ. Kt a/k ṣσṬ9Ş AKT τ, ṭ.
ṣṣṢσ. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣσσ n. σσ8.
Ṭ8Ṣ
τ.τ OTHER CITIES IN THE NORTHEAST
Zimišhuna occurs in thirteen texts.ṣṣṢτ These are mainly judicial records that offer no informa-
tion in regard to the location of the city, but a memorandum recording a journey between
Durhumit and Purušhaddum (cf. section τ.σ) suggests that the city was located in the vicinity
of Durhumit and possibly on a route to Tišmurna. The relevant passage is repeated below:
I have paid 8 ṣ/Ṭ minas of reined copper as adu utum-tax in Durhumit. I deposited ṣσ
mina of bad copper in Zimišhuna. Two minas: Buitak of Tišmurna. Two minas was the
exit-tax (that) I paid to the ka um-oficial in Wahšušana at a rate of ṣτ shekels per don-
key.ṣṣṢ6
This text can be linked with Hittite list of temple foundations KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ in which Zapis-
huna appears among the settlements of the province of Tapigga modern Ma at Höyük. This is
comparable to the connection between Durhumit, Hanaknak and Tapaggaš found in kt 9ṣ/k
σṭ7 (cf. τ.ṣ and τ.ṭ) and supports the identiication of Assyrian Zimišhuna with Hittite
Za/ipishuna.ṣṣṢ7
According to the memorandum quoted above, Zimišhuna should be located on a road lead-
ing west and south from Durhumit toward Wahšušana. Since the city does not igure in the
circular letter to the Stations (wabartum) at the head of Narrow Track (cf. section τ.ṣ and τ.σ),
this probably means that it should be sought north or west of Kuburnat, Hanaknak and
Tišmurna. Also the following letter supports the idea that Zimišhuna was located on a route
leading west:
[…] of Hattuš wrote to me, saying: I will [hold a wed]ding. I need many textiles. Write
out so that they bring them here, let them remain in Zimišhuna, and then you must per-
sonally travel to Hattuš, let me pay you the full price of the textiles in good Tišmurna-
copper, and then give me textiles . He is to pay ṬṢ minas of good Tišmurna-copper per
textile. I went on my way to Durhumit, but when I heard this I stayed behind.ṣṣṢ8
ṣṣṢτ. Zimišhuna is attested in: kt 9ṣ/k ṬṣṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭτ6Ş kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 68τŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ78Ş kt a/k ṣσṣṬŞ
kt k/k ṣṢ8Ş kt n/k ṣṢṢ7Ş kt n/k ṣσṣṬŞ kt n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ kt t/k ṣṣŞ TPAK ṣ, σ. Attestations of Zimišhuna together with
other cities are found in: Durhumit: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, Hattu : kt n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ TPAK ṣ, σ, amuha: kt 9ṭ/k
Ṭṭ9, inahuttum: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, Tawiniya: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, Ti murna: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, Puru haddum: kt
9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt k/k ṣṢ8, Wah u ana: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢ, Zalpa: TPAK ṣ, σ. All itineraries have been underlined. Refer-
ences to the Station (wabartum) of Zimišhuna are found in: kt 9ṣ/k ṬṣṬŞ kt a/k ṣσṣṬŞ kt k/k ṣṢ8Ş kt n/k ṣṢṢ7Ş kt
n/k ṣσṣṬ. Textiles are sold or deposited in Zimišhuna in kt 9ṣ/k ṭτ6Ş kt n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ TPAK ṣ, σ. Copper (ṣσ minas
of bad quality) is deposited in Zimišhuna in kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢ. Copper (ṣ6 minas) is brought from Zimišhuna in kt t/k
ṣṣ.
ṣṣṢ6. Kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢ (l. ṣ-ṣṣ): 8 ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-du-a-tám i-na Du-ur-hu-mì-it a-dí-i ṣσ ma-na URUDU lá-
i-ANšE.HI.A a-na kà- í-im a-dí-in i-Wa-ah- u- a-na. For ina emāri(m) cf. also kt n/k 79σ (çeçen & Hecker
ṣ99τ).
ṣṣṢ7. For the common alternation of a/e/i (Kassiya/Kissiya) and m/p (Hakmis/Hakpis, Samuha/Sapuha) in Hittite
toponyms, cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: τ6ṭ.
ṣṣṢ8. Kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ (l. σ-ṣ8): ‘…]-um a Ha-‘tù]-u ‘a-n]a é-ri-a ‘i -pu]-ra-am um-ma u-ut-ma ‘e-mu]-a-tim e-pá-á
ú-ba-tí ‘ma]-du-tim ha-á -ha-ku u-pur-ma lu-ub-lu-ni-ma i-na Zi-mì-is-hu-na li-ib- í ù a-ta a-na Ha-tù-u et-
qam-ma URUDU SIGτ a Tí-i -mu-ur-na í-im ú-ba-tí lu- a-bi-kà-ma ú ú-ba-tí dí-nam ṬṢ ma-na.TA URUDU
SIGτ a Tí-i -mu-ur-na i- a-qal ha-ra-ni a-na Durσ-hu-mì-id ki-ma a-ni-a-tim á -me-ú-ni a-na-kam ak-ta-la. I
am grateful to J. G. Dercksen for his suggestion to read ‘e-mu]-a-tim in l. 7 (emūtum wedding also attested in
kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ7 and BIN σ, στ). The continuation of the letter shows that 9τ kutānum-textiles were required by the
author (among which τṢ were poor and ṣṢ were of very high quality). This represents a value of c. ṣ8 minas of
silver or c. ṬṢ talents of ine copper, which is exactly the amount the author later states that he expects to get from
the transaction.
Ṭ8ṣ
The author appears to have sent this letter from Zimišhuna to Kaneš to inform his associates
of an order of textiles made in Hattuš. The author was leaving for Durhumit when the order
reached him, but he chose to stay behind and write to Kaneš for the textiles. The passage
shows that Zimišhuna was located on a route between Durhumit and Hattuš.
The city of Karahna can be identiied with Greek Karana and modern Sulusaray by conti-
nuity of toponym, and sources from the Bronze Age and Roman antiquity.ṣṣṢ9 Karahna is only
attested four times in the Old Assyrian corpus,ṣṣṣṢ but the itinerary recorded in kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ lo-
cates it in precise relation to šamuha and Kuburnat (cf. section σ.6). The relevant passage is
repeated below:
I paid ṣ shekel of silver in wages for the porter until šamuha. I paid ṭ shekels of tin in
Hatikaitra. I paid ṣ ṣ/Ṭ mina of tin to the mayor in Kutiya. I paid ṣṬ shekels of tin to the
rabi sikkitim in Karahna. From Karahna to Kuburnat ṭ shekels of silver came on (as
expenses) for porters.ṣṣṣṣ
The text suggests that the route between the two cities passed through a couple of settlements
and that the trip may have taken a few days to complete. The three shekels of tin paid in Ha-
tikaitra would correspond to the price of the inns visited by the author in the hinterland of
nearby Hanaknak.ṣṣṣṬ If šamuha is to be identiied with the site of Kayalıpınar on the
Kızılırmak, then the distance to Sulusaray is about sixty kilometres, including the crossing of
the Akdağlar mountains. This would probably correspond to a two-day journey. The reference
to a mayor (hazannum) in Kutiya implies that it was a dependent settlement, possibly of
Karahna.
Karahna is also closely related to the Hittite province of Tapigga, as seen from the letters
found at Ma at Höyük.ṣṣṣṭ The link between Hanaknak, Tapaggaš, Zimišhuna and Karahna in
the Old Assyrian records supports this image. In addition, the fact that it does not appear
among the Stations located at the head of the Narrow Track (cf. τ.ṣ) suggests that it was
reckoned still to be part of that track. This places it south of the other towns.
In Hittite times the province of Karahna was located in an exposed position near the Kaska
frontier, and during the reigns of Mursili II and Muwatalli it was the victim of Kaska raids
alongside its eastern neighbour Marista (cf. section τ.ṣ).ṣṣṣσ The association with Marista and
the Kaska frontier in the Hittite texts goes well with the link between Kuburnat and Karahna
on the eastern route to Durhumit (cf. τ.Ṭ, τ.ṭ).
ṣṣṢ9. forlanini & MaraZZi ṣ986, tav. xviŞ forlanini ṣ99Ṭa: ṭṢṣ n. 9σ. popko ṣ99τ: Ṭτ9 locates Karahna southwest
of Ortaköy and alp ṣ99ṣ: ṣ7-ṣ8 points out the close relation between Tapigga and Karahna. The identiication
of Sulusaray with Roman Sebastopolis/Heracleopolis/Karana, cf. MitforD ṣ99ṣ: ṣ8Ṭ-ṣ8ṭ. Salvage excavations
were conducted at the mound of Sebastopolis in Sulusaray in ṣ989 and ṣ99Ṣ, and ancient strata were identiied
on the northwestern and southern slopes. The reports state that the site was inhabited continuously from the
Early Bronze Age to the Byzantine period, cf. ÖZcan ṣ99ṬŞ ṣ99ṭ.
ṣṣṣṢ. Karahna is attested in: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭŞ kt n/k ṬṣṣŞ kt n/k ṭ88Ş RA 6Ṣ, ṣṣ9. Attestations of Karahna together with other
cities are found in: Hatikaitra: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Hattu : kt n/k Ṭṣṣ, Hurama: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, Luhuzattiya: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ,
Kuburnat: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, amuha: kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ, uppiluliya: kt n/k Ṭṣṣ, Tamniya: kt n/k ṭ88. All itineraries have
been underlined. The Station of Karahna (wabartum) occurs in RA 6Ṣ, ṣṣ9.
ṣṣṣṣ. Kt 9Ṭ/k ṭ (l. ṣṭ-Ṭσ): ṣ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ig-ri a biσ-ilτ-tim a-dí a-mu-ha a-dí-in ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na
Ha-tí-kà-it-ra a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA i-na Ku-tí-a a-ha-za-nim a-dí-in ṣṬ GÍN AN.NA i-na Kà-ra-ah-na a-na
GAL sí-ki-tim a-dí-in i -tù Kà-ra-ah-na a-dí Ku-bu-ur-na-şatš ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na a biσ-lá-tim ik- u-
ud. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ6.
ṣṣṣṬ. Cf. section τ.ṭ, text kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7.
ṣṣṣṭ. See alp ṣ98ṭŞ ṣ986Ş ṣ99ṣ: ṣ7-ṣ8Ş forlanini ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭτ9, Ṭ67-Ṭ68.
ṣṣṣσ. KBo τ.8 (col. i): ṭ ffŞ CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): ṭṣ-ṭṭ.
Ṭ8Ṭ
Two letters coming from a dossier of texts related to a group of Assyrians consulting with
an Anatolian royal couple give additional information on Karahna in the Old Assyrian
period:ṣṣṣτ
From Ah-šalim to PNṣ, PNṬ, PNṭ and PNσ. Upon the king s return from the sikkātum I
met with him in his territory, and I brought a gift to him and his son (the man of Tamni-
ya), so he said: For your sake I made an agreement with Karahna so that your silver will
not be lost . They will bring the agreement with Karahna two days after I write this letter
to you, he will announce the inal terms, and I will write (them) to you. When the Colony
hears my letter, address the Colony so that their message comes here, and so that I may
do (what can be done) to salvage your silver. The man is looking forward to a gift – a
white robe – and the queen requests a thin kutānum-textile. Send it. If they have ex-
penses in Karahna when they salvage the silver, then send me a message and I will per-
sonally promise a gift to the man here. You should request ive minas of tin from the
Colony for the audience and then send it here. You should not entrust your message to
one retainer only [...] The two guides of the man of Luha are staying with me.ṣṣṣ6
To (my) creditors and my representatives from Ah-šalim. Here the king […] summoned
Hanaum the guide, together with […] iya, saying: Entrust him to the man of Hattuš, and
let him go where it is safe (to go) according to what the man of Hattuš will tell him. He
(i.e. the man of Hattuš) made him travel to šuppiluliya, saying: Let the man of
šuppiluliya lead you (on) to Karahna , but he (i.e. […] iya) ignored this, and he went as
he pleased, so the Man of Hattuš said: Why did he not go where I told him, and where
my guide would lead him? Dear fathers and lordsŞ I am leaving on the day I write this
letter. You should address the Colony there, so that their message reaches me in Hattuš
concerning all that I should say to him about the man s arrival. Here the queen has re-
quested two thin kutānum-textiles ...ṣṣṣ7
ṣṣṣτ. Cf. günBatti ṣ996 for the publication and quotes from passages found in related texts.
ṣṣṣ6. Kt n/k ṭ88 (l. ṣ-ṭ8): um-ma Ah- a-lim-ma a-na … qí-biσ-ma a-na ru-ba-im i -tù sí-kà-tim i-tù-a-ri- u i-ba-tí- u
am-hu-ur- u-ma er-ba-am a-ru-ba-im ú me-er-i- u ta-am-ni-a-i-im a- í-i-ma um-ma u-ut-ma ma-mì-tim a- u-
mì-ku-nu-ma a-Ka-ra-ah-na al-qé a-dí-i KÙ.BABBAR-pí-ku-nu lá ha-lá-qí-im i- a-am- í up-pá-am ú-lá-pí-ta-
ku-nu-ştíš-ni i- a-nim uσ-mì-im ma-mì-tám a Ka-ra-ah-na ú-bu-lu-‘nim]-ma za-‘ku-sà] i-qá-bi-a-‘ma] a- a-
pá-ra-ku-nu-tí ki-ma up-pí-i kà-ru-um i -me-ú kà-ra-am mu-ùh-ra-ma té-er-ta-á -nu li-li-kam-ma ma-lá
KÙ.BABBAR-pì-ku-nu a-lá-hi-im le-pu-u a-wi-lúm a-na er-bi-im i-da-gal ṣ TÚG lu-bu- a-am pá- í-a-am ù
ṣ TÚG ku-ta-nam qá-at-nàm ru-ba-tum té-ri- a-ni é-biσ-lá-nim u-ma i-na Ka-ra-ah-na gám-ra-am i-ga-mu-
ru-ma KÙ.BABBAR i- a-lu-hu té-er-ták-nu li-li-kam-ma a-na-kam er-ba-am a-na a-wi-lim pá-i a-dá-an τ ma-
na AN.NA a-na pá-lu-sí-im É kà-ri-im er- a-ma é-biσ-lá-nim té-er-ták-nu ú-ha-ra-am i -té-en6 lá ta-be-e-lá lu
x x am Ṭ ra-dí-ú a Lu-ha-i-im i -tí-a wa-á -bu. Cf. section ṣ.6 for the term sikkātum. günBatti ṣ996Ş MicHel
ṬṢṢṣ both take the predicate the Tamniyan to apply to both the king and his son. A different possibility is that
it applies to the son only. This would be grammatically correct but make less sense. The king would then have
ruled an unnamed city and his son would have ruled Tamniya. The signs ta-am-ni-a-i-im appear to have been
squeezed in on the right edge of the tablet, almost as an afterthought from the author in order to ascertain which
king he was referring to. This makes Günbattı s interpretation more likely. A complete archival study might as-
certain Ah-šalim s whereabouts, but the archive to which the texts belong has been split up between several
scholars and is studied separately and in arbitrary groups. For the toponym Luha, cf. also kt m/k Ṭτ (l. ṭ-τ: i-nu-
mì a-na Lu-ha-a a- é-er tám-kà-ri-im i-li-ku)Ş BIN σ, ṣ9ṣ (l. ṣ-ṭ): ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na í-biσ-im i-Lu-ha-a
a-dí-in (l. ṣṬ-ṣτ): Ṭ GÍN URUDU a-na mu-qá-ri-be a Lu-ha-a a-dí-in; CCT τ, σσc (l ṣ7 -ṣ8 ): ṭ GÍN AN.NA
şa-naš Lu-ha-im ni-i -qú-ul; TC Ṭ, τ7 (l. ṣ7-Ṭṣ): ṣ/ṭ ma-na 6 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA ANšE i-na Áb-ri-im lu-ha-a-i-ú
i -ri-qú-ma a -qúl. The latter text suggests that a town of that name was located somewhere in eastern Syria. Cf.
nasHef ṣ987: σṣ-σṬŞ ṣ99Ṭ: ṭ9, who takes it as an alternative spelling of the toponym Eluhhut and note veenHof
ṣ97Ṭ: ṬσṬ.
ṣṣṣ7. Kt n/k Ṭṣṣ (l. ṣ-Ṭ6): a-na be-lu KÙ.BABBAR ù a ki-ma i-a-tí qí-bi-ma um-ma ‘Ah- ]a-lim-ma a-na-kam ru-
ba-um ‘x x] Ha-na-um ra-dí-am i -tí ‘x- ]í-a ú- á-hi-ma um-ma u-ut-ma a-na Ha-tù- a-im pí-qí-sú-ma ú a
Ha-tù- a-um i-qá-biσ-ú- u-ni ha-ra-nam a- ar a-lá-mì- u li-li-ik a-na u-pì-lu-li-a ha-ra-nam i-dí- u-um-ma
um-ma u-ut-ma u-pì-lu-li-a-um a-na Kà-ra-ah-na li-ir-dé-e-kà í-a-tí e-zi-ib-ma a- ar li-bi- u-ma i-ta-lá-ak
um-ma Ha-tù- a-um-ma mì- u-ba a- ar aq-biσ-ú- u-ni ú ra-dí-i i-ra-dí-ú- u-ni-ma lá i-lik a-ba-ú-a be-lu-a a-tù-
Ṭ8ṭ
The ruler was returning from sikkātum when Ah-šalim met with him in the coutryside. The
king stated that he had made an agreement with the king of Karahna in order to help the As-
syrian traders salvage a sum of silver that had been lost there. Why Karahna was involved,
why the king of Tamniya had any inluence in the matter, and why Ah-šalim could not know
whether the settlement would be reached in Karahna or where he was staying is unclear.
In the second letter Ah-šalim wrote about an Assyrian representative who was supposed to
travel from Tamniya via Hattuš and šuppiluliya to Karahna under the escort of a royal guide.
The Assyrian and the guide may be the two men mentioned at the end of the irst letter. The
king of Tamniya could apparently count on the support of his colleagues in Hattuš and
šuppiluliya to lead the Assyrian and his guide on to Karahna. In return for the favour, the king
and queen asked for valuable textiles from Ah-šalim. By the time of the second letter the
queen s request had doubled. The Assyrian man s reluctance to follow the directions given by
the ruler once he had arrived in Hattuš caused problems for Ah-šalim, and he decided he had
to travel from Tamniya to Hattuš.
Both Hattuš and Karahna are ixed points, and the second letter places šuppiluliya some-
where between them. Forlanini has suggested that the Hittite town of Suppiluliya should be
sought somewhere along the course of the ‘ekerek River,ṣṣṣ8 which would it the present con-
text.
šuppiluliya is attested eight times in the Assyrian corpus.ṣṣṣ9 At least four of those attesta-
tions date to the period of Anatolian trade contemporary with stratum Ib at Kültepe, and two
come from the site of Ali ar. During the earlier period the city had held an Assyrian Station
(wabartum), but later the settlement became a Colony (kārum).ṣṣṬṢ Apart from the letter quot-
ed above, the city never occurs in a direct itinerary, but one more passage from a letter implies
that šuppiluliya and Hattuš were located along the same route:
Let your letter reach me in Hattuš or in šuppiluliya and inform me.ṣṣṬṣ
Kunanamit occurs in seventeen texts in the Old Assyrian corpus, mostly in connection with
Durhumit.ṣṣṬṬ Almost all texts referring to the city relate to the trade and transport of copper –
nu şi>-dUTU- i up-pá-am ú-lá-pí-ta-ku-nu-tí-ni a-tí- í a-ma-kam kà-ra-am mu-ùh-ra-ma e-ra-áb- u a a-wi-

lim mì-ma a-qá-bi- u-ni té-er-ta-á -nu a-na Ha-tù-u li-ik- u-dí Ṭ TÚG ku-ta-ni qá-at-nu-tim ru-ba-tum té-ri- í.
For ahhu um to summon , cf. e.g. the judicial record AKT 6, ṣ9τ: šalim-Aššur summoned us in front of Amur-
Ištar … (l. ṣ-Ṭ: a-lim-A- ùr a- é-er A-mur-I tar ú- á-hi-ni-a-tí-ma).
ṣṣṣ8. forlanini ṣ99Ṭa: Ṭ88-Ṭ89. The Hittite provincial capital of Sapinuwa (tentatively identiied with modern Or-
taköy) was located on a river named Suppiluliya according to KUB ṬṬ.τṣ and KUB τṢ.ṣṢ8. However, the ety-
mology of Suppiluliya is pure pond or spring and the toponym may have been common (cf. larocHe ṣ96ṣ:
79).
ṣṣṣ9. šuppiluliya is attested in: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ9Ş kt 9σ/k σ86Ş AKT ṭ, ṣṣṬ (wr. u-pu-lu-li-a)Ş BIN 6, ṬṣτŞ kt n/k ṬṣṣŞ O
ṭ68σ (Ib)Ş OIP Ṭ7, Ṭṭ (from Ali ar, Ib)Ş UF 7, Ṭ (Ib.). Attestations of šuppiluliya together with other cities are
found in: Durhumit: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ9, Hattu : AKT ṭ, ṣṣṬ, kt n/k Ṭṣṣ, Karahna: kt n/k Ṭṣṣ.
ṣṣṬṢ. The wabartum is attested in kt 9σ/k σ86. The kārum appears in the two related texts UF 7, Ṭ and O ṭ68σ. The
latter is dated to the limmum Hadiu (REL Ṭṣ6 = ṣ7τσ BC). The text OIP Ṭ7, Ṭṭ may refer to the house of the
ka um-oficial in šuppiluliya, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: στ.
ṣṣṬṣ. AKT ṭ, ṣṣṬ (l. ṣ9-ṬṬ): na-á -pè-er-ták-nu a-na u-pu-lu-li-a ú Ha-tù-u li-li-kam-ma úz-ni pì-té-a.
ṣṣṬṬ. Kunanamit appears in: kt 9ṣ/k σ9ṢŞ Ark. Derg. ṣ, p. 9ṭ (wr. Ku-na-na-ma-at)Ş BIN 6, ṣṭṭŞ CCT Ṭ, ṬṭŞ LB ṣṬṢ6Ş
LB ṣṬṢ9b (māt)Ş KTS ṣ, ṣ9aŞ OAA ṣ, τṢŞ POAT ṬŞ VS Ṭ6, 7ṣ. As nisbe at appears in: AKT ṣ, ṣ7Ş AKT ṭ, τ7Ş Ank.
ṣ7Ş I σ7ṣŞ KTS ṣ, ττaŞ TC ṭ, ṬṢ9Ş kt u/k σ. The toponym appears with: Durhumit: AKT ṣ, ṣ7, POAT Ṭ, Hattum:
LB ṣṬṢ6, Puru haddum: LB ṣṬṢ6, VS Ṭ6, 7ṣ, māt Sawit: CCT Ṭ, Ṭṭ, Upe: AKT ṭ, τ7, Wah u ana: KTS ṣ,
ṣ9a. The text LB ṣṬṢ6 may be taken as an indication that Kunanamit was considered a part of Hattum. On the
basis of CCT Ṭ, Ṭṭ Dercksen ṣ996: ṣτ suggested that Kunanamit was a city in the Land of Sawit, but the newly
published LB ṣṬṢ9a+b (Dercksen ṬṢṣṢ) refers to the Land of Kunanamit as an independent entity.
Ṭ8σ
often in considerable quantities.ṣṣṬṭ Kunanamit and the land of Sawit occur together in a legal
record, which implies that both towns were places where one went to buy copper.ṣṣṬσ A letter
mentions c. ṭṢṢ kg of copper that was bought in Kunanamit with the purpose of converting the
metal into silver in Durhumit.ṣṣṬτ This suggests that Kunanamit was a primary source of cop-
per, and that secondary reining and production took place in Durhumit. This may explain the
implied difference in BIN 6, ṣṭṭ between ṭ talents of good copper, and τ talents σṢ mina of
copper from Kunanamit . If the area around Kunanamit was a primary producer of copper and
the secondary industries were located in Durhumit, then the two cities probably belong in the
same region. Conversely, the text LB ṣṬṢ9 mentions turmoil in the Land of Kunanamit, which
shows that it was an independent state and not a settlement of Durhumit. In view of the rare
attestations of Kunanamit in the Assyrian texts, the city should probably be located off the
main routes somewhere in the vicinity of Durhumit and near a large source of copper.
The toponym Marithum occurs in thirteen Assyrian records and does not appear in the Hit-
tite texts.ṣṣṬ6 A few letters from the family of šalim-Aššur son of Issu-arik that was particu-
larly active in the region of Durhumit show that it had dealings in Marithum too.ṣṣṬ7 A few of
the texts suggest that Marithum was another source of copper in the region of Durhumit,ṣṣṬ8
and Durhumit is the only city that regularly appears alongside Marithum. In two texts Durhu-
mit and Marithum appear as alternative destinations on a journey, as it is possible that
Marithum, like Tišmurna, was an alternative source of copper when the market in Durhumit
was disturbed:ṣṣṬ9
And then I will personally travel to Durhumit or Marithum … ṣṣṭṢ
If you have not already sold the amūtum in Wahšušana, then take it to Marithum or to
Durhumit and sell it there at any price … ṣṣṭṣ
ṣṣṬṭ. Cf. AKT ṣ, ṣ7 (ṣṢ talents)Ş AKT ṭ, τ7 (ṣ talent ṣṣ minas)Ş BIN σ, ṣ66 (τ talents σṢ minas)Ş CCT Ṭ, Ṭṭ, (τ talents,
σṢ minas. Reletated to the preceding text)Ş I σ7ṣ (98 talents τṢ mina (i.e. ṭ tons)Ş thereof: ṭṢ minas from Ku-
nanamit)Ş KTS ṣ, ττa (ṭ talents)Ş TC ṭ, ṬṢ9 (σṢ minas)Ş kt u/k σ (σṢṢṢ (probably minas))Ş and VS Ṭ6, 7ṣ (ṣṢ
talents).
ṣṣṬσ. CCT Ṭ, Ṭṭ, cf. icHisar ṣ98ṣ: ṭṢṣ-ṭṢṭ and the related text OAA ṣ, τṢ. It is possible that the toponym itself may
be derived from the Hittite word for copper, kuwanna .
ṣṣṬτ. AKT ṣ, ṣ7.
ṣṣṬ6. Marithum is attested in: kt 88/k 6ṢṢŞ kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k 7τṣŞ AKT 6, ṭ6ṬŞ AKT 6, ṭ6σŞ CCT τ, ṣṭaŞ kt c/k 7ṭṢŞ
I τ98Ş kt j/k ṣṢ7Ş kt n/k ṬṭσŞ kt n/k ṬṭσŞ kt n/k ṣσṭ8Ş TC ṭ, 6Ṭ. In addition, kt n/k ṣṬṬ refers to large amounts of
copper coming from the Land of Hiruh . Dercksen ṣ996: ṣσ7 suggests that this may interpreted as Marithum
with metathesis (cf. section τ.σ). Attestations of Marithum together with other cities are found in: Durhumit: kt
9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k 7τṣ: CCT τ, ṣṭaŞ I τ98Ş kt j/k ṣṢ7, Puru haddum: CCT τ, ṣṭa, Tamniya: kt n/k ṣσṭ8, Ulama:
kt c/k 7ṭṢ, Wah u ana: kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt j/k ṣṢ7.
ṣṣṬ7. Cf. kt 9σ/k 7τṣŞ AKT 6, ṭ6ṬŞ AKT 6, ṭ6σ.
ṣṣṬ8. AKT 6, ṭ6σ (l. ṣτ-ṣ6): ṣṢ GÚ URUDU! ṣṢ GÚ URUDU SIGτ. The text actually reads ṣṢ talents of silver and
ṣṢ talents of good copper , but the affair deals with the proceeds of Ṭ thin textiles and a little lapis lazuli, and it
is inconceivable that the sale of this would have made ṭṢṢ kg of silver. The writing KÙ.BABBAR is surely a
mistake for URUDU. Note also the letter kt n/k ṣσṭ8 referring to legal proceedings in Tamniya, which states
that: the copper is in Marithum (l. Ṭ6: URUDU i-na Ma-ri-it-hi-im).
ṣṣṬ9. Kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8 refers to ṣṬṢ minas of copper, proceeds of a batch of textiles in MarithumŞ AKT 6, ṭ6σ refers to ṣṢ
talents of copper and ṣṢ talents of good from Marithum (cf. previous footnote)Ş kt n/k Ṭṭσ refers to the sale of
tin and textiles for copper, probably in Durhumit. A batch of Akkadian textiles was sold in Marithum, but the
transaction remains to be concludedŞ kt n/k ṣσṭ8 refers to ṣṢ talents of copper, said to be in Marithum.
ṣṣṭṢ. I τ98 (l. ṣσ-ṣ7): ú a-na-ku a-na Ma-ri-it-hi-im ú Durσ-hu-mì-it e-tí-iq-ma …
ṣṣṭṣ. Kt j/k ṣṢ7 (l. ṣṭ-ṣ9): u-ma KÙ.AN i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na lá ta-tí-dí-in KÙ.AN lu a-na Ma-ri-it-hi-im lu a-na
Du-ur-hu-mì-it biσ-ilτ-ma ba-tí-iq ú wa-tù-ur dí- í-ma … CCT τ, ṣṭa also refers to a shipment of amūtum going
to Marithum: Therefore he did not reveal the amūtum (to the rabi sikkitim of Purušhaddum). La-qepum brought
the full amount to Marithum, saying let it travel and I will take it (l. ṣṣ-ṣ7): a- í-a-tí a-mu-tám lá ú-kà-li-im- u
li-tí-ik-ta- a La-qé-pu-um a-na Ma-ri-it-hi-im ú-bi-ilτ um-ma u-ut-ma é-tí-qá- í-ma a-la-qé- í.
Ṭ8τ
Finally, a letter written by Tahašaili, the agent of Ali-ahum son of Aššur-malik in Wahšušana,ṣṣṭṬ
refers to a certain Adada, who is said to have passed via Ulama on his return from Marithum.
The context is broken, but the implication seems to be that Adada chose a south-going route
from Marithum, instead of what may have been a more direct road to Wahšušana.
The apparent connections between Marithum and Durhumit, and the function of Marithum
as a market for copper, suggests that this city, like Kunanamit, should be located off the main
routes and the in region of Durhumit. The direct link to Wahšušana, and the fact that Marithum
was an alternative destination from there to Durhumit, implies that Marithum was located
further west.
5.6 inahuttumṣṣṭṭ
šinahuttum is attested in only ṣσ texts dated to the Old Assyrian period, and the reason to
devote a separate section the city is primarily its importance during the formative process of
the Old Hittite state.
Amkuwa ṣ šamuha ṣ
Baniharzum ṣ Tawiniya ṣ
Durhumit Ṭ Tišmurna ṣ
Hanaknak ṣ Tuhpiya ṣ
Hattuš σ Ulama ṣ
Kapitra ṣ Wašhaniya ṣ
Kuburnat ṣ Wahšušana Ṭ
Purušhaddum ṣ Zimišhuna ṣ
Table Ṭτ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šinahuttum.
The only toponym that occurs alongside šinahuttum more than twice is Hattuš, but a statisti-
cal analysis on a sample of fourteen texts carries no great weight.ṣṣṭσ Instead, a number of
itineraries help assigning šinahuttum to a particular region.
The most important clue to the location of šinahuttum in North-Eastern Anatolia is found
in Kuliya s memorandum, which records his travels through the area of Durhumit to levy
tithe and addu utum-tax on behalf of the Kaneš Colony.ṣṣṭτ Kuliya visited Kuburnat and
Hanaknak in the east before embarking upon a circular journey from Durhumit via šinahuttum
to Tuhpiya in the west (τ.9) and back via a toponym lost in the break and Tišmurna to Durhu-
mit. The text shows that šinahuttum was located south of Durhumit and west in the direction
of Tuhpiya. This impression is further supported by a link between šinahuttum and Hattuš
that comes from the following two passages:
ṣṣṭṬ. Dercksen pers. comm. on the basis of his studies of the texts kt c/k ṣ-869.
ṣṣṭṭ. Attestations of šinahuttum are found in: kt 89/k ṭ87bŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9Ş kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṬ6ṢŞ AKT τ, 6Ş kt c/k
τ9σŞ kt k/k 6ṭŞ kt k/k 67aŞ kt n/k ṭ6Ş ICK ṣ, Ṭṣa+bŞ KTK ṣṢŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṭ8Ş TPAK ṣ, ṭŞ VS Ṭ6, 7τ.
ṣṣṭσ. The attestations of šinahuttum together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: KTK ṣṢ, Baniharzum: AKT τ,
6, Durhumit: AKT τ, 6Ş kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ, Hanaknak: AKT τ, 6, Hattu : kt 89/k ṭ87bŞ AKT τ, 6Ş kt n/k ṭ6Ş KTK ṣṢ,
Kapitra: KTK ṣṢ, Kuburnat: AKT τ, 6, Puru haddum: kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ, amuha: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, Tawiniya: kt 9ṭ/k
Ṭṭ9, Ti murna: AKT τ, 6, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, 6, Ulama: kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ, Wa haniya: AKT τ, 6, Wah u ana: kt 9σ/k
ṭσṢŞ KTK ṣṢ, Zimi huna: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to
any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not neces-
sarily just journeys from A to B).
ṣṣṭτ. Cf. AKT τ, 6, discussed in section τ.ṣ.
Ṭ86
Kuburnat 1 Wahšušana 2
Mamma 1 Zimišhuna 1
Purušhaddum 1
Table 25: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Šinahuttum.
The only toponym that occurs alongside Šinahuttum more than twice is Hattuš, but a
statistical analysis on a sample of fourteen
τ.6 texts carries no great weight.2 Instead, a number of
šINAHUTTUM
itineraries help assigning Šinahuttum to a particular region.
Durhumit
Hattuš
Wahšušana
0 1 2 3 4
Graph 17: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Šinahuttum. ‘Itineraries’ are shaded in a
Graph 18: Frequency darkerof a given toponym associated with inahuttum. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
colour.
The most important clue to the location of Šinahuttum in North-Eastern Anatolia is found in
Kuliya’s memorandum, which records his travels through the area of Durhumit to levy tithe
and šaddu’utum-tax on behalf of the Kaneš Colony.3 Kuliya visited Kuburnat and Hanaknak
I paid ṣ ṣ/σ shekels for leather straps on behalf of Hahha in šinahuttum. I paid him ṣ
in the east before embarking upon a circular journey from Durhumit via Šinahuttum to
shekel in
Tuhpiya of silver
the west – the(5.9)
priceand
of aback
bronze
viapectoral – in Hattuš.
a toponym lost in His/its nishātum
the break was ṭ minas
and Tišmurna to
of copper, which I paid on behalf of Ennam-Aššur in šinahuttum. ṣṣṭ6
Durhumit. The text shows that Šinahuttum was located south of Durhumit and west in the
direction of Tuhpiya. This impression is further supported by a link between Šinahuttum and
Hattuš thatKaneš
To the comesColony
from the following
from two passages:
Ikun-piya, Aduda and the Station of šinahuttum. In regard to
the men from Mamma, and in accordance with what Aššur-malik and šu-Išhara wrote,
we took textiles worth 8 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver (each) and carried (them) to the palace, and
it seized the roads, but the men who stayed in Hattuš had (already) gone beyond Hattuš.
1
They have
Attestations not been are
of Šinahuttum arrested.
found in:We wrote
kt 89/k 387b;after them,
kt 93/k 239; left and
kt 94/k 340;right, but
kt 94/k no AKT
1260; one 5,remained
6; kt c/k
594; kt k/k 63; kt k/k 67a; kt n/k 36; ICK 1, 21a+b; KTK 10; OIP 27, 38; TPAK 1, 3; VS 26, 75.
2 behind. We have gone on our journey in accordance with the instructions from Aššur-
The attestations of Šinahuttumṣṣṭ7together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: KTK 10, Baniharzum: AKT 5,
malik andAKT
6, Durhumit: šu-Išhara.
5, 6; kt 94/k 340, Hanaknak: AKT 5, 6, Hattuš: kt 89/k 387b; AKT 5, 6; kt n/k 36; KTK 10,
Kapitra: KTK 10, Kuburnat: AKT 5, 6, Mamma: kt 89/k 387b, Purušhaddum: kt 94/k 340, Šamuha: kt 93/k
239, Tawiniya: kt 93/k 239, Tišmurna: AKT 5, 6, Tuhpiya: AKT 5, 6, Ulama: kt 94/k 340, Wašhaniya: AKT 5,
Wahšušana:
The6,irst text is kta 94/k 340; KTK 10, Zimišhuna:
straightforward kt 93/k 239.that
memorandum All ‘itineraries’ have beenmade
lists purchases underlined
by (the
theterm
author on
‘itinerary’ is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more
behalf of various
toponyms, and not traders.
necessarilyIt isjourneys
just likelyfrom
thatAthe text was structured according to a trip undertaken
to B).
3
by the AKT 5, 6, Purchases
Cf.author. discussed in section
were5.1.made in šinahuttum and Hattuš, and taxes or fees were paid
back in šinahuttum. The text gives us no information about the distance between the two cit-
ies. 1
The second text gives no itinerary but suggests that šinahuttum and Hattuš were located
close to one another. Two colonial envoys reported back to Kaneš from šinahuttum about
events that took place in Hattuš. The Colony asked for a group of people from Mamma to be
apprehended there, so the envoys went to the palace in Hattuš to offer textiles at buying price,
presumably in return for their help to perform the arrest. The palace helped the Assyrians, but
the men from Mamma had already left the country. The two envoys therefore left Hattuš and
wrote their letter from šinahuttum.
šinahuttum also appears to have been linked to the city of Tawiniya as seen from the fol-
lowing passage:
ṣṣṭ6. Kt n/k ṭ6 (l. 7-Ṭṭ): ṣ ṣ/σ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a- u-mì Ha-ha-ma a-na ma-ar- í i-na í-na-hu-tí á -qú-ul ṣ GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR í-im du-dí-na-tí a ZABAR i-na Ha-tù-u a-dí- u ṭ ma-na URUDU ni-is-ha-tí- u a- u-mì
E-nam-A- ùr i-na í-na-hu-tí á -qú-ul. Text dated to the Ib period.
ṣṣṭ7. Kt 89/k ṭ87b: a-na kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i qí-bi-ma um-ma I-ku-pí-a A-du-da ù wa-bar-tum a í-na-hu-tí-ma a-dí-i
Ma-ma-i-e a-ma-lá A- ur-ma-lik ù u-I -ha-ra i -pu-ru-ni-a-tí-ni TÚG.HI a-na 8 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ni-ilτ-
qí-ma a-na É.GAL-lim ni- í-ma ha-ra-na-tim i -ba-at-ma a-wi-lu a i-na Ha-tù-u u -bu-ni i-na e-ba-ar Ha-tù-
u -ma i-ta- ú qá-tù-um ú-lá i-i -ba-sú-nu a-na i-mì-tí-im ú u-me-li-im a-dí-i ur-ki-ú-tí- u-nu ni-i -pu-ur-ma
ma-ma-an ur-kà-sú-nu lá- u a-ma-lá A- ur-ma-lik ú u-I -ha-ra ú- a-hi-zu-ni-a-tí-ni ha-ra-ni ni-ta-lá-ak.
Ṭ87
Dear father, why do you constantly listen to the slander of others? I went (as I was told).
In regard to šinahuttum, there is a market for donkeys here, yet I did not want to sell the
donkeys, saying: Let the donkeys be, and let me feed them. Of the remainder of the
sheared wool that I acquired in šamuha, they have brought ṭ talents of wool down here
from Tamniya and it is here. I will set the wool and the donkeys for sale and then I will
leave and come ... Asanum is not here. I sent him to Tamniya to bring the rest of the wool,
and then he will go to Zimišhuna to collect your outstanding claims. When he comes we
will go off together.ṣṣṭ8
A shipment of wool irst went from šamuha to Tawiniya and then down to šinahuttum. The
distance between šinahuttum and Tawiniya is implied by the ease with which one could send
someone to fetch the remaining wool . Asanum was sent from šinahuttum to Tawiniya and
back before he left to Zimišhuna. This shows that šinahuttum was located between Tawiniya
and Zimišhuna, and implies that Zimišhuna in the province of Tapigga (cf. τ.τ) was the east-
ernmost of the three settlements.
The frontiers of the later province of Tapigga are not known, but a reasonable candidate for
its western borders would be the ‘ekerek River. šinahuttum may have been located just west
of that. In fact, the following memorandum links šinahuttum with a riverŞ the author does not
mention its name, but the reference to lodgings right after the expenses paid at the river sug-
gests that it was located less than a day s journey away:
I paid two minas of reined copper in šinahuttum … I paid one mina and ṣ6 shekels of
copper for three jars at the bank of the river. I paid ṭṬ shekels of copper for our lodgings
and I also gave some leather straps.ṣṣṭ9
A inal itinerary links šinahuttum to Durhumit. The distance between the two settlements is
hard to deduce, but the statement that Ennam-Wer twice sent a shipment from one city to the
other implies that they were close:
As for the time when we transported the wool from šinahuttum to Durhumit, Ennam-
Wer twice packed the donkey belonging to Ennam-Wer with wool to Durhumit.ṣṣσṢ
A precise location of šinahuttum cannot be deduced from the Old Assyrian texts, but the evi-
dence associates the city with Hattuš, Tawiniya and Durhumit and places it west of Zimišhuna.
Depending on the position of Tawiniya, it seems that a location of šinahuttum north or north-
east of Hattuš its the evidence. In general, the city does not appear alongside the toponyms
located in the eastern part of the regional cluster: Hanaknak and Kuburnat.
–––––
ṣṣṭ8. Kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9 (l. ṭ-ṣτ): a-bi be-lí a-ta mì-nam a-pu-na ta-ki-li a a-ni-ú-tim-ma ta-á -ta-na-me-ú e-ku- a-am a
í-na-hu-tim í-im ANšE a-na-kam i-ba- í-ma a-na-ku ANšE.HI.A ta-da-nam lá a-mu-a um-ma a-na-ku-ma
ANšE.HI.A li-zi-zu-ma lu- a-ki-ilτ- u-nu í-tí SÍG.HI.A nu-ha-tám a i-na a-mu-ha al-qé-ú ṭ GÚ SÍG.HI.A
i -tù Ta-am-ni-a ú- é-ri-du-nim-ma i-ba- í SÍG.HI.A ú ANšE.HI.A a-na í-mì-im a-da-an-ma a-ta-bi-a-ma a-
ta-lá-kam (l. Ṭτ-ṭṢ): A-sá-nim a-na-kam lá ú- a-áb a-Ta-am-ni-a a- í-tí SÍG.HI.A a-na ú-ba-lim á -pu-ur- u-
ma a-na ba-a-áb-tí-kà a- a-du-nim a-na Zi-mì-i -hu-na i-ta-lá-ak i-lá-kam-ma ni-ta-lá-kam.
ṣṣṭ9. Kt c/k τ9σ (l. ṣ-ṭ): Ṭ ma-na URUDU ma-sí-a-am i-na í-na-hu-tí-im á -qúl … (l. ṣτ-ṬṬ): ṣ ma-na ṣ6 GÍN
URUDU a-na ṭ ki-ra-tí-im i-na a-pá-at na-ri-im á -qúl ṣ/Ṭ ma-na Ṭ GÍN URUDU a-na ub-ri-ni á -qúl ú ma-
ar- é-e a-dí-in.
ṣṣσṢ. Kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ (l. Ṭ-9): a i-nu-me SÍG-tám i -tù í-na-hu-tim a -na Durσ-hu-mì-it ni-iz-bi-lu-ni ANšE a En-
nam-We-er a- í-ni- u SÍG-tám a-n‘a] Durσ-hu-mì-it En-nam-We-er is-ri-sú.
Ṭ88
τ.6 šINAHUTTUM
The Assyrian sources contain almost no evidence for the history, economy and political or-
ganisation of šinahuttum. One refers to the king (rubā um) of the city,ṣṣσṣ and an Assyrian
Station (wabartum) is attested a few times.ṣṣσṬ Twice the city is mentioned in relation to the
trade in wool,ṣṣσṭ and once in reference to sheep.ṣṣσσ The memorandum kt n/k ṭ6 discussed
above may refer to the payment of nishātum-tax in šinahuttum.ṣṣστ
The city came to play a leading role in the regional power struggle that culminated in the
formation of the Old Hittite state.ṣṣσ6 In his political testament Hattusili I tells of a ight for the
throne of Sanahwitta that had occurred a generation earlier and had resulted in a state of war
between Sanahwitta and Hattusa.ṣṣσ7 The rivalry between the two cities went back at least two
centuries to the Old Assyrian Colony Period, when šinahuttum had been part of an alliance
against Hattuš (cf. τ.7). Hattusili besieged Sanahwitta, and after ive months he conquered
and destroyed the city.ṣṣσ8
The city became a regional centre in the AGRIG-system,ṣṣσ9 which lasted until the provin-
cial reorganization in the early New Kingdom. After that Sanahwitta seems to have lost much
ṣṣσṣ. KTK ṣṢ.

ṣṣσṬ. The wabartum in šinahuttum is attested in kt 89/k ṭ87bŞ AKT τ, 6Ş kt k/k 6ṭ.
ṣṣσṭ. The trade in wool is referred to in kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9 and kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ.
ṣṣσσ. VS Ṭ6, 7τ.
ṣṣστ. Kt n/k ṭ6.
ṣṣσ6. Note that some scholars have doubted the identiication of Assyrian šinahuttum with Hittite Sanahwitta, cf. e.g.
garelli ṣ96ṭ: ṣṬṭ-ṣṬσ and alp ṣ98ṣ: στṬ n. ṣṬ. Garelli followed J. lewY ṣ9σ7: ṣ6 in saying that šinahuttum
should be identiied with Neo-Assyrian šinuhtu in Tabal on the basis of the broken letter VS Ṭ6, 7τ. But this was
at a time when Wahšušana was thought to be located south of the Tuz Gölü. In addition, the author simply states
that Before I left Wahšušana (l. ṭ-σ: lá-ma a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na e-ru-bu) on the obverse, and I therefore trav-
elled to šinahuttum (l. σ -τ : a-na í-na-hu-tim a- í-a-tí e-tí-qám) on the reverse. But the broken state of the
document and the large number of missing lines (Ṭ/ṭ to ṭ/τ of the tablet) does not allow us to connect the two
cities in any meaningful way.
ṣṣσ7. KUB ṣ.ṣ6 + KUB σṢ.6τ (col. iii): σṢ-στ. Cf. gurneY ṣ97ṭŞ goeDegeBuure ṬṢṢ6. Different interpretations of the
events are offered in peccHioli DaDDi ṣ99σŞ Beal ṬṢṢṭŞ forlanini ṬṢṢσcŞ ṬṢṣṢŞ BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen
in press. BrYce ṣ998: 7ṭ follows the conventional date of the rebuilding of Hattusa to Hattusili. Beal ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭτ
has argued that Hattusa was rebuilt during the reign of Labarna. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press: ch. Ṭ
suggest that the Hittite evidence relates to two separate dynasties – one in Hattusa and one in Sanahwitta. Ac-
cording to this reconstruction, Labarna was an ousted crown prince of Sanahwitta. His father PU-LUGAL-ma
had ruled the city but was deposed by Papahdilmah and his supporters. Tudhaliya was an ancestor of this dy-
nasty. Labarna married or was married to Tawananna, daughter of the king of Hattusa. They adopted their
nephew Hattusili and named him crown prince. Hattusili s grandfather would have been Tawananna s father –
perhaps Huzziya, but more probably Pimpirit. Hattusili s grandfather through adoption was PU-LUGAL-ma.
Hattusili s grandfather gave Hurama to Labarna s father. This pushes the rebuilding of Hattusa after Anitta s
destruction back to the reign of Hattusili s grandfather or earlier and would it the archaeological evidence from
Boğazköy. The evidence would thus produce a list of local rulers in šinahuttum that began with Tudhaliya and
ended with Papahdilmah. A similar train of thought is pursued in forlanini ṬṢṣṢ, who also divides the Hittite
genealogy into separate branches (a northern and a southern one) but reaches different results. The material is
fragmentary and several interpretations are possible.
ṣṣσ8. Akkadian version: KBo ṣṢ.ṣ (obv.): Ṭṭ-Ṭ6Ş Hittite version: KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. i): σ6-τṬ. Cf. BeckMan et al. ṬṢṢ6. It has
been suggested that an uprising in Sanahwitta took place during the reign of Mursili I, but the chronology of the
texts is unclear and all references probably relate to the time of Hattusili and his predecessors, cf. keMpinski &
košak ṣ98Ṭ: 9ṣ-9Ṭ, KBo ṭ.σ6 + KUB Ṭ6.7τ (col. iii): σṭ -τṢ . Cf. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢ9. The city written URU a-hu-it-
ta (Akk. ver., KBo ṣṢ.ṣ obv. Ṭ-6) and [URU ]a-na-u-i-it-ta (Hitt. ver., KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. i): σ-ṣσ) which is mentioned in
the course of Hattusili s irst campaign, is probably best kept separate from URU a-na-hu-ut (Akk. ver., KBo ṣṢ.ṣ
obv. Ṭṭ) and URU a-na-ah-hu-it-ta (Hitt. ver., KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. i): σ6). [URU ]a-na-u-i-it-ta should probably be emend-
ed to and [URU ]a-hu!-i-it-ta . Following the skirmishes at Sahuitta, Hattusili proceeded to the town written URUZa-
al-ba-ar (Akk. ver., KBo ṣṢ.ṣ obv. σ) or URUZa-al-pa (Hitt. ver., KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. i): 9). In spite of inconsistent spell-
ings, the city is presumably a southern one (Zalwar or Zalpa, cf. σ.Ṭ) and not Zalpuwa on the Black Sea. The latter
had already been destroyed during the reign of Labarna (CTH ṭ = KBo ṬṬ.Ṭ rev. ṣṢ-ṣτŞ KBo ṭ.ṭ8 rev. Ṭ7-ṭṬ), cf.
otten ṣ97ṭ: ṣṬ-ṣṭ. The personal name m a-hu-wiτ-ta-A.A in VS Ṭ8, ṣṬ8 rev. τ suggests that an independent topo-
nym Sahuitta did exist, and that the spelling in KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ should be amended to [URU ]a-hu!-u-i-it-ta.
ṣṣσ9. singer ṣ978Ş Ṭ8Ṣ-89, ṭṢṬ-ṭṢ6.
Ṭ89
of its importance. It turns up in a few fragments that may belong to Hattusili III s accounts of
Suppiluliuma s campaigns,ṣṣτṢ but apart from that it is only mentioned in cultic contexts.ṣṣτṣ
The Storm-god of Sanahwitta appears with a Luwian epithet in the list of Hittite divinities in
the Prayer of Muwatalli II,ṣṣτṬ leading Kempinski and Košak to suggest that the ancient name
of the deity had been forgotten.ṣṣτṭ
A few of the Hittite texts related to cultic practices may provide some evidence for the lo-
cation of Sanahwitta, albeit in a very loose fashion.ṣṣτσ KUB σṢ.99 lists the toponyms K[a…],
Sanahwitta, Makkuwaliya, Katapa, Da[…], D]ahasta, Isgama[ha and Kam[mama, and the
archaic sacriice list has Kastama, Alisa, Sanahwitta, Hakmis, Tapigga, Kabburnanda, Ista-
hara and Tapigga.ṣṣττ The city also appears at the head of an offering list alongside Tapigga,
Taptiga, Takasta, Katapa and Karahna.ṣṣτ6 All three texts may be structured according to a
geographical principle, and the toponyms mostly point north and east. Popko suggested that
the places found in the offering list were chosen to provide for the cult in Zippalanda due to
their location in a circle around it, but that depends on the location of Zippalanda.ṣṣτ7 He also
noted that the AGRIGs of Sanahwitta and Amkuwa often occur together in relation to the cult
in Zippalanda, perhaps due to geographical proximity.ṣṣτ8 Sanahwitta appears immediately
before Tapigga and would then presumably have been located west of that province.
Sanahwitta is also mentioned in the letters HKM Ṭσ and 96 found at Ma at Höyük. In the
latter text it appears as part of a long list of different lands :
You will go to set the troop contingents moving. [The troops of the lan]ds: the Upper
Land, the land of Ishupitta, [the land of GN], the Moun[tain] of Sakaddunuwa, the land
of Sanahwitta, [the land of GN], the land of Tupaziya, [the land of Lah]uwazantiya, the
land of Isuwa, [the land of …]-iya – what so ever troop contingents of the Upper Lands
there are [therein] – set them all in motion.ṣṣτ9
In a recent study, Miller took this passage as proof that all the lands mentioned in the letter
belonged within the geographical entity known as the Upper Land.ṣṣ6Ṣ He reckoned that this
would draw Sanahwitta east of the ‘ekerek River, taking this as the westernmost credible
frontier of the Upper Land. But the distance between the ‘ekerek River and Isuwa on the
eastern bank of the Upper Euphrates is at least ṭτṢ km as the crow lies, and Tupaziya, which
also occurs in the list, is known to have been located close to Tuwanuwa near modern
ṣṣτṢ. KBo τṢ.τṣŞ KBo τṢ.ττ.

ṣṣτṣ. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢ9.
ṣṣτṬ. CTH ṭ8ṣ (col. i): 66-67.
ṣṣτṭ. D
U pihami a URUSanahwitta, cf. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: ṣṢ8.
ṣṣτσ. forlanini ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ76 locates the city on the western bank of the ‘ekerek on a route between Katapa and
Karahna on the basis of an emendation K[arahna] in KUB σṢ.99 obv. ṣ. Note also forlanini ṣ98τ: σ7 and n. ṣṣ,
which states that the identiication of Ali ar with Sanahwitta or Amkuwa depends upon the stratigraphy of the
site. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τ8ff. locates the city in the region of Hattum.
ṣṣττ. KBo σ.ṣṭ (col. i): Ṭṣ -Ṭ8 . VBot 68 (col. iii): 6 (the AGRIG-list) has URU a-ku-uk-ki-ti-ia in place of Sanahwitta,
suggesting that one tradition or the other may be corrupt.
ṣṣτ6. KBo ṣ6.78+, cf. popko ṣ99σ: ṣṣ-ṣṬŞ J. L. Miller ṬṢṢ9.
ṣṣτ7. popko ṣ99τ: Ṭτṭ.
ṣṣτ8. Cf. e.g KBo ṣṣ.τṢ (col. ii): 6Ş Bo Ṭ689 (col. v): ṣ8 Ş KUB σṣ.σ6 (col. ii): ṣṢ .
ṣṣτ9. HKM 96 (l. ṣτ -ṬṬ ): ERÍNMEš.HI.A ni-ni-in-ku-wa-an-z‘i pa-a-i- ]i [ERÍNMEš ( A) KUR.KURMEš KUR.UGUTIM
KUR URUI -hu-pí-it-ta [KUR URU x x x (x x) HUR.S]AG a-ka‘d]-du-nu-wa KUR URU a-na-hu-it-ta [KUR URU x x (x)]
x KUR [U]RUTu-u-pa-az-zi-ia [KUR URULa-h]u-u-wa-za-an-ti-ia KUR URUI- u-wa [KUR URU x x (x)]-x-ia ‘k]u-‘i]t
ku-it A KUR.UGUTIM [ERÍ]NMEš.HI.A na-a hu-u-ma-an-du-u ni-ni-i‘k]. Translation from Beal ṣ99Ṭ: 88.
ṣṣ6Ṣ. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢ9.
Ṭ9Ṣ
τ.6 šINAHUTTUM
Ereğli.ṣṣ6ṣ The entire constellation seems geographically awkward, even if one accepts that
the term Upper Land was just a vague term with loose boundaries.
Two lines of argument can be raised against Miller s interpretation. First, the letter itself
does not require the listed names to be inside the Upper Land. The passage is part of a written
order to mobilise an army in the Upper Land for a coming campaign. The individual contin-
gents of that army are linked to the Upper Land by a genitive ( A), which Miller took to mean
that the listed contingents belong to the Upper Land. But they could just as well have been
troops mobilised for the Upper Land. This was the interpretation of the text offered by Beal
within the context of his wider analysis of the organisation of the Hittite military.ṣṣ6Ṭ He took
this and similar letters as proof that the Hittite provinces had to supply troops for the impe-
rial army, and that those troops served together in geographically based units.
Second, Hattusili III in his Apology states that he was appointed governor of the Upper
Land at the time his brother Muwatalli s ascension.ṣṣ6ṭ Only years later, after the royal capital
had been moved to Tarhuntassa, Muwatalli enlarged Hattusili s command to include a number
of frontier provinces under threat by marauding Kaska (cf. τ.ṣ).ṣṣ6σ One of those provinces
was Ishupitta, which also igures in HKM 96. Since Ishupitta was added to Hattusili s domain
after he had already been given command of the Upper Land, it cannot have been regarded a
part of that province.
One can show that a similar administrative arrangement was in place already in the ṣσth
century when HKM 96 was written. A number of the letters coming from the archive at Ma at
also mention the Upper Land and may refer to the same or a similar mobilization. The follow-
ing passage clearly distinguishes between the troops of the Upper Land, which are drawn
forth by the author, and the troops of Karahna, Ishupitta and Sakdunuwa (all three in the area
of Tapigga), which are to be led by the recipient:
Are you not a great lord? If you do not bring me the troops of the city of Karahna, the
troops of the city of Ishupitta and the troops of the mountain of Sakdunuwa to Nin-
isankuwa, the men of Hatti will see how I come to you and … you! On the same day that
I have dispatched this tablet I have drawn forth the troops of the Upper Land. You too
must bring your army to me quickly.ṣṣ6τ
The passage proves that Ishupitta from the list in HKM 96 does not belong among the cities
or provinces of the Upper Land.
In conclusion, it seems unjustiied to locate Sanahwitta east of the ‘ekerek River on the
basis of the list of mobilised provinces found in HKM 96. In the light of other available evi-
dence, the territory east of the ‘ekerek presumably belonged to the province of Tapigga
where Zapishuna was located. On grounds of the itinerary recorded in kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, šinahuttum
must be placed west of Zimišhuna, and the idea of Sanahwitta as a city in the Upper Land
should be abandoned. Instead, the city should be sought west of the ‘ekerek and northeast of
Hattuš.ṣṣ66
ṣṣ6ṣ. On the basis of KUB ṣ9.ṣ8 (col. i): ṣṣ ff, cf. del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978Ş forlanini ṣ988: ṣṭσŞ BÖrker-kläHn
ṬṢṢ7: ṣṢ8-ṣṢ9.
ṣṣ6Ṭ. Beal ṣ99Ṭ: 88-89. In n. ṭṣ6 he points out that the ERÍN.MEš.HI.A can not be a collective singular (as ERÍN.
MEš), as seen e.g. from the double plural marker and the pronouns that resume it (-a hūmandu (pl. acc. com.)).
ṣṣ6ṭ. CTH 8ṣ (col. i): ṬṬff. Cf. van Den Hout ṣ997b: ṣ99-ṬṢṣ.
ṣṣ6σ. CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): σ8-68.
ṣṣ6τ. HKM 7ṣ. Translation from Hoffner ṬṢṢ9 no. 7ṭa. HKM ṣ8 (Hoffner no. Ṭṭ) also lists troops from Ishupitta and
the Upper Land together, but the context does not show whether the two are distinct entities, or whether Ishupitta
is used to qualify the Upper Land.
ṣṣ66. forlanini ṬṢṢ8b: ṣτ6-ṣτ7 reaches a similar conclusion based on an independent set of deductions.
Ṭ9ṣ
5.7 Hattu ṣṣ67
The later capital of the Hittite Empire has been securely identiied with modern Boğazköy in
the province of ‘orum. The city was presumably also a large and important settlement during
the Colony Period when it held an Assyrian trading Colony (kārum). A few of the trader s
houses have been identiied and excavated, and a small number of tablets dated to the Colony
Period have even been unearthed on the site. Such text provide important evidence for the
character of Assyrian settlements in Anatolia beyond Kaneš.
It may therefore come as a surprise that the city is mentioned in only Ṭ6 documents dated
to the period – less than Tawiniya and half as frequently as Kuburnat. It seems the city was
not situated on any of the main Assyrian trade routes, and most of the trade was presumably
conducted by afiliated agents and left no paper-trail.
Since the identity of Hattuš with the ruins at Boğazköy (now Boğazkale) is well estab-
lished, an important function of the texts mentioning the city is to link other toponyms in the
local cluster to the ixed point. Compared to the infrequent attestations of Hattuš, the city is
well-attested in relation to other toponyms.ṣṣ68
Amkuwa Ṭ šinahuttum σ
Baniharzum ṣ šuppiluliya Ṭ
Durhumit ṭ Tawiniya Ṭ
Hanaknak Ṭ Tišmurna ṭ
Kapitra ṣ Tipasna ṣ
Karahna ṣ Tuhpiya Ṭ
Kuburnat ṣ Wašhaniya Ṭ
Mamma ṣ Zalpa ṭ
Ninašša ṣ Zimišhuna Ṭ
Table Ṭ6: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Hattuš.
Only a small number of cities occur alongside Hattuš more than once and itineraries are even
less common, but the cluster seems to be relatively clear. Only Amkuwa, šinahuttum,
šuppiluliya and Zimišhuna are directly connected to Hattuš in the texts, and all the toponyms
in graph ṣ8 with the exception of Mamma and Zalpa belong to the region inside the bend of
the Kızılırmak. The link to šinahuttum seems particularly strong and supports the conclusions
of the previous section. The itineraries connecting Hattuš and Zimišhuna may be taken as an
indication that a road ran from Hattuš via Eskiyapar and Ortaköy to the ‘ekerek River.ṣṣ69
ṣṣ67. Attestations of Hattuš are found in: kt 89/k Ṭ7σŞ kt 89/k ṭ87bŞ kt 9Ṣ/k ṣṬτŞ kt 9ṭ/k 9τŞ kt 9ṭ/k 9τ6Ş AKT τ, ṬŞ
AKT τ, 6Ş CCT ṣ, τṢŞ kt c/k ṣ6σŞ kt c/k τ6σ?Ş ICK ṣ, ṭṣbŞ Kayseri (Hardy AJSL τ8, ṣ796)Ş KBo 9.Ṭ8?Ş KBo
Ṭ8.ṣ8ṣŞ kt k/k 6Ş KTK ṣṢŞ kt n/k ṣṢŞ kt n/k ṭ6Ş kt n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṣσŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṣτŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṭṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣṢṣŞ TPAK
ṣ, σŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ7ṢŞ kt u/k ṭ. The nisbe appears in AKT τ, 6Ş kt 9ṭ/k 68τŞ kt n/k Ṭṣṣ ( itinerary ).
ṣṣ68. The attestations of Hattuš together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: ICK ṣ, ṭṣbŞ KTK ṣṢ, Baniharzum:
AKT τ, 6, Durhumit: AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, 6Ş kt n/k ṣ6Ṣṣ, Hanaknak: AKT τ, 6Ş ICK ṣ, ṭṣb, Kapitra: KTK ṣṢ,
Karahna: kt n/k Ṭṣṣ, Kuburnat: AKT τ, 6, Mamma: kt n/k ṣṢ, Nina a: AKT τ, Ṭ, inahuttum: kt 89/k ṭ87bŞ
AKT τ, 6Ş KTK ṣṢŞ kt n/k ṭ6, uppiluliya: AKT ṭ, ṣṣṬŞ kt n/k Ṭṣṣ, Tawiniya: AKT τ, ṬŞ kt 9ṭ/k 9τ, Ti murna:
AKT τ, 6Ş kt n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ7Ṣ, Tipasna: kt u/k ṭ, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, 6, Wa haniya: kt 89/k Ṭ7σŞ
AKT τ, 6, Zalpa: CCT ṣ, τṢŞ kt n/k ṣṢŞ TPAK ṣ, σ, Zimi huna: kt n/k ṣ6ṢṣŞ TPAK ṣ, σ. All itineraries have
been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation
between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṣṣ69. See cZicHon ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ7ṭ for the importance of this road in Hittite times. For the route between Hattuš and Kaneš,
cf. also MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: ṬσṬ.
Ṭ9Ṭ
Chapter 5
τ.7 HATTUš
Amkuwa
Durhumit
Hanaknak
Šinahuttum
Šuppiluliya
Tawiniya
Tišmurna
Tuhpiya
Wašhaniya
Zalpa
Zimišhuna
0 1 2 3 4
Graph 18: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hattuš. ‘Itineraries’ are shaded in a darker colour.
Graph 19: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Hattu . Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
The region in which Hattuš was located is seen from the sequence of cities listed in the
circular letter from the Kaneš Colony:
The region in which Hattuš was located is seen from the sequence of cities listed in the circu-
lar letter from
Thus the
saysKaneš Colony:
the Kaneš Colony to the dātum-payers, Kuliya our messenger and
the Colon(ies) of Durhumit, Hattuš, Tawiniya, Tuhpiya as far as Ninašša.4
Thus says the Kaneš Colony to the dātum-payers, Kuliya our messenger and the
The possible links
Colon(ies) between Hattuš
of Durhumit, Hattuš,and Zalpuwa
Tawiniya, on theasBlack
Tuhpiya far as Sea wereṣṣ7Ṣ
Ninašša. treated in section 4.2,
and the route that connected Tawiniya to Karahna via Hattuš and Šuppiluliya is discussed in
sections 5.5 and 5.8. Two examples show that Hattuš was said to be ‘up’ in relation to its
The possible links between Hattuš and Zalpuwa on the Black Sea were treated in section σ.Ṭ,
neighbours:
and the route that connected Tawiniya to Karahna via Hattuš and šuppiluliya is discussed in
sections τ.τ and τ.8.
I seized Two
you in examples
Amkuwa, andshow that Hattuš
you said: ‘Go up was said to
to Hattuš beobtain
and up intherelation
note to its
neighbours:with your witnesses’. I went up to Hattuš and ... 5
I seized you intoAmkuwa,

In regard andthat
the textiles youyou
said:leftGobehind
up to Hattuš
here – and
the obtain
textilesthehad
note withsold
been your
witnesses . I went
for copper evenupbefore
to Hattuš and up
I came to Hattuš.6
...ṣṣ7ṣ
The use of thistoparticular

In regard the textilesphrase compared
that you the here
left behind position
– theof the town
textiles had and
beenpalace ofcopper
sold for Hattuš in a
commanding position
even before I came on
up toa Hattuš.
rocky ṣṣ7Ṭ
outcrop calls attention to the other cities in which the
Assyrians consistently use the verb elā’um ‘to ascend’, e.g. Hahhum and Timelkiya. Were
they also settlements centred on a hill-top fortress with a surrounding lower town? (cf. section
4.1). The entire region of Hattuš is mountainous, and one gets the impression of going up
ṣṣ7Ṣ. AKT τ, Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni kà-ri-im Durσ-hu-mì-it
4
AKTHa-tù-u
5, 2 (l. Ta-am-ni-a
1-6): um-maTù-ùh-pí-a
kà-ru-um a-dí Ni-na- a-a
Kà-ni-iš-ma qí-bi
a-na -ma. 5 da-tim Ku-li-a ší -ip-ri-ni kà-ri-im Dur4-hu-mì-it
šaσ-qí-il
Ha-tù-uš
ṣṣ7ṣ. ICKTa-am-ni-a
ṣ, ṭṣb+c (l.Tù-ùh-pí-a a-dí
ṣṭ-ṬṢ): i-na Ni-na-ša-a
A-ku-wa qí-bi4-ma. um-ma a-ta-ma a-na Ha-tù-u e-li-ma up-pa-am a í-
a -ba-at-kà-ma
5
ICKbe-kà
1, 31b+c (l. 13-20):
kà-li-ma-ni i-na
a-na A-ku-wae-li-a-ma.
Ha-tù-u aṣ-ba-at-kà-ma um-ma a-ta-ma a-na Ha-tù-uš e-li-ma ṭup-pa-am ša ší-be-
kà kà-li-ma-ni
ṣṣ7Ṭ. TPAK ṣ, σa-na Ha-tù-uša-dí
(l. ṬṬ-Ṭτ): e-li-a-ma.
TÚG.HI-tí a a-na-kam té-zi-bu lá-ma-ma a-Ha-tù-u e-li-a-ni TÚG.HI.A a-na
6
TPAK 1, 4 (l.
URUDU 22-25): a-dí TÚG.HI-tí ša a -na-kam té-zi-bu lá-ma-ma a-Ha-tù-uš e-li-a-ni TÚG.HI.A a-na
ta-ad-nu.
URUDU ta-ad-nu.
Ṭ9ṭ
2
The use of this particular phrase compared the position of the town and palace of Hattuš in a
commanding position on a rocky outcrop calls attention to the other cities in which the Assyr-
ians consistently use the verb elā um to ascend , e.g. Hahhum and Timelkiya. Were they also
settlements centred on a hill-top fortress with a surrounding lower town? (cf. section σ.ṣ). The
entire region of Hattuš is mountainous, and one gets the impression of going up through the
terrain when one approaches Hattuš from the south. But this does not explain why only Hattuš
is referred to in this consistent manner, while the Assyrians headed to Durhumit or šinahuttum,
for example, simply use alākum to go .
–––––
The political and administrative institutions at Hattuš during the Assyrian Colony Period are
occasionally mentioned. The Colony (kārum) in Hattuš is attested in a few texts from Kültepe
and Boğazköy dated to both periods of the Assyrian trade in Anatolia,ṣṣ7ṭ and the territory of
Hattuš is mentioned in kt 89/k ṭ87b (cf. τ.6). The ruler is mentioned in the letter from Tawi-
niya (cf. τ.τ) and in the large memorandum of Kuliya (cf. τ.ṣ).ṣṣ7σ The passage from the
memorandum is repeated below:
We collected ṭ shekels of silver from PN, and when the king, the man of Hattuš, [went
u]p? to Wašhaniya and Baniharzum [...] a kutānum-textile for the [...] as payment for the
textile [...] PN [...] in Hat[tuš ...].ṣṣ7τ
In addition, a damaged letter refers to a military alliance against the king of Hattuš:
[…] of the Amkuwean. Here Kuku has risen, and the king of šinahuttum, the Amkuwean
and the Kapitrean have given their word as one, and have turned hostile towards the
Hattušean. To the Kanišean ... [...].ṣṣ76
The text has been discussed extensively since Larsen offered his interpretation of the text four
decades ago.ṣṣ77 A collation of the tablet now conirms his reading of the crucial verb in the
text as i-ták-ru ( they turned hostile ) that had been based on the published hand-copy. But the
late date of the text proposed by Larsen, which depends upon the rendering of the nisbe, can
no longer be supported,ṣṣ78 and the discussion of its signiicance for the period of political
ṣṣ7ṭ. References to the Colony in Hattuš appear in AKT τ, ṬŞ TPAK ṣ, 7Ṣ and KBo 9.Ṭ8, which is the only text from
Hattuš dated to the II-period. KBo Ṭ8.ṣ8ṣ dated to the later period of Assyrian trade may refer to the Colony of
Hattuš, the dātum-payers and the travellers from the City, cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: 6Ṣ n. ṣṣ8 for the reading (l. ṣ-τ):
KIšIB k[à-ri-im Kà-ni-i a-na] kà-ri-i[m Ha-tù-u a-li-ki] a ha-[ra-an A-limki] a-qí-[ilτ da-tim ú u -bu-tim a]
Ha-tù-[u qí-bi-ma], and KBo 9.Ṭ8 (l. τ ): kà-ru-um H‘a-tù-u ].
ṣṣ7σ. The ruler is also attested in kt 9ṭ/k 9τ6, cf. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d.
ṣṣ7τ. AKT τ, 6: (l. σṬ-σ9): ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR DUMU A- ùr-tak-lá-ku DUMU A-lá-hi-im nu- a-dí-ma i-nu-mì Ha-
tù- a-i-um ru-ba-um a-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a ù Ba-ni-ha-ar-zi-im na x ‘x x l]i?-ú ku-ta-nam a-na ‘...] a- í-im TÚG
[...]dIM-ba-ni ‘...] i-na Ha-t‘ù?-u ? ...].
ṣṣ76. KTK ṣṢ: ‘ ]a A-am-ku- wa-i -‘im] a-na-kam Ku-ku it-bé-ma ru-ba-um a í-na-hu-tim A-am-ku-a-i-um ú Kà-
pí-it-ra-i-um a-wa-sú-nu a-na i -té-et i -ku-nu-ma Ha-tù- a-i-a‘m] i-ták-ru ‘a-n]a Kà-ni- í- i -‘im] ‘x-t]a-nu ú
‘x x x (x)]. The text was collated from photos kindly provided by Ilya Khait, Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts
in Moscow and helped along with readings kindly made for me by Dercksen in the museum in May ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣṣ77. See larsen ṣ97Ṭ: ṣṢṢ-ṣṢṣ.
ṣṣ78. larsen ṣ97Ṭ: ṣṢṣ based on the nisbe in l. 8: Ha-tù- a-i-a‘m] that would appear to require a form *Hattuša with
the Hittite case-ending (cf. Hecker ṣ968: 89 (§τ7b). Since there are no known spellings *Ha-tù- a but only Ha-
tù-u in the texts, Larsen concluded that KTK ṣṢ might be of a later date in spite of its use of mimation. His
analysis was later followed e.g. by klinger ṣ996: 88Ş goeDegeBuure ṬṢṢ8. There are now three more texts
dated to the II-period, which use the same nisbeŞ kt 9ṭ/k 68τ (l. ṣṭ: Ha-tù- a-i-um)Ş AKT τ, 6 (l. σṭ: Ha-tù- a-i-um)
Ṭ9σ
τ.7 HATTUš
uniication in Central Anatolia under the dynasty in Kuššara has to be abandoned.ṣṣ79 The
three partners in the alliance were šinahuttum, Amkuwa and Kapitra,ṣṣ8Ṣ and at their head
stood a man named Kuku, who may be identical with the Kanišean ruler mentioned in the last
preserved line of the letter. Similar conlicts between alliances of city-states are attested
throughout the Old Assyrian Colony Period,ṣṣ8ṣ and no general conclusions can be drawn on
the basis of this particular letter. However, it is known that Hattuš burned down at some point
during the level-II period,ṣṣ8Ṭ and perhaps the incident is linked to the conlict between Hattuš
and Kaneš mentioned in the following passage:
I will give the remainder of the copper to them in Zimišhuna, and then I will take off and
leave. The ruler of Hattuš has gone out to the land of KanešŞ they block the roads.ṣṣ8ṭ
The German mission at Boğazköy has uncovered only a relatively small part of the Assyrian
settlement in the Unterstadt and much remains to be done. The houses dated to the Colony
Period were often built directly on virgin soil, apparently at some distance from the fortiied
acropolis.ṣṣ8σ As in Kaneš, the merchants lived in spacious abodes separated by paved streetsŞ
although, with a mere 7 houses excavated so far, very little is known about early Hattuš com-
pared to Kaneš. Gunter presented a valuable synthesis of the archaeological inds dated to the
Old Assyrian Colony Period at Hattuš in ṣ98Ṣ,ṣṣ8τ and Otten offered a detailed overview of
the early history of the site.ṣṣ86 A full analysis of the Assyrian archives, the families, and the
trade at Hattuš during the Old Assyrian Period was the subject of an article by Dercksen,ṣṣ87
and Guido Kryszat is currently preparing a new edition of the written evidence from the site.
The Assyrian texts were unearthed at several places in the city, including a number of stray
inds enumerated by Otten.ṣṣ88 Most of these texts date to the late period of Assyrian trade in
Anatolia contemporary with the settlement layer Ib at Kültepe. In fact, Otten dates the entire
occupation of the Unterstadt (layers σa-c) to a period of only τṢ-6Ṣ years, noting that inal
phase has to include the period after the reign of šamši-Adad in Northern Syria. Furthermore,
and kt n/k Ṭṣṣ (l. 6: Ha-tù- a-im). No other form is attested, and the nisbe cannot be used as a criterion for dating
the text. Kt n/k ṭ6, which is dated to the Ib period, also uses the form Ha-tù-u without the case-ending. The
latter text derives from the archive of Eddin-Aššur son of Ahiyaya, that contains texts dated to REL ṬṢτ-Ṭṣ7 i.e.
contemporary with or later than the letter M.8σṬ6+9Ṣσ6 from Mari (cf. Ziegler ṣ996: σ8Ṣ) that has the thema-
ticised vowel (l. ṣτ-ṣ6): [ a i ]-t‘u] Ka-ni-i ki Ha‘r]-sa-am-naki ‘ù H]a-tu- aki. The writing Ha-tù-u may have
been conventional, and perhaps the toponym was pronounced Hattuša in common speech as implied by the
nisbe. Regardless, the evidence should be omitted from debates about how and when Indo-European speakers
came to be in Central Anatolia.
ṣṣ79. Cf. e.g. ünal ṣ98σ: 9ṬŞ BrYce ṣ98τ: krYsZat ṬṢṢσc: σ7Ş crasso ṬṢṢ8: 89Ş Yiğit ṬṢṢ8: 8ṭṣfŞ J. L. Miller ṬṢṢ9,
who all link KTK ṣṢ to Anitta s conquest of Hattuš. See also BrYce ṣ998: ṭ6-ṭ7Ş gornY ṣ99τb: 7ṣŞ forlanini
ṬṢṢσd: ṭ7Ṣ n. Ṭσ.
ṣṣ8Ṣ. Not much is known about the location of Kapitra, which appears in only ive Old Assyrian textsŞ kt 9ṭ/k 8ṣŞ AAA
ṣ, 6Ş BIN 6, ṣ9ṭŞ kt i/k τŞ KTK ṣṢ. Kt i/k τ refers to my acorns in the ofice of the ka um-oficial in Kapitra ,
and kt 9ṭ/k 8ṣ mentions honey from Kapitra. The administrative record BIN 6, ṣ9ṭ mentions a man from Ka-
pitra , a man from Ziluna and a man from Ibla . Some of the Hittite toponyms Kapitta , Kipitta (KUB
σ8.ṣṢτ+ in the province of Washaniya, KBo τṢ.ṬṬṣ Ga-pi-i‘t?-x] in the province of Washaniya) and Kapitara
may refer to the same city.
ṣṣ8ṣ. Cf. section ṣ.6 and see BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press: ch. Ṭ.
ṣṣ8Ṭ. For the destruction strata 8b on the Hang and Vc at Büyükkale, cf. gunter ṣ98Ṣ and see below.
ṣṣ8ṭ. Kt 9ṭ/k 68τ (l. 7-ṣ8): i-Zi-mì-i 6-hu-na í-tí URUDU a-da- u-nu-tí-ma a-ta-biσ-a-ma a-ta-lá-kam Ha-tù- a-i-um
a-na ma-at Kà-ni-i ú- í ha-ra-na-tim ú-kà-lu.
ṣṣ8σ. gunter ṣ98Ṣ: ṭτ.
ṣṣ8τ. gunter ṣ98Ṣ: ṭṭ-6ṣ.
ṣṣ86. otten ṣ9τ7Ş ṣ98ṭ.
ṣṣ87. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: σ9ff.
ṣṣ88. See otten ṣ9τ7: 7σ-7τ.
Ṭ9τ
Fig. 37: Map showing the sites surrounding Boğazköy. In addition to the roads identiied by Czichon, a road
leading northwest in the direction of modern Sungurlu is implied by the line of sites, cf. cZicHon ṬṢṢṢ (re-
produced with kind permission from the author).
he dates the earlier, but sporadically attested, occupational layer τ in the lower city to the
later ṭrd millennium. This leaves no Assyrian occupation at Hattuš during the period of Assyr-
ian trade when most of our textual evidence from Kaneš proves there was one. In fact, some
fragments of earlier archives derive from straum 8b on the Nordwesthang,ṣṣ89 and it seems
ṣṣ89. Cf. scHirMer ṣ969: τ7 but note otten ṣ9τ7: 7σ, who states that the fragments of Assyrian texts that came out of
the squares surrounding the Haus am Hang includes the tablet VAT 7676 = KBo 9.ṭ. This text belongs with the
archive of Daya son of Enlil-bani and can be dated to the very end of the Assyrian occupation.
Ṭ96
τ.8 TAWINIYA
possible that the Assyrian settlement moved down the area northeast of the later Temple ṣ
towards the end of the Colony Period. But with the revised chronological sequence from
Kültepe, it is now clear that the period of trade contemporary with the Ib stratum lasted more
than a century, and that the texts found at Boğazköy post-date šamši-Adad by more than ifty
years. Unterstadt σa-c presumably covered this entire period as a minimum.
Since a number of the earliest texts come from the level 8b on the Hang, which is contem-
porary with the early level Vc at Büyükkale, one may speculate whether the Assyrian settle-
ment during the earlier period mingled with the Anatolian city. This would go against the
view presented by Bittel, who saw early Hattuš as divided into three parts: a fortiied acropo-
lis for the rulers and the administration, a lower city on the Hang inhabited by the local popu-
lation and a merchant settlement further downhill.ṣṣ9Ṣ But the layers 8b on the slope and Vc at
Büyükkale are both characterised by heavy burning, and perhaps the Assyrians later moved
further down the slope in the fashion suggested by Bittel. More excavation is needed to solve
these issues.
A decade ago R. Czichon and his team have surveyed the environs of Boğazköy (now
Boğazkale) in great detail, looking for villages and industries supporting Hattusa as it grew
into an imperial capital.ṣṣ9ṣ The number of mounded sites proved low, and instead a large
number of small lat settlements have been identiied in a τ km radius of the Late Bronze Age
walls. Czichon speculated whether we ought to return to Bittel s theory of the Meierhöfe as
an alternative to a wide suburban zone surrounding the capital.ṣṣ9Ṭ This is comparable to the
image we have of Kaneš during the Middle Bronze Age, where the textual evidence implies
that the city was surrounded by numerous agricultural settlements (cf. σ.ṣτ), but goes some-
what against the results of the Tavium-surveys.ṣṣ9ṭ
Czichon also identiied three main roads leading from HattusaŞ one went southeast towards
Yozgat,ṣṣ9σ one led north in the direction of Alaca, and one headed south across the mountain
to Büyüknefes. If one accepts the idea that a higher concentration of sites implies the exis-
tence of a road, one should probably add a route leading northwest towards Sungurlu and the
Kızılırmak.
5.8 Tawiniyaṣṣ9τ
The cluster of toponyms related to the city of Tawiniya (var. Tamniya) in the Old Assyrian
texts is perhaps the most dificult and disjointed of all in Central Anatolia. Despite a fair num-
ber of attestations (ṭ7 in all), there are hardly any itineraries mentioning the city. Instead, the
incoherent nature of the cluster suggests that Tawiniya may have been located on the periph-
ery of the Assyrian trade routes. Fortunately, both Old Assyrian and Hittite texts contain a
number of useful references, and a combination of the two sets of evidence gives a good idea
of Tawiniya s geographical position.
ṣṣ9Ṣ. Cf. e.g. Bittel ṣ97Ṣ: ṭṣ

ṣṣ9ṣ. cZicHon ṬṢṢṢ.
ṣṣ9Ṭ. cZicHon ṣ999: ṣṬ7.
ṣṣ9ṭ. gerBer ṬṢṢ8: ṬṢṭ.
ṣṣ9σ. cZicHon ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ7ṭ. Cf. von Der osten ṣ9Ṭ7: στ.
ṣṣ9τ. Attestations of Tawiniya (with various spellings) are found in: Ta-am-ni-a: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣτ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 6ṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k 9τŞ
kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 6σ7Ş kt 9ṭ/k 776Ş kt 9σ/k 77τŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṭ7Ş AKT Ṭ, ṭ8Ş AKT τ, ṬŞ kt c/k 8σ7a+bŞ kt c/k ṣṬτ6Ş
kt f/k ṣ8ṭŞ kt n/k ṭ88Ş kt n/k σ7ṭŞ kt n/k ṣσṭ8, Ta-wi-ni-a: kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σŞ kt 9Ṭ/k 96Ş kt 9ṭ/k τ7Ş kt 9ṭ/k ṣστŞ kt
9ṭ/k τσ7Ş kt 9σ/k ṣστσŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṣ9Ş AKT τ, ṣτŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ CCT σ, σσbŞ CCT 6, ṭbŞ ICK ṭ, ṭσaŞ kt c/k 67ṭŞ kt
k/k 89Ş KKS ṭσaŞ KTS ṣ, ṭbŞ kt m/k ṣṭṢŞ kt n/k τṢσŞ POAT 9Ş TMH ṣ, ṣ8d, Tù-wa-ni-a: kt u/k τ. Perhaps also
Ta-a-ni-a, cf. below.
Ṭ97
The statistical analysis has little to offer. Most toponyms occur only once alongside Tawiniya,
and those that appear more often do so only because they were trade hubs.ṣṣ96
Durhumit ṭ šamuha ṣ
Hattuš Ṭ šinahuttum ṣ
Hurama ṣ Tišmurna ṣ
Karahna ṣ Tuhpiya ṣ
Mamma ṣ Ulama ṣ
Ninašša ṣ Wahšušana Ṭ
Purušhaddum ṣ Zalpa ṣ
Table Ṭ7: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tawiniya.
No cluster, and only a few rare itineraries help to locate Tawiniya. Most importantly, the two
letters discussed in section τ.τ show that a ruler of Tawiniya sent his guide with an Assyrian
on a trip through Hattuš and šuppiluliya to Karahna. The ixed location of Karahna to the east
implies Tawiniya was a western neighbour of Hattuš. A geographical relation between the
two cities is also implied in the following passage:
Make a purchase that will produce at least ṣṢ shekels of silver and send it here. I will do
business in Hattuš or Tawiniya.ṣṣ97
Since the message was probably sent to Kaneš, both Hattuš and Tawiniya would have been
located in the same general direction when coming from the south. The order they appear in
suggests that Hattuš was closer to Kaneš, but this may be coincidental.
The following letter implies that a road connected Kaneš to Tawiniya, and that Wahšušana
was an optional detour on that road:
In regard to the copper belonging to Amur-Ištar, they refused to hand over the copper to
my representatives in Purušhaddum, so my journey goes to Purušhaddum ... If the tex-
tiles (coming) from Zalpa and those from Hurama enter (Kaneš), then send them by the
Tawiniya road to Wahšušana. Here, we have asked the palace, and they say: (When) the
Kanešites leave, you too come here .ṣṣ98
The author appears to be staying in Wahšušana, but is making preparations to travel to

Purušhaddum. During his absence he expects a shipment of textiles to arrive at Kaneš, and he
asks for this shipment to be sent on to Wahšušana. For some reason the other route to
ṣṣ96. The attestations of Tawiniya together with other cities are found in: Durhumit: AKT τ, ṬŞ kt f/k ṣ8ṭŞ KTS ṣ, ṭb,
Hattu : AKT τ, ṬŞ kt 9ṭ/k 9τ, Hurama: ATHE 6ṭ, Karahna: kt n/k ṭ88, Nina a: AKT τ, Ṭ, Puru haddum:
ATHE 6ṭ, amuha: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, inahuttum: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ9, Ti murna: kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σ, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, Ṭ, Ulama:
kt 9ṭ/k 6ṭ, Wah u ana: AKT τ, ṣτ, ATHE 6ṭ, Zalpa: ATHE 6ṭ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term
itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more
toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṣṣ97. Kt 9ṭ/k 9τ (l. ṣ7-Ṭṣ): í-ma-am a KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ GÍ[N] e-li-a-ni a-ma-ma é-bi-lam i-na Ha-tù-u ú Ta-am-
ni-a u -té-ba-al. For the meaning of wabālum štṬ, cf. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ: 7Ṭ.
ṣṣ98. ATHE 6ṭ (l. ṭ-8): a-dí URUDU a A-mur-I tar a-na a ki i-a-tí URUDU i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ta-da-nam ú-lá
i-mu-ú ha-ra-ni a-na ‘P]u-ru-u -ha-dim ... (l. ṣ6-Ṭτ) u-ma TÚG.HI-tù-a a Za-al-pá ù! a Hu-ra-ma e-ru-bu-
nim ha-ra-an Ta-wi-ni-a-ma a-na Wa-ah-‘ u]- a-‘na] áb-kà- u-nu a-‘na-kam] É.GAL-lamτ ni-i -al-ma um-ma
u-ut-ma Kà-ni- í-ú lu-ú -ú-ma ú a-tù-nu a-tal-kà.
Ṭ98
τ.8 TAWINIYA
Wahšušana, which is known to have passed through Ninašša (τ.ṣṬ), was closed. The author
therefore inquired with the local palace and was told that it would be safe to travel from
Kaneš to Wahšušana by the Tawiniya-road. Both Ninašša and Wahšušana (τ.ṣσ) were located
west of the Kızılırmak River, suggesting that the Tawiniya-road kept inside the bend of the
river.
In the circular letter AKT τ, Ṭ Tawiniya appears in a position between Hattuš and Tuh-
piya:
Durhumit, Hattuš, Tamniya, Tuhpiya until Ninašša.ṣṣ99
In addition, a memorandum links Tawiniya directly to Tišmurna and implies that the two cit-
ies were direct neighbours (cf. τ.σ):
ṣ Ṭ/ṭ shekels for the fees for ive of us. A third of a shekel was for bread in Tawiniya.
They held me back and I paid Ṭ minas of copper in the territory of Tišmurna.ṣṬṢṢ
Finally, a letter referring to a controversy between the Assyrian colonial authorities of Durhu-
mit and the ruler of Tawiniya connects Tawiniya and Durhumit:
To the Kaneš Colony from the Tamniya Colony. The envoys from the Durhumit Colony
went in (before) the king of Tamniya, bringing him a gift (in order) to (make him) swear
(an agreement), but he said as follows to the envoys: Where are the envoys of my fa-
thers, of the Kaneš Colony? They should come here, and then I will acccept a sworn
agreement with them . He is treating us with contempt, saying: I will build a city, and I
[ ... long break ...] we brought him a gift. We have (hereby) informed you. They should
not treat a messenger with contempt.ṣṬṢṣ
The letter shows that the Assyrian Colony in Durhumit were sent to negotiate an agreement
with the ruler of Tawiniya, but that the king of Tawiniya did not wish to enter a settlement
with representatives from the Colony in Durhumit. Instead, he insisted upon seeing a delega-
tion from Kaneš. Although the king obviously toyed with the Assyrian establishment, the fact
that the colonial oficials irst came to Tawiniya from Durhumit (and not Kaneš) suggests that
Durhumit and Tawiniya were located in the same region.
A last piece of evidence may link Tawiniya to Aliašša in the region of Wahšušana (τ.ṣσ).
This has important signiicance for the location of the city, but depends on Tawiniya being
identical to the toponym rendered Ta-a-ni-a in the following letter:
ṣṣ99. AKT τ, Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni kà-ri-im Durσ-hu-mì-it
ṣṬṢṢ. Kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σ (l. ṣ-7): ṣ Ṭ/ṭ GÍN a da-at 5 ni-a-tí ṣ/ṭ GÍN a-na NINDA i-na Ta-wi-ni-a Ṭ ma-na URUDU i-na
ba-té a Tí-i -mur-na ik-lu-ú-ni-ma a-dí-in.
ṣṬṢṣ. Kt f/k ṣ8ṭ (l. ṣ-Ṭ8): a-na kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i qí-bi-ma um-ma kà-ru-um Ta-am-ni-a-ma í-ip-ru-ú a kà-ri-im
Durσ-hu-mì-it a-na ru-ba-im a Ta-am-ni-a a-na ta-mu-im er-ba-am ub-lu-ni- u-ma um-ma u-ut-ma a-na í-ip-
ri-ma a-li í-ip-ru a a-ba-e-a a kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i u-nu li-li-ku-nim-ma i -tí- u-nu ma-mì-tám a-lá-qé-ma ú-
ma-sà-ah-ni-a-tí-ma um-ma u-ut-ma a-la-am e-pá-á ú a [...] tí ‘... ... ...] er-ba-am ni- í- u-um ú-za-ku-nu
ni-ip-té a-li-kam e ú-ma-sí-hu. Cf. Balkan ṣ9ττŞ larsen ṣ976: Ṭ7ṭ-Ṭ7σŞ günBatti ṬṢṢṣ: ṣτ8f and note veenHof
ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ6ṣ for a probable date of the text to the kārum II period.
Ṭ99
Thus says Aššur-imitti to Hura anum. On the day you enter Ta-a-ni-a, please take off and
come to me (straight away), for I am (contractually) bound for Ṭ-ṭ minas of lulā um
within ṣṢ days. If you can reach Aliašša within the ṣṢ days, then leave your goods in
Aliašša and take off and come to me.ṣṬṢṬ
The toponym Ta-a-ni-a is not attested elsewhere, but Kuzuoğlu, who published the text, took
it as a variant writing of Tawiniya.ṣṬṢṭ He equated it with Hittite uruTa-a-ni-a, which appears in
a fragment of a text concerned with the cultic celebration of the goddess Teteshapi. There it
occurs as a unique variant spelling of Tawiniya, which appears in parallel manuscripts.ṣṬṢσ
Unless Ta-a-ni-a is a simple mistake for Ta-wi-ni-a in the Old Assyrian letter, the interjected
vowel –a– is likely an attempt to render the diphthong /aw/. The other attested Old Assyrian
spellings are Ta-am-ni-a/Ta-wi-ni-a/Tu-wa-ni-a and they correspond to the Hittite T/Da-(a)-ú-
(i)-ni-a and T/Da-wi5-ni-a.ṣṬṢτ The common Assyrian spelling Ta-am-ni-a suggests that the
writings Ta/u-wi/u-ni-a should be read Ta/u-aw/uw-ni-a and taken to represent a toponym
*Tawnea.ṣṬṢ6 The writing Ta-a-ni-a is likely to be an idiosyncratic spelling that emphasises the
diphthong normally rendered by the labial /m/ or its labio-velar approximant /w/.
The letter came out of the archive of U ur-ša-Ištar, whose father Aššur-imitti sent this mes-
sage to Tawiniya in anticipation of Hura anu s arrival there. The tablet is likely to represent
an archival copy of the letter that was kept by Aššur-imitti at his ofice in Kaneš.ṣṬṢ7 Hura anu
was asked to come from Tawiniya to Kaneš within ten days. If he would pass by Aliašša he
could store the goods that he was carrying in the family house.ṣṬṢ8 After that he could presum-
ably travel faster for the remainder of the trip to Kaneš.
Forlanini recently identiied Aliašša with the Byzantine settlement of Aliassum (Aliassos),
which appears as a station in the Itinerarium Burdingalense on the route between Anakara
and Aksaray near the modern village of Af ar.ṣṬṢ9 Other Assyrian texts associate Aliašša close-
ly with the city of Wahšušana, which was located in the same region (cf. τ.ṣσ). This renders
the identiication more probable.
The apparent link between Tawiniya and Aliašša, and the location of the latter near Af ar
west of the Kızılırmak has important consequences for the location of Tawiniya. If the jour-
ney of Hura anum between Tawiniya and Kaneš was expected to pass through Aliašša, this
suggests that Tawiniya was located west of north of Aliašša. Otherwise Hura anum would be
backtracking, which there was little time to do.
This observation can be combined with two pieces of evidence. First, the letters referring
to the ruler of Tawiniya and the journey to Hattuš, šuppiluliya and Karahna (τ.τ.) suggest that
Tawiniya was a western neighbour of Hattuš. Second, the record of expenses in Tišmurna and
Tawiniya and the letter from the Colony in Durhumit pull Tawiniya north and east.
ṣṬṢṬ. Kt n/k ṭṭ6: um-ma A- ur-i-mì-tí a-na Hu-ra- a-nim qí-bi-ma a-pu-tum i-na uσ-mì-im a a-na Ta-a-ni-a té-ru-bu
té-eb-a-ma a-tal-kam ù lu-la-am Ṭ ma-na ù ṭ ma-na a-na ṣṢ uσ-me ra-ku-sà-ku u-ma a-dí A-li-a- a kà- a-dí-kà
ṣṢ uσ-me im-ta-la i-na A-li-a- a-ma ú-nu-ut-kà e-zi-ib-ma té-eb-a-ma a-tal-kam.
ṣṬṢṭ. kuZuoğlu ṬṢṢσ.
ṣṬṢσ. KBo Ṭτ.ṣ67: ṭ (CTH 7ṭ8).
ṣṬṢτ. Cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978Ş Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ. Note also the personal name Tauniyail (VBoT 68 (col. ii): ṣ7
and cf. the discussion in forlanini ṬṢṣṢ: ṣṬṭ n. σσ. The personal name Tamniya occurs a single time in the Old
Assyrian corpus in the record of loans kt 88/k Ṭ6ṭ.
ṣṬṢ6. Note şWA> = /iw/ in the personal name A- ur-ni-iw-ri (AKT 6, ṭ78)Ş and şWA> = /aw/ in the noun ta-aw-ni-tám
(AKT σ, τṣ: Ṭṣ– a taprist form of the verb *wanā um). I am grateful to Bert Kouwenberg for communicating
these examples to me.
ṣṬṢ7. For U ur-ša-Ištar and his family archive, cf. Dercksen ṣ996Ş BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣṬṢ8. For the house of the family of U ur-ša-Ištar in Aliašša, cf. τ.ṣσ.
ṣṬṢ9. Cf. Belke ṣ98σ: ṣṬṢ-ṣṬṣŞ talBert ṬṢṢṢ: 977.
ṭṢṢ
τ.8 TAWINIYA
Tawiniya has traditionally been identiied either with later Byzantine Tavium (modern
Büÿüknefes),ṣṬṣṢ or with Roman Tonea (of unknown location)ṣṬṣṣ on the basis of linguistic
similarity and in reference to the local topography of Boğazköy.ṣṬṣṬ Garstang and Gurney ar-
gued on the basis of the direction they thought Tawiniya had to be from Hattusa, and sought
to combine this with evidence drawn from recurring strings of Hittite toponyms.ṣṬṣṭ Their
result was related to the topographical information found in a cultic itinerary, which connects
Hattusa to Tawiniya and implies that the journey was perceived as a descent from Hattusa:
… and they take the god down through the Tawinian gate to the wood.ṣṬṣσ
According to the reconstruction proposed by Garstang and Gurney, a number of the most
important Hittite cities were located within the immediate vicinity of one another. For in-
stance, they placed Kussara, Sanahwitta, Ankuwa, Nerik and Zalpa only a few kilometres
apart.ṣṬṣτ Since the position of the Tawiniyan gate was bound up with the direction of those
cities, the gate would have to move with the cities.
In his review of Garstang and Gurney s work, Güterbock criticised their choice and use of
written sources, showing that the recurring strings of toponyms they used to locate the Hittite
cities may have been composed according to principles other than geographical proximity.ṣṬṣ6
In addition, Güterbock used a topographical analysis of the cultic itinerary quoted above to
reject the identiication of Tawiniya with Tavium. He pointed out that the Lion Gate at
Boğazköy, which Garstang and Gurney had identiied with the Tawiniya-Gate, sits near the
highest point in the new Upper City. But most of the cultic itineraries, including KUB ṣṢ.9ṣ,
date back to a period before the Upper City and the Lion Gate were built. This would mean
that a procession going in the direction of Tavium had to move several kilometres up a steep
hill before descending to Büyüknefes, which does not it the description of the procession that
goes down through the Tawiniyan gate.
Güterbock then provided further examples to show that one would always descend to and
pass down through the Tawiniya gate:
They go down through the Tauniya gate.ṣṬṣ7
They lift up the tables and carry them down to the Tawiniya gate and place the tables on
the irst road.ṣṬṣ8
Based on the topography of early Hattusa, Güterbock concluded that the Tawiniya gate had to
be located in the opposite direction of Tavium, i.e. somewhere on the northern side of the city
and down from the king s residence at Büyükkale. He also rejected the linguistic identiica-
tion of Tavium with Hittite Tawiniya , and proposed that Tawiniya could instead be identi-
ied with the elusive classical toponym Tonea .ṣṬṣ9
ṣṬṣṢ. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: ṣṣ-ṣṬŞ Haas ṣ99σ: 7Ṭ9 n. ṣṬ9Ş De Martino ṬṢṢ6Ş stroBel ṬṢṢ8.
ṣṬṣṣ. güterBock ṣ96ṣ: 86fŞ von scHuler ṣ96τ: ṬṢ n. ṣ6Ş orlin ṣ97Ṣ: 8τ.
ṣṬṣṬ. Discussed recently in forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 68 n. τσŞ ṬṢṢ8b ṣ6ṭ-ṣ6σ.
ṣṬṣṭ. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: 6ff.
ṣṬṣσ. KUB ṣṢ.9ṣ (col. ii): ṣṣ-ṣṬŞ cf. also KUB ṣτ.ṭṣ (col. i): ṣṭ-ṣτ.
ṣṬṣτ. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: map Ṭ p. ṣτ, criticised by goetZe ṣ96Ṣ in his review of the work.
ṣṬṣ6. Cf. güterBock ṣ96ṣ and note the discussion in section Ṭ.τ.
ṣṬṣ7. KUB ṣτ.ṭσ (col. i): ṣ8.
ṣṬṣ8. KUB ṣτ.ṭṣ (col. i): ṣṭ-ṣτ.
ṣṬṣ9. The suggestion may be supported by the new attestations of Old Assyrian spellings. Tonea appears only in the
Tabula Peutingeriana, and the identiication of Tonea with Ptolemy s Etonea is far from certain. Since the latter
ṭṢṣ
The topographical argument used by Güterbock is not entirely convincing and everything
may have appeared down from the perspective of the Hittite court on Büyükkale. For in-
stance, the city of Zippalanda, which was located in a south-easterly direction towards Anku-
wa (cf. τ.ṣṢ),ṣṬṬṢ was also reached down and through the Zippalanda Gate.ṣṬṬṣ
Nevertheless, the apparently isolated position of Tawiniya in the Hittite sources supports
Güterbock s reluctance towards identifying the Bronze Age city with Byzantine Tavium. In
the Hittite cultic itineraries most of the processions going north or east of the capital seem to
have left the city through the Asusa gate. This was also the gate that led to the holy road and
the great huwasi-stone at Yazɩlɩkaya, suggesting that it was oriented towards the northeast.
Tawiniya never occurs in relation to the other cities reached by this gate (e.g. Arinna, Dur-
mitta, Katapa)Ş and the Tawiniya Gate must have pointed in a different direction, perhaps
northwest toward modern Sungurlu (cf. τ.7). In addition, none of the more than ṣ6 settle-
ments recorded in the preserved parts of what appears to be two inventories of the Hittite
province of Tawiniya ever appear elsewhere, as if Tawiniya was located in a geographically
isolated area.ṣṬṬṬ The Assyrian material agrees with this image. The incoherent cluster and the
rare itineraries point to a location of Tawiniya at a dead end on the Assyrian network of trade.
Tawiniya appears not to have been located on the way between Kaneš and Hattuš, which
would be expected if Tawiniya had been located at Büyüknefes.
In addition to the linguistic similarity, two arguments have been raised in favour of locat-
ing Tawiniya at Byzantine Tavium. The irst is based on the results of the archaeological in-
vestigations at the site of Büyüknefes, which suggest that a settlement was centred on the
mound of Büyükkale during the Middle and Late Bronze Age.ṣṬṬṭ The excavators of Tavium
themselves identify their site with Tawiniya.ṣṬṬσ
The second argument is based on two cultic itineraries, one related to the Spring Festival,
and the other to the nuntarriyasha-festival. The relevant passage in the itinerary of the Spring
Festival refers to the events of days ṭ through 6 of the festival when the Divine Hunting Bag
(KUškursa) travelled from Arinna to Hattusa and left for Tawiniya on the following day. The
Bag spent the night in Tawiniya, left the city on the τth day, and returned to Hattusa with a
stopover in Hiyasna. While the Hunting Bag travelled around, the festival continued in Hat-
tusa:
Next day (day ṭ): the Hunting Bag arrives from Arinna. [Rites] of the Halentu (are per-
formed). Great assembly.
is located in the Pontus Galaticus (cf. olsHausen & Biller ṣ98σ: ṣṬ7), this does not it the evidence for Tawiniya.
Tonea does not appear as an entry in Zgusta ṣ98σ or in talBert ṬṢṢṢ. For Tonea, cf. raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: Ṭτ9-Ṭ6ṢŞ
anDerson ṣ9Ṣṭ: ṣṬ-ṬσŞ Belke ṣ98σ: ṬṬ9-ṬṭṢŞ güterBock ṣ986bŞ forlanini ṬṢṢ8b: ṣ6σ. Classical Tavium
could correspond to Bronze Age Tawa. Such a settlement occurs in the Bronze Treaty StBoTB ṣ (col. iv): ṭṢ as
the place of origin of the agreement itself.
ṣṬṬṢ. Cf. section τ.ṣṢ. crasso ṬṢṢ8: 96 uses the same topographical argument presented by Garstang and Gurney for
her location of the Zippalanda gate in a south-eastern direction. She does not address the critique raised by Gü-
terbock.
ṣṬṬṣ. KUB ττ.τ + IBoT σ.7Ṣ: ṣṢ -ṣṬ (CTH 6Ṭ6), cf. pierallini ṬṢṢṬ. There is in fact a difference in the way in which
journeys through the gates of Tawiniya and Zippalanda are referred to in the cultic itineraries, but it is unclear
whether this has any topographical signiicance. One simply moves down through the Zippalanda gate, but one
descends to the Tawiniya gate before one passes down through it.
ṣṬṬṬ. KBo ṣσ.τ7, KBo ṣṢ.ṣṢ. Cf. forlanini ṣ979: ṣ67Ş ṬṢṢ8b: ṣ6ṭ-ṣ6σ.
ṣṬṬṭ. gerBer ṬṢṢ6: ṬṢṭ-ṬṢṭ.
ṣṬṬσ. stroBel & gerBer ṣ999: Ṭ98 Die Ableitung von dem in den hethitischen Texten belegten Ortsnamen Tawiniya
ist nicht zu bezweifeln Ş stroBel ṬṢṢ8: Ṭ8ṣ The identiication of Tavium with the important Hittite city of
Tawiniya cannot longer be doubted.
ṭṢṬ
τ.8 TAWINIYA
[Next day (day σ): the Hun]ting Bag goes to Tawiniya. [The King] has a bath for the
Festival of the Month.
Next day (day τ): the Hunting Bag comes back from Tawiniya. It stays over night in
Hiyasna. [The King] goes [up to the roof]. The abubitu ... the daughter ... [the Storm-god
of] Zippalanda.
Next day (day 6): they announce from the palace the … festival.ṣṬṬτ The Hunting Bag
arrives at the Temple of Nisaba … ṣṬṬ6
The distance from Hattusa to Tawiniya could thus be covered in a single day, which would it
the distance of just ṣ8 km from Boğazköy to Büyüknefes. Hiyasna is not known from any
other text, but must have been located between Hattusa and Tawiniya.
Unfortunately, the itinerary gives no information about the direction of Tawiniya, and the
fact that the Hunting Bag could travel there from Hattusa in one day gives only a very vague
indication of distance. If a mounted messenger was the one carrying the Bag, it could be any-
where from ṬṢ km to ṣṢṢ km depending on horses and roads.
The itinerary related to the nuntarriyasha -festival also seems at irst glance to indicate that
Hattusa and Tawiniya were located fairly close together. On the ṬṢth day of the festivities,
someone is said to descend toward Tawiniya in order to celebrate a rite related to the city.
Meanwhile, a festival of the torches goes on in Hattusa:
The next day (day ṬṢ) the [...] goes down toward the town of Tawiniya, and while the
festival of the torches is being concluded, the [...] is performing the festival of Tawiniya,
(that) was formerly (kept) separate.ṣṬṬ7
However, the individual (or object) travelling to Tawiniya did not participate in the festival of
the torches in Hattusa and the two events are unrelated except for taking place on the same
day. The ritual does not link the two cities in a geographical way.
Taken together, the Assyrian and the Hittite evidence suggest that Tawiniya was located in
a geographically isolated position, west or northwest of Hattuš. The evidence also suggests
that Tawiniya was located relatively close to Hattuš, and that Tawiniya was a neighbour of
both Hattuš and Tišmurna during the Old Assyrian Colony Period.
–––––
The Assyrian texts contain a surprising amount of references to the local and the colonial
authorities in Tawiniya, especially considering the small number of attestations in general. A
series of letters and judicial records from the archive of šalim-Aššur and his sons document
the negotiations regarding a payment of blood money for a murder committed in Tawiniya.ṣṬṬ8
The victim s younger brother and a delegation from the Kaneš Colony confronted the Tawin-
iyan king to ask for his assistance in obtaining the blood money for the wife and the daughter
of the deceased. Apparently, the murder was somehow linked to a shipment of amūtum (per-
haps meteoric iron) that had been ordered by the king. The brother charged the king, saying:
ṣṬṬτ. Variant in KUB Ṭτ.Ṭ7 (col. i): ṬṢ-Ṭṣ states The next day the Hunting Bag comes back from Hiyasna to Hattusa.
ṣṬṬ6. KBo ṣṢ.ṬṢ. Translation güterBock ṣ96Ṣ: 8τ.
ṣṬṬ7. KUB ττ.τ. Houwink ten cate ṣ988: ṣ68, ṣ79Ş otten ṣ97ṣ: 9, ṬṢŞ Haas ṣ99σ: 8σ6Ş groDDek ṬṢṢṭ: ṣṬ.
ṣṬṬ8. Cf. e.g. kt 9σ/k 7ṭ6Ş kt 9σ/k 77τŞ kt 9σ/k 8στ, kt 9σ/k 9ṭ7Ş kt 9σ/k ṣστσ. The texts are due to appear in Larsen s
AKT 6c as part of the correspondence of Ali-ahum.
ṭṢṭ
My brother was killed because of your amūtum. The silver that he took away in the name
of La-qepum – surely he was killed for the silver for the iron that you gave to him. Go
and sue for the blood-money for my brother.ṣṬṬ9
Part of the legal procedures following the murder took place in Tawiniya, and the case may
have resulted in an Assyrian embargo against the city and its ruler for a certain period:
The Colony passed a verdict that until they acquire the blood money for šalim-Aššur s
son, no one may go via Tawiniya, and no one, either among the great men or among the
small men, may carry out his wishes.ṣṬṭṢ
The ruler of Tamniya was also involved in espionage directed against a rival king:
Two months passed since the palace seized Aššur-taklaku and then the Colony went up
to the palace and said: Free Aššur-taklaku. He wished no sin or evil upon you. He has a
house among us in your city, and with us, he stands at your service . The king and the
queen replied: Bring me the man who sent the letter from Tawiniya, who carried out the
wishes of our enemy, and who seeks our head, then I shall set your brother free . Then
the Colony said: Let him step forward and swear upon the dagger of Aššur that he has
neither bought nor sent any goods to Tawiniya, (and that) he will not carry out the wish-
es of the Tawiniyan. Alternatively, he can go to the River as (if he were) a citizen of your
city, or we can swear upon the dagger of Aššur in his stead . The king and queen replied:
Since our hand holds the letter it is yourselves whom I will make swear your oath. Bring
us that man. If you do not lead him here then give us one mina of amūtum or ten minas
of gold so I may release your brother. If you do not pay up, then do not return and do not
to mention his name again. Your brother will be dead .ṣṬṭṣ
The ruling couple of an unnamed city accuses an Assyrian merchant of misconduct and as-
sociation with foreign powers. The couple has somehow gotten hold of a letter proving that
at least one of the Assyrians has broken an embargo on trade with Tawiniya. The Assyrian is
also accused of having provided the rival kingdom with information that the ruling couple
claims would place them in personal danger. In reaction, the king and queen have taken
Aššur-taklaku as a hostage and demand either the extradition of the wanted culprit or a vast
sum of money in compensation.
The letter is part of a small dossier of texts from the archive of Aššur-taklaku and his fam-
ily that deal with this case. The texts were discussed recently by Michel, who showed that the
letter discussed by the ruling couple was written by a man named Qatimum, and suggests that
ṣṬṬ9. Kt 9σ/k 9ṭ7 (l. ṣ6-Ṭṣ): a-hi-i a- u-şmìš a-mu-tí-kà ‘dí]- ik KÙ.BABBAR a u-mì Lá-qé-ep ‘i]t-bu-lu
KÙ.BABBAR ‘a]-mu-tim sú-re-e a ta-dí-nu- u-ni dí-ik a-li-ik-ma da-me-e a a-hi-a é-e.
ṣṬṭṢ. Kt 9σ/k ṣστσ (l. Ṭ-ṣṢ): kà-ru-um dí-nam i-dí-in-ma a-dí da-mu a DUMU a-lim-A- ùr i-kà- u-du-ni e-ba-ar
Ta-wi-ni- a ma-ma-an ú-lá i-kà-ba-as ù a-na e-ri-i -tí- u lu i-na ra-bi-ú-tim lu i-na a-hu-ru-tim ma-ma-an ú-lá
i-za-az.
ṣṬṭṣ. Kt 9ṭ/k ṣστ (l. ṣ-ṭ8): i -tù A- ùr-ták-lá-ku É.GAL-lúm i -bu-tù-ni ITU.Ṭ.KAM i-li-ik-ma kà-ru-um a-na
É.GAL-lim e-li-ma um-ma kà-ru-um-ma A- ùr-ták-lá-ku wa- í-ra mì-ma ar-nam ù í-lá-tám lá ir- í-a-ku-nu-tí
qá-dí-ni-ma i-na a-li-ku-nu É bé-tám i- u ù a-na e-ri-i -tí-ku-nu qá-dí-ni-ma i-za-az um-ma ru-ba-um ù ru-ba-
tum-ma a-wi-lam a i -tù Ta-wi-ni-a up-pá-am ú- é-bi-lá-ni-ma e-ri-i -tám a-na be-el nu-ku-ur-tí-ni i-za-bi-lu-
ma qá-qá-ad-ni i- é-e-ú-ni ru-a-nim-ma a-hu-ku-nu lu- é-er um-ma kà-ru-um-ma li-zi-iz i-na GÍR a A- ùr li-
it-ma í-ma-am lá i -ú-mu-ma a-na Ta-wi-ni-a lá ú- é-bi-lu a-na e-ri-i -tí Ta-wi-ni-a-i-im lá i-za-zu ú-lá ki-ma
me-ra a-li-ku-nu a-na i-dim li-li-ik ú-lá né-nu a-pu-hi- u GÍR a A- ùr lu ni-it-ma um-ma ru-ba-um ù ru-ba-tum-
ma a up-pá-am qá-at-ni ú-kà-lu ku-nu-tí ú-ta-ma-ku-nu a-wi-lam ru-a-nim u-ma lá ta-ra-dí-a-ni- u ṣ ma-na
a-mu-tám ú-lá ṣṢ ma-na KÙ.GI dí-na-nim-ma a-hu-ku-nu lu- é-er u-ma lá ta-da-na lá ta-tù-ra-ma u-um- u lá
ta-za-kà-ra a-hu-ku-nu me-et. Cf. MicHel & garelli ṣ996Ş günBatti ṬṢṢṣ.
ṭṢσ
τ.9 TUHPIYA
the royal couple who arrested Aššur-taklaku were the rulers of Wašhaniya.ṣṬṭṬ Since the two
states were in conlict, Michel concluded that Tawiniya and Wašhaniya shared a common
frontier and opted for a location of Tawiniya at Büyüknefes. But the fragmented political map
of Anatolia during the Old Assyrian Colony Period by no means necessitates this conclusion.
The independent city-states were entwined in constantly shifting military alliances (cf. ṣ.7),
and can be shown to have fought wars across longer distances. Appropriate examples are the
wars between Hattuš and Kaneš,ṣṬṭṭ Purušhaddum and Wahšušana in the west, and the war
between Zalpuwa on the Black Sea and Kaneš.ṣṬṭσ In addition, her interpretation of the affair
is uncertain and the ruling couple mentioned in the letter may be the one in Kaneš (cf. τ.ṣṣ).
In any case, Wašhaniya was located in a position that enabled it to seize a message going from
Tawiniya to Kaneš. This its less well with the proposed location of Tawiniya at Büyüknefes.
The Assyrian Colony at Tawiniya is attested a fair number of times.ṣṬṭτ Aššur-taklaku may
have been an active trader in Tawiniya, and many attestations of the city come from his ar-
chive due to the case in Wašhaniya.ṣṬṭ6 In addition, an Assyrian known as Ili-bani of Tawin-
iya is mentioned a few times in the recordsŞṣṬṭ7 and one text refers to the house, garden and
movable objects in Tawiniya that a certain Ali-abum signs over to his older brother, Ennam-
Aššur.ṣṬṭ8 Finally, a record from the archive of Ali-ahum son of Aššur-malik refers to a certain
Belum-bani, who is staying in Tawiniya together with an attorney (rābi um).ṣṬṭ9 In Hittite
times Tawiniya was home to Teteshapi, the Hattian name for the Great GoddessŞṣṬσṢ but noth-
ing is known about the cultural or religious institutions in the city from the Assyrian texts.
5.9 TuhpiyaṣṬσṣ
With less than forty attestations Tuhpiya is not a very common toponym in the Old Assyrian
texts, but a clear cluster and a large number of itineraries give an idea of its location.
ṣṬṭṬ. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: Ṭσṣ.

ṣṬṭṭ. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: ṬτṢ n. σ9.
ṣṬṭσ. Cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press, Ch. Ṭ.
ṣṬṭτ. Kt 9Ṭ/k 96Ş kt 9ṭ/k 6σ7Ş kt 9ṭ/k 776Ş kt 9σ/k 9ṭ7Ş AKT τ, ṬŞ kt k/k 89Ş kt n/k σ7ṭŞ POAT 9. Kt 9σ/k τσ7 and kt
9σ/k ṣστσ appear to refer to the Colony indirectly. Michel forthcoming takes POAT 9 as an example of a case
that was redirected by a nearby Station to the Colony in Tawiniya. In fact, the text is part of a normal testimony
procedure (cf. Hertel ṬṢṢ7: ṣṢ8) in which legal facts were in the process of gathered and being recorded. She
also interprets kt k/k 89 as a case that was redirected from the Station in Amkuwa to the nearby Colony in
Tawiniya. However, legal testimonies of this sort can not be used as evidence of geographical proximity, cf. fn.
σσ8.
ṣṬṭ6. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: ṬṬ9.
ṣṬṭ7. Cf. kt m/k ṣṭṢŞ KTS ṣ, ṭb.
ṣṬṭ8. Kt 9σ/k ṣṬτ.
ṣṬṭ9. Kt c/k 67ṭ.
ṣṬσṢ. Cf. Haas ṣ99σ: σṭ8.
ṣṬσṣ. Attestations of Tuhpiya (with various spellings) are found in: Turσ-pì-a: kt a/k ṬτṭbŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ, Tù-ha-pí-a: kt
n/k ṣσ9Ṣ, Tuh-pí-a: TC ṣ, ṭ9, Tù-hu-pì-a: kt 7ṭ/k ṣṬ, Tù-ùh-pí-a: AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, 6Ş ATK τ, ṬτŞ kt
9σ/k σṣ9Ş kt 9σ/k σṭσŞ AKT ṣ, Ṭ8Ş CCT ṭ, ṣŞ kt c/k σṢτŞ kt n/k τṬṢŞ kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ kt n/k ṣṭσṢŞ VS Ṭ6, 66, Tù-ùh-
pì-a: kt 8τ/k Ṭ7Ş kt 87/k ṣṬ8Ş kt 87/k ττṬŞ kt 87/k ττṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṭ6Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣ87Ş AKT τ, τṣŞ AKT τ, τ8Ş kt n/k
ṣṣṭṣŞ ArAnat ṭ, τ9Ş BIN σ, ṬṭṭŞ CCT ṭ, ṭ6bŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ I σ78Ş I 67ṣŞ ka. ṭṬ6Ş KTK ṣṢ7Ş TC ṣ, 6ṢŞ VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6.
Almost ṬṢḪ of the attestations come out of the records belonging to Kuliya son of Ali-abum (veenHof ṬṢṣṢ).
ṭṢτ
Chapter 5
5.9 TUHPIYA1
Baniharzum ṣ šalatuwar τ
Durhumit τ šinahuttum ṣ
With less
Haburat than forty attestationsṣTuhpiya is not Tawiniya
a very common toponym in the ṣOld Assyrian
texts,
Hahhum but a clear cluster and a large
ṣ number of ‘itineraries’
Tišmurna give an idea of its location.
Ṭ
Hanaknak
Baniharzum 1 ṣ Titatum
Šalatuwar 5 ṣ
Durhumit
Hattuš 5 Ṭ Šinahuttum
Ušubugattum 1 ṣ
Haburat 1 Tawiniya 1
Kuburnat
Hahhum 1 ṣ Ulama
Tišmurna 2 ṣ
Mamma
Hanaknak 1 Ṭ Wašhaniya
Titattum 1 Ṭ
Hattuš
Ninašša 2 ṣ Ušubugattum
Wahšušana 1 σ
Kuburnat 1 Ulama 1
Purušhaddum
Mamma 2 σ Wašhaniya 2
Ninašša 1 Wahšušana
Table Ṭ8: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tuhpiya. 4
Purušhaddum 4
Table 27: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Tuhpiya.
The position of Tuhpiya on the main copper route is evident from its connection with all the
The position of Tuhpiya on the main copper route is evident from its connection with all the
other major stops on the route – Durhumit Wahšušana, šalatuwar and Purušhaddum.
other major stops on the route – Durhumit Wahšušana, Šalatuwar and Purušhaddum.
Durhumit
Hattuš
Mamma
Purušhaddum
Šalatuwar
Tišmurna
Wahšušana
Wašhaniya
0 1 2 3 4 5
Graph 18: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Tuhpiya. ‘Itineraries’ are shaded in a darker colour.
Graph 20: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Tuhpiya. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Durhumit and Šalatuwar are particularly well represented in the cluster, but also
Purušhaddum, Tišmurna and Wahšušana belong in the group.2 With the possible exception of
Tišmurna (5.4), all cities in the cluster were located on the copper route.
Durhumit and šalatuwar are particularly well represented in the cluster, but also Purušhaddum,
Tišmurna
1
and Wahšušana belong in the group.ṣṬσṬ With the possible exception of Tišmurna
Attestations
(τ.σ), of Tuhpiya
all cities in the (with various
cluster werespellings)
locatedareonfound
the in: Tur4-pì-a:
copper kt a/k 253b; kt 91/k 424, Tù-ha-pí-a: kt
route.
n/k 1490, Tuh-pí-a: TC 1, 39, Tù-hu-pì-a: kt 73/k 12, Tù-ùh-pí-a: AKT 5, 2; AKT 5, 5; AKT 5, 6; ATK 5, 25; kt 94/k
419; kt 94/k 434; AKT 1, 28; CCT 3, 1; kt c/k 405; kt n/k 520; kt n/k 1052; kt n/k 1340; VS 26, 66, Tù-ùh-pì-a: kt
85/k 27; kt 87/k 128; kt 87/k 552; kt 87/k 553; kt 92/k 136; kt 92/k 187; AKT 5, 51; AKT 5, 58; kt n/k 1131;
ArAnatThe
ṣṬσṬ. 3, 59; BIN 4, 233;
attestations CCT 3,together
of Tuhpiya 36b; CCT 6, other
with 12a; Icities
478; are
I 671; ka. in:
found 326; KTK 107; TC
Baniharzum: AKT τ, 6,VS
1, 60; 26, 26. Almost
Durhumit: kt 9ṣ/k
20% ofσṬσŞ
the AKT
attestations
τ, ṬŞ come
AKT τ, outCCT
6Ş of the
ṭ, records
ṣŞ CCT belonging
6, ṣṬa, to Kuliya
Haburat: VS son
Ṭ6, of Ali-abum
Ṭ6, Hahhum: (VktEENHOF
n/k 2010).
ṣṢτṬ, Hanaknak: AKT
2
The τ,
attestations
6, Hattu of Tuhpiya
: AKT together
τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, 6,with other cities
Kuburnat: AKTareτ, found in: Baniharzum:
6, Mamma: AKT τ, τṣŞ kt AKT 6, Durhumit:
n/k5,ṣṢτṬ, Nina a: AKTkt 91/k
τ, Ṭ,
424; AKT 2; AKT 5,kt6;9ṣ/k
Puru5, haddum: CCTσṬσŞ3, 1;ktCCT 12a,ktHaburat:
9σ/k6,σṣ9Ş n/k ṣσ9ṢŞVS VS26, Ṭ6,Hahhum:
Ṭ6,26, alatuwar: kt kt
n/k9ṣ/k
1052,
σṬσŞHanaknak:
BIN σ, ṬṭṭŞAKT
CCT 5,6,
6, Hattuš: AKT
ṣṬaŞ kt n/k 5, 6; AKT
ṣσ9ṢŞ VS Ṭ6, 66,Kuburnat:
5, 2, inahuttum: AKT AKT5, τ, Mamma:
6, 6, Tawiniya: AKT AKT5, τ,
51;Ṭ,ktTin/k Ninašša:
1052, AKT
murna: AKT 6,
τ, 6Ş CCT 5, ṣṬa,
2,
Purušhaddum: kt 91/k 424; kt 94/k 419; kt n/k 1490; VS 26, 26, Šalatuwar: kt 91/k 424; BIN 4, 233; CCT 6, 12a;
Titatum: VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6, U bugattum: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ, Ulama: AKT τ, τṣ, Wa haniya: AKT τ, 6Ş kt n/k ṣṢτṬ,
kt n/k 1490; VS 26, 66, Šinahuttum: AKT 5, 6, Tawiniya; AKT 5, 2, Tišmurna: AKT 5, 6; CCT 6, 12a, Titattum:
Wah u ana: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ TC ṣ, 6Ṣ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term
VS 26, 26, Ušbugattum: kt 91/k 424, Ulama: AKT 5, 51, Wašhaniya: AKT 5, 6; kt n/k 1052, Wahšušana: kt 91/k
424; ktitinerary
n/k 1052;isktapplied to any
n/k 1490; TCsource
1, 60. that unmistakably
All ‘itineraries’ describes
have a geographical
been underlined relation
(the term betweenis two
‘itinerary’ or more
applied to
toponyms,
any source that and not necessarily
unmistakably just journeys
describes from A to B).
a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not
necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṭṢ6
1
τ.9 TUHPIYA
A number of itineraries place Tuhpiya and the other cities on the route in sequence. The
best example comes from a memorandum that records the expenses on a trip between
Purušhaddum and Durhumit:
I paid ṭ shekels of silver for my lodgings in Purušhaddum. (The expenses) amounted to

ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper from Purušhaddum to šalatuwar. Until I left šalatuwar, ṣṢ minas
of copper were spent. I spent [x] minas of copper on stabling as well as my lodgings in
Wahšušana. (The expenses) amounted to ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper until Tuhpiya. (The ex-
penses) amounted to ṭ minas of copper until Durhumit.ṣṬσṭ
This passage places Tuhpiya on the copper route between Wahšušana and Purušhaddum,
whereas the following reference implies that it was located on a crossroad between the copper
route and a road from Kaneš:
Why has Adad-bani left šalatuwar to (go to) Ikun-piya? He did not meet us here, (so) we
asked a caravan that was coming from Kaneš, and they had met him in Tuhpiya.ṣṬσσ
Although the authors do not mention in which city they wrote their letter, Adad-bani s jour-
ney from šalatuwar took him through Tuhpiya where the travellers from Kaneš had seen him.
This shows that Tuhpiya was connected to the copper route as well as a road leading to Kaneš.
Tuhpiya also appears to have been on considered a regional boundary, as shown in the follow-
ing three references:
From the Kaneš Colony to every single Colony and Station until Tuhpiya.ṣṬστ
From the Kaneš Colony to all Colonies and Stations, and our envoy, Enna-Suen, until
Tuhpiya ... Have the [...] tablet read aloud, and the let the envoy entrust it to the Colon(ies)
until Tuhpiya. When the tin reaches Tuhpiya safely, then let your message come here. ṣṬσ6
Durhumit, Hattuš, Tamniya, Tuhpiya until Ninašša.ṣṬσ7
Letters such as these, addressed from one Assyrian settlement to another, are relatively com-
mon in the Assyrian corpus. They clearly anticipate a pre-ordained route that the Colonial
Envoy was to follow.ṣṬσ8 When Tuhpiya occurs no less than three times in such addresses –
ṣṬσṭ. Kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ (l. ṣṭ-Ṭṭ): ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-É ub-ri i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU
i -tù Pu-şruš-u -ha-dim a-dí a-lá-tù-a-ar ik- u-dí ṣṢ ma-na URUDU a-dí i- a-lá-tù-a-ar ú -a-ni ga-me-er ‘x]
ma-na URUDU i-na-áb-ri-tim ‘i-n]a Wa-ah- u- a-na lu É ub-ri ga-me-er ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-dí Tuhx-
(TURσ)-pì-a ik- u-dí ṭ ma-na URUDU a-dí Durσ-hu-mì-it ik- u-dí.
ṣṬσσ. VS Ṭ6, 66 (l. ṭ-ṣτ): dIM-ba-ni i -tù a-lá-tù-wa-ar i-pá-ni I-ku-pí-a a-mì- a-am i-tal-kam a-na-kam ‘i] -tí-ni lá
u -ta-me-er ‘a]-li-ku ‘ ]a i -tù ‘K]à-ni-i i-li-ku-ni-ni ni-i -a-al-ma i-na Tù-ùh-pí-aki im-hu-ru- u.
ṣṬστ. AKT τ, σ (l. ṣ-τ): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na kà-ar kà-ar-ma ú wa-bar-ra-tim a-dí Tù-ùh-pí-a qí-bi-ma.
ṣṬσ6. Ka ṭṬ6 (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na kà-ar kà-ar-ma ú wa-b‘a]-ra-tim ú En-na-Sú-in í-ip-ri-ni
a-dí Tù-ùh-pì-a qí-biσ-ma ... (l. 9 -ṣ6 ): up-pá -am ‘ ]í-ta-me-a-ma ‘ í-ip-ru-u]m a-na kà-ri-im a-dí Tù-ùh-pì-a
li-ip-qí-sú ki-ma AN.NA a-na Tù-ùh-pì-a i -li-mu té-er-ták-nu li-l‘i-kam].
ṣṬσ7. AKT τ, Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni kà-ri-im Durσ-hu-mì-it
ṣṬσ8. Other examples are TPAK ṣ, σṭ a+b (from the Wahšušana Colony to every single Colony until Kaneš ) and AKT
τ, 7τ (from the dātum-payers, Kuliya the envoy of the Kaneš Colony, and the Durhumit Colony, to every single
Colony and Station until Kaneš ). Note also the circular letter AKT τ, ṭ addressed to the Stations of Kuburnat,
Hanaknak and Tišmurna and AKT τ, 7σ from the Kaneš Colony to every single Colony where Sukkalliya son
of Aššuriš-tikal might be staying .
ṭṢ7
twice as the inal station on the envoy s route and once as the last station before Ninašša
(τ.ṣṬ) on the western bank of the Kızılırmak – then it suggests that Tuhpiya was located on a
frontier to the west.
Kuliya s memorandum (cf. τ.ṣ) places Tuhpiya within the region dominated by Durhumit.
The city igures twice in the memorandum, but the irst time Tuhpiya appears only because a
trader in Kuburnat promised to pay his tithe to the Colony in Tuhpiya:
We collected ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of silver, the tithe from PNṣ son of PN in Kuburnat, and PNṬ
and PNṭ are bringing ṣ mina thereof to the (Kaneš) Colony under the seal of the (Kubur-
nat) Station and my own seal. PNσ gave his promise to pay ṣ/Ṭ mina of silver to the
Colony in Tuhpiya.ṣṬσ9
The second time it appears as part of the itinerary on a round trip from Durhumit via
šinahuttum, Tuhpiya, a city lost in the break, and Tišmurna:
We collected ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of amūtum, the tithe from PN9, and I entrusted it under the
seals of the Durhumit Colony in šinahuttum before the Station to PNṣṢ and PNṣṣ, who
are bringing it to the Colony. We collected ṣṢ shekels of silver as addu utum-tax from
PNṣṬ of Kuburnat in Tuhpiya, and PNṣṭ, the scribe, is bringing it to the Colony under
our seals. [We collected] ṣ/Ṭ mina of silver from the servants of [PNṣσ] as addu utum-
tax. [We collected ... of silver] from [P]Nṣτ as addu utum-tax, and [we entrusted it to
PNṣ6] in [GN] and [he is bringing it to the Co]lony under our seals. [We collected ...] of
silver from [P]Nṣ7 in Tišpurna, and [we entrusted it to P]Nṣ8 and to [PNṣ]9.ṣṬτṢ
Unfortunately, the city between Tuhpiya and Tišmurna is lost in a break, but a likely interpre-
tation of Kuliya s route would be that he went from Durhumit via šinahuttum on an eastern
road to Tuhpiya. His return could then have taken a western road, perhaps through Tawiniya
to Tišmurna and Durhumit.
The position of Tuhpiya on the western limit of the Assyrian trade system controlled from
Durhumit coincides with the observation that Purušhaddum as a region (cf. σ.7) was reached
from Tuhpiya:
Six donkeys and ṣτ talents of copper of good quality – half of it reined and half of it
from Haburat – and my servants have been killed in Titatum and they have led away my
copper. I have not obtained (new) donkeys or a guide. I am staying in Tuhpiya due to my
copper and the blood money for my servants ... Sell σ or τ donkeys on long-term credit
as you are used to sell, and lead some donkeys here, and I will enter Purušhaddum and
generate a proit on each shekel of silver ...ṣṬτṣ
ṣṬσ9. AKT τ, 6 (l. ṣ-ṣṢ): ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i -ra-tim Pu- u-ke-en6 DUMU Bu-za-zu i-na Ku-bu-ur-na-at nu-
a-dí-in-ma šÀ.BA ṣ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR u-sú-in DUMU Áb-lá-ma-sí ú A- ùr-i-dí DUMU A-da-da ku-nu-ki
a wa-bar-tim ú ku-nu-ki-a a-na kà-ri-im i-ni-i -ú ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i-na Tù-ùh-pí-a A- ùr-ma-lik
DUMU Ku-ra-ra e-pu-ul a-na kà-ri-im i- a-qal.
ṣṬτṢ. AKT τ, 6 (l. ṣτ-ṭτ): ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.AN i -ra-tim u-ma-biσ-a DUMU A- ùr-e-li-tí nu- a-dí-ma ku-nu-ke-e a
kà-ri-im Du-ur-hu-mì-it i-na í-na-hu-tim IGI wa-bar-tim a-na u-A-nim DUMU Mì-na-nim ù Ma-num-ki-dIM
áp-qí-id-ma a-na kà-ri-im i-ni-i -ú ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-du-a-tám Bu-sí-a a Ku-bu-ur-na-at i-na Tù-ùh-
pí-a nu- a-dí-ma ku-nu-ki-ni dEN.LÍL-ba-ni DUB.SAR a-na kà-ri-im i-ni- í-i ṣ/Ṭ ma-na [K]Ù.BABBAR a-du-
a-tám u-ha-re-e ‘ a Ma-num-b]a-lúm-A- ùr DUMU Ku-ku-a ‘nu- a-dí x x x K]Ù.BABBAR a-du-a-tám ‘...]
x-A- ùr ‘...] i-na ‘...] ku-nu-ki-ni ‘... a-na kà-r]i-im ‘... i]-na Tí-i -pur-na ‘...]-ba-ni ‘...] x DUMU A-ni-na ‘...] a
DUMU Ha-na-na ‘x x (x)].
ṣṬτṣ. VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6 (l. σ-ṣσ): 6 ANšE.HI.A ṣτ GÚ URUDU SIGτ mì-i -lu-um ma-sí-um mì-i -lu-um ha-bu-ra-ta-i-um ù
ú-ha-ru-a i-na Tí-ta-tim de8-ku ù URUDU-i i-tab-lu ra-dí-am ù ANšE-ri ú-lá ar-tí- í a-du-um URUDU-i-a ù
ṭṢ8
τ.9 TUHPIYA
It is not possible to prove that Purušhaddum in this passage refers to an entire region and not
just the city itself, but numerous parallel passages in which Hattum appears in identical con-
texts suggest that Purušhaddum could be applied in a more general sense (cf. σ.7). Titatum is
hapax legomenon, but the fact that the blood money was paid out in Tuhpiya implies that it
was a settlement under that city.ṣṬτṬ
–––––
The Assyrian settlement in Tuhpiya is unique for having changed its status within the colo-
nial system three times during the level-II period. The legal testimony KTK ṣṢ7 refers to a
Station (wabartum) in Tuhpiya, whereas the circular letter AKT τ, Ṭ and Kuliya s memoran-
dum AKT τ, 6 show that the Assyrian settlement had status of a Colony. One may suspect that
the growth and importance of the Assyrian settlement followed the expansion of the trade in
copper passing through the city. Finally, the legal documents kt 87/k ττṬ and I σ78 contain
rulings passed by the the scribe (I σ78 only), the dātum-payers, the residents of Tuhpiya and
the travelers on the road to Assur which implies that Tuhpiya did not hold a formal legal in-
stitution at the time the two texts were written.ṣṬτṭ Two of the individuals mentioned in those
two texts reappear in Kuliya s archive, a third individual turns up in a document dated to the
year REL ṣṭṢ, and a fourth one is also attested in a text dated to REL ṣṭṣ – just seven years
prior to the destruction of kārum Kaneš.ṣṬτσ For unknown reasons it would seem that Tuhpiya
had lost its status as an Assyrian settlement during the last decade of the level-II period.
There are only a few clear references to Assyrian merchants living in Tuhpiya. A memo-
randum refers to the wife of a man known as Aššur-damiq of Tuhpiya,ṣṬττ and a letter men-
tions that a son of Ibni-Adad stayed there.ṣṬτ6 Nevertheless, the rise in status of the Assyrian
settlement there must mean that a considerable expatriate community lived in the city.
Local authorities in Tuhpiya during the Assyrian Colony Period occur in several records,
including a memorandum that contains a unique reference to an alahinnum-oficial of Tuh-
piya, who acted as creditor for a tadmiqtum-loan to buy tin in Assur.ṣṬτ7 An Assyrian was held
back and had to pay the tin to a local servant of the alahinnum in front of seven named wit-
nesses. The palace is also mentioned once in a letter,ṣṬτ8 and the ruler of Tuhpiya occurs twice
in related letters – one of them written by the king himself:
Thus speaks the king of Tuhpiya to Itur-ili: You sent me one kutānum-textile, and one
kusītum-textile – I have not yet paid you the price for them. Amunani brings you 8Ṣ
minas of good copper as the price of the textiles. Ennam-Aššur brought me one kutānum-
textile as a gift. šu-Laban brought one kutānum-textile as a gift. I have given τṢ minas
of good copper to Ennam-Aššur. I have given τṢ minas of good copper to šu-Laban. You
have sent me a gift. For the gift that you sent to me, Amunani brings two wineskins of
wine from an amphora as my gift to you. Išme-Aššur brought me amūtum-metal and one
kutānum-textile as a gift. I gave him ṣṢṢ şminas> of copper from Tuhpiya as his gift, but
he could not receive it, so I left it for him in the house of Zumiya, but then šu-Belum
da-me a ú-ha-ri-a i-na Tù-ùh-pì-a wa-á -ba-ku ... (l. Ṭσ-ṭṢ): lu σ ANšE.HI.A lu τ ANšE.HI.A a-na uσ-me
pá-at-ú-tim ki-ma ta-ta-na-dí-nu dí-na-ma ANšE.HI.A é-ri-a-ma a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim le-ru-ub-ma ṣ GÍN
KÙ.BABBAR le-li-a-ma.
ṣṬτṬ. Perhaps homonymous with or identical to Hittite Titanta, cf. KUB σṢ.ṣṢ8 (col. ii): 7 and KBo ṣṣ.σṢ (col. i): Ṭσ .
ṣṬτṭ. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: σṭ reads The scribe of the dātum-payers , which is also possible.
ṣṬτσ. Cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press, ch. ṭ.
ṣṬττ. AKT τ, τ8: ṣ8.
ṣṬτ6. Perhaps only temporarilyŞ cf. BIN σ, Ṭṭṭ.
ṣṬτ7. AKT τ, τṣ (l. ṣ-ṣṬ).
ṣṬτ8. Kt n/k ṣσ9Ṣ.
ṭṢ9
came, so I gave him τṢ minas of copper from Tuhpiya, ṭṢ minas of good copper, and two
lagons of oil. As for the gift to Išme-Aššur, as well as the gift I owe you, you have now
been compensated in full. You have no further claims in the palace.ṣṬτ9
To Itur-ili from Išme-Aššur. I entered Tuhpiya, and afterwards, in accordance with your
instructions, I brought a thin textile and a gown to the king. In addition, I also brought up
ṣṢ textiles and some a ium-metal, but he returned the a ium and the textiles and received
(only) the gift, saying: I will not take (anything) . I sent down [x talents and x] minas of
copper from Tuhpiya (from the palace) for the gift that I had brought for him.ṣṬ6Ṣ
The two letters present a rare Old Assyrian example of gift-exchange as a ceremonial type of
trade based on a notion of reciprocity and where the involved parties are not supposed to state
their price openly. In the second letter we are told that the king chose to accept the gift (erbum)
only, and not to take any of the additional merchandise offered to him. The language of the
king s own letter is direct and to the point: the gifts are gifts in name only, and his reason to list
previous exchanges is presumably to establish a precedence or standard value. Elements of
prestige, status and interest, which play a decisive role in the palace trade of the Late Bronze
Age, are absent from this exchange.ṣṬ6ṣ Yet the trade is not based on market price, and the As-
syrians present the ruler with their gift without knowing in advance what they will get in return.
Both letters show that copper was a commodity available in Tuhpiya. In the irst example
it is differentiated from copper of good quality, perhaps as a sign that the copper from Tuh-
piya was itself of an inferior or unreined quality.ṣṬ6Ṭ But the city is also regularly mentioned
as a market or point of transit for copper,ṣṬ6ṭ and the proportion of locally produced metal as
opposed to what had arrived there on the trade-route from Durhumit is unclear.ṣṬ6σ
In addition to the king s gift of two lagons of oil, one letter mentions ṣ mina of oil of
Tuhpiya ,ṣṬ6τ and another refers to one bowl of olive (oil) from Tuhpiya .ṣṬ66 This suggests
ṣṬτ9. Kt 8τ/k Ṭ7 (l. ṣ-ṭσ): um-ma ru-b‘a-um] a Tù-ùh-pì-a-ma a-na I- turσ -DINGIR qí-bi-ma ṣ TÚG ku-ta-nam
şùš ṣ TÚG ku-sí-tám tù- é-şbiš-lam í-im- u-nu a-dí-ni lá a-dí-na-kum 8Ṣ ma-na URUDU SIGτ í-im TÚG
A-mu-na-ni na-á -a-kum ṣ TÚG ku-ta-nam En-um-A- ur a-na er-biσ-im i- í-am ṣ TÚG ku-ta-nam u-Lá-ba-an
a-na er-biσ-im i- í-am τṢ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-na En-um-A- ur a-dí-in τṢ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-na u-Lá-
ba-an a-dí-in a-ta er-ba-am tù- é-biσ-lam a-na er-biσ-im a tù- é-biσ-lá-ni Ṭ zi-qú-qá-tim a DUG ki-ra-na-am
er-biσ A-mu-na-ni na-á -a-kum I -ma-A- ur a-mu-tám ub-lam-ma ṣ TÚG ku-ta-nam er-ba-am i- í-a-am a-na
er-biσ- u ṣ me-at URUDU a Tù-ùh-pì-a a-dí- u-um-ma lá-qá-am lá i-mu-a-ma É Zu-me-a e-zi-ib- u-ma u-
Be-lúm i-li-kam-ma τṢ ma-na URUDU a Tù-ùh-pì-a ṭṢ ma-na URUDU SIGτ şù> Ṭ kà-ar-pá-tim a a-am-ni-
im a-di- u-um a er-biσ-im a I -ma-A- ur lu er!-ba-am lu a ha-bu-lá-ku-ni a-bu-a-tí mì-ma i-na É.GAL-lim
lá tí- u. Published by günBatti ṣ99σ. For a discussion of this dossier, see Dercksen ṬṢṢ7b: ṣ9τfŞ ṬṢṢ8: ṣṣ6-ṣṣ7.
Cf. also lerouxel ṬṢṢṬ. The ruler of Tuhpiya is also mentioned in kt j/k 8Ṣ.
ṣṬ6Ṣ. TC ṣ, ṭ9 (l. ṣ-ṣ8): ‘a-n]a I-turσ-[DINGIR] ‘qí]-bi-ma um-ma I -ma-A- ùr-ma a-na Tuh-pí-a e-ru-ub-ma ur-kà-
at-sú a-ma-lá tù- a-hi-zi-ni ra-qá-tám ù lu-bu- a-am a-na ru-ba-im a- í-ma ù a-ha-ma ṣṢ TÚG.HI.A ù a- í-a-
am ú- é-li-ma a- í-am ù TÚG.HI.A ú-ta-e-ra-am-ma er-ba-am im-ta-ha-ar um-ma u-ut-ma ú-lá a-lá-qé a-na
er-bi4-im a a- i-ú- u-ni [x GÚ x] ma-na URUDU ‘ a Tù-ùh-pí]-a ú- é-ri-du-nim.
ṣṬ6ṣ. Zaccagnini ṣ97ṭŞ liverani ṬṢṢṣŞ warBurton ṬṢṢṭ.
ṣṬ6Ṭ. Dercksen ṣ996: στ.
ṣṬ6ṭ. As a point of transit: CCT ṭ, ṣŞ kt n/k τṬṢ. Kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ78 refers to a load of copper weighed out in Tuhpiya accord-
ing to the Anatolian standard of weight (aban mātim), cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ6Ṭ.
ṣṬ6σ. Kt 9σ/k σṣ9: ( ṣṣ GÚ τṢ ma-na URUDU a-l‘á-ma-am] a Tù-ùh-pí-a)Ş kt 9σ/k σṭσ (7 GÚ Ṭσ ma-na URUDU
a Tù-ùh-pì-a)Ş kt n/k ṣṣṭṣ (σṢ ma-na URUDU Tù-ùh-pì-a-i-am)Ş TC ṣ, 6Ṣ (amount unknown).
ṣṬ6τ. AKT τ, Ṭτ (l. ṭ-σ): ṣ ma-na ”.GIš a Tù-ùh-pí-a.
ṣṬ66. Kt a/k Ṭτṭ (l. Ṭτ-Ṭ7): ṣ sá-pá-lam sà-ar-dam a Turσ-pì-a. Cf. CAD s. v. sirdum and veenHof 2010: ṣ69. In ad-
dition to the references listed by him, note kt 88/k 6τ8 (l. ṣ6: ṣ/Ṭ qa sà-ar-dam)Ş AKT σ, σṬ (l. ṣṣ: [x] ma-na
sà!-ar-dam)Ş AKT 6, ṣ6ṭ (l. ṬṢ-Ṭṣ: ṣ qa ”.GIš sà-ar-dam)Ş AKT 6, ṬṢṭ (l. Ṭ7: ṭ qa sà-ar-dam a DUB.SAR)Ş
AKT 6, τṣτ (l. ṣṣ: ṣ/Ṭ qa sà-ar-dum). The CAD s. v. saplu gives the translation bowl , AHw has Schale, Schüs-
sel . The present context suggests that it was a closed container, unless a bowl for olives is meant. For the use of
olive oil in the Hittite period, cf. güterBock ṣ968.
ṭṣṢ
τ.9 TUHPIYA
that Tuhpiya produced olive oil locally.ṣṬ67 A record was also made of a purchase of jars (of
wine), beer, salt, a sheep, shoes, a ram and grain in Tuhpiya.ṣṬ68 Part of the payment was made
on behalf of a certain Zapru, the rabi bēlātim in Tuhpiya.
In Hittite times, Tuhuppiya continued to exist as a provincial settlement and the toponym
appears a number of times in the sources. However, only two offer any direct evidence of its
location.ṣṬ69 The irst examples derives from the Apology of Hattusili III and refers to Kaska
tribes that came from Durmitta to raid the land of Tuhuppiya (cf. τ.ṣ):ṣṬ7Ṣ
And the enemy of the land of Durmitta began to raid Tuhuppiya, [and because] the land
of Ippasana was uninhabited, [the enemy troops] kept coming in as far as Suwatara.ṣṬ7ṣ
The second passage comes from the cultic directions for the renewal of the divine Hunting
Bag of Zithariya (also τ.ṣ):
They take away the old hunting bag of Zithariya to Tuhuppiya. When they bring it down
from Hattusa (through) the [...]-gate, they call it The Tutelary Deity of the Hunting
Bag . The [old] hunting bag of the Tutelary Deity of Hatenzuwa, however, they take to
Durmitta. When they bring it down [from Hattusa] through the Asusa-Gate, they take its
name away from it and call it The Tutelary Deity of Zapatiskuwa .ṣṬ7Ṭ
It is unfortunate that the name of the gate leading to Tuhuppiya is broken in the text, since this
might have added important evidence for the direction in which the city was located seen
from Hattusa. As the passage stands, it seems that Durmitta and Tuhuppiya were not reached
from the same gate, although the movement downhill to the gate implies that it was a northern
or western exit from the city (cf. τ.6, τ.7).
Tuhpiya was located on the copper route between Durhumit and Wahšušana in what ap-
pears to be a frontier position among the Colonies located within the bend of the Kızılırmak.
Since there is no evidence from itineraries or clusters that the copper route passed through
Hattuš or Tawiniya, those two cities are placed on each side of this main route. A caravan
coming from Kaneš could encounter a traveller from šalatuwar in Tuhpiya. Presumably this
means that the city was located on a crossroad between the copper route and the road that
followed the inside bend of the river – the road that also ran to Tawiniya (cf. τ.8). Given that
Tuhpiya does not appear to neighbour directly onto either Hattuš or Tawiniya, this seems to
push Tuhpiya further south.
ṣṬ67. Today olives are rarely grown in Central Anatolia, except for a few high-quality brands. But the tree is native to
the region, and wild groves of olive trees are still visible in the landscape. Hence, the production of olive oil in
Tuhpiya does not help locate the city.
ṣṬ68. Kt 7ṭ/k ṣṬ. A photo of the text is found in t. ÖZgüç ṣ986a: pl. 6ṣ, Ṭ.
ṣṬ69. Tuhuppiya occurs in some of the AGRIG-lists, which are not edited according to any clear geographical princi-
ple (cf. singer ṣ98σb), e.g. VBoT 68 (col. ii): ṣ7-ṣ9 (Tawiniya, Tuhuppiya, Alisa, Zipishuna)Ş VBoT 68 (col. iii):
σ-9 (Zalpuwa, Tuhuppiya, Zispar?na, Kastama, Alisa, Sakkukitiya, Hakmis, Tapigga, Istahara, Malazziya,
Karasmitta, Uhhi(u)wa)Ş KUB ṣṣ.Ṭ8 (col. iii): ṭ -σ (Tuhuppiya, Karasmitta, Durmitta, Hakmis, Zimishuna)Ş
KBo σ.ṣṭ (col. i): Ṭṣ-ṭṭ (Tawiniya, Zalpa, Hanhana, Ankuwa, Durmitta, Tuhuppiya, Zisparna, Kastama, Alisa,
Sanahwitta, Hakmis)Ş KUB ṬṢ.86 and KBo 8.ṣṬσ (Hakmis, Zipishuna, Karasm!!itta, Hanhana, Durmitta, Tuhup-
piya). There is no entry for Tuhuppiya in Muwatalli II s list of sanctuaries (CTH ṭ8ṣ), and there is no reference
to a local deity or cultic event in Tuhuppiya except for the itinerant hunting bag mentioned above.
ṣṬ7Ṣ. A negative piece of evidence is found in the fact the city does not appear in the list of Empty Lands handed
over to Hattusili III. This would seem to indicate that Tuhuppiya has to be located closer to the imperial capital,
i.e. towards the south and west.
ṣṬ7ṣ. CTH 8ṣ (col. ii): ṣṬ-ṣṭ.
ṣṬ7Ṭ. KUB ττ.σṭ, cf. otten ṣ9τ9 and McMaHon ṣ99ṣ: ṣσ6-ṣσ7.
ṭṣṣ
Durhumit
Ti murna inahuttum Zimi huna Tapagga
Hanaknak Kuburnat
Tawiniya Hattu uppiluliya Karahna
Tuhpiya amuha
Wah u ana Kane Hurama
Fig. 38: Central Anatolian cluster. Black lines show connections. The thick blue line is the Kızılırmak. The
dotted line connecting Tuhpiya and Tawiniya is a conjectural section of the Tawiniya road from Kane .
Ti murna may belong on the copper road.
5.10 AmkuwaṣṬ7ṭ
The location of Amkuwa (Hittite: Ankuwa) has been debated, both due to its importance in
the formative process of the Hittite state and as cultic centre and garrison city in the empire
period. The results of the excavations at the site of Ali ar, and the information contained
within the small group of texts dated to the Assyrian Colony Period that were found there, has
led several scholars to identify that site with ancient Amkuwa.ṣṬ7σ This has in turn fuelled a
debate on how to interpret the results of the excavations and texts, and how the identiication
of Ali ar as a ixed point affects the surrounding geography.
Compared to this, the number of Old Assyrian references to the city is remarkably low.
Only ṣσ texts mention the city and only one itinerary links Amkuwa to the surrounding clus-
ter. Also, Amkuwa occurs alongside other toponyms in only six texts, which does not produce
an image of a local cluster.ṣṬ7τ Only a few Assyrian documents give any information about the
location of Amkuwa, but they all point to its identiication with Ali ar.
The most important clue to the identiication of Ali ar with ancient Amkuwa comes from
the results of the excavations. Firstly, in spite of claims to the contrary, the stratigraphy and
the inds at Ali ar match the history of Amkuwa.ṣṬ76 Secondly, the discovery of the Old Assyr-
ian tablets on the site proves the existence of an Assyrian settlement there. If Ali ar was not
Amkuwa, then one has to propose an alternative identiication. The Assyrian colonies and
ṣṬ7ṭ. References to Amkuwa are found in: A-am-ku-a: AKT 6, ṣṢσŞ kt k/k ṣṢṣŞ TPAK ṣ, Ṭ8, A-am-ku-wa: KTK ṣṢŞ OIP
Ṭ7, σŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṣ7Ş OIP Ṭ7, ṣ8aŞ TMH ṣ, Ṭb, A-am-ku-wa-a: kt n/k ṣṭ7σ, A-ku-a: ICK ṣ, ṭ7b, A-ku-wa: ICK ṣ,
ṭṣbŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṣ, Am-ku-wa: kt a/k ṣṢ7ṢŞ OIP Ṭ7, σ9 a+b. The following two attestations found in nasHef ṣ99Ṭ:
9 are incorrect: CCT τ, ṭτb (l. ṭτ reads a-na Ka-lu-wa, cf. MicHel ṣ99ṣb (vol. ii): 6σ-6τ)Ş KTP Ṭ6 (l. 6) reads
i-dí a a-wi-lim, cf. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: ṣṢ. The attestation in OIP Ṭ7, ṣ is debated, cf. fn. ṣṬ8Ṣ below.
ṣṬ7σ. lewY, J. ṣ9ṭσ: 7 n. ṭṢŞ gelB ṣ9ṭτ: 9f (OAss Amkuwa = Hitt. Ankuwa)Ş Bilgiç ṣ9στ-τṣ: ṭṢŞ cornelius ṣ9ττ: τ7
n. ṬŞ goetZe ṣ9τ6: ṭ8Ş finkelstein ṣ9τ6: ṣṢ9fŞ garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: σf, ṣ7Ş güterBock ṣ96ṣ: 9ṬŞ werner
ṣ96ṣ: 76fŞ garelli ṣ96ṭ: 7ṣfŞ larocHe ṣ966: Ṭ68Ş orlin ṣ97Ṣ: 76Ş gornY ṣ99τbŞ crasso ṬṢṢτŞ ṬṢṢ8.
ṣṬ7τ. References to Amkuwa alongside other toponyms are found in: Hanaknak: ICK ṣ, ṭṣb, Hattu : ICK ṣ, ṭṣbŞ
KTK ṣṢ, Kapitra: KTK ṣṢ, Lakimi a: kt n/k ṣṭ7σ, Puru haddum: AKT 6, ṣṢσ, ( a) asama: AKT 6, ṣṢσ,
inahuttum: KTK ṣṢ, Timelkiya: TPAK ṣ, Ṭ8, Ti murna: kt n/k σ8Ṭ.
ṣṬ76. Cf. ünal ṣ98σ and gornY ṣ99τb for a summary of the two divergent views. Other suggestions for the localisa-
tion of Ankuwa include cornelius ṣ967: 7Ṭ (Boğazlıyan)Ş ṣ97ṭ (west of Ali ar)Ş forlanini ṣ977 (at Boğazlıyan)Ş
ünal ṣ98Ṣ-8ṭ: ṭ8Ṣ-ṭ8ṬŞ ṣ98ṣ: στṣŞ popko ṣ99τ.
ṭṣṬ
τ.ṣṢ AMKUWA
stations were few, and šinahuttum has been suggested as the only other likely option.ṣṬ77 On
the basis of new evidence discussed in section τ.6, the association of that city with the region
of Durhumit excludes its identiication with Ali ar. Finally, the toponym Amkuwa appears
with great frequency in the texts coming from Ali ar. Five out of the ṣσ attestations of the
toponym occur in the tablets excavated there, despite the fact that there are c. ṣṣ,ṢṢṢ tablets
available from Kültepe and only 6ṭ from Ali ar.ṣṬ78
A collation of the judicial record OIP Ṭ7, ṣ8a found at Ali ar made by J. Lewy showed that
the proceedings in the text took place in front of the Station (wabartum) of Amkuwa.ṣṬ79 Some
have raised doubts about this collation, which was carried out on the basis of photographs of
the tablet from a time when it was in a better state of preservation, but at present there is no
good reason to question his results.ṣṬ8Ṣ Also the fragmented text OIP Ṭ7, ṣ7 from Ali ar relates
to the affairs of the Station of Amkuwa:ṣṬ8ṣ
The messenger and the S[tation] of Amkuwa [...]. We addressed Ha[ššua]ra, the [...] of
the king, and we said: Why has Sukkalliya sent you to the king? . And he answered:
The [...] of the man [...] who in [... large break ...]. You performed a sacriice to šamaš,
and the gold has come back in small portions, but Iddin-Kubum did not set it free for
me . He answered: The Station will carry it in the villages. You should pay the gold
[...].ṣṬ8Ṭ
The reference to the Station of Amkuwa in two out of 6ṭ tablets found at Ali ar could be
taken to support the identiication of one with the other.
The following letter from Kaneš, which refers to a confrontation between the Assyrian
traders and the local authorities in Amkuwa, adds important evidence for the location of the
city:
Thus says U ur-ša-Ištar to Ikun-piya and Suen-re i: I submitted to the king here in Ikun-
piya s presence, and he interrogated his slave girls and his slaves, which the Amkuwean
had seized. Hidašpa, the envoy of Amkuwa and of the king returned, (carrying a message
from) the Amkuwean, saying: Let the owner of the textiles come here, and let him swear
ṣṬ77. forlanini ṣ999 still has Amkuwa/Sanahwitta at Ali ar. forlanini ṬṢṢṬ locates Amkuwa at Ali ar.
ṣṬ78. All texts found at Ali ar date to the Ib period except OIP Ṭ7, 8. For a study of the texts from Ali ar, cf. Dercksen
ṬṢṢṣ. The strata belonging to the Old Assyrian Colony Period are ṣṣ T and ṣṢ T, and the texts mostly derive from
the latest subdivision of ṣṢ T, layer ṣṢc. Note also that OIP Ṭ7, σ9 from Ali ar lists six individuals, who are said
to reside in the house of the chief burullum-oficial in Amkuwa (l. 6-ṣṣ: 6 qá-qá-da-tù i-na A-ku-wa i-na be-et
Ha-pu-wa-lá bu-ru-lim GAL-i‘m u ]-bu). The document was notarised under Anitta.
ṣṬ79. lewY, J. ṣ9ṭ8: ṣṬ8 n. ṣŞ ṣ9τ6: 6ṣ n. Ṭτ7.
ṣṬ8Ṣ. gurneY ṣ97ṭ: Ṭṭσ n. 6 followed by ünal ṣ98σ: 9Ṣ. Both authors criticised the collation on grounds of their own
reluctance to accept the identiication of Ali ar with Ankuwa. Kryszat has suggested a reading of the opening
lines of the text OIP Ṭ7, ṣ, found at Ali ar as The seal of Anitta, the king of Amkuwa , (l. ṣ-Ṭ): KIšIB A-ni-ta
ru-ba-e ‘ ]a! A-ku-wa. The proposal would replace Gelb s reading of the passage (l. ṣ-Ṭ): KIšIB A-ni-ta ru-ba-e
[KIšI]B A-ku-wa , i.e. Seal of Anitta, the king. Seal of Akuwa (personal name) , cf. krYsZat ṣ999a: ṣṭṢŞ
ṬṢṢσbŞ ṬṢṢ8b ṣ97-ṣ98. The presence of a document at Ali ar in which Anitta styles himself king of Amkuwa
(and not Kuššara or Kaneš) would by itself be a strong indication in favour of identifying Ali ar with Amkuwa.
Kryszat s reading was rejected after a collation by DonBaZ ṬṢṢṣb, but defended on the basis of the copy by
krYsZat ṬṢṢ8.
ṣṬ8ṣ. The wabartum of Amkuwa appears in kt a/k ṣṢ7ṢŞ kt k/k ṣṢṣŞ OIP Ṭ7, ṣ7Ş OIP, Ṭ7, ṣ8a.
ṣṬ8Ṭ. OIP Ṭ7, ṣ7 (l. ṣ-7 ): ‘a]-li-ku-um w‘a-ba-ar-tum] a A-am-ku-w‘a] x x ‘x x] x x Ha- u-a-ra ‘x x] a ru-ba-im
ni-sí-ma um-ma ni-nu-ma mì-nam a- ‘é-e]r ru-ba-im Sú-kà-li-a ‘i ]-pu-‘ra]-kà um-ma u-ut-ma ‘... a-w]i-lim
‘...] a i-na [ṭ – τ lines missing] ‘... ta-t]a-dí-na- í ‘a-n]a dUTU ni-qí-am ta-qí-ma [KÙ].GI a-na a-he-er-tí i-
turσ-ma I-dí-Ku-bu-‘um] lá ú-ta- í-ra-ni um-ma u-ut-ma ú-ba-ar-tum i-na a-lá-ni i-na- í-‘ u] a-ta ‘KÙ.GI] ta-
a-qa‘l]. For a slightly different set of readings, cf. larsen ṣ976: Ṭ76Ş Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: σ6 n. τṢ. However, both
authors agree on the reading of the crucial w‘a-ba-ar-tum] a A-am-ku-w‘a] in the opening lines of the text.
ṭṣṭ
in Lakimišša, and then I will refund the full price for his textiles . We answered: Who is
the merchant who has sworn (in) Lakimišša? When you swear to the king by the dagger
of Aššur you may take the price of your textiles. On the same day I wrote the letter to
you, he sent a akkanakkum to Amkuwa, saying: Let your rādium come, so that he can
make the merchant swear .ṣṬ8ṭ
The passage suggests that the town of Lakimišša was located somewhere in the vicinity of
Amkuwa. The toponym Lakimissa recurs in a Hittite list of singers alongside Wattarusna,
Kanzana, Upiupiya, Lakterissa, Warhuanzana, Zakutan[x]riya, [x-x-x]issa, (Lakimissa), Wit-
witina, Harsumna, Kukuwawa.ṣṬ8σ All the toponyms listed in the text belonged to the province
of Kukuwawa, which is known to have been a northern neighbour of Kaneš during the late
Hittite Empire.ṣṬ8τ Thus, Lakimišša should probably be located on a road leading from Kül-
tepe north towards Ali ar,ṣṬ86 and again, the identiication of Ali ar with Amkuwa is probable.
A inal piece of evidence comes out of the following passage, which shows that one went
up from Amkuwa to Hattuš:
I seized you in Amkuwa, where you said: Go up to Hattuš and show me the (debt)note
with your witnesses , so I went up to Hattuš.ṣṬ87
––––––
The letter about the incident in Lakimišša gives important evidence for the political institu-
tions of Amkuwa. Firstly, the text refers to an envoy ( iprum) of the city and the king,ṣṬ88 and
shows his role as a mediator during negotiations with the Assyrian merchants. The text also
mentions a local oficial, whom the Assyrians call a akkanakkum.ṣṬ89 Finally, the letter sug-
gests that the Anatolian rādium ( guide ) was a highly placed oficial in the political and ad-
ministrative hierarchy (cf. ṣ.σ).
The letter also gives the name of one of the inhabitants of Amkuwa, the envoy Hidašpa.
Another text from Ali ar contains a long list of names of individuals coming from Amkuwa,
some of them with a clear Hittite etymology.ṣṬ9Ṣ This suggests that at least a part of the popu-
lation was Hittite-speaking at the time of the Assyrian Colonies in Anatolia, although a direct
correlation between personal names and ethnicity often oversimpliies complicated social
realties.ṣṬ9ṣ
ṣṬ8ṭ. Kt n/k ṣṭ7σ (l. ṣ-Ṭ9): um-ma Ú- ur- í-I tar-ma a-na I-ku-pí-a ú Sú-en6-SIPA qí-biσ-ma a-na-kam IGI I-ku-pí-a-
ma a-na ru-ba-im u -kà-in-ma a-ma-tí- u ú ur-dí- u a A-am-ku-wa-a i -bu-tù-ma i -a-al Hi-da-á -pá í-ip-ru-
um a A-am-ku-wa-a ú a ru-ba-im i-tù-ra-ma um-ma A-am-ku-wa-i-ú-ma be-el TÚG.HI.A li-li-kam-ma i-Lá-
ki-mì- a li-it-ma-ma í-im TÚG.HI-tí- u lu-ma-li um-ma né-nu-ma ma-nu-um DAM.GÀR!-um a Lá-ki-mì- a
it-mu-ú ru-ba-am a-na GÍR a A- ùr i-té-té-qá ta-ta-ma-ma ù í-im TÚG.HI-tí-kà ta-lá-qé i-nu-mì-im a up-pá-
am ú-lá-pì-ta-ku-ni a-kà-na-kam a-na A-am-ku-wa-a i -ta-pár um-ma u-ut-ma ra-dí-kà li-li-kam-ma tám-kà-
ra-am lu-ta-mì-ma. Cf. çeçen ṣ99Ṣ. I am grateful to H. erol for collating this text for me.
ṣṬ8σ. HT Ṭ (col. v): ṣ9 – (col. vi): τ. Cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: Ṭṣ7.
ṣṬ8τ. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ7ṭ, ṣ78Ş ṬṢṢ8b: ṣ6Ṣ-ṣ6ṣ.
ṣṬ86. Cf. forlanini ṬṢṢ8b. ṣττ, ṣ6ṣ.
ṣṬ87. ICK ṣ, ṭṣb+c, l. ṣṭ-ṬṢ: i-na A-ku-wa a -ba-at-kà-ma um-ma a-ta-ma a-na Ha-tù-u e-li-ma up-pa-am a í-be-
kà kà-li-ma-ni a-na Ha-tù-u e-li-a-ma.
ṣṬ88. What this means is unclear. Perhaps some kind of civic body is implied, cf. section ṣ.σ.
ṣṬ89. Cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: 7ṣ n. ṬṭṬ.
ṣṬ9Ṣ. OIP Ṭ7, σ9a+b. For instance šuppunuman, Peruwa, Happuwalla (the Chief barullum of Amkuwa), šuppunahšu.
ṣṬ9ṣ. The personal name Ak(k)uwa is also common in the Assyrian texts, although it is impossible to distinguish the
Anatolian name from its Assyrian homonym that may account for most of the attestations. The toponym An-
kuwa has traditionally been associated with a number of other Hittite toponyms ending in –uwa, e.g. Tapa-
panuwa, Zalpuwa, Kattimuwa, Hemuwa (cf. Bilgiç ṣ9στ-τṣ: ṣṣŞ scHuler ṣ96τ), but a variation between the
ṭṣσ
τ.ṣṢ AMKUWA
The following passage reveals that a queen of Amkuwa was herself a princess from the city
of šašasama (or šašadima):ṣṬ9Ṭ
Abu-šalim produced i urtum-documents and said: Here, are these not his i urtum-
documents (issued) by the house of the queen of Amkuwa, the sister of the king of (ša)
šasama, and the ofices of the palace?ṣṬ9ṭ
(ša)šasama is not attested elsewhere,ṣṬ9σ but since the text relates to a discussion that went on
between Abu-šalim and a high oficial in Purušhaddum, one may speculate whether the rea-
son for mentioning the queen s family is somehow related to (ša)šasama being connected to
Purušhaddum.
The reference to this interdynastic marriage, and the fact that Amkuwa was part of a mili-
tary alliance with šinahuttum and Kapitra against Hattuš (cf. τ.7), suggests that Amkuwa was
a politically important city-state in spite of its relatively trivial position in the Assyrian trade
network. The letter on the affair in Lakimišša suggests that Amkuwa held political sover-
eignty there, and the territory of Amkuwa may have stretched from Kapitra or Hattuš in the
west to the Kızılırmak in the south during the middle phase of the level II period.ṣṬ9τ Amkuwa
may have fallen under the dominance of Kaneš by the early level Ib period and long before
the conquests of Anitta,ṣṬ96 but only if a text found at Ali ar and notarised by Harpatiwa, the
rabi simmiltim of Kaneš, was actually written at the site.ṣṬ97
In Hittite times Ankuwa continued to be an important centre, and contrary to most of the
Anatolian cities of the Old Assyrian Colony Period, it survived the upheavals of the emerging
Hittite state. Crasso has recently produced a detailed summary of the Hittite history of
Ankuwa,ṣṬ98 and the following paragraphs present a simple paraphrase of her study, focussing
on the points of relevance for the historical geography.
Ankuwa appears in the early Palace Chronicles as a part of the anecdotal cycle about Aska-
liya, former City Lord of Hurma (cf. σ.ṣṢ) who had been demoted to the status of AGRIG in
names Ankuwa and Hannikuil in the Hittite text KBo ṣṢ.Ṭσ (col. iv): ṬṬ, ṭṢ led both Güterbock and Laroche
to reconstruct the ancient name of the city as *Hannik(wa) (güterBock ṣ96ṣ: 89 n. ṬṬŞ larocHe ṣ96Ṭ: Ṭ9. Cf.
also ünal ṣ98σ: 89). Since then the texts from Ma at have appeared, containing references to the name Hani(n)-
kawa (HKM τσŞ HKM ττ), and the Assyrian memorandum kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 has Hanika in the same geographical area
(cf. τ.ṭ). These appear to be homonyms of the toponym reconstructed by Güterbock. Also, it is signiicant to
note that the m/n alternation between the Assyrian and Hittite spelling of Amkuwa/Ankuwa is consistent in all
ṣσ Assyrian attestations of the toponym, which makes the reconstruction of an earlier form with /n/ less likely.
If the alternation from m to n happened after the Assyrian period, Hannikuil might be a popular etymology. The
conclusion drawn by popko ṣ99τ: Ṭτ7 on the basis of Güterbock s reconstruction, that Höchstwahrscheinlich
sind also die Ortsnamensformen Ankuwa und A(m)ku(w)a von einander zu trennen should probably be aban-
doned.
ṣṬ9Ṭ. The text belongs to the dossier the Ušinalam affair (larsen ṬṢṣṢ), dated ca. REL 88-89. Note also the refer-
ence to the ruler of Amkuwa in kt n/k σ8Ṭ (related to kt n/k ṣṭ7σ discussed above), the possible reference to the
queen and the rabi simmiltim (but probably of Kaneš) in OIP Ṭ7, τ: ṣṭ (cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: σṭ n. ṬṬ), and the
reference to the chief barullum of Amkuwa in OIP Ṭ7, σ9a+b.
ṣṬ9ṭ. AKT 6, ṣṢσ (l. ṭṢ-ṭ6): A-bu- a-lim i- ú-ra-tum ù- é- í-a-ma um-ma A-bu- a-lim-ma a-ma lá i- ú-ra-tù- u a É
A-am-ku-a-i-tim a-ha-at ru-ba-im a- a-sá-ma-i-im ù tí-ra-at e-kál-lim.
ṣṬ9σ. The text may also be read a-ha-at ru-ba-im a a-sá-ma-i-im and the toponym could then be related to the topo-
nym Sasimuwa, probably in the district of Ankuwa, cf. crasso ṬṢṢ8: 9ṣ. A less convincing equation would be
Sassuna (Sassama → *Sassuma → Sassuna), which occurs in the recently published Hittite text Bo ṬṢṢσ/ṣ, cf.
loretZ & rieken ṬṢṢ7. Cf. also Sasipuwa in n. ṣṢ7ṣ.
ṣṬ9τ. The letter belongs to the correspondence of U ur-ša-Ištar, whose activities are dated c. REL 98-ṣṣṣ, cf. Barja-
Movic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣṬ96. forlanini ṣ99τ: ṣṬσŞ BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣṬ97. Cf. krYsZat ṬṢṢ8b: ṬṢṢff.
ṣṬ98. crasso ṬṢṢ8. See also ünal ṣ98σ.
ṭṣτ
Ankuwa.ṣṬ99 The village of Wastissa in the province of Ankuwa occurs in one of the early land
donations,ṣṭṢṢ and the city appears in a number of cultic itineraries dated to the Old Hittite
period. The latter show the travelling distance between Hattusa and Ankuwa was three or four
days,ṣṭṢṣ and that the journey from Zippalanda to Ankuwa via Mount Taha took only one
day.ṣṭṢṬ This has led to the identiication of Zippalanda with ‘adır Höyük or U aklı Höyük
and Mount Taha with Kerkenes Dağ.ṣṭṢṭ
Ankuwa occurs a few times in other contexts, e.g. as the origin of cultic singers, as the seat
of the Hattian goddess Katahha and a hypostasis of Apara of Samuha.ṣṭṢσ The royal family
traditionally appointed some of its most prominent members to rule Ankuwa, and a number
of texts refer to the House of the city Ankuwa , which may be interpreted as a palace, a
temple, or even a storage held by the city in Hattusa.ṣṭṢτ Ankuwa served as garrison city for
the army of Mursili I during his Hurrian campaigns,ṣṭṢ6 and it often functioned as winter quar-
ters, e.g. for the army of Mursili II.ṣṭṢ7 Both sources suggest that Ankuwa was situated in a
fertile region that was capable of generating a large agricultural surplus.
The regional survey of the Ali ar Plain conirmed the great agricultural capacity of the re-
gion in antiquity, although 66Ḫ less land was under the plough before the introduction of the
tractor and the lack of artiicial fertilisers meant that half of the agricultural had to lie fallow
each year.ṣṭṢ8 Also, Ali ar was the uncontested central site in the settlement hierarchy of the
plain since EB II, although both Salur and ‘adır grew noticeably in size during the Hittite
Imperial Period.
Prior to the renewed survey activity on the plains surrounding Ali ar, Gorny subjected the
results of the old excavations of the site of Ali ar to a thorough investigation and conducted
new investigations at the site.ṣṭṢ9 He went though the inds from the early campaigns in great
detail and rejected the widespread idea that the archaeological data from Ali ar went against
what we know about the history of Ankuwa. He showed that the Ṭ m thick refuse layer , full
of charcoal and ash, which the earlier excavators did not know how to interpret, actually had
ṣṬ99. Cf. DarDano ṣ997: σ6-σ7.

ṣṭṢṢ. crasso ṬṢṢ8: 9ṣ. The land donation LS Ṭ mentions the city of Tuhpiya (τ.9), and Crasso would also read (obv.
Ṭṣ): [URUAnku]-waKI. Even if the restoration is correct, the individual donations in the grant do not have to be
topographically related.
ṣṭṢṣ. KBo ṣṢ.ṬṢ, cf. güterBock ṣ96Ṣ: 8Ṣ-89. The itinerary is: Hattusa, Haitta, Hurranassa, Zippalanda, Ankuwa.
KUB Ṭτ.Ṭ8, cf. gelB ṣ9ṭτ: 9. The itinerary is: Hattusa, Imralla, Hupigassa, Ankuwa. Cf. also goetZe ṣ9τ7: 9ṣffŞ
forlanini ṣ977: ṬṢσŞ crasso ṬṢṢ8: 9σ.
ṣṭṢṬ. On the basis of KUB ṬṢ.96, popko ṣ99τ: ṬτṭŞ ṬṢṢṢ locates Zippalanda at Alaca Höyük and has to move Ankuwa
with it. His suggests locating Ankuwa at Eskiyapar. The Old Assyrian connection with Lakimišša shows that this
is not a viable suggestion unless one distinguishes Assyrian Amkuwa from Hittite Ankuwa (cf. fn. ṣṬ9ṣ above).
Note also his discussion (popko 1994: 182-185) of the King s cultic journey in a chariot described in KBo
ṣṭ.Ṭṣσ. The ruler travels from Zippalanda to either Katapa or Ankuwa depending on the time of the year, and
Popko argues that Katapa must have been located only one day s travel from Amkuwa. Since Katapa was used
as a base against the Kaska, he concludes that both cities should be located north of Hattusa. The premise as well
as the result of this discussion seems be wrong.
ṣṭṢṭ. g. D. suMMers, f. suMMers & aHMet ṣ99τŞ gurneY ṣ99τŞ gornY ṣ997. The topographical interpretation pro-
posed in crasso ṬṢṢ8: 96 is based on the location of the gates at Hattusa and should probably be rejected, cf.
section τ.8.
ṣṭṢσ. J. L. Miller ṬṢṢσŞ crasso ṬṢṢ6.
ṣṭṢτ. Alongside the other houses mentioned in the list about the KI.LAM-festival, which was celebrated in the capital.
Cf. singer ṣ98σ: ṬṢ-Ṭṣ.
ṣṭṢ6. keMpinsk & košak ṣ98Ṭ.
ṣṭṢ7. goetZe ṣ9ṭṭ: ṭ6-ṭ7 (Year Ṭ: KUB ṣτ.ṣσ (col. i): Ṭṣ), ṣṭṢ-ṣṭṣ (Year 9: KBo σ.σ (col. iii): τ6), ṣσṢ-ṣσṣ (Year ṣṣ:
KBo σ.σ (col. iv): 54-ττ), ṣτṬ-ṣτṭ (Year ṣ9*: KBo τ.8 (col. ii): 7).
ṣṭṢ8. Cf. Branting ṣ996Ş gornY ṣ99ṢŞ gornY ṣ99τŞ gornY et al. ṬṢṢṢ.
ṣṭṢ9. gornY ṣ99ṢŞ ṣ99τ.
ṭṣ6
τ.ṣṣ WAšHANIYA
to mark the Late Hittite occupation, which had ended in a conlagration.ṣṭṣṢ Doing so, he re-
moved the most severe obstacle against the identiication of Ankuwa with Ali ar, namely that
the site seemingly had no occupation during the imperial period.
5.11 Wa haniyaṣṭṣṣ
Wašhaniya is attested in more than 7Ṣ texts dated to the Old Assyrian Colony PeriodŞ it occurs
in a large number of itineraries, and its cluster is clear and well-deined. Wašhaniya has long
been known to be a neighbour of both Kaneš and Ninašša owing to a detailed itinerary found
in the memorandum TC ṭ, ṣ6τ (see below). Sources that have become available more re-
cently conirm this view, although the accepted location of Wašhaniya on the southern (left)
bank of the Kızılırmak may be incorrect.
Athurušna ṣ Ninašša 7
Baniharzum ṣ Purušhaddum σ
Durhumit ṭ šalatuwar ṣ
Hahhum Ṭ šinahuttum ṣ
Hanaknak ṣ Tegarama ṣ
Hattuš Ṭ Tišmurna ṣ
Hattum ṣ Tuhpiya Ṭ
Kattila ṣ Ulama Ṭ
Kuburnat ṣ Wahšušana ṣτ
Malitta ṣ Zuhta ṣ
Mamma ṣ
Table Ṭ9: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Wašhaniya.
Wahšušana and Ninašša dominate the cluster, both in absolute frequency and when the pro-
portion of itineraries is compared to the total number of attestations.ṣṭṣṬ Although Wahšušana
appears more often than Ninašša, the number of itineraries suggests that Ninašša was more
closely linked to Wašhaniya.
ṣṭṣṢ. gornY ṣ997.

ṣṭṣṣ. Attestations of Wašhaniya are found in: kt 87/k ṣστŞ kt 87/k σṭτŞ kt 89/k ṬṬ8Ş kt 89/k Ṭ7σŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k
ṣṭ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ7ṭŞ kt 9Ṭ/k 9Ş kt 9σ/k Ṭ8ṢbŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ7ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ9σŞ kt 9σ/k σṬ6Ş kt 9σ/k σσṬŞ kt 9σ/k σ9ṬŞ kt 9σ/k
σ9ṭŞ kt 9σ/k 7Ṭ6Ş kt ṢṢ/k 7Ş ṢṢ/k ṣσŞ kt a/k σṣṣŞ kt a/k τṬ6Ş kt a/k τṬ7Ş AKT Ṭ, 6Ş AKT σ, ṣ6Ş AKT τ, 6Ş AKT 6,
ṣṬ7aŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ AnOr 6, ṣσŞ ATHE 66Ş BIN σ, ṣṣṭŞ BIN 6, σŞ BIN 6, 9Ş BIN 6, ṣ79Ş CCT Ṭ, ṭṣaŞ CCT Ṭ, ṭτŞ
CCT σ, ṣ6cŞ CCT τ, ṣṢbŞ CCT τ, ṣτbŞ CTMMA ṣ, 8ṢŞ kt d/k σŞ kt e/k ṭσŞ kt g/k ṣ8τŞ HS Ṭ9ṭṬŞ I τ7σŞ I 7τṭŞ ICK
ṣ, 9ṬŞ JCS ṣσ, τŞ kt j/k ṭσṢŞ kt k/k 78Ş KTK τŞ KTK 6Ş KTP ṣσŞ KTP ṭṣŞ kt m/k ṣσṭŞ kt n/k Ṭ7a+bŞ kt n/k Ṭ9Ş kt
n/k ṣṢτṬŞ kt n/k ṣṬτṣŞ kt n/k ṣτ8ṬŞ OIP Ṭ7, τσŞ RA τ8, ṣṭσ (Goud. ṭ)Ş RC ṣ7σ9DŞ TC ṣ, σŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ9Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ
TC ṭ, 6ṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣσ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ TMH ṣ, ṭdŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣṢṢŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭ8Ş VS Ṭ6, σ6.
ṣṭṣṬ. The attestations of Wašhaniya together with other cities are found in: Athuru na: kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ, Baniharzum:
AKT τ, 6, Durhumit: AKT τ, 6Ş AKT τ, 6Ş CCT τ, ṣṢb, Hahhum: kt 9σ/k 7Ṭ6Ş kt n/k ṣṢτṬ, Hanaknak: AKT τ,
6, Hattu : kt 89/k Ṭ7σŞ AKT τ, 6, Hattum: CCT τ, ṣτb, Kattila: BIN 6, 9, Kuburnat: AKT τ, 6, Malitta: OIP
Ṭ7, τσ, Mamma: kt n/k ṣṢτṬ, Nina a: kt n/k ṣτ8ṬŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE 66Ş HS Ṭ9ṭṬŞ TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ VS
Ṭ6, ṭ8, Puru haddum: CCT τ, ṣτbŞ TC ṭ, ṣσ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ VS Ṭ6, σ6, alatuwar: kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ, inahuttum:
AKT τ, 6, Tegarama: TC ṭ, 6Ṣ, Ti murna: AKT τ, 6, Tuhpiya: kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ AKT τ, 6, Ulama: CCT τ, ṣṢbŞ TC
ṭ, ṣ6τ, Wah u ana: kt 87/k ṣστŞ kt ṢṢ/k 7Ş AKT 6, ṣṬ7aŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE 66Ş CCT Ṭ, ṭṣaŞ CCT Ṭ, ṭτŞ CCT
σ, ṣ6cŞ KTK τŞ KTP ṣσŞ kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ OIP Ṭ7, τσŞ RA τ8, ṣṭṬ (Goud. ṭ)Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭ8, Zuhta: AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ.
All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes
a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṭṣ7
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hattuš
Ninašša
Purušhaddum
Tuhpiya
Ulama
Wahšušana
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16
Graph 21: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Wa haniya. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
The memorandum TC ṭ, ṣ6τ records a series of expenditures on a journey from Kaneš to

Purušhaddum:
I had an expense of Ṭ minas of tin on guards, lodgings and donkey-fodder from Kaneš to
Wašhaniya. The palace took Ṭṣ shekels of tin as nishātum-tax. The ka um-oficial took
[...] minas. The town prefect took 9 ṣ/Ṭ mina of tin. ṬṢ shekels of copper for the attorney.
I had an expense of ṣṢ minas of copper [on] lodgings and donkey fodder from Ušhaniya
to Ninašša. The palace took Ṭσ shekels of tin as nishātum-tax. The town prefect took τ
shekels of tin. The ka um, the [kum]rum-priest and the staff holder took ṣṢ ṣ/Ṭ shekel
of tin. Two minas of copper for the attorney. I had an expense of ṣṢ minas (of copper) on
stabling, donkey-fodder and lodgings from Ninašša to Ulama. The ka um-oficial took
τ minas of copper. The attorney took ṣṢ minas of copper. I had an expense of ṣṢ minas
of copper on lodgings, ṣṢ minas of copper for donkey-fodder and ṭṢ minas of copper for
smuggling from Ulama to Purušhaddum ... I gave ṬṢ shekels of silver to the porters from
Kaneš to Wašhaniya. I gave ṣ7 ṣ/ṭ shekels of silver to the porters and my escort.ṣṭṣṭ
Due to its structure and detailed account, the text has played a key role in the study of the
historical geography of Anatolia west of Kaneš. Some scholars have assumed that each entry
– from Kaneš to Wašhaniya to Ninašša to Ulama to Purušhaddum represents a single day s
ṣṭṣṭ. TC ṭ, ṣ6τ (l. ṣ-ṭṢ): Ṭ ma-na AN.NA lu ma- a-r‘a-tim] lu É wa-áb-ri lu ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE i -tù Ka-ni-i a-dí Wa-
á -ha-ni-a ag-mu-ur ṣ/ṭ ma-na ṣ GÍN AN.NA ni-is-ha-tim É.GAL-lúm i‘lτ-qé x] ma-na kà- um ilτ-qé 9 ṣ/Ṭ
ma.‘na AN].NA be?-‘el?] a-limki ilτ-qé ṣ/ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na ra-biσ- í-im ṣṢ ma-na URUDU i-‘na] É wa-bi-ri
ù ‘ú]-ku-ul-tí ANšE i -tú U -ha-ni-a a-dí Ni-na- a-a ag-mu-ur ṣ/ṭ ma-na σ GÍN AN.NA É.GAL-lúm ni-is-ha-
tim ilτ-qé τ GÍN AN.NA be-el a-limki ilτ-qé ṣṢ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA kà- u-um ku-um -ru-um ù be-el ha- í-tim ilτ-qé-
ú Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na ra-biσ- í-im ṣṢ ma-na lu i -pá-da-lu lu ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE ù É wa-biσ-ri i -tù Ni-na- a-a
a-na Ú-lá-ma ug-mu-ur τ ma-na URUDU kà- u-um ilτ-qé ṣṢ ma-na URUDU ra-biσ- ú-um ilτ-qé ṣṢ ma-na
URUDU É wa-biσ-ri ṣṢ ma-na URUDU ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE ṭṢ ma-na URUDU a-na pá-zu-ur-tim i -tù Ú-lá-ma
a-dí Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ag-mu-ur ... (l. σṭ-σ7): ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i -tú Ka-ni-i a-dí Wa-a -ha-ni-a a- a
biσ-lá-tim a-dí-in ṣ7 ṣ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tú Wa-a -ha-ni-a a-dí Ú-lá-ma a- a biσ-lá-tim ù mu-qá-ri-biσ-a
a-dí-in. Cf. veenHof 1972: 333; nasHef 1987: τṢ-τṭŞ Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṢ.
ṭṣ8
journey – and that the amounts spent on lodgings refer to one night each.ṣṭṣσ This idea was
grounded in the commonly accepted suggestion that the mound of Acemhöyük is to be identi-
ied with ancient Purušhaddum. If each stop on the route corresponded to one day of travel,
then Acemhöyük c. ṬṢṢ km west of Kültepe could be reached in four days of fast travel-
ling.ṣṭṣτ
But fees spent on lodgings and porters are high (cf. ṣ.7, table τ), and although the author
was escorting an attorney and had the fellowship of a group of porters and a guard on the irst
part of his journey, a more convincing explanation is that all fees spent on lodgings were
summed up under each city. It is signiicant that all the author s expenses for fodder and ac-
commodation appear under a single entry, except on the last stretch between Ulama and
Purušhaddum (cf. τ.ṣṭ, table ṭṬ). Here lodging, fodder and transport costs (listed as smugg-
ling) are singled out, and together they amount to about ive times the fees paid between
Wašhaniya and Ninašša. Assuming that the price of transport is proportionate with the di-
stance travelled, it suggests that Purušhaddum was located at a much greater distance from
Ulama than Wašhaniya was from Ninašša (cf. τ.ṣ6).
The direct route between Kaneš and Purušhaddum is rarely mentioned in other texts, and
TC ṭ, ṣ6τ is the only clear itinerary to connect those two important centres of trade.ṣṭṣ6 This
is due to the way in which the Assyrian merchants telescope their accounts and only mention
the individual stops under exceptional circumstances. To judge from the number of indirect
references to journeys between Kaneš and Purušhaddum, the route via Wašhaniya to the west
was very busy.
Most of the available itineraries relate to trafic from Kaneš to Wahšušana via Wašhaniya
and Ninašša. In Wahšušana large amounts of tin and textiles coming from Assur were sold,
and the route from Kaneš intersected the copper road. A few itineraries provide direct evi-
dence for the route between Kaneš and Wahšušana, and a much larger number of texts tele-
scope one or more stages on the journey and jump e.g. between Wahšušana and, Wašhaniya,
Ninašša and Wašhaniya, or šalatuwar and Wašhaniya:
I sold Ṭ talents ṣτ minas of copper in your mother Yatalka s presence in Wahšušana. I

likewise sold one textile to Hanu in Wašhaniya for σṢ minas of copper.ṣṭṣ7
As for the copper, you wrote and said: Let the man of Ninašša convey ṬṢ minas of cop-
per in a sikkum-transport as far as Wašhaniya.ṣṭṣ8
I had an expense of ṣṢ minas of copper for the fodder for the perdum, my provisions and
the provisions for my servant in the Land of šalatuwar. I paid τ minas for the sundries
that are in my possession. I took out and had an expense of ṬṢ minas of copper in
[Wah u ana]. I had an expense of τ minas of copper for the bridge ... I had an expense of
ṣṭṣσ. forlanini ṣ98τ: σ6Ş nasHef ṣ99Ṭ: ṣṭ7.

ṣṭṣτ. The distance of ṣṬṢ km given in Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṭ is less than the ṣ6τ km separating them as the crow lies.
Even if one travelled west through the dificult Cappadocian landscape from Kültepe to Acemhöyük, the dis-
tance between the two sites would require the Assyrian caravan to move at a speed of τṢ km per day, which
seems unrealistic.
ṣṭṣ6. A possible exception is VS Ṭ6, σ6, which reads: 7 ṣ/Ṭ shekels: rent of a donkey for Wašhaniya. ṣτ shekels: rent
for grazing ... They have not (yet) settled the Ṭ ṣ/ṭ minas – your expense for Purušhaddum. (l. ṣṬ-ṣσ: 7 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN
ig-re-e ANšE a Wa-á -ha-ni-a ṣτ GÍN ig-re-e na-áb-ri-tim ... (l. Ṭσ-Ṭ6): Ṭ ṣ/ṭ ma-na ga-ma-ar-kà a Pu-ru-u -
ha-dim ú-la i -ku-nu).
ṣṭṣ7. Kt 87/k ṣστ (l. ṣṢ-ṣσ): Ṭ GÚ ṣτ ma-na URUDU i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na IGI I-a-tal-kà um-mì-kà a-dí-na-kum ṣ
TÚG a-na Ha-nu a Wa-a -ha-ni-a a-na σṢ ma-na URUDU a-dí-in-ma.
ṣṭṣ8. RA τ8, ṣṭṬ (Gou. ṭ) (l. ṭ-7): a-dí URUDU ta-á -pu-ra-am um-ma a-ta-ma ṬṢ GÚ URUDU i-sí-ki-im Ni-na- a-
i-um a-dí Wa-á -ha-ni-a li-pu- a-am. For the sikkum cf. ṣ.σ.
ṭṣ9
ṣτ minas of copper in Ninašša. I paid ṣṢ minas for the hireling who was delayed with
me. I gave them to him in Wašhaniya. He took τ minas of copper (straight away). He left
Ninašša, and in Athurušna they took (the remaining) τ minas of copper on my account.ṣṭṣ9
All three examples connect Wašhaniya and Ninašša to Wahšušana and the copper road. The
last text also refers to a city named Athurušna, and the passage has been used to locate the city
between Wašhaniya and Ninašša.ṣṭṬṢ But only the servant seems to have proceeded from
Ninašša to Athurušna while the author continued on to Wašhaniya. Athurušna probably has to
be placed on a separate route.
In addition to the road that went through Ninašša to Wahšušana, at least one more route
connected Kaneš to Wahšušana. It came from Kaneš and passed Wašhaniya and Malitta:ṣṭṬṣ
I paid Ṭ/ṭ shekels of silver less 6 ṣ/Ṭ grain on behalf of Ali-ahum son of Adad-bani,
which were (expenses) from Kaneš to Wašhaniya. I also paid the ṭ shekels of tin that
were the expenses for his donkey in Wašhaniya. I paid ṣṬ shekels of tin for lodgings in
Wašhaniya. His purchases: ṭ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin. τ shekels of tin in Malitta. [x] shekels of
tin at the purchase of his donkey. [x] shekels of tin: salary for the guide, who went with
us from Wašhaniya to Malitta. From Malitta to Wahšušana I paid ṭ minas of ikkum-
copper for the salary hire of a Malittian guide.ṣṭṬṬ
The following passage shows that this particular route to Wahšušana was referred to as the
Malitta road :
At the place where the Malitta road to Wahšušana opens ...ṣṭṬṭ
The Malitta road may have been distinct from the Tawiniya road mentioned in ATHE 6ṭ (cf.
τ.8), which could also be used to reach Wahšušana. Or perhaps the two roads shared a part of
their course before splitting out in separate directions. Maybe the speciic situation in ATHE
6ṭ required that the travellers continue on the Tawiniya branch longer than usual before
changing their direction to Wahšušana. In either case, the Tawiniya road may have passed
through Wašhaniya. The position of Wašhaniya and the course of the Malitta road in relation
to Kaneš, Ninašša and Wahšušana is suggested by the following memorandum, which implies
ṣṭṣ9. Kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣṢ) i-na ma-at a-la-tù-ar ṣṢ ma-na URUDU ú-ku-ul-tí pá-ar-dim ú-ku-ul-tí ù ú-ku-ul-tí ú-
ha-ri-a ag-mu-ur a-na sà-he-er-tim a qá-tí-a τ! ma-na URUDU á -qú-ul ṬṢ ma-na URUDU i-na ‘...] ú- é- í-
ma ag-mu-ur τ ma-na URUDU a-na tí-tù-r‘i]-im á -qúl ... (l. ṣṬ-ṬṬ) i-na Ni-na- a-a ṣτ ma-na URUDU ag-mu-
ur ṣṢ ma-na ‘a]-na ag-ri-im ‘ a] i -tí-a is-hu-ru ‘á -q]ul i-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a a-dí- u-um τ ma-na URUDU ilτ-qé
i -tù Ni-na- a-a ú- í-ma i-na At-hu-ru-u -na τ ma-na URUDU i- é-ri-a ilτ-qé-ú.
ṣṭṬṢ. BaYraM ṣ997: σσŞ forlanini ṬṢṢ9b: τṢ.
ṣṭṬṣ. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ78Ş ṬṢṢ9b: 6ṣ discusses the location of Malitta based on the Hittite evidence. In the more
recent article he locates the city at Kesikköprü on the Kızılırmak south of Kır ehir. Note that KBo Ṭ6.ṣ8Ṭ (col.
iv): 8-9 may refer to Arnuwanda and the mountain of the city Malit‘ta], but leBrun ṣ98σ: 6Ṣ-6ṣ reads: URUMa-
li-ma-l‘i-ya]).
ṣṭṬṬ. OIP Ṭ7, τσ (l. ṣ-ṬṬ): Ṭ/ṭ GÍN LÁ 6 ṣ/Ṭ šE KÙ.BABBAR a i -tù Kà-ni-i a-dí U -ha-ni-a a- u-mì A-lá-hi-im
DUMU dIM-ba-ni á -qúl ṭ GÍN AN.NA da-at e-ma-ri- u i-na U -ha-ni-a-ma á -qúl ṣṬ GÍN AN.NA a-na É
ub-ri i-na U -ha-ni-a a-dí-in ki-i -da-tù- u ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA τ GÍN AN.NA i-na Ma-li-ta [x] GÍN AN.NA i-na
ki-i -da-at ‘e]-ma-ri- u [x] GÍN AN.NA ig-ri ‘r]a-de8-e-em a i -t‘ù] U -ha-ni-a a-na Ma-li-‘ta] i -tí-ni i-li-ku
ṭ ma-na URUDU í-ku-um i -tù Ma-li-ta-a a-dí Wa-ah- u- a-na ig-re-e ra-de8-e-em Ma-li-ta-i-im á -qúl. The
function of the rādium as escort from city to city suggests that the traveller for whom the account was made was
acting in some oficial capacity. For a similar example, cf. kt n/k Ṭṣṣ in section τ.τ.
ṣṭṬṭ. TC ṣ, τṭ: (rev. l. ṣ -σ ): ‘a]- ar ha-ra-an Ma-li-ta-ma a-‘n]a ‘Wa]-ah- u- a-na i-ta-á‘p-té-ú]. Both TC ṣ, τṭ and
ATHE 6ṭ use the emphatic enclitic –ma, perhaps in apposition to an implicit main route Kaneš-Wašhaniya-
Ninašša-Wahšušana?
ṭṬṢ
that Wašhaniya was located on the northern (right) bank of the Kızılırmak.ṣṭṬσ The text con-
tains some obvious parallels to TC ṭ, ṣ6τ:
ṣ/ṭ shekel of silver for the attorney, [… shekels] for the bridge keeper – all this I paid in
Kaneš. From Kaneš to Wašhaniya, [I paid] ṣṢ shekels of tin [for] our lodgings and our
provisions. In Wašhaniya the palace took 6 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin as nishātum-tax. ṭ shekels
of tin (for) the ka um-oficial. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin (for) his staff-bearer. Ṭ minas of cop-
per for lodgings. ṭ minas of copper for the attorney for (his expenses in) Wašhaniya.
They took 6 ṣ/ṭ shekels of tin as nishātum-tax in the territory of Zuhta. Half a mina of
copper for the escort. All this pertaining to Wašhaniya. From Wašhaniya to Ninašša [they
took x] shekels of tin as nishātum-tax. Ṭ shekels of tin (for) the ka um-oficial. ṣ mina
of copper for the bridge keeper. [x] minas of copper for our lodgings. Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ mina of cop-
per (for) the attorney. All of this pertaining to Ninašša. In Wahšušana ... ṣṭṬτ
The author of this memorandum was almost certainly Ennam-Aššur son of šalim-Aššur, who
recorded the expenses related to the journey of his attorney Ababa when the two went on a
mission to collect evidence for the lawsuit following šalim-Aššur s death.ṣṭṬ6 The attorney
travelled from Kaneš to Wahšušana, and appears to have remained there for a period. The
remainder of the party travelled to the family house in Durhumit and waited for Ababa
there.ṣṭṬ7 The upper third of the tablet is missing, but the preserved part records that the travel-
lers left Kaneš and crossed a bridge on their way to Wašhaniya. They passed through the ter-
ritory of a city named Zuhta, which is unknown from other texts. In Zuhta the party paid a
modest tax as they had done in Wašhaniya. The section ends with the statement that all the
expenses (apparently including those in Zuhta) pertain to Wašhaniya. The travellers crossed
another bridge and reached Ninašša.
The references to bridge tolls provide important evidence for the location of Wašhaniya,
since the number of large watercourses in the region west of Kültepe is low. Unfortunately,
the principle according to which the text was structured is not entirely clear: expenses are
noted under separate headings, but the internal order of the items listed under each heading
may not follow a chronological order. For instance, the toll for the irst bridge appears under
the section on Kaneš and the second one under Ninašša, but the fees for the second bridge
appear before the lodgings and after the oficial s charges paid in Ninašša.
Several options present themselves (cf. map ṣσ). The two bridges may have crossed some
of the smaller watercourses in the region such as the Sarımsaklı and the Damsa brook that
passes through Ürgüp. This would place Ninašša in the region west of Nev ehir and Wašhaniya
in the barrens west of Boğazköprü.ṣṭṬ8 If the second bridge was located after Ninašša on the
way to Wahšušana, Wašhaniya cold be placed around Ürgüp or Avanos.ṣṭṬ9 If the two bridges
ṣṭṬσ. Contra forlanini passimŞ BrYce ṣ98ṭ: 7σŞ MicHel ṬṢṢṬ.

ṣṭṬτ. AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ (l. σ-Ṭσ): ṣ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na ra-biσ- í-im [x GÍN a-]na a tí-tù-ri-im mì-ma a-ni-‘im] i -
Kà-ni-i -ma á -qú-ul i -tù Kà-‘ni-i ] ‘a-]dí Wa-á -ha-ni-a ṣṢ GÍN AN.NA lu ‘a-na] É ub-ri lu a-na ú-ku-ul-tí-
ni ‘á -qú-ul] i-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a 6 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA ni-is-ha-tim e-kál-lam! ilτ-qé ṭ GÍN AN.NA kà- u-um ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
GÍN AN.NA a ha- í- u Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na É ub-ri ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na ra-biσ- í-im ‘a W]a-á -ha-ni-‘a]
6 ṣ/ṭ GÍN AN.NA ni-‘is]- ha-tim i-na ‘ba]-té-e a Zu-ùh -ta ilτ-qé -ú ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na mu-qá-ri-bi-
im mì-ma a-nim a Wa-á -ha-ni-a i -‘tù] Wa-á -ha-ni-a a-dí Né-na- a- a [x G]ÍN AN.NA ni-is-ha-tim ‘ilτ-qé-ú]
Ṭ GÍN [AN].NA kà- u-um ṣ ma.‘na URUDU a-na ]a tí-tù-ri-‘im] ṣ ma-na URUDU ‘a-na É u]b-ri-ni Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ
ma-na UR[UDU] r‘a-bi- ú-]um mì-ma a-nim a Né-na- a-a i-n‘a Wa]-ah- u- a-na ... (The alternate reading
Zu-uh-ta suggested in larsen ṬṢṣṢ: Ṭ7Ṭ instead of Lá-hu-ta seems to it the traces better).
ṣṭṬ6. larsen ṬṢṣṢ: introduction and texts AKT 6, ṬṢ8-Ṭ9τ.
ṣṭṬ7. Cf. larsen ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣṭṬ8. On the maps produced by the British War Ofice a century ago, this area appears as Suvermez Dağ , i.e. the
Mountain Without Water .
ṣṭṬ9. The location favoured by forlanini ṣ977 to ṬṢṢ9b.
ṭṬṣ
Fig. 39: The dificult terrain south of the Kızılırmak.
crossed the Kızılırmak, this would place Wašhaniya within the bend of the river. This would in
turn imply that also the Malitta and the Tawiniya roads were located on the right bank of the
river, and that they were alternative way to reach Wahšušana without passing through Ninašša.
If the bridges crossed the Kızılırmak, this would mean that the main route from Kaneš to
the lands west and north would have avoided the Cappadocian Plateau.ṣṭṭṢ Ninašša would be
located on the western bank of the river and the travellers had to cross a bridge again after
leaving Wašhaniya – perhaps at the long-established crossing at Ke ikköprü south of Kır ehir.
Fig. 40: The barren lands of Suvermez Dağ west of Boğazköprü.
ṣṭṭṢ. The Persian Royal Road passed south of the Kızılırmak, the main Roman road crossed the river instead, and by
Byzantine times only the road on the inside of the bend was used. Plainly, the route inside the bend depends upon
regional political stability and the existence of bridges. Cf. HilD & restle ṣ98ṣŞ frencH ṣ998Ş talBert ṬṢṢṢ.
ṭṬṬ
Map 16: Possible locations of Wa haniya. The map shows the major known sites dating to the Colony Pe-
riod in the region and the possible roads to Nina a. Two roads cross the minor streams of the Sarımsaklı
and the Ürgüp Deresi, the third crosses the Kızılırmak twice. Wa haniya would accordingly be located ei-
ther inside the bend of the Kızılırmak or in the area of Ürgüp and Nev ehir.
If a less common route to Wahšušana crossed the Kızılırmak and headed for Tawiniya, there
is no reason why the main road could not have done the same.
The position of Wašhaniya at the junction of the two roads to Malitta and Ninašša can be
combined with the following passage, which suggests that Wašhaniya was located close to a
crossroad that controlled access to the regions of Hattum and Purušhaddum. The two roads to
Hattum and Purušhaddum may correspond to the roads to Malitta and Ninašša.
The king of Wašhaniya came here. He has kept me from going to Purušhaddum or Hattum.
I will wait for τ days, and if he has not set the road to Hattum free, then I will seal the [sil-
ver] and leave one of my servants to take care of my copper, while I will myself take every
single mina of silver that they brought out from Purušhaddum and go to Kaneš.ṣṭṭṣ
The context does not reveal where the author of the letter resided. It may be that he was stay-
ing in Wašhaniya, and that the ruler has just returned to his city. But this would normally be
expressed with the verb tu ārum,ṣṭṭṬ and it seems more likely that king had come into some
other city and prevented the Assyrian merchants from trading there for political reasons.
–––––
ṣṭṭṣ. CCT τ, ṣτb (l. σ-Ṭσ): [a-na]-kam ru-ba-um ‘Wa-á] -ha-na- i -um ‘i]-li-kam a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ù Ha-tim ik-
ta-lá-ni a-dí-i τ! uσ-me-e ú-ta-qá-ma u-ma ‘h]a-ra-nam a-na ‘Ha-t]im lá ú-ta- é-er [KÙ.BABBAR a]-kà-na-
ak-ma ‘i-n]a ú-ha-ri-i-a ṣ i -té-en6 i-na a-ha-at URUDU-i-a e-zi-ib-ma ù a-na-ku i -tí KÙ.BABBAR-pì-im ṣ
ma-na a i -tù Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ú- é- í-ú-ni-ni ‘a-t]a-be-a-ma ‘a-na] Kà-ni-i ‘a-ta-l]a-kam. For ú-ta-qá-ma
(Dt ṣ. sg. prs. wqû), cf. Hecker ṣ968: §97e.
ṣṭṭṬ. Cf. e.g. kt g/k ṣ8τ in fn. ṣṭṭ7 below.
ṭṬṭ
Wašhaniya is mentioned a number of times in relation to a conlict that took place in ṣ86ṣ
(REL ṣṢ8),ṣṭṭṭ which involved Tawiniya and Kaneš. The Assyrian merchant Aššur-taklaku
was arrested and charged with spying for the king of Tawiniya (cf. τ.8):
Two months passed since the palace seized Aššur-taklaku and then the Colony went up
to the palace and said: Free Aššur-taklaku. He wished no sin or evil upon you. He has a
house among us in your city, and with us, he stands at your service . The king and the
queen replied: Bring me the man who sent the letter from Tawiniya, who carried out the
wishes of our enemy, and who seeks our head, then I shall set your brother free .ṣṭṭσ
The king of Wašhaniya called upon us, saying: Come up here, and let the secretary (of
the Station) come up together with you . We went up to the palace, and the secretary
looked at the message that Qatimum wrote to Aššur-taklaku. We said: This is not your
letter. The owner of this letter is staying in Kaneš. Release the message to us, so that we
may send it to its owner in Kaneš . (But) he replied: I will send it to the king of Kaneš .ṣṭṭτ
The arrest was caused by a letter sent from Tawiniya to Aššur-taklaku that was seized in
Wašhaniya. A dossier of texts from the archive of Aššur-taklaku related to this incident is be-
ing prepared for publication by Cécile Michel,ṣṭṭ6 who currently thinks that Aššur-taklaku
was taken into custody in Wašhaniya and that the king and queen quoted in the irst letter are
the royal couple of that city. However, in the light of the second letter it seems more probable
that the king of Wašhaniya, who had somehow gotten hold of the letter, sent it to his ally in
Kaneš. The ruling couple then arrested Aššur-taklaku in Kaneš, where he had a house and
where the letter from Wašhaniya says he stayed.
Texts from other archives may relate to the same situation, or Wašhaniya may have been
involved in several conlicts during the ṭṢ-year period documented by our sources. One text
refers directly to the king of Wašhaniya participating in a sikkātum (cf. ṣ.6):
The day the King of Wašhaniya returns from the sikkātum,ṣṭṭ7
Furthermore, a series of documents show that the Assyrian traders were at one point pre-
vented from passing through Wašhaniya:
I wrote to you, saying: Hire some porters (from Kaneš) to bring my tin to Ninašša . I
hear that they will not set travellers free to go to Wašhaniya. If my letter has reached you
(concerning that) they have brought the Wahšušanean and the Kanišite an oath, then give
(the tin) in a sikkum so that they can bring it. ṣṭṭ8
ṣṭṭṭ. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.

ṣṭṭσ. Kt 9ṭ/k ṣστ (l. ṣ-ṣ8): i -tù A- ùr-ták-lá-ku É.GAL-lúm i -bu-tù-ni ITU.Ṭ.KAM i-li-ik-ma kà-ru-um a-na
É.GAL-lim e-li-ma um-ma kà-ru-um-ma A- ùr-ták-lá-ku wa- í-ra mì-ma ar-nam ù í-lá-tám lá ir- í-a-ku-nu-tí
qá-dí-ni-ma i-na a-li-ku-nu É-bé-tám i- u ù a-na e-ri-i -tí-ku-nu qá-dí-ni-ma i-za-az um-ma ru-ba-um ù ru-ba-
tum-ma a-wi-lam a i -tù Ta-wi-ni-a up-pá-am ú- é-bi-lá-ni-ma e-ri-i -tám a-na be-el nu-ku-ur-tí-ni i-za-bi-lu-
ma qá-qá-ad-ni i- é-e-ú-ni ru-a-nim-ma a-hu-ku-nu lu- é-er.
ṣṭṭτ. Kt 9ṭ/k 776 (l. Ṭ9-σṬ): ru-ba-um Wa-á -ha-na-i-um i-sí-ni-a-tí-ma um-ma u-ut-ma e-li-a-nim ù DUB.SAR i -
tí-ku-nu li-li-am a-na É.GAL-lim né-li-ma DUB.SAR na-á -pá-ar-tám e-mu-ur-ma a Qá-tí-mu-um a-na A- ur-
ta-ak-lá-ku i -pu-ru um-ma ni-nu-ma na-á -pá-ar-tum lá ku-a-tum be-el na-á -pá-ar-tim i-na Kà-né-e wa- a-
áb na-á -pá-ar-tam ú- é-er-ni-a-tí a-be-lí- u a-na Ka-né-e lu nu- é-biσ-ilτ- u um-ma u-ut-ma a-na ru-ba-im
Kà-ni- í-im ù- é-ba-al- í.
ṣṭṭ6. Cf. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d.
ṣṭṭ7. Kt g/k ṣ8τ (l. ṭ-6): i-na dUTU- i ru-ba-um wa-á -ha-na-i-um i-na sí-kà-tí-im i-tù-ra-ni.
ṣṭṭ8. ATHE 66 (l. ṭ-ṣσ): á -pu-ra-ku-nu-tí um-ma a-na-ku-ma AN.NA-ki a bi-lá-tim ag-ra-ma a-na Ni-na- a-a li- í-
ṭṬσ
If you are still in Kaneš, then travel to Wašhaniya, but do not enter until the Land settles
down.ṣṭṭ9
The rulers and oficials of Wašhaniya appear regularly in the texts, both in negotiations and
as active trading partner of the Assyrians. The ist example appears to distinguish between the
king s private ownership and his dealings through the palace:
The three of us owe ṣṢṢ textiles of good quality to the king of Wašhaniya. He owes us
σ6ṢṢ (minas) of copper and the proceeds on ṣṢ minas of tin. In addition, he personally
owes us the price of ṣṢṢ textiles ...ṣṭσṢ
The king of Wašhaniya also occurs in the letter KTP ṣσ, which suggests that some confusion
existed about which Colony (kārum) the Wašhaniya Station (wabartum) belonged under:
To the envoys of the City and the Kaneš Colony from the Wahšušana Colony. The king of
Wašhaniya has written to us, saying: I have seized the throne of my father. Let me swear
an oath . We answered: The Kaneš Colony is our [lord]. We shall write so that they may
write either to you (directly) or to us. Two men from the Land will come to you and then
they can make you swear the oath . It is up to you now. Let your orders come here.ṣṭσṣ
The sworn treaties bound the Anatolian ruler personally, and had to be renegotiated each time
a new king came on the throne. The new king in Wašhaniya turned to the Assyrian Colony in
Wahšušana instead of Kaneš, perhaps suggesting that his political ties with Wašhaniya were
stronger than with Kaneš. But in the Assyrian hierarchy Wahšušana stood under Kaneš, and
the treaty was the domain of the central colonial authorities there.ṣṭσṬ
The various references to oficials in Wašhaniya give a fair image of the complex admin-
istrative hierarchy existing in an Anatolian city. The two memoranda TC ṭ, ṣ6τ and AKT 6,
Ṭ7ṭ quoted above give an almost identical list of bureaucrats that received payments when an
Assyrian trader and his attorney passed through the city:
The palace took Ṭṣ shekels of tin as nishātum-tax. The ka um-oficial took [...] minas.
The town prefect took 9 ṣ/Ṭ mina of tin.ṣṭσṭ
In Wašhaniya the palace took τ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin as nishātum-tax. ṭ shekels of tin (to)
the ka um-oficial. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin to his staff holder.ṣṭσσ
ú-nim a- a-me-ma a-li-ki a-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a lá ú- u-ru u-ma Wa-ah- u- a-na-i-im ù Kà-ni- í-im a ma-mì-tám
ub-lu-ni-ni up-pí ik-ta-á -dam i-na sí-ki-im dí-na-ma li- í-ú-nim.
ṣṭṭ9. Kt n/k ṣṬτṣ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ7): u-ma a-dí-ni i-Kà-ni-i wa-á -ba-tí a-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a et-qá-ma a-dí ma-tum i-nu-hu
lá té-ra-ba-am.
ṣṭσṢ. Kt 89/k ṬṬ8 (l. ṭ-9): ṣ me-at TÚG.HI.A SIGτ-tim ṭ ni-nu a-na ru-ba-im Wa-á -ha-na-i-im ha-bu-lá-ni σ li-mì-im
6 me-at URUDU ú í-im ṣṢ ma-na AN.NA u-ut ha-bu-lá-ni-a-tí a-ha-ma í-im ṣ me-at TÚG.HI.A u-ut-ma
ha-bu-lá-ni-a-tí. Trade with the palace of Wašhaniya may also be attested in kt 9Ṭ/k 9.
ṣṭσṣ. KTP ṣσ (l. ṣ-ṬṬ): ‘a]-na í-i‘p-ri a A-lim] ú kà-ri-‘im Kà-ni-i ] ‘q]í-bi-ma um-ma kà-ru-‘um] ‘W]a-ah- u- a-
na-ma ‘r]u-ba-um a Wa-á -ha- ni-a ‘i ]-pu-ra-am um-ma u-ut-ma ‘ku-sí]-a-am a a-biσ-a ‘a -b]a-at ma-mì-
tám ‘ta]-me-a-ni um-ma né-n‘u-ma] ‘kà-r]u-um Kà-ni-i ‘be-lu]-ni ni- a-pár-‘ma] ‘ u-nu] ú-ul a- é-r‘i-kà]
‘i- a]-pu-ru-nim ‘ú-ul a- é]-ri-ni ‘i]- a-pu-ru-nim ‘ ]í-na a m‘a]-tim i-lu-ku-ni-ku-ma ù ma-mì-tám ú-ta-mu-ú-
kà a-tù-nu ma-lá-ku-nu té-er-ták-nu li-li-ka‘m]. Cf. larsen ṣ976: Ṭσ9.
ṣṭσṬ. See larsen ṣ976: Ṭσ9-ṬτṢ with references to earlier discussions.
ṣṭσṭ. TC ṭ, ṣ6τ (l. τ-8): ṣ/ṭ ma-na ṣ GÍN AN.NA ni-is-ha-tim É.GAL-lúm i‘lτ-qé x] ma-na kà- um ilτ-qé 9 ṣ/Ṭ ma-‘na
AN].NA be?-‘el?] a-limki ilτ-qé.
ṣṭσσ. AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ (l. 9 -ṣṣ ): i-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a τ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA ni-is-ha-tim e-kál-lam! ilτ-qé ṭ GÍN AN.NA kà- u-
um ṣ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN.NA a ha- í- u.
ṭṬτ
The town prefect (bēl ālim) is rarely attested in other texts. In CCT ṣ, ṭṭb a miller of the town
prefect is mentioned, TPAK ṣ, ṬṢτ refers to the house of the town prefect and kt 9σ/k ṣ9τ re-
fers to his major domo.ṣṭστ The staff holder is even less common, and the ofice occurs only in a
few texts.ṣṭσ6 The city of Wašhaniya had a fortiied citadel, which is mentioned in a loan record:
Aššur-re i lent out Ṭ minas of reined silver to Aššur-imitti son of šu-Nunu. Furthermore,
Aššur-re i has laid claim on ṣṭτ dark (woollen) leeces in the fortress of Wašhaniya.ṣṭσ7
This direct reference to a fortiication in an Anatolian city is unique in the Old Assyrian texts,
although it was surely not the case in reality. To judge by the shape and size of the city
mounds with pottery dated to the Colony Period, most settlements seem to have had fortiied
upper towns.ṣṭσ8
The Assyrian Station (wabartum) in Wašhaniya occurs often in the texts,ṣṭσ9 and two texts
refer speciically to its secretary.ṣṭτṢ By the time of the Ib period, the Station in Wašhaniya
became a Colony,ṣṭτṣ but little else is known.
The Hittite sources contain some evidence for the location of the city. Washaniya contin-
ued to exist as a regional capital throughout the history of the Empire, and KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ lists
a number of villages belonging to the Washaniya province.ṣṭτṬ Forlanini has dealt extensively
with the Hittite texts related to the location WashaniyaŞṣṭτṭ and, although his inal conclusion
was to locate the city just south of the Kızılırmak, his data seem to it a more northern position
as well.ṣṭτσ
ṣṭστ. Additional attestations appear in kt 9ṣ/k τσ8Ş kt 9σ/k 67ṬŞ ATHE ṣṬŞ CCT 6, ṭσaŞ RA 6Ṣ, ṣṣτŞ TMH ṣ, ṣb. The
inal example reads: When the slave girl went up to the palace, the town prefect said: Our own messengers
went to Hahhum. In two days the messengers will return. You are not allowed to take your money. We will not
return the slave girl to you (l. σ-ṣ6: a-dí am-tim a-na É.GAL-lim e-li-ma um-ma be-el a-limki í-ip-ru-ú ni-a-ú-
tum a-na Ha-hi-im i-li-ku a-dí í-na uσ-me-e í-ip-ru-ú i-lu-ku-nim ú-ul KÙ.BABBAR-áp-kà le-qé ú-ul a-ma-at-
kà nu-ta-ra-ku-um). A few texts refer to the country prefect (bēl mātim), e.g. CCT 6, ṭσa (probably of Ninašša)Ş
kt n/k ṣ8τ8Ş kt 9σ/k 8ṣ8 (of Luhuzattiya). The two titles may represent complementary ofices, one charged with
keeping order the city and the other in the surrounding countryside.
ṣṭσ6. Kt ṢṢ/k ṣ8 (l. Ṭ): Kam-ma-li-a a ha- imŞ kt s/t 9Ṭ (l. rev. ṣṢ): A-sú-ku-ur-da a ha- im. The title GAL ha im is
more common, and occurs e.g. in kt 79/k ṣŞ KTH ṭ6Ş kt o/k ττ and on the seal impression of Satipra on kt a/k
ṭṣ8 and ICK ṭ, στb+. Cf. erol ṬṢṢ7Ş veenHof ṬṢṢ8a.
ṣṭσ7. Kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢ7 and case TPAK ṣ, ṣṢṢ (l. ṣ-ṣṢ): Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR a-ru-pá-am i- é-er A- ur-i-mì-tí DUMU
u-Nu-nu A- ur-re- í i- u i-na bi-ir-tim a Wa-á -ha-ni-a ù ṣ me-at ṭτ ma -ki wa- í-ú-tim qá-tí A- ur-re- í a-
ak-na-at. The case reads ṭ instead of Ṭ minas.
ṣṭσ8. Archaeological evidence of walled citadels during this period comes e.g. from Kültepe and Boğazköy. Texts
mention city (outer) walls in relation to Assur (veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣṬσ-ṣṬ9), Kaneš (cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: 99f.) and
Wahšušana (kt j/k 6τ9).
ṣṭσ9. Kt 9σ/k Ṭ8ṢbŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ7ṭŞ kt 9σ/k σṬ6Ş kt 9σ/k σσṬŞ kt 9σ/k σ9ṬŞ kt 9σ/k σ9ṭŞ kt ṢṢ/k 7Ş AKT σ, ṣ6Ş CTMMA ṣ,
8ṢŞ HS Ṭ9ṭṬŞ I 7τṭŞ JCS ṣσ, τŞ kt j/k ṭσṢŞ kt k/k 78Ş KTK τ.
ṣṭτṢ. Kt 9ṭ/k 776 and kt ṢṢ/k 7, which gives his name (Zu e).
ṣṭτṣ. The kārum is attested in kt ṢṢ/k ṣσ (dated to REL ṬσṬ = ṣ7Ṭ8 BC)Ş kt n/k Ṭ7b (dated to REL ṬṢṢ = ṣ77Ṣ BC).
ṣṭτṬ. KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ (rev. ṣ -ṣ8 ) lists [..]assi, Sananuya, Senda, Kipitta, [...h]ana, Uhhiuwa, Kapitatamna and the city
of Wašhaniya itself. Kipitta in this text may well be identical to the Assyrian Kapitta , whose ka um-oficial
occurs in kt i/k τ. Washaniya also appears in the grant of Tudhaliya IV to Sahurunuwa KUB Ṭ6.σṭ obv. ṭ7, which
refers to: the town of Tinipiya in the land/province of Washaniya and in the Bronze Tablet CTH ṣṢ6a (col. i):
8ṭ) that mentions the huwantala-men from Washaniya . Probably, Wašhaniya, like Amkuwa, Kuššara and
Kaneš, belonged to the part of Anatolia in the Colony Period where the population was predominantly Hittite-
speaking. Note also the personal name Wašhaniuman in kt e/k τ9Ş kt 89/k ṭσṬ (Wašhaniuman rabi ābim (of
Kaneš)).
ṣṭτṭ. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ77ff., ṬṢṢ9b: σ9-τṢ and cf. τ.7 fn. ṣṣ8Ṣ.
ṣṭτσ. Note also the probable mention of Washaniya with Ullamma in the Anitta-text, cf. neu ṣ97σ: ṬṬŞ carruBa ṬṢṢṭ:
ṬσŞ Haas ṬṢṢ6: Ṭ9. In ṬBoTU from ṣ9ṬṬ the signs in l. ṣ9 are still readable as: uruWa-as-ha-‘an-n]i-an. In Mu-
wattali s Prayer (KUB 6.στ (col. ii): σ8-σ9) the city occurs alongside Hanhana, Tawiniya, Washaniya, La(y)anda
and Hattena (no apparent geographical connection). Finally, the Kaska occupation of Washaniya mentioned in
ṭṬ6
τ.ṣṬ NINAššA
5.1Ṭ Nina aṣṭττ

The city of Ninašša is not attested as often as Wašhaniya in the Old Assyrian texts and it does
not appear very frequently in direct itineraries . Nevertheless, a clear cluster and a few de-
tailed memoranda help locate the city.
Athurušna Ṭ Ulama ṭ
Durhumit Ṭ šalatuwar ṣ
Hattuš ṣ Wašhaniya 7
Mamma ṣ Wahšušana 7
Purušhaddum ṭ Zuliya (river) ṣ
Tawiniya ṣ Zuhta ṣ
Tuhpiya ṣ
Table ṭṢ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Ninašša.
Athurušna
Durhumit
Purušhaddum
Ulama
Wašhaniya
Wahšušana
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Graph 22: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Nina a. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Ninašša is most often attested alongside Wašhaniya and Wahšušana, but the importance of
Purušhaddum and Ulama in the cluster becomes apparent when the frequency of itineraries is
compared to the total number of attestations (Graph ṬṬ).ṣṭτ6
the Deeds of Suppiluliuma fragm. ṣṣ-ṣṬ at the time when the Kaska made Nenassa their frontier (KBo 6.Ṭ8)
implies that Washaniya can not have been located beyond Nenassa. KUB Ṭ6.8σ (col. ii): ṣṣ reads: they brought
a message to my father (Suppiluliuma), saying [… he] has brought the Kaska to Washaniya . The passage is
fragmentary but also mentions Mount Pirwassi and so it seems that Washaniya was in fact involved in the ight-
ing. Since Nenassa became the limit of Kaska expansion, this suggests that Washaniya has to be sought within
that limit.
ṣṭττ. Attestations of Ninašša are found in: kt 9ṭ/k 9σŞ kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ9τŞ kt a/k Ṭ6τŞ kt a/k σστa+bŞ kt a/k σ6ṣbŞ
kt a/k σ88Ş AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT τ, Ṭ6Ş AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE, 66Ş CCT 6, ṭσaŞ kt c/k ṭ68Ş kt c/k 669Ş Dalley ṣṢŞ HS Ṭ9ṭṬŞ
I 7σ9Ş KTS ṣ, 7aŞ KTS ṣ, τṢcŞ kt n/k ṣτ8ṬŞ POAT ṬṢŞ TC ṣ, 7ṬŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ8Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣ6τ. Ni-na- a-(a) as a
personal name appears e.g. in: kt c/k 68ṣŞ kt c/k 8ṢṬŞ I σσ6.
ṣṭτ6. The attestations of Ninašša together with other cities are found in: Athuru na: kt n/k ṣτ8ṬŞ CCT 6, ṭσa, Durhu-
mit: AKT τ, ṬŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ, Hattu : AKT τ, Ṭ, Mamma: AKT τ, Ṭ6, Puru haddum: kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ kt c/k 669Ş TC
ṭṬ7
Three of the texts that help locate Ninašša were discussed in section τ.ṣṣ (Wašhaniya).
They list the following toponyms:
TC ṭ, ṣ6τ: Kaneš – Wašhaniya – Ninašša – Ulama – Purušhaddum

AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ: Kaneš – Wašhaniya – Zuhta – Ninašša – Wahšušana
Kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ: šalatuwar – [...] – Ninašša – Wašhaniya
In addition, one text ties Ninašša to Ulama and another connects Ninašša to Purušhaddum and
Wahšušana:
I met with the king in Ninašša, but he did not give me anything. He said: Come back
from Ulama (irst) . He did not buy a single textile.ṣṭτ7
Thereupon, Aššur- ab travelled here from Ninašša, and he took the σ talents of tin under
the seal of Ali-ahum and their wrappings and brought (it) to Purušhaddum.ṣṭτ8
The second example derives from a letter written by Tahašaili, who was stationed in Wahšušana
at the time of writing.ṣṭτ9 Together, the ive texts show that Ninašša was located where the
road coming from Kaneš and Wašhaniya split in two. One route continued from Ninašša to
Wahšušana and the copper road, another went to Ulama and Purušhaddum.
A few references show that Ninašša was located in the vicinity of one or more rivers. The
irst example refers to a river ordeal that took place in or near the city:
The plenary assembly of the Wahšušana Colony passed a verdict. In regard to the man,
whom they sent to the river in Ninašša …ṣṭ6Ṣ
The second example shows that a river named Zuliya formed the border between Ninašša and
Wahšušana:ṣṭ6ṣ
Concerning the pirikannum-textiles belonging to you that Dudu gave me: I stood ready
to go into Wahšušana, but there was too much mud, so I will turn back from the bank of
River Zuliya and bring them to Ninašša.ṣṭ6Ṭ
ṭ, ṣ6τ, Tawiniya: AKT τ, Ṭ, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, Ṭ, Ulama: kt c/k 669Ş I 7σ9Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τ, alatuwar: kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ,
Wa haniya: AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE 66Ş HS Ṭ9ṭṬŞ kt n/k ṣτ8ṬŞ TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭ8, Wah u ana: kt 9ṭ/k
9σŞ kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE 66Ş kt c/k 669Ş KTS ṣ, τṢcŞ TC ṣ, 7ṬŞ Zuhta: AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ, Zuliya: kt 9ṭ/k
9σ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably de-
scribes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṣṭτ7. I 7σ9 (l. ṭ-9): i-na Ni-na- a-a-a i -tí ru-ba-im a-na-me-er-ma mì-ma- a-ma ú-lá i-dí-nam um-ma u-ut-ma i -tù
Ú-lá-ma tù-ra-am ṣ TÚG a-na í-mì-im mì-ma ú-lá ilτ-qé.
ṣṭτ8. Kt c/k 669 (l. 8-ṣṬ): ur-ki-a-ma i -tù Ni-na- a-a-a A- ur-DÙG e-tí-qám-ma σ GÚ AN.NA ku-nu-ki a A-lá-hi-im
ù li-wi-sú-nu ilτ-qé-ma a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ú-bi-ilτ.
ṣṭτ9. Cf. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṣṣ n. ṭσ8. Conirmed by J. G. Dercksen s ongoing archival study of kt c/k ṣ-869 (Ali-
ahum, son of Aššur-malik)Ş he kindly made all his texts and preliminary results available for the present study.
ṣṭ6Ṣ. Kt 9σ/k ṭστ (l. ṣ-7): ‘kà-ru-um Wa]-ah- u- a-na ‘ a-he]-er ra-bi ‘dí-n]am i-dí-ma ‘a]-dí-i a-we-lim ‘ ]a i-na
Ni-na- a-a a -na na-ri-im ‘i] -ru-du ...
ṣṭ6ṣ. Not to be identiied with the homonymous river(s) Zuliya known from the Hittite texts, cf. Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ.
ṣṭ6Ṭ. Kt 9ṭ/k 9σ (l. ṭ-ṣσ): a- u-mì pí-ra-kà-ni ku-a-ú-tim a Du-du i-dí-na-ni a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a-na e-ra-bi-im
a-zi-zi-ma é-ri-tum i-ta-á -kà-an-ma i -tù a-pá-‘at] Zu-li-a na-ri-im ur-kà-tí-a a-tù-wa-ar a-na Ni-na- a-a
ú-ba-al- u-nu. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: Ṭσṭ translates ordres ont été donnés from têrtum but points out that the correct
Old Assyrian form would be té-i-ra-tim. A muddy riverbank that was too soft and dangerous to cross – from
ērītum itta kan, lit. mud had been brought about – seems a better solution.
ṭṬ8
τ.ṣṬ NINAššA
Under ordinary circumstances, the river appears to have been shallow enough to cross on
foot, but on this particular occasion the bank proved too muddy.
In addition to the Old Assyrian references, the fact that the Marassanda river is listed
among the deities revered in the section on Nenassa in Muwatalli s Prayer suggests that the
Kızılırmak River lowed through or alongside its provincial territory:ṣṭ6ṭ
Storm-god of Nenassa, Lusitti of Nenassa, River Marassanda, male gods, female gods,
mountains (and) rivers of Nenassa.ṣṭ6σ
As already suggested, the bridge between Wašhaniya and Ninašša recorded in AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ (cf.
τ.ṣṣ) may have crossed this river. The river Zuliya that separated Ninašša and Wahšušana has
to be a smaller stream in order for the Assyrian trader to cross it on foot. The only larger wa-
tercourse on the left bank of the Kızılırmak between Gül ehir and Kırıkkale is the Hacıbekirözü
(alternatively referred to as Akko an Su , Sofular ‘ay and Haci Su on some maps), which
has its headwaters in the Karacadağ area north of Kulu. Along most of its course, the river
runs east by north-east and forms a suitable natural boundary towards the north. The numer-
ous brooks in the area are less convincing candidates for a state border, although there may
have been considerably more running water in the area in the Bronze Age.ṣṭ6τ
A inal element for the location of the city comes from KBo 6.Ṭ8, which shows that Ne-
nassa formed the frontier against the invading Kaska forces during the period of concentric
invasions . At the same time, enemies from Arzawa in the west are said to have penetrated as
far as Tuwanuwa (modern Kemerhisar):
In earlier days the Hatti lands were sacked by its enemies ... The Kaska enemy came and
sacked the Hatti lands and he made Nenassa his frontier. The Arzawan enemy came from
beyond the Lower Land, and he too sacked the Hatti lands, and made Tuwanuwa and
Uda his frontier.ṣṭ66
This may be linked with the position of Ninašša as the geographical limit of a new directive
concerned with taxation that was being carried by Kuliya in a circular letter to the eastern
colonies (cf. τ.ṣ, τ.9):
Durhumit, Hattuš, Tamniya, Tuhpiya until Ninašša.ṣṭ67
A location of Ninašša on the western bank of the Kızılırmak would it both examples.
–––––
An Assyrian Colony or Station in Ninašša remains unattested, except for the implied refer-
ence in the circular letter quoted above. The letter dates to a generation later than the great
bulk of the Old Assyrian evidence, and it is surprising that there is no other mention of an
oficial Assyrian settlement in the city. The fact that the plenary assembly in Wahšušana
ṣṭ6ṭ. forlanini ṣ99Ṭb: ṣ79.

ṣṭ6σ. CTH ṭ8ṣ = KUB 6, στ (col. ii): ṣṬ-ṣσ, cf. singer ṣ996.
ṣṭ6τ. The main road from Ankara to Kır ehir led tscHiHatscHeff ṣ867: ṭṢ across the river on a stone bridge (cf. June
ṣτth ṣ8σ9). He refers to the river as the ‘ukurçuk Su.
ṣṭ66. KBo 6.Ṭ8 obv. 6-9.
ṣṭ67. AKT τ, Ṭ (l. ṣ-6): um-ma kà-ru-um Kà-ni-i -ma a-na a-qí-ilτ da-tim Ku-li-a í-ip-ri-ni kà-ri-im Durσ-hu-mì-it
ṭṬ9
passed the verdict regarding the river ordeal may be taken as a sign that this Colony managed
Assyrian interests in Ninašša.
The ruling family and the palace in Ninašša is attested a number of times, mainly as part
of a dossier of texts related to a series of transactions between the king of Ninašša and a group
of Assyrian merchants.ṣṭ68 Sturm recently studied this dossier,ṣṭ69 and there is little to add to
his discussion. A list in CCT 6, ṭσa refers to a number of debts held by the king, the queen, a
kumrum-priest of [DN] and the country prefect (bēl mātim), all possibly from Ninašša. In
addition, the text mentions the king of At(a)hurušna, a city that also occurs alongside Ninašša
in the memorandum kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ and which may have been a neighbouring town (cf. τ.ṣṣ).
The memorandum TC ṭ, ṣ6τ refers to the palace, the town prefect, a kumrum-priest and a
staff holder ( a ha im), kt a/k σ88a is an envelope addressed to the alahinnum of Ninašša,
VS Ṭ6, ṭ8 refers to an envoy from the king of Ninašša, and AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭ mentions a bridge-
keeper and a generic ka um-oficial who collects taxes in Ninašša.
The city appears often in the Old Hittite sources and must have been a major urban centre
in the ṣ7th and ṣ6th centuries BC. It is also mentioned in Telipinu s historical preamble to his
edict.ṣṭ7Ṣ Here the city igures together with Hupisna (modern Ereğli) and Tuwanuwa (Kemer-
hisar), Landa, Zallara, Parsuhanda and Lusna as a seat of a son of the conventional founder
of the Hittite royal lineage (cf. τ.ṣ6).
The group of provinces Nenassa, Tuwanuwa and Hubisna from Telipinu s preamble reap-
pears in, the list of provisions for the nuntarriyasha-festival, the AGRIG-list and Muwatalli s
prayer.ṣṭ7ṣ Thus, in spite of the fact that Güterbock showed why neither of these texts can
serve as primary tools for the study of the historical geography,ṣṭ7Ṭ a cultural, a scribal, or
perhaps even a geographical convention appears to have grouped these three toponyms to-
gether. One may speculate whether the three provinces formed the western frontier of Cap-
padocia after the destruction of the land of Ulama by Hattusili I (cf. τ.ṣṭ).
Unlike Ulama, the city of Nenassa chose to submit to Hattusili I and avoided being de-
stroyed. According to the annals of the king, the city threw open its gates and surrendered
without a ight:
He marched to punish Nenassa. They opened up before him.ṣṭ7ṭ
I went to war against Nenassa, and when the men of Nenassa saw me (coming) against
them they opened up the city.ṣṭ7σ
The city became the seat of the Hittite prince Pimpira/Pimpirit.ṣṭ7τ In later times Nenassa was
well inside the borders of the Empire and so it rarely appears in the military annals of the Hit-
ṣṭ68. References to the ruler of Ninašša (often by nisbe, i.e. the Ninaššean ) are found in: CCT 6, ṭσaŞ I 7σ9Ş kt a/k
σττa+b (possibly indicating that the King s name was Alulu)Ş kt a/k σ6ṣbŞ HS Ṭ9ṭṬŞ KTS ṣ, τṢcŞ RA τ8, ṣṭṬ
(Gou. Ṭ)Ş RA τ8, ṣṭσ (Gou. ṭ)Ş TC ṣ, 7ṬŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ8Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭ8.
ṣṭ69. sturM ṬṢṢṢ: σ99 ff, Cf. also Dercksen ṣ996: 67-69. Sturm points out that most of our texts relate to the activities
of Puzur-Aššur, son of Išar-kitti-Aššur, who may have specialised in the trade on Ninašša.
ṣṭ7Ṣ. CTH ṣ9 = KBo ṭ.ṣ+ (col. i): 9 . For a discussion of the text, cf. τ.ṣ6.
ṣṭ7ṣ. KBo ṭ.ṣ (col. i): ṣṢ-ṣṣ: Hubisna, Tuwanuwa, NenassaŞ KUB ṣṢ.σ8 (col. ii): 6-8: Nenassa, [Tuwanuwa], Hubisna
(cf. also KUB ττ.τ)Ş KUB Ṭ6.Ṭ rev. Ṭ-σ: Nenassa, Hubisna, TuwanuwaŞ KUB 6.στ (col. ii): ṣṬ-ṣ9: Nenassa,
Hubisna, Tuwanuwa.
ṣṭ7Ṭ. güterBock ṣ96ṣ.
ṣṭ7ṭ. CTH σ. KBo ṣṢ.ṣ obv. ṣσ-ṣτ (Akk. ver.), cf. J. L. Miller ṣ999: Ṭτ.
ṣṭ7σ. CTH σ. KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. i): ṭṢ-ṭṬ (Hitt. ver.,), cf. J. L. Miller ṣ999: Ṭ9.
ṣṭ7τ. KBo ṭ.ṭσ (col. iii): ṣ6 . Cf. Beal ṬṢṢṭ: ṣτ for a discussion of the relevant passage. Pimpirit continued to rule
Nenassa during the reign of Mursili I, and number of Mursili s other brothers are known to have been ap-
pointed to rule a conquered city, e.g Ammuna of Sukziya, Huzziya of Hakmis, [...] of Ussa and [...] of Hupisna,
cf. De Martino ṣ99ṣ: 6σ-6τ.
ṭṭṢ
τ.ṣṭ ULAMA
tite kings. One important exception was during the time of the concentric invasions, which
took place in the late years of Tudhaliya III s reign.ṣṭ76 As already mentioned above, the
Kaska swept through Hittite territory, destroyed the capital of Hattusa,ṣṭ77 came down to
Washaniya,ṣṭ78 and made Nenassa on the Kızılırmak their border.
5.1ṭ Ulamaṣṭ79
Ulama appears frequently in the Assyrian texts and the references form a clear local cluster.
The city is tied to its neighbours in a number of itineraries that give an accurate idea of its
location on the routes from Durhumit and Kaneš to Purušhaddum.
Durhumit τ šalatuwar τ Tumeliya ṣ

Hapalzi ṣ šinahuttum ṣ Turuhanum ṣ
Mamma ṭ Tawiniya ṣ Ušša ṣ
Ninašša ṭ Tišmurna ṣ Wašhaniya Ṭ
Purušhaddum ṣτ Tuhpiya ṣ Wahšušana ṣṬ
Table ṭṣ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Ulama.
Durhumit
Mamma
Ninašša
Purušhaddum
Šalatuwar
Wahšušana
Wašhaniya
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16
Graph 23: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Ulama. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
ṣṭ76. See BrYce ṣ998: ṣτ8-ṣ6ṣŞ klengel ṣ998: ṣṬ7-ṣṭσ for an overview of this period and its sources.
ṣṭ77. Cf. KUB Ṭ6.8σ in güterBock ṣ9τ6: 6ṭ-6σŞ keMpinski ṣ99ṭ: 86-87.
ṣṭ78. Cf. fn. ṣṭτσ.
ṣṭ79. The attestations of Ulama (various spellings) are found in: Ú-la-ma: kt 8ṭ/k ṣ6ṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ RA τṣ, ṭ (HG 7σ),
Ú-lá-ma: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k ṣστŞ kt 88/k τṢ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9ṭ/k 6ṭ (māt)Ş kt 9σ/k σ7ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7ṣ8Ş AKT τ,
τṣŞ AKT 6, ṣ79Ş AKT 6, ṬṢṭŞ AKT 6, Ṭṣ6Ş AKT 6, ṭ66Ş ATHE Ṭ9Ş CCT Ṭ, ṭ9Ş CCT τ, ṣṢbŞ CCT τ, ṣ8aŞ kt c/k ṣσŞ
kt c/k ṣṭ6Ş kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k ṭṢ6Ş kt c/k σστŞ kt c/k 669Ş kt c/k 7ṭṢŞ CTSHM Ṭ7Ş I σ8σŞ I σ97Ş I 6ṢṣŞ I 6Ṣ8Ş I 7σ9Ş
I 766Ş ICK ṣ, ṣτṣŞ kt k/k σṭŞ KTS Ṭ, σṢŞ LB ṣṬṣṬŞ kt m/k ṣτŞ kt m/k ṣṭ7Ş Mixon ṣ8Ş kt n/k Ṭ86Ş kt n/k ṣṬτṭ (māt)Ş
kt n/k ṣṬ7τŞ kt n/k RA 8ṣ, σ9Ş Sadberk Ṭ7Ş TC ṭ, τ9Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢσŞ TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ TC ṭ, ṣ77Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣŞ kt v/k ṣṬ8,
Ù-ul-ma-a: ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9ṭ, Ù-la-ma: kt 9σ/k σṢτŞ kt a/k τ79bŞ AKT ṭ, τṢŞ kt n/k ṣṣ76Ş TC ṣ, ṣṣ8Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣ, Wa-la-ma:
ṭṭṣ
The frequent references to Durhumit, Ninašša, Purušhaddum, šalatuwar and Wahšušana, and
the large number of shared itineraries suggests a close relation between Ulama and those
ive cities either geographically or through trade.ṣṭ8Ṣ
šalatuwar and Ulama share a particularly close geographical link with τ out of τ attestations
being itineraries. However, the texts show that the two were not located on the same route. In-
stead, they were located on two alternative routes connecting Wahšušana to Purušhaddum:
To the Kaneš Colony from your envoys and the Wahšušana Colony. We have heard the
tablets that the Stations of Ulama and šalatuwar sent to us, we have sealed them, and
now they are bringing them to you. The day we heard the tablets, we sent two messen-
gers by the Ulama route and two messengers by the šalatuwar route to Purušhaddum to
clear the order.ṣṭ8ṣ
The roads to šalatuwar are not feasible, so I will turn around and go up to Ulama.ṣṭ8Ṭ
Concerning Aluwa, who was sent to Purušhaddum for to gather information: there is
turmoil in Purušhaddum. There is no road to enter either Ulama or šalatuwar or here to
šabaya. For that reason I have returned Aluwa to you. Ulama has … with Purušhaddum.ṣṭ8ṭ
The inal example comes form a letter written by Kuziziya, who acted as a transporter for the
šalim-Aššur family and whose activities are known to have been tied to the city of Wahšušana
around this time.ṣṭ8σ šabaya may be a hypocoristic form of his wife s name, šabanatum, who
is linked to Wahšušana in another letter from the archive.ṣṭ8τ Alternatively, it is a topynym.
Aluwa had intended to go from Wahšušana to Purušhaddum, but the roads were blocked for
so long that the textiles suffered damage in the storage.
kt n/k 696, Wa-lá-ma: BIN σ, ṭṣŞ kt 7τ/k ṣṣṭŞ kt 9σ/k σṬṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣτṬ7Ş kt n/k 88Ş kt n/k ṣ6τṭ, TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ. Note
that the sign wa may be read wu for Wulama. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: τṬ reads ‘ú-lá]-ma in OIP Ṭ7,ṣτ: Ṭṣ, but the pas-
sage could also read ‘Hu-ra]-ma.
ṣṭ8Ṣ. The references to Ulama with other cities are found in: Durhumit: kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ AKT ṭ, τṢŞ CCT τ, ṣṢbŞ kt c/k
ṬṣṬŞ ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9ṭ, Hapalzi: AKT ṭ, τṢ, Mamma: AKT τ, τṣŞ AKT 6, ṬṢṭŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ, Marithum: kt c/k 7ṭṢ,
Nina a: kt c/k 669Ş I 7σ9Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τ, Puru haddum: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ AKT
6, Ṭṣ6Ş AKT 6, ṭ66Ş kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k σστŞ kt c/k 669Ş I σ8σŞ I 766Ş kt k/k σṭŞ KTS Ṭ, σṢŞ kt n/k 696Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τ,
alatuwar: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt a/k τ79bŞ AKT 6, ṭ66Ş kt n/k 88Ş kt v/k ṣṬ8, inahuttum: kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ, Tawiniya: kt
9ṭ/k 6ṭ, Ti murna: kt n/k ṣ6τṭ, Tuhpiya: AKT τ, τṣ, Tumeliya: kt 9ṣ/k ṭστ, Turuhanum: kt n/k Ṭ86, U a:
I 766, Wah u ana: kt 7τ/k ṣṣṭŞ kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ, BIN σ, ṭṣŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k
ṭṢ6Ş kt c/k 669Ş I 6Ṣ8Ş Sadberk Ṭ7Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ, Wa haniya: CCT τ, ṣṢbŞ TC ṭ, ṣ6τ. All itineraries have been
underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation be-
tween two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṣṭ8ṣ. Kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7 (l. ṣ-ṣ8): a-na kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i qí-bi-ma um-ma í-ip-ru-ku-nu ù kà-ru-um Wa-ah- u- a-na-ma
up-pè-e wa-bar-tum a Ú-lá-ma ù a-lá-tù-ar ú- é-biσ-lu-nim-ma ni-i -ta-me-ma ni-ik-nu-uk-ma na-á -ú-ni-ku-
nu-tí i- a-am- í up-pè-e ni-i -ta-me-ú Ṭ í-ip-ri ha-ra-an Ú-lá-ma-ma Ṭ í-ip-ri ha-ra-an a-lá-tù-ar-ma a-na
Pu-ru-u -ha-dim a-na a-wa-tim za-ku-im ni-i -ta-pár. Cf. günBatti 1998. Contrast with the false itinerary in
kt n/k 88: I did not catch up with Puzur-Anna in Ulama, and now he has gone to šalatuwar (Puzurσ-A-na a-na
Wa-lá-ma lá ak-ta-á -dam a-na a-lá-tí-wa-ar i-ta-lá-ak).
ṣṭ8Ṭ. Kt a/k τ79b (l. 6-8): a-na a-lá-tí-wa-ar ha-ra-na-tum lá na- ù a-‘tù]-ar-ma a-na Ú-la-ma e-li.
ṣṭ8ṭ. AKT 6, ṭ66 (l. 6-ṬṢ): a- u-mì A-lu-wa a a-na ta-hi-tim a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim a-áp-ru sí-hi-tum i-na Pu-ru-u -
ha-dim ha- ra-num lu a-na Ú-lá-ma lu a-na a-lá-tù-ar lu a-na a-ba-a a- ar e-ra-bi-im ú-lá i-ba- í a- u-mì
ki-a-am A-lu-wa a-na é-ri-kà ú-ta-e-ra- u Ù-la-ma i -tí Pu-şruš-u -ha-tim x-(x) .
ṣṭ8σ. Cf. e.g. AKT 6, ṭ7ṣ Kuziziya to Ennam-Aššur: I have left on a journey to Wahšušana (l. ṭṣ-ṭṭ: ha-ra-ni a-na
Wa-ah- u- a-na a-ta-lá-ak)Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢ8ṭ šep-Ištar and šalim-wardi brought … to Kuziziya to Wahšušana
(l. σ-9: … a- é-er Ku-zi-zi-a é-ep-I tar ù a-lim-wa-ar-dí a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ub-lu-ú). It may be the same
Kuziziya who appears in TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ (cf. fn. ṣσṢσ below) as the owner of a house in Wahšušana.
ṣṭ8τ. See larsen forthcoming, and note the discussion of GN šabua on p. ṭ77. AKT 6, ṭṣσ states that: If šabanatum,
wife of Kuziziya, has gone to Wahšušana (l. ṣσ-ṣ7: u-ma a-ba-na-tum DAM Ku-zi-zi-a a-na Wa-ah- u- a-
‘na] ta-ta-lá-ak).
ṭṭṬ
τ.ṣṭ ULAMA
A comparison between the texts concerned with the trade in šalatuwar (cf. τ.ṣτ) and those
related to Ulama shows that the latter was situated on a less common route between Wahšušana
and Purušhaddum. The main copper road passed through šalatuwar. Still, there are numerous
examples that Ulama was used as an alternative way for moving the copper coming from
Durhumit through Wahšušana:
He packed the copper (to go) from Durhumit to Purušhaddum, and he packed his own
donkey to (go) as far as Wahšušana, and then I led them (the remaining donkeys) out with
the help of the guard posts on the Ulama road and I returned.ṣṭ86
Four shekels per (donkey) came on as fees until Ulama. I paid τ shekels of silver for the
(cart) transport. I paid ṣṢ shekels of silver to the Colony. The (expenses) for us until
Ulama amounted to ṣ shekel. The (expenses) for each of us from Durhumit amounted to
one and half a shekel.ṣṭ87
I and my brothers have met with him at least ive times, in Purušhaddum, in Ulama or in
Wahšušana.ṣṭ88
The irst text shows that a route from Wahšušana was known as the Ulama road and the inal
example suggests that this road saw a lot of trafic. The following passage proves that Ulama
could function as an alternative copper market to šalatuwarŞ in this case, prices were slightly
higher in Ulama:
The sikkātum has withdrawn but the silver is delayed. If there is trade, write to me and I
will make τ-6 minas of silver and send it to you [...] settles down, and [... the price] of
copper in Ulama is ṣ7 shekels per mina, and in šalatuwar good copper is sold at a rate of
ṣṭ shekels per mina. If I am to pack ṣṢ talents of copper to šalatuwar or Ulama, then
send me some donkeys so that I will not have to buy donkeys. Let your message reach
me with the irst traveller and make donkeys travel here.ṣṭ89
Only two texts connect Ninašša to Ulama (cf. τ.ṣṬ)Ş the memorandum TC ṭ, ṣ6τ shows that
the two cities were connected on the main route between Kaneš and Purušhaddum and sug-
gests that the distance between Ulama and Purušhaddum was much greater than the distance
from Wašhaniya to Ninašša or Ninašša to Ulama (cf. τ.ṣṣ). The listed expenses are repeated
below in a tabulated form:
ṣṭ86. Kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ (l. 9-ṣ6): i -tù Durσ-hu-mì-it URUDU a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim is-ri-id-ma ṣ ANšE- u URUDU a-dí
Wa-ah- u- a-na is-ri- id-ma i-na ma- a-ra-tim a ha-ra-an Ú-la-ma ú- é- í- u-nu ù a-tù-ra-am.
ṣṭ87. ICK Ṭ, Ṭ9ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣṣ): σ GÍN.TA KÙ.BABBAR a-dí Ú-ul-ma-a ni-a-tí da-tum ik- u-ud τ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na
a-dá-dim á -qúl ṣṢ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na kà-ri-im á -qú-ul ṣ GÍN a-dì Ú-ul-ma ‘ik]- u-ud-ni-a-tí ṣ ṣ/Ṭ
GÍN.TA KÙ.BABBAR i -tù Du-ur-hu-mì-it ik- u-ud-ni-a-tí.
ṣṭ88. Kt 88/k τṢ7 (l. Ṭσ-Ṭ8): a-na-ku ú a-hu-ú-a a-dí τ- í- u i -tí- u lu i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim lu i-na Ú-lá-ma lu i-na
Wa-ah- u- a-na i -tí- u ni-na-me-er.
ṣṭ89. Kt v/k ṣṬ8 (l. τ-Ṭτ): sí-kà-tum ru-qá-ma KÙ.BABBAR-pu a-du-ú u-ma ta-da-num té-er-ta-kà li-li-kam-ma
KÙ.BABBAR τ ma-na ù 6 ma-na le-pu-u -ma lu- é-bi-la-kum ‘ ]-na ú- a-lam-ma [ṣ ma]-na ṣ7 GÍN.TA [ ]
Ú-lá-ma URUDU ù ‘ ] x i-na ‘ a-la-t]ù-ar URUDU-um ‘da-mu]-qú-um ṣ ma-na ṣṭ GÍN.TA i-za-az u-ma
a-na a-la-tù-ar ú ṣṢ GÚ a-na Ú-lá-ma a-sà-ri-id e-ma-ri é-ri-a-ma e -‘ma]-ri lá a- a-qal ‘i -tí] a-li-ki-im
pá-ni-e-ma ‘té-er-t]a-kà li-li-kam ‘ù e-m]a-ri et-qám. The present text offers an example of varying prices
within an integrated market network as well as an exchange of information on those prices between entrepre-
neurs stationed at different localities. The exchange rate is 77:ṣ in šalatuwar and 7ṭ:ṣ in Ulama.
ṭṭṭ
Travel Expenses
Kaneš – Wašhaniya Ṭ minas of tin = c. Ṭτ minas of copper. Lodgings, donkey fodder and guards.
Wašhaniya – Ninašša ṣṢ minas of copper. Lodgings and donkey fodder.
Ninašša – Ulama ṣṢ minas (of copper). Lodgings and donkey fodder.
Ulama – Purušhaddum ṣṢ minas of copper. Lodgings.
Ulama – Purušhaddum ṣṢ minas of copper. Donkey fodder.
Ulama – Purušhaddum ṭṢ minas of copper. Smuggling.
Table ṭṬ: Transport costs between Wašhaniya, Ninašša and Purušhaddum according to TC ṭ, ṣ6τ (cf. section τ.ṣṣ).
In addition to the distances involved, this itinerary suggests that the main road from Kaneš to
Purušhaddum passed through Ulama and not Wahšušana. An additional example of the use of
this road comes from a letter sent to Kaneš by Tahašaili in Wahšušana (cf. τ.ṣṣ).ṣṭ9Ṣ The pro-
ceeds of a shipment of copper sent to Purušhaddum were not returned to Wahšušana. As the
result of a blockade, the silver was sent to Kaneš via Ulama instead:
To Aššur- ab from Tahašaili: I gave τ talents and ṣṢ minas of reined copper to Ali-ahum,
son of Manua, and he brought it into Purušhaddum. Because there is a blockade over
here, he went from Ulama to Kaneš, and ...ṣṭ9ṣ
The letter also implies that the distance between Wahšušana and Purušhaddum would have
been long enough for a blockade to take effect during Ali-ahum s absence.
The following text suggests that one could travel from a town called Tumeliya to Wahšušana
and hence via Ulama to Purušhaddum. But it is uncertain whether the shipment from Tu-
meliya to Wahšušana was same as the shipment travelling from Ulama to Purušhaddum:
I gave him Ṭ shekels of silver in Tumeliya. ṣ Ṭ/ṭ shekels of silver went on fodder for the
donkeys and fees until Wahšušana. ṭ shekels of silver for the ṭṢ textiles from Ulama to
Purušhaddum, including lodgings.ṣṭ9Ṭ
A text that lists various debts collected in Tuhpiya suggests that one could reach Ulama from
Tuhpiya within ten days:
Ili-bani became indebted for half a mina of silver, a tadmiqtu-loan by the alahinnum of
Tuhpiya … In Tuhpiya they seized me and I paid τ minas of tin ... I gave her in Tuhpiya
… I wanted to seize the silver from Malahum, but he said: I will send the silver to you
from Ulama within ṣṢ days .ṣṭ9ṭ
ṣṭ9Ṣ. For the location of Tahašaili in Wahšušana, cf. section τ.ṣṬ.

ṣṭ9ṣ. Kt c/k σστ (l. ṣ-ṣṣ): a-na A- ùr-DUṣṢ qí-biσ-ma um-ma Ta-ha- a-li τ GÚ ṣṢ ma-na URUDU ma-sí-am a-na A-
lá-hi-im DUMU Ma-nu-a a-dí-in-ma a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-şdimš ú- é-ri-ib a-na-kam ki-ma sú-ku-ur-tù-ni i -tù
Ú-lá-ma a-na Kà-ni-i ki i-tal-kam-ma …
ṣṭ9Ṭ. Kt 9ṣ/k ṭστ (l. ṣ9-Ṭ8): Ṭ GÍN KÙ.şBABBAR> i-Tù-me-li-a a-dí- um ṣ Ṭ/ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ú-kúl-tí ANšE ù
da-a-sú a a-dí Wa-ah- u- a-na ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a ṭṢ TÚG.HI.A i -tù Ú-lá-ma a-dí Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ù É
wa-áb-ri. Could the toponym Tù-me-li-a be a mistake for Tù-úh-pí-a? For the village of Tumliya by Kaneš cf. σ.ṣτ.
ṣṭ9ṭ. AKT τ, τṣ (l. ṣ-ṭ): ṣ/Ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR ta-ad-mì-iq-tám a a-lá-hi-nim a Tù-úh-pì-a Ì-lí-ba-ni i-hi-biσ-ilτ-
ma … (l. τ-7): i-na Tù-úh-pì-a i -bu-tù-ni-ma τ ma-na AN.NA … á -qúl … (l. Ṭṭ): i-na Tù-úh-pì-a a-dí- í-im …
(l. ṭṬ-ṭτ) KÙ.BABBAR i-na li-bi Ma-lá-hi-im a -ba-at-ma um-ma u-ut-ma KÙ.BABBAR i -tù Ú-lá-ma a-na
ṣṢ uσ-me-e ú- é-ba-lá-kum. The edition omits ṭσa-na ṭτṣṢ uσ-me, but the passage appears in the notes that were
kindly provided to me by K. R. Veenhof and was conirmed by collation (August ṬṢṣṢ, courtesy H. Erol).
ṭṭσ
τ.ṣṭ ULAMA
The Assyrian documents consistently refer to Ulama as being on the way down to the main
market in Purušhaddum and up to Kaneš, much in the same way as later Hittite sources
distinguish between the Upper and the Lower Lands.
Here (in Purušhaddum) there is no market for tin, and the roads to šalatuwar are not
feasible (to travel), so I will turn around and go up to Ulama.ṣṭ9σ
Imlikaya seized us (as witnesses) in Ulama on our way down (from Kaneš).ṣṭ9τ
I have taken […] up to him in Ulama.ṣṭ96
Two shekels of silver when he came up to me in Ulama.ṣṭ97
Along with the itineraries discussed earlier, these four examples suggest that Ulama was lo-
cated somewhere on the line of descent from Cappadocia into Lycaonia. A similar image is
drawn by the following letters, which associate Ulama, Ušša and Purušhaddum:
There is peace in Purušhaddum. Ulama has accepted the oath with Purušhaddum.ṣṭ98
Write any news you hear from Kaneš, Purušhaddum, Ulama or Ušša in a tablet [and send
it here with the irst traveller].ṣṭ99
The reference to an armed conlict between Ulama and Purušhaddum does not necessarily
imply physical proximity, only a conlict of interests between the two states. But alongside
the second text, it might be taken as an indication that Ušša and Ulama were both located on
a route to Purušhaddum. The city of Ušša is not well attested in the Old Assyrian sources, but
the available evidence suggests that Ušša and Purušhaddum belong in the same region. The
detailed frontier description of the Hulaya River Land in the Tarhuntassa Treaty, the position
of Hittite Ussa in the vicinity of modern Konya is relatively certain.ṣσṢṢ A position of Ušša/
Ussa in that region also draws Ulama and Purušhaddum to the west.
–––––
ṣṭ9σ. Kt a/k τ79b (l. 6-8): a-na a-lá-tí-wa-ar ha-ra-na-tum lá na- ù a-‘tù]-ar-ma a-na Ú-la-ma e-li.
ṣṭ9τ. CCT τ, ṣṢb (l. ṣ-σ): Im-li-kà-a i-na Ú-lá-ma i-na wa-ra-dí-ni ... i -ba-at-ni-a-tí-ma.
ṣṭ96. RA 8ṣ, σ9 (l. Ṭ-σ): x [x] a-na Ú-lá-ma a- é-ri- u u -té-li.
ṣṭ97. Kt c/k ṣṭ6 (l. σ-6): Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-nu-mì a-na Ú-lá-ma e-li-a-ni.
ṣṭ98. KTS Ṭ, σṢ (l. Ṭ7-ṭṢ): u-ul-mu-um i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim Ú-lá-ma ma-mì-tám i -tí Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ilτ-té-qé.
Note also the very broken text TC ṣ, ṣṣ8 that mentions Ulama, the ruler of Ulama, a sikkātum and the Land of
[...]. It is possible that this text refers to the same conlict between Purušhaddum and Ulama.
ṣṭ99. I 766 (l. σ -ṣṢ ): mì-ma a-wa-tim a Kà-ni-i ‘P]u-ru-u -ha-dim Ú-lá-ma Ú- a a ki-ma ta-á -me-a-ni ‘i]-na
up-pí-im ‘lu-up]-ta-nim ‘ú i -tí a-li-ki-im pá-ni-e-ma té-er-ta-kà li-li-kam].
ṣσṢṢ. Ušša had an Assyrian Station (wabartum) and must have been regularly frequented by the Assyrian merchants
in spite of the scarce documentation from Kaneš (a total of ṣ6 attestations in the corpus). It appears that Ušša
was located at some distance from Kaneš and in a different sphere of trade. Perhaps the Kaneš Colony and the
Station in Ušša had little direct contact. Ušša is attested in: kt 87/k ṭτ7Ş kt 87/k σṬṬŞ kt 87/k σσ7Ş BIN σ, στŞ BIN
σ, ṣ87Ş CCT τ, ṣṬbŞ CCT τ, Ṭ8bŞ CCT 6, σ6bŞ kt c/k τṣτŞ I 766Ş KTS ṣ, ṭ8bŞ KTS Ṭ, σσŞ kt n/k 6ṭŞ TC Ṭ, τṭ (may
be a personal name)Ş TC ṭ, σ9Ş kt v/k ṣ6σ. ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: Ṭ8ṣ-Ṭ8Ṭ suggests reading a Ú-«tí»- a in CCT τ, ṭτc
l. ṭ, but cf. σ.ṣτ. Attestations of Ušša together with other cities are found in: Hudurut: BIN σ, στ, Puru haddum:
BIN σ, ṣ87Ş I 766, alatuwar: kt 87/k σṬṬ, Ulama: I 766, Wah u ana: BIN σ, στ. Hudurut may be a neighbour-
ing state of Ušša, cf. I σ88 (beeswax from H.)Ş I τ7σ (silver from H.)Ş kt j/k 97 (Hu-du-ra in the Myth of Sargon,
mentioned between Tukriš and Alašiya. Probably not Hudurut)Ş kt m/k ṣṣ7 (refers to šarama of Hudurut). for-
lanini ṣ988: ṣτṬ identiies Hudurut with Hittite Hurutta, which appears in KBo ṭ.ṣ (col. iii): ṭṢ alongside e.g.
Ikkuwaniya (Konya) and the Hulaya River. Kt 87/k σσ7 refers to the alahinnum, the rabi ma arti and the í-na-
şhiš-lúm of Ušša. CCT τ, Ṭ8b refers to a large debt owed by the alahinnum of Ušša. The related text CCT 6, σ6b
ṭṭτ
The city of Ulama had an Assyrian Station (wabartum),ṣσṢṣ and a number Assyrians are known
to have settled in the city. ATHE Ṭ9 and I σ8σ refer to the house of Kurara in Ulama, kt 9σ/k
σ7ṭ mentions Ili-nada from Ulama , and kt m/k ṣτ states that Ikun-piya son of Iddin-Suen
lives in Ulama. The city also occurs twice in the Anatolian onomasticon of the Assyrian
Colony Period. A man named Walama is listed as the recipient of ṭ jars of barley in kt 9σ/k
ṣτṬ7, and BIN σ, 6Ṣ refers to a man named Ulamil, presumably a name created on the basis
of the toponym.ṣσṢṬ
The local Anatolian institutions of the city are rarely mentioned. The ruler of the city occurs
only twice, in TC ṣ, ṣṣ8 and in kt 9ṭ/k ṣ79, and there are two references to the palace.ṣσṢṭ A
reference to a local Anatolian attorney of Ulama (wr. Walama) appears in the following passage:
Ali-ahum said to Kuziziya: In your house in Wahšušana ... … If the palace has conis-
cated my a ium in your house then come with me to Wahšušana and enter the palace, and
then let me receive the money and the a ium in the palace and let me take it out . Kuz-
iziya answered: I will not go (there). I am afraid for my life and I will not enter . He said
again: If you are afraid for you life to enter (the palace in) Wahšušana, then let me take
you to Walama, and then let me ask the rabi sikkitim in Walama for an attorney for you.
Then the attorney of the rabi sikkitim of Walama can take us into Wahšušana, and he can
take care of you while I get my a ium from the palace. After that I will personally take
you out to Mamma from Wahšušana.ṣσṢσ
The function of this attorney may have resembled the Assyrian oficial carrying the title, but
why the rabi sikkitim of Ulama would want to appoint an attorney and why he would take the
mentions the Assyrian Ali-ahum of Ušša. Kt c/k τṣτ refers to the return of Ha-da-a-ni (an Anatolian who
worked as transporter for the family) from a business trip to Ušša. KTS ṣ, ṭ8b mentions four talents of copper
brought to Ušša (cf. BIN σ, στ). KTS Ṭ, σσ states that PN will take the ṣṢ textiles to Ušša because there is no
market here (in Purušhaddum?). TC ṭ, σ9 states that since silver is expensive here (in Purušhaddum?) PN took
the goods to Ušša. Kt n/k 6ṭ refers to ālum Ušša. Kt v/k ṣ6σ records a testimony given before the wabartum of
Ušša. It seems Ušša was an alternative market where one could sell copper and textiles when silver was scarce
elsewhere. For a location based on the Hittite evidence, see forlanini ṣ988: ṣṭτ-ṣṭ6Ş leBrun ṬṢṢṣ: ṭṬ6-ṭṭṬŞ
Hawkins ṣ99τa: σ9-τṭ. In Muwatalli s Prayer (CTH ṭ8ṣ) the city is occurs (col. ii): ṭ8 The Storm-god of Ussa,
the Storm-god of Parsahunta, Mount Huwatnuwanda, River Hulaya, male gods, female gods, mountains and
rivers of the Lower Land . A passage in LS ṭ takes a number of ields in the town of Sasimuwa (in obv. ṣ8-ṬṢ
also Tepunamma) from the Man of Ussa and gives them to the house of Hattusa in Sarissa. This does not relate
to the location of Ussa in spite of the possible linguistic identiication of Sasimuwa with classical Sasima c. στ
km. south of Nev ehir. On the basis of Muwatalli s Prayer and the Tarhuntassa Treaty, Hawkins ṣ99τa sug-
gested an identiication of Ussa with Karahöyük Konya. forlanini ṣ988: ṣṭ6 argued against the identiication
on the basis of the archaeological assemblage on the mound, but forlanini ṣ998: ṬṬ6 identiies Karahöyük
Konya with either Ussa or Landa. The city remained important throughout Hittite history, and the toponym oc-
curs some ṭṢ times in the Hittite corpus. It continued to be the site of an occasional royal visit, cf. KBo ṣṣ.τ (col.
vi): ṭṢ-ṭṭ (see leBrun 2001: ṭṬ8-ṭṬ9). See also KUB τσ.7Ṣ, in which Ussa occurs in relation to an oath given
by Urhi-Tessub (see leBrun 1976: 211).
ṣσṢṣ. The wabartum in Ulama occurs in: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ CCT τ, ṣ8aŞ kt m/k ṣṭ7Ş kt n/k ṣ8Ṣṣ.
ṣσṢṬ. larocHe ṣ966: Ṭσ7-Ṭτσ. Cf. also Ú-lu-ma-ilτ in kt 87/k σ79 on p. ṭ8.
ṣσṢṭ. Kt 8ṭ/k ṣ6Ṭ (early text, refers to trade in amūtum)Ş Mixon ṣ8, see below. The palace mentioned in a broken
context in AKT 6: ṣ79 may also be the one in Ulama.
ṣσṢσ. TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ (l. ṭ-τ): um-ma A-la-hu-um-ma a-na Ku-zi-zi-a-ma i-na É-tí-kà i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ... (l. ṣṢ-ṭṭ):
u-ma a- í-i É.GAL-lúm i-na É-bé-tí-kà im- u-ùh a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na i -tí-a a-lik-ma É.GAL-lam e-‘ra-áb]
KÙ.BABBAR ‘ú] a- í-i i-na É.GAL-[lim] ‘lá-a]l-q‘é-ma] lu- é- í um-ma Ku-z‘i-zi-a-ma] ú-lá a-la-ak ‘a-na-pí-
i ]-tí-‘a] pá-al-h‘a-ku-ma lá e-ra-áb] i-tù-u‘r-ma iq-bi] u-ma a-n‘a Wa-ah- u- a-na] a-na e-ra-‘bi-im a-na-pí-
i -tí-kà] pá-al-ha-tí ‘a-ta] a-na Wa-lá-ma i -‘tí-a] lá-ar-de8-kà-ma i-n‘a Wa-lá-ma] i -tí ra-bi sí-kà-tim a Ú-lá-
ma ra-bi- a-am le-ri- a-ku-ma ra-biσ- ú-‘um] a GAL sí-ki-tim a Ú-lá-‘ma] a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na
lu- é-ri-ib-ni-a-tí-ma li-ip-qí-id-kà-ma a-‘ í-i] i -tí É.GAL-lim lá-al-q‘é] ù a-na Ma-ma i -tù Wa-ah- u- a-na
lu- é- í-a-kà. Cf. larsen ṣ976: ṣ88 with collations by Hecker and Veenhof. The reference to a rabi sikkātim is
unique. Surely, the rabi sikkitim is meant (as implied by the following sentence, cf. ṣ.6).
ṭṭ6
τ.ṣṭ ULAMA
Assyrian merchant to the palace in Wahšušana to reclaim a coniscated shipment in unknown.

Also, it is dificult to see what authority an oficer from Ulama would hold in Wahšušana. The
passage may be badly understood, and it is premature to conclude that the state of Ulama held
some sort of political hegemony over Wahšušana although such internal political hierarchies
among the Anatolian city-states are known to have existed.
The Land (mātum) of Ulama occurs twice in the sources: kt 9ṭ/k 6ṭ refers to U ur-ša-
Ištar staying in the Land of Ulama ,ṣσṢτ and kt n/k ṣṬτṭ states that Lulu died in the Land of
Ulama .ṣσṢ6 In addition, a broken passage in TC ṣ, ṣṣ8 mentions a sikkātum, the ruler of Ula-
ma and the Land of [...] ,ṣσṢ7 and Mixon ṣ8 reports on the copper of the palace or from the
outstanding claims of Ulama .ṣσṢ8
A number of the texts quoted in this section refer to turmoil, unrest and armed conlicts,
including a great western war that involved all the major states west of the Kızılırmak in
year c. REL ṣṢṢ that concluded with a peace treaty between Ulama and Purušhaddum.ṣσṢ9
Alongside the apparent importance of Ulama during the time of Anitta and Hattusili I,ṣσṣṢ this
suggests that Ulama was one of the major powers in western Anatolia during the Old Assyr-
ian Colony Period. The fact that the Assyrians had a wabartum and not a kārum in Ulama
does not relect the political importance and military power of the city-state itself. Anitta
writes that he went to Ulama to ight down a rebellion already in his year of ascension:
After (the death of) my father Pithana, in the very same year I fought down a rebellion.
Whatever land rose in revolt in the direction of the Sun, I defeated them all. [The city of
... r]ama, the city of Ullamma, the [city of ...ṣσṣṣ
It is not clear what the term revolt or rebellion refers to in the context. Had the state of
Ulama already sworn its allegiance to Anitta s father, Pithana, or is the statement a euphe-
mism for a war of conquest?
The city of Ulama reappears in the Old Hittite texts dating to the reigns of Hattusili I and
his heir Mursili I.ṣσṣṬ According to the annals of Hattusili, the Hurrian enemy caused all of
Central Anatolia to rise against Hattusili during his sojourn in Arzawa. The author contrasts
the fate of Ulama to its neighbour Nenassa, which appears to have given in without a ight:
ṣσṢτ. Kt 9ṭ/k 6ṭ (l. σ-8): a-dí-i Ú- ur- a-A- ùr DUMU Lá-am-ni-a-nim a-ni- a-am lá ni-ik- u-da- u i-na ma-at Ú-lá-
ma ú- í-ib-ma.
ṣσṢ6. Kt n/k ṣṬτṭ (l. 6-8): Lu-lu DUMU A- ùr-ma-lik ni- a-me-ma i-na ma-at Ú-lá-ma me-et.
ṣσṢ7. TC ṣ, ṣṣ8: (l. σ-7) [ i]-na Ú-la-ma [ ][ ]-al ú sí-kà-tum ‘ ]‘ ]a Ú-la-ma-i-im [ ][ ]-ku-ma ma-at ‘ ].
ṣσṢ8. Mixon ṣ8 (l. τ-6): URUDU a É.GAL-lim lu i-na ba-áb-tim a Ú-lá-ma.
ṣσṢ9. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press, ch. Ṭ. Cf. KTS Ṭ, σṢ above. MicHel ṬṢṢ8d quotes an excerpt from the
letter kt 9ṭ/k ṣ79, which refers to the absence of royal leadership in Ulama: Since there is no king in Ulama,
there is turmoil and there is no trafic. I will check things in Wahšušana. I will act according to your instructions.
Also, I held back the donkeys. In ten days I will say: When will the road will open? (and) if they have not
taken away the donkeys, then I will return them to you (l. ṭ-ṣτ: ru-ba-um ki-ma i-na Ú-lá-ma lá- u-ú sà-hi-a-
at-ma a-li-ku-um lá- u i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a-ba-ri a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà e-pá-á ú ANšE ak-lá a-dí ṣṢ uσ-me
um-ma a-na-ku-ma ma-tí ha-ra-num i-pá-tí ANšE.HI u-ma lá i-ta-áb-lu a- é-ri-kà ú-ta-ra- u-nu). Cf. MicHel
& garelli ṣ996 n. ṬṣŞ MicHel ṬṢṢ8d: Ṭσṭ and n. 6ṭ. Since the texts from the kt 9ṭ/k-season could not be exam-
ined in their archival context for the present study, it has not been possible to date the document and determine
whether it might be part of the same conlict.
ṣσṣṢ. Note also Hattusili s distinction between the city of Nenassa and the land of Ulma in KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ (col. i): ṭṢ, ṭṭ.
The Akkadian version has city in both cases.
ṣσṣṣ. Cf. neu ṣ97σ: ṣṣŞ Hoffner: ṣ8Ṭ-ṣ8ṭŞ carruBa ṬṢṢṭ: ṬṭŞ Haas ṬṢṢ6: Ṭ9.
ṣσṣṬ. Written Ullamma in the Akkadian version of the annals of Hattusili I (KBo ṣṢ.ṣ) and once in the Old Hittite
Palace Chronicles (KBo ṭ.ṭ6 obv. ṬṬ). Written Ulma in the Hittite version of the annals of Hattusili I (KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ),
the archaic sacriice list KBo σ.ṣṭ and in a fragment belonging to the Zukrasi story KUB ṭ6.ṣṢṣ.
ṭṭ7
The following year I went to Arzawa, and I took their oxen and sheep away from them.
But behind me the enemy from Hurri entered the land and all the lands revolted before
me. Only Hattusa, a single city, remained …
I went against the city Nenassa in battle, and when the men of Nenassa faced me they
opened up.
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Afterwards I went to battle against the land of Ulma. The men of Ulma faced me twice
in battle, and I also smote them twice. I destroyed the Land of Ulma and in its ground I
sowed fennel,ṣσṣṭ and I took away seven gods to the temple of the Sun-goddess of Arinna.
One silver ox, the goddess Katiti, Mount Aranhapilanni, and the gods that remained I
presented to the temple of Mezulla. When I returned from the Land of Ulma, I went to
the land of Sallahasuwa ...ṣσṣσ
This detailed description of the battle for Ulama and the following sack of the city and its
temples gives an impression of the severe punishment meted out to states that dared to defy
Hattusili.
The city plays no role in the later Hittite evidence. It is mentioned twice in the Palace Chron-
icles, once in a narrative about Zukrasi that seems to refer to Hattusili s conquest,ṣσṣτ and a
second time in a short passage that tells about the governor of Hurama who appointed a potter
named Isputasinara to rule Ullamma.ṣσṣ6 The anecdotal character of the latter episode calls for
historical scepticismŞ and, more likely, the appointment of a potter to rule a smashed city was
intended as a pun. The text CTH ṣṭ mentions a city URUUl-lam-ma in a broken passage related
to a Hittite military campaign against the Land of Arzawa in the west.ṣσṣ7 But the date of the text
is uncertain, and it is not clear whether the passage refers to the city of Ulama known from the
Old Assyrian evidence or to the town of Walma on the main route to Arzawa at modern ‘ay.ṣσṣ8
In Imperial Hittite times Ulama disappears entirely from the record. A number of homony-
mous toponyms occur in the texts, one corresponding to Classical Holmoi at ‘ay northwest
of Ak ehir,ṣσṣ9 the other is likely to be identiied with a region on the coast of the Mediterra-
nean around the Classical settlement of Holmi near Silifke.ṣσṬṢ Finally, a town or village
named Uwalma occurs in KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+ as a settlement belonging to the province of Dur-
mitta (cf. τ.ṣ).
ṣσṣṭ. For marashanha = fennel , cf. DurnforD & akeroYD ṬṢṢτ.

ṣσṣσ. KBo ṣṢ.Ṭ obv. ṬṬ-Ṭ6, ṭṢ-σṬ (Hitt. ver.)Ş translation by J. D. Hawkins (pers. communication).
ṣσṣτ. KUB ṭ6.ṣṢṣ (col. ii): ṣṢ.
ṣσṣ6. DarDano ṣ997: σ8-σ9Ş ZorMan ṬṢṢσ. The parallel text (KBo ṭ.ṭσ (col. ii): ṣ6) has: URUU-tah-su-mi instead of
Ul-lam-ma. Dardano takes this as an error for Ulamma, but it seems possible that it might be the other way
around.
ṣσṣ7. CTH ṣṭ = KBo ṭ.σ6+Ş KBo ṭ.τṭ+ (col. ii): στ.
ṣσṣ8. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: ṣṢτ with some reservation chose to identify Ullamma in CTH ṣṭ with the settlement
attested in the Old Assyrian sources. But the cities mentioned alongside it were all members of the Arzawa alli-
ance (e.g. Miniya, Parista, Parmana). This may imply that western Walma is meant. Note also the mention of
Ul-ma in the archaic sacriice list KBo σ.ṣṭ (col. i): σṭ (cf. forlanini ṬṢṢ7b: Ṭ68).
ṣσṣ9. Cf. Hawkins ṣ99τa: τṣ n. ṣ78Ş ṣ998a. For the identiication of ‘ay with Classical Holmoi, see HaMilton ṣ8σṬ
(vol. ii): ṣ8σ, ṬṢṣŞ raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: ṣσṢ. Note starke ṣ997, who extends the territory under the control of Hittite
Walma all the way to Sandıklı and Dinar. Mursili II defeated the forces of Arzawa at Walma, and in ṭṢṣ B.C.
Seleucus I and Lysimachus defeated Antigonus the One-Eyed and his son Demetrius in the battle of Ipsus on the
same ield, cf. BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣσṬṢ. forlanini ṬṢṢṣb: Ṭṣ8-Ṭṣ9 suggests that: the lack of archaeological remains in southern Anatolia beyond the
Taurus due to the tribal life in the region even in the Classical times (e.g. the Isaurians) and up to the present
century (the Göçebe). If we look at the map of Saraçoğlu showing the present nomadic routes in the Taurus area,
we can get an idea also of the yearly migrations in the Classical period or in the BA. When we read of Awarna
or šalluša, Hattanna or Kuwalapassa we do not know if we should better think of tribal names or of towns.
ṭṭ8
τ.ṣσ WAHšUšANA
5.14 Wah u anaṣσṬṣ

Wahšušana is the second most frequently attested toponym in the Old Assyrian texts after
Kaneš and Assur (cf. Graph Ṭ8). Almost σṢṢ tablets – or roughly one out of every thirty texts
available for this study – refer to the city. Several of them give detailed itineraries, which
show that Wahšušana was located on a major crossroad between the route coming from Kaneš
That explains also the frequent repetition of such names through the country, exactly like the repetition of the
names of the Ṭσ Oğuz tribes in the modern toponomy of southern Anatolia. So, we have a *Kuwalabassa (>Tele-
behi/Telmessos) in western Lycia and a *Kuwalabassa (>Kolbasa) in Pisidia, exactly as two Tlos (form BA Ta-
lawa), perhaps two more BA Walma (>Holmoi, in one case). Note also the discussion in forlanini ṣ998: ṬṬσ
about the migratory tribes in Hittite and Cassical times who left numerous double toponyms. A similar phenom-
enon is known from Syria, note e.g. Apum = Damascus and Apum = šehna (cf. cHarpin & Ziegler ṬṢṢṭ).
ṣσṬṣ. Attestations of Wahšušana (with various spellings) are found in: Wa-ah- u- a-na: kt 7τ/k ṣṣṭŞ kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt
8ṭ/k Ṭ8σŞ kt 87/k σṢŞ kt 87/k σσŞ kt 87/k τṭŞ kt 87/k ṣστŞ kt 87/k ṬτṬŞ kt 87/k Ṭ77Ş kt 87/k Ṭ9σŞ kt 87/k ṭṢ6Ş kt
87/k ṭσσŞ kt 87/k ṭ6ṣŞ kt 87/k ṭ66Ş kt 87/k ṭ7τŞ kt 87/k ṭ87Ş kt 87/k ṭ88Ş kt 87/k ṭ9ṬŞ kt 87/k σṢṬŞ kt 87/k σṬ6Ş
kt 87/k σṭ6Ş kt 87/k στσŞ kt 87/k σ6ṬŞ kt 87/k σ6τŞ kt 87/k σ7ṢŞ kt 87/k σ8ṬŞ kt 87/k σ9ṭŞ kt 88/k 7ṣŞ kt 88/k Ṭ69Ş
kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṬ6Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣτṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ7ṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ77Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9τŞ kt 9ṣ/k
ṬṢσŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt 9ṣ/k σ7τŞ kt 9ṣ/k σ9σŞ kt
9ṣ/k τṣṣŞ kt 9Ṭ/k 97Ş kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṭṣ9Ş kt 9Ṭ/k τ6σbŞ kt 9ṭ/k τ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k 9σŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ9ṣŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṭσṬŞ kt
9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣτṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ6ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṣσa+bŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσ8Ş kt 9σ/k
ṭ6τŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ67Ş kt 9σ/k ṭ7τŞ kt 9σ/k σṣτŞ kt 9σ/k σṬṢŞ kt 9σ/k σσṢŞ kt 9σ/k σ89Ş kt 9σ/k σ97Ş kt 9σ/k ττṢŞ kt
9σ/k 6ṬṬŞ kt 9σ/k 7ṢṬŞ kt 9σ/k 86ṢbŞ kt 9σ/k 9ṭṭŞ kt 9σ/k 97ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṢṢṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṢ8ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṣṭṬŞ kt 9σ/k
ṣṣ76Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṣ9ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṭṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσττŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ68ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ78σŞ kt ṢṢ/k 7Ş AAA ṣ, ṭŞ
kt a/k ṬṭṬŞ kt a/k ṭσṭŞ kt a/k σσṢŞ kt a/k σσ7 [a+b]Ş kt a/k σ8ṣa+bŞ kt a/k σ86 a+bŞ kt a/k σ89 a+bŞ kt a/k σ99bŞ
kt a/k τṢ9Ş kt a/k τṣṬŞ kt a/k τṬ6Ş kt a/k 8σ9Ş kt a/k 9ττŞ kt a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ kt a/k ṣṢ6ṢŞ AKT ṣ, ṬτŞ AKT ṣ, σṬa+bŞ
AKT ṣ, 78Ş AKT ṭ, ṣ6Ş AKT ṭ, ṬṭŞ AKT ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT ṭ, ṭ9Ş AKT ṭ, στŞ AKT ṭ, τṣŞ AKT ṭ, τ6Ş AKT ṭ, 9ṣŞ AKT ṭ,
96Ş AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, ṣτŞ AKT τ, ṬṢŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ AKT τ, 7σŞ AKT 6, ṣṬ7aŞ AKT 6, ṣṭṢŞ AKT 6, ṣ7τŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ
AKT 6, ṭṣσŞ AKT 6, ṭ7ṣŞ AKT 6, ṭ97Ş AKT 6, σσṬŞ AKT 6, σ96Ş AKT 6, σ97Ş AKT 6, σ98Ş AKT 6, σ99Ş AKT 6,
τṢτŞ AKT 6, ṭτṣŞ AnOr 6, ṬṣŞ AnOr 6, ṬṬŞ ATHE σṬŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ ATHE 66Ş Berythus ṭ, 77Ş BIN σ, 6Ş BIN σ, ṬṭŞ
BIN σ, ṭṣŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, σṭŞ BIN σ, στŞ BIN σ, 7ṢŞ BIN σ, ṣṢṢŞ BIN σ, ṣṢσŞ BIN σ, ṣṣṬ+Ş BIN σ, ṣσṬŞ BIN σ,
Ṭṣ8Ş BIN 6, ṭ8Ş BIN 6, τ8Ş BIN 6, 9ṭŞ BIN 6, ṣṢσŞ BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ BIN 6, ṣ8ṭŞ BIN 6, ṣ86Ş BIN 6, ṣ88Ş BIN 6, ṬṬṢŞ
BIN 6, Ṭ69Ş Brussel 6 (O 8Ṭ)Ş C Ṭṭ (Bilgiç AfO ṣτ, ṭ7)Ş CCT ṣ, σ8Ş CCT Ṭ, ṣ9bŞ CCT Ṭ, Ṭ9Ş CCT Ṭ, ṭṣaŞ CCT
Ṭ, ṭτŞ CCT Ṭ, σ6bŞ CCT ṭ, ṣ8aŞ CCT ṭ, ṭ9aŞ CCT σ, ṭaŞ CCT σ, σaŞ CCT σ, ṣṢaŞ CCT σ, ṣṢbŞ CCT σ, ṣ6cŞ CCT
σ, ṣ7aŞ CCT σ, ṣ9bŞ CCT σ, ṬṬbŞ CCT σ, ṬτcŞ CCT σ, ṭ6aŞ CCT σ, σṢbŞ CCT τ, ṣṬaŞ CCT τ, ṣσbŞ CCT τ, ṣτcŞ
CCT τ, ṣτdŞ CCT τ, ṬσaŞ CCT τ, ṬσcŞ CCT τ, ṭ7aŞ CCT τ, στaŞ CCT 6, 7cŞ CCT 6, ṭ8bŞ kt c/k τŞ kt c/k σ8Ş kt
c/k τṢŞ kt c/k 9ṢŞ kt c/k ṬṬ6Ş kt c/k Ṭ6ṭŞ kt c/k Ṭ67Ş kt c/k Ṭ89Ş kt c/k σṣ9Ş kt c/k 6ṢŞ kt c/k 9ṬŞ kt c/k ṣσ6Ş kt c/k
ṣτσŞ kt c/k ṣ7Ṭ+Ş kt c/k ṣ9ṣŞ kt c/k ṣ9τŞ kt c/k ṬṢ8Ş kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k Ṭ8ṢŞ kt c/k ṭṢ6Ş kt c/k ṭṢ9Ş kt
c/k ṭṬ6Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k ṭσ6Ş kt c/k ṭ88Ş kt c/k σṢ7Ş kt c/k σσ9Ş kt c/k τṣṭŞ kt c/k τṬ9Ş kt c/k τṭ8Ş kt c/k 6ṣṣŞ
kt c/k 6ṬṣŞ kt c/k 6ṬṬŞ kt c/k 6Ṭτ+Ş kt c/k 669Ş kt c/k 679Ş kt c/k 7ṭτŞ kt c/k 7σṭŞ kt c/k 7στŞ kt c/k 76ṣŞ kt c/k
ṣτṢṣŞ kt c/k ṣτṢṬŞ CTMMA ṣ, 7ṬŞ CTMMA ṣ, 87a+bŞ kt d/k ṣŞ EL Ṭ6ṭŞ kt f/k τṭŞ kt h/k ṣ8Ş h/k ṭ8Ş I σṭṣŞ I σṭ8Ş
I σσṬŞ I τṢ7Ş I τṬτŞ I τṭτŞ I 6Ṣ8Ş I 67τŞ I 768Ş I 8ṭσŞ ICK ṣ, 8τŞ ICK ṣ, ṣτ9Ş ICK Ṭ, ṣṢṣŞ ICK Ṭ, ṣṭ9Ş kt j/k ṣṢ7Ş
Ka ṭ98Ş Ka 689Ş kt k/k ṣṢ6Ş kt k/k ṣṣ8Ş KTB ṣṢŞ KTB ṣ8+Ş KTH ṣŞ KTH τŞ KTH ṣσŞ KTH ṭṬŞ KTH ṭṭŞ KTK ṬŞ
KTK ṭŞ KTK σŞ KTK τŞ KTP σŞ KTP ṣṢŞ KTP ṣṬŞ KTP ṣσŞ KTP ṣ6Ş KTS ṣ, ṣ9aŞ KTS ṣ, ṭτb (col. Larsen l. ṣ7)Ş
KTS ṣ, τṢcŞ KTS Ṭ, 9Ş KTS Ṭ, ṬṢŞ KTS Ṭ, τ9Ş KUG ṣṬŞ KUG ṭṣŞ KUG ṭ7Ş KUG σṣŞ LB ṣṬṢ8Ş kt m/k 7ṣŞ kt m/k
8ṬŞ kt m/k ṣṢ9Ş kt m/k ṣṭṭŞ MNK 6ṭτŞ MNK 6ṭ6Ş kt n/k Ṭ9Ş kt n/k 67Ş kt n/k 8σ (māt)Ş kt n/k ṣṬṬŞ kt n/k Ṭṣ8Ş kt
n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k ṬṬ8Ş kt n/k ṭṣσŞ n/k ṭ8ṭŞ kt kt n/k σṬ8Ş kt n/k σṭṬŞ kt n/k τṢ7Ş kt n/k 688Ş kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ kt n/k ṣṣσṬŞ
kt n/k ṣṣ7σŞ kt n/k ṣṬ7ṢŞ kt n/k ṣṬ7σŞ kt n/k ṣστṣŞ kt n/k ṣστ6Ş kt n/k ṣσ7σŞ kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ kt n/k ṣτṬ8Ş kt n/k ṣ8ṣṢŞ
kt n/k ṣ9Ṭ8Ş OAA ṣ, 7τ (RC ṣ7σ9E)Ş OIP Ṭ7, τσŞ OIP Ṭ7, τ7Ş POAT ṬṣŞ POAT Ṭ7Ş RA τ9, ṭ6 (MAH ṣ96ṭṣ)Ş RA
τ8, ṣṣ8 (Sch. ṣ8)Ş RA τ8, ṣṭσ (Goud. ṭ)Ş RA 6Ṣ, 9τ (MAH ṣ6ṭτ7)Ş RA 6Ṣ, ṣṭṢ (AO ṣṣṬṣ7)Ş RA 6Ṣ, ṣσṭ (Dessa-
lien)Ş RA 8ṣ, Ṭσ (AO Ṭ9ṣ7σ)Ş RA 88, ṣṬṣ (Brieux)Ş kt r/k ṣ6Ş Sadberk Ṭ7Ş kt s/k 8ṬŞ TC ṣ, ṣ7Ş TC ṣ, ṭṬŞ TC ṣ,
τṭŞ TC ṣ, 6ṢŞ TC ṣ, 7ṬŞ TC ṣ, ṣṣṢŞ TC ṣ, ṣṣṣŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṭŞ TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ TC ṭ, ṭṣŞ TC ṭ, 8ṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣṣτŞ TC ṭ,
ṣṭṭŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṢŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7τŞ kt t/k ṣŞ kt t/k ṬτŞ TMH ṣ, ṣaŞ TPAK ṣ, σṭa+bŞ TPAK ṣ, στŞ TPAK ṣ, 68Ş
TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa+bŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ9ṢŞ TTC ṬṭŞ TTC Ṭ8Ş kt v/k ṣ69Ş VS Ṭ6, ṭṣŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭ8Ş VS Ṭ6, 7τŞ VS Ṭ6, 8σŞ VS Ṭ6,
ṣṣṬŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṣτa+bŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣṣ9Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣṬṭ, Ah- u- a-na: CCT 6, ṣτa+I 6ṭṭ+I 76ṭ, Ú-hu- u- a-na : kt 8ṭ/k ṣ7σ,
Ú-ùh- u- a-na: AKT 6, ṭ86Ş Ùh- u- a-na: kt ṢṢ/k ṣσŞ kt c/k 7σŞ kt c/k ṭ7ṭŞ kt c/k τσṬŞ kt c/k 7ṣ6Ş kt c/k 866,
Wa-ah- u-u -na: kt c/k σṢ6, nisbe: Wa-ah- u- a-i-tí-‘im]: TC ṭ, ṣσṭ, wa-ah- u- a-na-i-e: KTS ṣ, ṭṭa. Some of
the spellings imply that the conventional reading Wa-ah- u- a-na may in fact have been pronounced Wuh u ana.
Note also Ú-hu- u- a-na in the early text kt 8ṭ/k ṣ7σ. The writing Wa-ah- u-u -na in kt c/k σṢ6 suggests that the
name ended in the common toponymic sufix –sna (e.g. Athurušna, Hupisna, Zurkišna, Tarimišna, Tihisna).
ṭṭ9
and the copper route that connected Durhumit to Purušhaddum. It was also a major market for
imports coming from Assur, a central hub, and home to numerous Assyrian merchants. The
cluster shows the importance of Wahšušana in the Assyrian trade in general, and a lot of top-
onyms appear in texts alongside Wahšušana in spite of their mutual geographical distance.
The importance of Durhumit and Purušhaddum in the cluster is clear, while the proximity
between Wahšušana and šalatuwar, Wašhaniya, Ulama, Tuhpiya and Ninašša is implied by
the proportion of itineraries compared to the total number of times they appear together. The
number of toponyms attested alongside Wahšušana is high, but the proportion of names that
occur more than once or twice is negligible.ṣσṬṬ
Aliašša Ṭ Kunanamit ṣ Tegarama ṭ

āl Bu nātim ṣ Lakuz ṣ Tilhat ṣ
Burallum ṣ Luhuzattiya Ṭ Timelkiya 6
Duhmel ṣ Malitta Ṭ Timniya ṣ
Durhumit ṭṭ Mamma 6 Tišmurna σ
Habura ṣ Marithum Ṭ Tuhpiya σ
Hahhum 8 Nihriya Ṭ Tumeliya ṣ
Hanaknak ṭ Ninašša 7 Ulama ṣṬ
Hanika ṣ Purušhaddum τσ Upe ṣ
Harša ṣ māt Sawit ṣ Ušbugattum ṣ
Hattum ṭ Supana Ṭ Wašhaniya ṣτ
māt Hiruh ṣ šalatuwar ṭτ Wazida ṣ
Hudurut ṣ šamuha ṣ Zalpa 7
Hurama τ māt šarla ṣ Zimišhuna ṣ
Hurumaštum ṣ šinahuttum Ṭ Zuliya ṣ
Kuššara ṣ Taedizina ṣ Zurkišna ṣ
Kubilšan ṣ Tapaggaš ṣ
Kuburnat ṭ Tawiniya Ṭ
Table ṭṭ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Wahšušana.
ṣσṬṬ. The attestations of Wahšušana together with other cities are found in: Alia a: CCT Ṭ, Ṭ9Ş Kay ṣṣṣṭ, āl Buṭnātim:
kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Burallum: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣ, Duhmel: kt 9σ/k σṣτ, Durhumit: kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt
9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ7τŞ AAA ṣ, ṭŞ kt a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ AKT τ, τŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ,
7ṢŞ CCT τ, ṣσbŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k 7σṭŞ I τṢ7Ş I τṬτŞ I τṭτŞ ICK ṣ, 8τŞ kt j/k ṣṢ7Ş MNK 6ṭ6Ş kt h/k ṭ8Ş kt n/k Ṭṣ8Ş
kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k ṣστṣŞ kt n/k ṣσ7σŞ RA 6Ṣ, ṣσṭ (Dessalien)Ş TC ṣ, ṣσṭŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣσṭŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣaŞ TPAK
ṣ, ṣ8ṣ, Habura: VS Ṭ6, ṣṬṭ, Hahhum: kt 87/k σ7ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ BIN 6, ṭ8Ş BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ
OAA ṣ, 7τ (RC ṣ7σ9e)Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣṬṭ, Hanaknak: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt c/k 9ṢŞ kt c/k τṭ8, Hanika: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Har a:
kt n/k 67, Hattum: kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş I σṭ8, māt Hiruh: kt n/k ṣṬṬ, Hudurut: BIN σ, στ, Hurama: kt 9ṣ/k
Ṭ9ṢŞ kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ kt c/k 6Ṭτ+Ş TTC Ṭṭ, Huruma tum: ATK ṭ, τ6, Ku ara: kt n/k 67, āl Kubil an: kt
9ṣ/k σṭ7, Kuburnat: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7Ş kt c/k τṭ8Ş kt n/k Ṭṣ8, Kunanamit: KTS ṣ, ṣ9a, Lakuz: kt 87/k σṬ6, Luhuzat-
tiya: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7Ş BIN σ, 6, Malitta: OIP Ṭ7, τσŞ TC ṣ, τṭ, Mamma: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ9ṣŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ KTH ṣŞ kt h/k ṣ8Ş
kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ, Marithum: kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8Ş kt j/k ṣṢ7, Nihriya: AKT τ, ṬṣŞ kt c/k τσṬ, Nina a: kt 9ṭ/k 9σŞ
kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE 66Ş kt c/k 669Ş KTS ṣ, τṢcŞ TC ṣ, 7Ṭ, Puru haddum: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k σσŞ kt
87/k σ6τŞ kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k σ7τŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ
kt 9σ/k ṭ6τŞ kt 9σ/k σ97Ş kt 9σ/k 97ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṢŞ kt a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ AKT ṣ, 78Ş ATK ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT 6, ṣ7τŞ AKT 6, ṭτṣŞ
ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, σṭŞ kt c/k σ8Ş kt c/k τṢŞ kt c/k ṣ9ṣŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k Ṭ6ṭŞ kt c/k ṭṢ9Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt
c/k ṭ7ṭŞ kt c/k σṢ6Ş kt c/k 669Ş kt c/k 7ṭτŞ kt c/k 866Ş CCT σ, ṭaŞ CCT σ, σaŞ CCT σ, ṬṬbŞ CCT 6, 7cŞ KTH ṣŞ KTH
ṣσŞ KTH ṭṭŞ KTP σŞ KTP ṣṢŞ kt n/k 8σŞ kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k ṣστ6Ş kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṭŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa+bŞ
TTC Ṭ8Ş VS Ṭ6, ṭṣŞ VS Ṭ6, 8σ, māt Sawit: ATK ṭ, τ6, Supana: CCT 6, ṣτa+Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, alatuwar: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş
kt 87/k σ6τŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9τŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσττŞ kt a/k σ86 a+bŞ kt a/k σ89a+bŞ kt a/k τṢ9Ş AKT
ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT ṭ, στŞ AKT ṭ, τ6Ş AKT τ, ṬṢŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ AKT 6, ṭ97Ş AKT 6, σ96Ş AKT 6, σ98Ş BIN σ, 6Ş BIN σ, 7ṢŞ
CCT τ, στaŞ kt c/k ṣ7Ṭ+Ş kt c/k τσṬŞ kt c/k 6ṬṬŞ kt c/k 7στŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş I σσṬŞ
ṭσṢ
Purušhaddum 26 28
Aliašša
Ninašša 3 4
Nihriya 0 2
Durhumit
Marithum 1 1
Hahhum
Mamma 1 5
Malitta 2 0
Hanaknak
Luhuzattiya 0 2
Hattum
Kuburnat 0 3
Hurama 2 3
Hurama
Hattum 2 1
Hanaknak
Kuburnat 0 3
Hahhum 2 6
Luhuzattiya
Durhumit 14 19
Aliašša
Malitta 2 0
Mamma
Marithum
Nihriya
Ninašša
Purušhaddum
Supana
Šalatuwar
Šinahuttum
Tawiniya
Tegarama
Timelkiya
Tišmurna
Tuhpiya
Tumeliya
Ulama
Wašhaniya
Zalpa
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Graph 24: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Wah u ana. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
KTK ṬŞ KTP ṣṢŞ KUG ṭ7Ş kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ TC ṣ, ṭṬŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş kt t/k ṣŞ kt t/k ṬτŞ TMH ṣ, ṣa, amuha: kt 9ṭ/k Ṭṭ7,
māt arla: AKT ṣ, 78, inahuttum: kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ VS Ṭ6, 7τ, Taedizina: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Tapagga : kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7,
Tawiniya: AKT τ, ṣτŞ ATHE 6ṭ, Tegarama: AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ POAT Ṭ7, Tilhat: VS Ṭ6, ṭṣ, Timelkiya: kt
9Ṭ/k ṣṣṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσττŞ BIN 6, ṣṣσŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k 6Ṭτ+, Timniya: AKT τ, Ṭṣ, Ti murna: kt 9σ/k
ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṭṭ8Ş kt a/k 9ττŞ kt n/k ṣṬṬ, Tuhpiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ TC ṣ, 6Ṣ, Tumeliya:
kt 9ṣ/k ṭστ, Ulama: kt 7τ/k ṣṣṭŞ kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ BIN σ, ṭṣŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt
c/k ṭṢ6Ş kt c/k 669Ş I 6Ṣ8Ş Sadberk Ṭ7Ş TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣ, Upe: ATK ṭ, τ6, U bugattum: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ, Wa haniya: kt
87/k ṣστŞ kt ṢṢ/k 7Ş AKT 6, ṣṬ7aŞ AKT 6, Ṭ7ṭŞ ATHE 66Ş CCT Ṭ, ṭṣaŞ CCT Ṭ, ṭτŞ CCT σ, ṣ6cŞ KTK τŞ KTP ṣσŞ
kt n/k ṣṢτṬŞ OIP Ṭ7, τσŞ RA τ8, ṣṭṬ (Goud. ṭ)Ş TC ṭ, ṣṢŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭ8, Wazida: kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7, Zalpa: kt 9ṭ/k τ9Ş
AKT 6, ṭṣσŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ CCT 6, 7cŞ kt c/k τŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7, Zimi huna: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢ, Zuliya: kt 9ṭ/k 9σ,
Zurki na: kt m/k ṣṭṭ. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that
unmistakably describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just jour-
neys from A to B).
ṭσṣ
The close association between Wahšušana, Ninašša and Ulama was discussed in the preced-
ing two sections. A river named Zuliya formed the border between Wahšušana and Ninašša
(τ.ṣṬ), and there was a guarded road leading from Wahšušana to Ulama (τ.ṣṭ).
The most commonly mentioned neighbour of Wahšušana is šalatuwar, which occurs to-
gether with Wahšušana in ṭτ texts. ṣ9 of them are itineraries. The most important evidence
for their geographical relation comes from two texts that list expenses incurred on a journey
from šalatuwar to Wahšušana for a man and his perdum-animal.ṣσṬṭ The expenses listed are
not identical although the two documents clearly refer to the same journey:
I gave ṭ shekels of silver for lodgings. I gave the Colony Ofice ṭ shekels of silver as
addu utum-tax. I paid 7 minas of ikkum-copper for the wine the day we bought the
perdum. I paid ṣ mina for the paddock. I paid Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas at the bridge. All this I paid out
in šalatuwar because of the perdum. τ minas of copper for the Colony Ofice. I paid τ
minas of copper to the ka um-oficial. I gave τ minas of copper to the guide, and he took
me to the river bank. All this I paid out in Wahšušana because of the perdum.ṣσṬσ
I personally added ṣ/ṭ mina σ shekels of silver (to the) Ṭ minas less 6 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of sil-
ver, which Kadala gave me to buy a perdum, and I paid Ṭ minas ṣ6 ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver
for the perdum. I gave ṭ shekels of silver for lodgings. I paid the Colony Ofice ṭ shekels
of silver as addu utum-tax. I paid 7 minas of copper for the wine the day we bought the
perdum. I paid ṣ mina for the paddock. All this I paid out in šalatuwar because of the
perdum. We left šalatuwar and I paid Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper at the bank of the river be-
cause of the perdum. I paid Ṭ minas of copper for grain in šalatuwar. τ minas of copper
for lodgings. I paid τ minas as addu utum-tax to the Colony Ofice. I paid τ minas of
copper to the ka um-oficial. I paid σ minas for some grain. I gave the alahinnum ṣṢ
minas of copper for the guide (and) he led me to the river bank. I paid ṣ mina to the boat-
man. All this I paid out in Wahšušana because of the perdum.ṣσṬτ
It may be that the shorter record was a draft for the longer memorandum, and that only the
latter text therefore lists the grain used as fodder for the perdum, the lodgings in Wahšušana
and the increased price for the guide to the river. The comparison shows how deceiving
memoranda can be as geographical evidence. Without numerous overlapping examples and a
well-deined cluster, one is easily tempted to read too much into a single source. In the given
example the irst text refers to expenses spent on lodgings only once, whereas two such en-
tries appear in the longer version. Had only the draft been available, one could argue that a
ṣσṬṭ. Probably a horse or a mule, cf. MicHel ṬṢṢσ.

ṣσṬσ. Kt t/k Ṭτ: ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na É wa-áb-ri-im a-dí-in ṭ GÍN a-na É kà-ri-im a-na a-du-ú-tim a-dí-in 7
ma-na URUDU í-kam i- a-am- í pé-er-dam ni-i -ú-mu a-na ki-ra-nim á -qúl ṣ ma-na a-na i -pá-da-li á -qúl
Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na i-na tí-tù-ri-im á -qúl mì-ma a-nim i-na a-lá-tí-wa-ar a- u-mì pé-er-dim ú- a-qí-ilτ τ ma-na
URUDU a-na É kà-ri-im τ ma-na URUDU a-na kà- í-im á -qúl τ ma-na URUDU a-na ra-dí-im a-dí-in-ma
a-na a-pá-at na-ri-im ú- é-ra-ni mì-ma a-nim i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a- u-mì pé-er-dim ú- a-qí-ilτ.
ṣσṬτ. Kt t/k ṣ: Ṭ ma-na LÁ 6 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a Kà-da-lá a-na pé-er-dí-im a-a-mì-im i-dí-na-ni ṣ/ṭ ma-na σ
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na ra-mì-ni-a ú-ra-dí-ma Ṭ ma-na ṣ6 ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na pé-er-dí-im á -qúl ṭ
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na É wa-áb-ri a-dí-in ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-na É kà-ri-im a-du-a-tám á -qúl 7 ma-na
URUDU i- a-am- í pé-er-dam ni-i -ú-mu-ú a-na ki-ra-nim á -qúl ṣ ma-na a-na i -pá-da-li mì-ma a-nim i-na
a-lá-tí-wa-ar a- u-mì pé-er-dí-im ú- a-qí-ilτ i -tù a-lá-tí-wa-ar nu- a-ma Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU i-na a-pá-at
na-ri-im a- u-mì pé-er-dí-im á -qúl Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-na šE.AM i-na a-lá-tí-wa-ar á -qúl τ ma-na URUDU
a-na É wa-áb-ri τ ma-na a-du-a-tám a-na É kà-ri-im á -qúl τ ma-na a-na kà- í-im á -qúl σ ma-na a-na šE.AM
á -qúl ṣṢ ma-na URUDU a-na ra-dí-im a-na a-lá-hi-nim a-dí-in-ma a-dí a-pá-at na-ri-im ir-dí-a-ni ṣ ma-na
a-na ma-lá-hi-im a-dí-in mì-ma a-nim i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a- u-mì pé-er-dí-im ú- a-qí-ilτ. Both texts use the
G-stem of the verb aqālum to refer to the individual entries and the D-stem for the inal statement after each
geographical section.
ṭσṬ
distance of two days of travel (one night) separated šalatuwar from Wahšušana. Together the
texts show that at least ṭ days and two nights of travelling separated the two cities, but the
total spent on lodgings under each heading may be comprised of several entries.
Kt t/k 1 Kt t/k 25
In šalatuwar: In šalatuwar:
Ṭ minas ṣ6 ṣ/Ṭ shekels for the perdum
ṭ shekels of silver for lodgings ṭ shekels of silver for lodgings
ṭ shekels of silver addu utum ṭ shekels of silver addu utum
7 minas of ikkum-copper for the wine 7 minas of copper for the wine
ṣ mina for the paddockṣσṬ6 ṣ mina for the paddock
Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas copper on the river bank Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas copper for the bridge
Ṭ minas of copper for some grain
In Wahšušana: In Wahšušana:
τ minas of copper for lodgings
τ minas (of copper) addu utum τ minas (of copper) addu utum
τ minas (of copper) for the ka um-oficial τ minas (of copper) for the ka um-oficial
σ minas (of copper) for some grain
ṣṢ minas of copper for a guide to the river τ minas of copper for a guide to the river
ṣ mina (of copper) for the boatman
Table 34: Comparison of the expenses on a journey from alatuwar to Wah u ana according to the memo-
randa kt t/k 1 and kt t/k 25.1426
This notion is supported by the fees the author paid for grain that must have been used to feed
the perdum. The expense was unevenly distributed on the journey, and the traveller spent Ṭ
minas of copper on grain in šalatuwar but the double of that in Wahšušana.
If the journey took only two nights, the perdum could presumably have carried its own
fodderŞ and besides, the amount of grain that one would expect to buy for 6 minas of copper
appears much too large for a perdum to consume within two-three days.ṣσṬ7 The example sug-
gests that the Assyrian memoranda are not suited for measuring distances, except in a general
and relational way. Examples such as the present can not be used to count the days of travel
between šalatuwar and Wahšušana as implied also in the discussion of TC ṭ, ṣ6τ in section
τ.ṣṣ.
But on a different level, the two texts provide crucial data for the location of šalatuwar and
Wahšušana. A river bank ( apat nārim) with a bridge (titūrum) marked a frontier between the
two states where one would pay almost two pounds of copper to cross with a perdum.ṣσṬ8 In
the state of Wahšušana the traveller and his perdum would again cross a large watercourse,
this time by ferry. Only one river in Central Anatolia seems wide enough to necessitate a
ferry, namely the Kızılırmak.ṣσṬ9 Combined with the evidence presented in section σ.7, it
seems plausible to suggest that the border between Wahšušana and Hattum was marked by
ṣσṬ6. The translation of i padallum as paddock is contextual and uncertain (see also TC ṭ, ṣ6τ). Cf. Dercksen
ṬṢṢ7a: ṭ6.
ṣσṬ7. The average price of grain in Anatolia during this period is unknown, but 6 minas of ikkum-copper could buy
you up to ṣ,τṢṢ loaves of bread (cf. Ch. ṣ, table ṣ). A donkey eats c. Ṭ-ṭ kg grain per day and a horse or a mule
consumes about the double of that when travelling.
ṣσṬ8. Compare this to the prices listed in Ch. ṣ, table ṣ.
ṣσṬ9. A similar suggestion and line of reasoning is found in Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṭ.
ṭσṭ
that river. The boatman would have been paid on the western bank of the river before the
author proceeded into Hattum.
The following memorandum further corroborates the existence of a river and a bridge on
the frontier between Wahšušana and šalatuwar:
From Wahšušana to šalatuwar ṣ τ/6 minas τ shekels came on as our fees, donkey fodder
and lodgings. In addition, they deducted ṣ/ṭ mina for each donkey at the bridge. Ṭ minas
of copper for donkey fodder in šalatuwar.ṣσṭṢ
The passage must refer to the same bridge mentioned in kt t/k ṣ and kt t/k Ṭτ, and the marked
difference in price between crossing with a donkey (ṣ/ṭ mina) and a perdum (Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas)
suggests that an actual tax (entry or exit) was charged at the bridge, not a mere fee for cross-
ing the river. A river that marks a border and calls for the construction of a bridge must cor-
respond to an obvious landmark and a signiicant watercourse. Such rivers are rare in the re-
gion west of the Kızılırmak, and so the three texts become vital for locating both Wahšušana
and šalatuwar. If Wahšušana is sought west of the Kızılırmak then šalatuwar would have
been located further west and beyond a major river as seen from Wahšušana (cf. τ.ṣτ). East
of the Kızılırmak Wahšušana was tied to Tuhpiya on the copper route (cf. τ.9):
Regarding the fact that they have not sent any money until this day – the palace in Tu-
hapiya held me back and had me delayed for ten days. I came into Wahšušana, but the
palace played trick, and they returned my goods from the caravan and so I turned toward
šalatuwar. I sent off Suen-pilah for the day they will leave for Purušhaddum.ṣσṭṣ
I paid ṭ shekels of silver for my lodgings in Purušhaddum. (The expenses) amounted to

ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper from Purušhaddum to šalatuwar. Until I left šalatuwar, ṣṢ minas
of copper were spent. I spent [x] minas of copper on stabling as well as my lodgings in
Wahšušana. (The expenses) amounted to ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of copper until Tuhpiya. (The ex-
penses) amounted to ṭ minas of copper until Durhumit.ṣσṭṬ
Unfortunately, it is not possible to compare the fees spent on lodgings in the second example
with those speciied in kt t/k ṣ and kt t/k Ṭτ, since the amount paid between šalatuwar and
Wahšušana is broken. Nevertheless, the expenses between each station on the route gives a
relative idea about the distances involved. The cost of travelling from Purušhaddum to
šalatuwar and from Wahšušana to Tuhpiya was ṣ ṣ/Ṭ mina of copper, while the amount paid
between Tuhpiya and Durhumit was the double of that. Given that the travelling expenses are
likely to relect the length of the journey, the text suggests that the distance between Tuhpiya
and Durhumit could be up to twice as long as that between Tuhpiya and Wahšušana. The loca-
ṣσṭṢ. AKT ṭ, ṭσ (l. ṣ-Ṭṣ): i -tù Wa-ah- u- a-na a-dí a-la-tù-a-ar ṣ τ/6 ma-na τ GÍN.TA URUDU lu da-a-tum lu ú-
ku-ul-tí ANšE lu É ub-ri-im ik- u-ud-ni-a-tí a-ha-ma ṣ/ṭ ma-na.TA i-na tí-tù-ri-im i-na ANšE i-sú-hu Ṭ ma-na
URUDU ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE.HI.A i-na a-la-tù-a-ar. Another reference to a bridge appears in kt m/k ṣṭṭ along-
side two broken place names, one of them (l. Ṭṣ) Wa-a‘h!- u- a-n]a!. I am indebted to K. Hecker for discussing
his readings of this dificult passage with me.
ṣσṭṣ. Kt n/k ṣσ9Ṣ (l. ṣṢ-Ṭτ): a- u-mì a KÙ.BABBAR a-dí uσ-mì-im a-nim la ú- é-bi-şluš-nim É.GAL-lúm i-na Tù-
ha-pí-a ik-la-a-ni-ma ṣṢ uσ-me ú- a-as-hi-ra-ni i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a-li-kam-ma É.GAL-lúm ni-ki-ilτ-tám i -
ku-ma ú-nu-tí i -tù ha-ra-nim ú-ta-e-ru-nim-ma a-na a-la-tù-ar áp-tù-nu a-na a-am- í a a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-
dim ú- ú-ni Sú-en6-pí-lá-ah a -ru-dam.
ṣσṭṬ. Kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ (l. ṣṭ-Ṭṭ): ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-É ub-ri i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU
i -tù Pu-şruš-u -ha-dim a-dí a-lá-tù-a-ar ik- u-dí ṣṢ ma-na URUDU a-dí i- a-lá-tù-a-ar ú -a-ni ga-me-er ‘x]
ma-na URUDU i-na-áb-ri-tim ‘i-n]a Wa-ah- u- a-na lu É ub-ri ga-me-er ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU a-dí Tuhx-
(TURσ)-pì-a ik- u-dí ṭ ma-na URUDU a-dí Durσ-hu-mì-it ik- u-dí.
ṭσσ
tion of Durhumit somewhere in the region north and east of Hattuš suggests that Tuhpiya,
Wahšušana, Purušhaddum and šalatuwar were located quite far apart.ṣσṭṭ This is conirmed in
an indirect way by the following passage from an Assyrian letter:
Have you not heard there about my affairs from the mouth of Bu iya? That my hand is
holding him? (That) he has left by another route, and has gone from Durhumit to Wahšušana
and hence to šalatuwar, and that we are chasing around after him in the … ?ṣσṭσ
Had all three cities been located in the vicinity of one another the evasive merchant would
presumably not have posed such a serious a problem for the author. The copper route that
connected Durhumit to Purušhaddum via Wahšušana was used for wagons heavily loaded
with copper,ṣσṭτ which proves that not only bridges, but also good roads, must have crossed
Anatolia and made the use of heavy wheeled trafic economically feasible.ṣσṭ6
Five lines of evidence can be combined to place the toponyms in the western cluster in
relation to one another. Firstly, the river Zuliya appears to have formed the frontier between
Wahšušana and Ninašša.ṣσṭ7 Secondly, a ferry or bridge on the Kızılırmak marked the
eastern boundary of Wahšušana.ṣσṭ8 Thirdly, Ulama was located on a route that connected
Kaneš and Purušhaddum through Ninašša. Fourthly, the copper route that connected Durhu-
mit to Purušhaddum passed through Tuhpiya, Wahšušana and šalatuwar, suggesting that
Ninašša and Ulama were located south of Wahšušana. And inally, a substantial river formed
the border between šalatuwar and Wahšušana. No river is mentioned in the itineraries that
connect Ulama and Purušhaddum. The following system can thus be ixed around the
Kızılırmak:
ṣσṭṭ. The same text records the following expenses. Durhumit to Kaneš: τ minas of good copper. Kaneš to Wahšušana:
ṭ minas of copper. The latter suggests that the distance between Wahšušana and Tuhpiya was roughly half of that
between Wahšušana and Kaneš. For a comparison to another text, note kt 9ṣ/k σṭ7 (cf. τ.ṭ) in which τ minas of
good copper were given to a single traveller to cover his expenses between Durhumit and Wahšušana.
ṣσṭσ. BIN σ, 7Ṣ (l. ṭ-ṣṬ): a-ma-kam a-wa-tí la ta-á -me-ma i-pí Bu- í-a a qá-tí ú-kà-lu- u ha-ra-nam a-ni-tám i-ta-
lá-ak-ma i -tù Du-ur-hu-mì-it a-na Wa-ah-ş uš- a-na i -tù Wa-ah- u- a-na a-na a-lá-tù-ar i-ta-lá-ak-ma né-
nu i-ku-ba-a-tim ni-ir-ta-na-pu-ud. For ku-ba-a-tim, see CAD K: σ8ṣb (a topographic term) and AHw 9τσb
(ku-pātim Kornfelder ).
ṣσṭτ. Dercksen ṣ996: 6σ-67. On p. 66 he notes: A porter could carry ṣ talent of copper, a donkey Ṭ-ṭ talents. By us-
ing a wagon, one had the opportunity of transporting considerably more at the same time, depending on the size
of the wagon. In kt c/k Ṭ6ṭ, ṬṢ talents, or 6ṢṢ kg of copper were loaded into a single wagonŞ if packed in bags,
about ṬṢ bags would have been involved. A single wagon could transport the same as 8 donkeys or ṬṢ porters.
In kt 87/k σṭ6 probably ṣσ talents τ minas [c. σṬṢ kg] were shipped in one wagon . For further examples, cf.
Appendix ṣ.σ.
ṣσṭ6. The North American pioneers of the mid ṣ9th century built their postal stations and storages only some 7-8 miles
apart, since this was all a wagon could cover in one day on the badly kept roads. The expansion of the North
American Christian community into the mid-western prairie a century and a half ago is the subject of a vast
number of (mainly congregational) homepages on the Internet that offer a vivid image of travelling conditions
for wagons in areas without proper roads, cf. e.g.: http://ncbible.org/nwh/OrStart.html (retrieved in March ṬṢṢσ
and October ṬṢṣṢ). This was a time when wagons had spiked wheels with iron bands, a swivelling front axle and
complex suspension. The massive wheels of the Bronze Age would have fared worse on such roads, and both
speed and the rate of accidents would have rendered large-scale transport prohibitively expensive. The fact that
the Assyrians used wagons as opposed to donkey caravans that could cover c. ṭṢ-ṭτ km per day presupposes an
extensive and well-kept system of roads (cf. section ṣ.τ).
ṣσṭ7. Kt 9ṭ/k 9σ.
ṣσṭ8. Cf. kt h/k ṭ8 (cf. σ.7) and kt m/k ṣṭṭŞ kt t/k Ṭτ above.
ṭστ
alah uwa Wah u ana Tuhpiya
Zuliya
Nina a Wa haniya
Puru haddum Ulama

Kane
N
bridge
bridge and/or ferry
ford
Fig. 41: The cluster west of the Kızılırmak. Rivers are drawn in blue and geographical connections in
black.
Another important piece of evidence for the location of Wahšušana was provided by Forla-
nini, who suggested that the settlement commonly written A-li-a- a in the Assyrian texts may
be identiied with the Byzantine settlement of Aliassos (lat. Aliassum).ṣσṭ9 Aliassos occurs as
a station in the medieval Itinerarium Burdingalense on the route between Ankyra and Colonia
Archelais (Aksaray), ṣṭ Roman miles after Rosolodiaco and ṣ8 roman miles before Aspona.
The settlement is commonly identiied with the modern town (kasaba) of Af ar c. ṣ6 km
south of Bala.ṣσσṢ Two related letters exchanged between the two Assyrian traders Ah-šalim
and Puzur-Aššur were used by Forlanini to relate Aliašša and Wahšušana. In the irst text Ah-
šalim was ordered to send a load of copper via Aliašša if shorter routes were unavailable. The
second letter implies that the copper was coming from Wahšušana:
If the direct road is not feasible, then have (the copper) travel here to A-al-i-a- a.ṣσσṣ
Out of the ṬṢ talents and ṣτ minas of coppers that they will pay in Wahšušana on my
behalf, I handed over ṣṢ talents and ττ minas of good copper to Aššur-malik in accor-
dance with your message. ṣṢ minas I sealed with my seal today, and I am bringing it to
you. (As for) the remainder of your copper – 9 talents and ṬṢ minas – return your servant
so that he may bring it to you … I brought the copper to A-li-a- a.ṣσσṬ
Although the toponym is written differently in the two letters it clearly refers to the same
place. In a recent article Kuzuoğlu provided a number of additional references for the town of
ṣσṭ9. forlanini ṬṢṢτ.

ṣσσṢ. For the identiication of Aliassos with modern Af ar, see Belke ṣ98σ: ṣṬṢ-ṣṬṣŞ talBert ṬṢṢṢ: 977.
ṣσσṣ. Kay ṣṣṣṭ (rev. l. Ṭ -σ ): u-ma ha-ra-nu-um i- a-ar-tum lá na- ù a-na A-al-i-a- a é-tí-qam. Cf. DonBaZ &
veenHof ṣ98τ: ṣτσ.
ṣσσṬ. CCT Ṭ, Ṭ9 (l. ṭ-ṣσ): i-na ṬṢ GÚ ṣτ ma-na URUDU a i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na a- u-mì-a i- a-qú-lu-ni ṣṢ GÚ ττ
ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-na A- ur-ma-lik a-ma-lá té-er-tí-kà ú-sà-ni-iq ṣṢ ma-na ú-ma-am ku-nu-ki-a ak-nu-uk-
ma na-á -a-kum í-tí URUDU-i-kà 9 GÚ ṬṢ ma-na URUDU ú-ha-ri-kà ta-e-ra-ma lu- é-biσ-la-kum … (l. ṭ6-
ṭ7): URUDU a-na A-li-a- a a-bu-kam. Cf. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṭ8 n. σṭṣ.
ṭσ6
Aliašša – all of them records coming from the archive of U ur-ša-Ištar and his family, which
appears to have had a house thereṣσσṭ. One letter connects Tawiniya to Kaneš through Aliašša
(cf. τ.8). Another text simply states that an individual named Kula stayed in Aliašša.ṣσσσ Fi-
nally, a memorandum suggests that Aliašša was located close to a settlement named Daša and
a bridge:
ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas of good copper for Ali-ahum. ṣ mina of good copper at his disposal. Ṭ/ṭ
minas of ikkum-copper for the attorney. 6 shekels of good copper for his mū ium in
Aliašša. I personally balanced σ shekels (for) his lodgings in Daša. σṢ shekels of copper
for transporting. ṣ/σ shekel (of silver) for the guards and the bridge.ṣσστ
The association between Wahšušana, Aliašša and a bridge or crossing at a major watercourse
renders Forlanini s identiication of Aliašša with medieval Aliassos on a road south of Ankara
probable, providing an important ixed point in the geography of the west.
–––––
The Assyrian community in Wahšušana is commonly mentioned in the texts. The Colony
(kārum) occurs in 97 texts, and there are several letters in which the Assyrian Colony at
Wahšušana informs the Kaneš Colony of current events.ṣσσ6 A pattern emerges in these letters,
and it seems that the Assyrian Stations (wabartum) in Ulama and šalatuwar answered irst to
the Wahšušana Colony and only then to the authorities in Kaneš.ṣσσ7 A similar situation may
have applied in the case of Wašhaniya.ṣσσ8
Conversely, there is little reason to think that the Assyrian hierarchy of colonies relected
the political relations and military power of the Anatolian city-states in any direct way. The
ṣσσṭ. kuZuoǧlu ṬṢṢσ.

ṣσσσ. Kt n/k ṣσ9Ṭ: They will take ṣṢ minas of copper from Kula in Aliašša (l. Ṭ-ṭ: ṣṢ ma-na URUDU KI Ku-la i-na
A-li-a- a i-lá-qé-ú).
ṣσστ. Kt n/k ṣṭṢ7 (l. ṣ-ṣσ): ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-na A-lá-hi-im ṣ ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-qá-tí- u Ṭ/ṭ ma-na
URUDU í-ku-um a-na ra-biσ- í-im 6 GÍN URUDU SIGτ mu- ú- u i-na A-li-a- a σ GÍN i-na Da- a-a É ub-ri- u
a-na-ku-ma a-pu-ul Ṭ/ṭ ma-na URUDU ta- í-a-tí-im ṣ/σ GÍN a-na a ma- a-ra-tim ú tí-tù-ri-im. The photo
shows that the toponym reads Da- a-a and not Ta- a-a. It may reappear as Diša in KTP Ṭ6, which also refers to
lodgings, a bridge and a guard post: I paid ṣ/Ṭ minas of good copper for lodgings. I hired a servant and I gave
him ṣ mina of good copper until the bridge. The man was booked for Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of tin in Diša (l. ṣ-6: ṣ/Ṭ
ma-na URUDU SIGτ a-na ub-ru á -qúl ṣ ma-na URUDU SIGτ ag-ra-am a- guτ -ur-ma a-dí tí-tù-ri-im a-dí- u-
um Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN AN. NA i-Dí- a a-wi-lúm lá-pí-it). Collations by ulsHÖfer ṣ99τ: Ṭτ7-Ṭτ8, Ṭ8ṣ-Ṭ8Ṭ and K.
Hecker. The reading i-Tí- a was irst suggested by J. lewY ṣ9τṢ: ṭ87, who linked it to the Hittite toponym
URU
Tiššuwa.
ṣσσ6. Kārum of Wahšušana occurs in: kt 8ṭ/k ṣ7Ş kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ8σŞ kt 87/k ṬτṬŞ kt 87/k Ṭ9σŞ kt 87/k ṭṢ6Ş kt 88/k Ṭ69Ş kt
9ṣ/k ṣṢṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṬ6Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṣ77Ş kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k τṣṣŞ kt 9Ṭ/k 97Ş kt 9Ṭ/k τ6σbŞ kt 9σ/k ṣτṬŞ kt 9σ/k
ṭṣσa+bŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṭ67Ş kt 9σ/k σṬṢŞ kt 9σ/k σṬ8Ş kt 9σ/k σσṢŞ kt 9σ/k 6ṬṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṣṭṬŞ kt ṢṢ/k 7Ş kt
ṢṢ/k ṣσŞ kt a/k ṭσṭŞ kt a/k σσṢŞ kt a/k σσ7Ş kt a/k σ8ṣa+bŞ kt a/k σ86a+bŞ kt a/k σ89a+bŞ kt a/k τṢ9Ş kt a/k τṣṬŞ
kt a/k 8σ9Ş AKT ṣ, ṬτŞ AKT ṭ, τṣŞ AKT 6, σ96Ş AKT 6, σ97Ş AKT 6, σ98Ş AKT 6, σ99Ş BIN σ, ṣṢṢŞ BIN σ, ṣṢσŞ
BIN σ, ṣṣṬ+Ş BIN 6, ṣ8ṭŞ kt c/k ṬṬ6Ş kt c/k Ṭ67Ş CCT ṣ, σ8Ş CCT τ, ṣṬaŞ CCT τ, ṣτcŞ CCT τ, ṣτdŞ kt d/k ṣŞ kt
f/k τṭŞ I σσṬŞ I τṭτŞ ICK Ṭ, ṣṭ9Ş kt k/k ṣṣ8Ş KTH ṣσŞ KTH ṭṬŞ KTH ṭṭŞ KTK ṬŞ KTK ṭŞ KTK σŞ KTK τŞ KTP ṣṢŞ
KTP ṣṬŞ KTP ṣσŞ KTP ṣ6Ş KTS Ṭ, 9Ş KUG ṣṬŞ kt m/k 67Ş kt m/k 7ṣŞ kt n/k ṭṣσŞ kt n/k τṢ7Ş kt n/k ṣ8ṣṢŞ kt r/k
ṣ6Ş RA τ9, ṭ6Ş TC ṣ, ṭṬŞ TC ṣ, 6ṢŞ TC ṣ, ṣṣṢŞ TC ṣ, ṣṣṣŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7τŞ TMH ṣ, ṣaŞ TPAK ṣ, σṭa+bŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ8ṣŞ
VS Ṭ6, ṣṣτa+b.
ṣσσ7. Kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ9Ş KTK ṬŞ TMH ṣ, ṣa from kārum Wahšušana to wabartum šalatuwar. Kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ8σŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣṬ6Ş kt
k/k ṣ8Ş kt n/k ṭṣσŞ kt r/k ṣ6Ş TC ṣ, 6Ṣ from kārum Kaneš to kārum Wahšušana. TC ṣ, τṭ from kārum Kaneš and
Wahšušana to šalatuwar. KTK σŞ KTK τ and perhaps KTP σ from kārum Wahšušana to kārum Kaneš.
ṣσσ8. cf. KTP ṣσ sub τ.ṣṣ. Cf. larsen ṣ976: Ṭσ9. Note also that KTK τ was a joint letter from the Colony in Wahšušana
and the Station in Wašhaniya to the Kaneš Colony.
ṭσ7
Assyrian system was built to facilitate the trade, and the importance of a given merchant com-
munity depended upon its function in the Assyrian network of trade. For this reason, the As-
syrian settlement in Wahšušana held a status as a kārum, whereas Ulama only housed a wab-
artum even if the relative political power of the two states may have different (cf. τ.ṣṭ).
We know less about the local Anatolian political and administrative institutions in
Wahšušana. The palace is mentioned seven times,ṣσσ9 the king appears in AKT τ, 7ṣ and TC ṭ,
ṣσṭ,ṣστṢ and less direct references to the ruler are found in kt 89/k ṬṢ7 and AKT ṣ, 78. The
queen of Wahšušana occurs in KTS ṣ, τṢc in a dating formula that may refer to a diplomatic
marriage.ṣστṣ The rabi sikkitim of Wahšušana occurs in kt 9Ṭ/k τ6σ, KTH ṣσ, and kt 87/k ṭ87.
The latter states that the rabi sikkitim of Wahšušana is staying at the sikkātum .ṣστṬ A guide
(rādium) from Wahšušana occurs in kt t/k ṣ, kt t/k Ṭτ and CCT Ṭ, ṣ9b, and the two texts kt j/k
6τ9 and kt 9σ/k σ89 refer to a city wall with multiple gates.ṣστṭ As already seen, a number of
references suggest that the city controlled a ferry and/or a bridge over the Kızılırmak River.
The Assyrian settlement in Wahšušana was of key importance, not only as a main post for
outitting caravans and wagons for the last stretch of the copper route to Purušhaddum. The
market of Wahšušana seems to have held a central role in Anatolia, and vast amounts of goods
changed hands here. In a letter from the archive of šalim-Aššur an Assyrian trader offers a
rare general statement about the purpose of trading in Anatolia, underlining the importance of
Wahšušana and šalatuwar as regional markets:
You know that in Wahšušana and šalatuwar those who do business realise at least ṣṢ
minas of silver for the investors.ṣστσ
The copper coming from Durhumit seems mainly to have passed through Wahšušana on its
way to PurušhaddumŞ and instead, signiicant quantities of textiles were marketed in the city.
Such shipments would mainly have reached Wahšušana from Kaneš, but considerable im-
ports also appear to have arrived in the city from the north-east via the Narrow Track (σ.9) as
seen from small dossier of texts concerned with the levy of addu utum-tax on consignments
arriving in Wahšušana and šalatuwar from the Narrow Track via Durhumit.ṣσττ
A large number of texts refer to Assyrian houses and agents in Wahšušana. Ali-ahum son
of Aššur-malik made use of a local man named Tahašaili as his permanent manager in the city.
His archive demonstrates the importance of Wahšušana as a trade hub and underlines the role
of the agents in facilitating the trafic coming from both Kaneš and Durhumit.ṣστ6 On a more
everyday level, the document kt n/k ṣ9Ṭ8 records the sale of a house to an Assyrian in
Wahšušana, and the author of BIN 6, ṣṢσ threatened his wife that he would marry a woman
ṣσσ9. See e.g. kt 9ṣ/k ṣṢṣŞ kt 9ṭ/k ṭσṬ, BIN 6, ṣ86Ş CCT Ṭ, σ6bŞ RA 88, ṣṬṣŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṣŞ kt v/k ṣ69.
ṣστṢ. AKT τ, 7ṣ (l. Ṭτ-Ṭ7): a-ma ṭ li-mì URUDU ru-ba-um Wa-ah- u- a-na-i-um a-na ga-ma-ar-tim e-pu-ul-kà.
TC ṭ, ṣσṭ (l. ṣ -σ ): [...] has sworn a great oath with the man of Wahšušana. (x ‘x x x x x]-um i -tí Wa-ah- u- a-
şnaš-i-i‘m] ma-mì-tam GAL ta-am-ú).
ṣστṣ. See veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: 99, ṣ69 n. 7ṭ6 and cf. σ.ṣτ.
ṣστṬ. Kt 87/k ṭ87 (l. Ṭ6-Ṭ8): ra-bi sí-ki-tim a Wa-ah- u- a-na i-sí-kà-tim wa- a-áb.
ṣστṭ. Kt 9σ/k σ89Ş kt j/k 6τ9. The latter text reads: On the day we wanted to enter Wahšušana, šu-Hubur and Aššur-
ab were watching us at the entrance through the city gate. I have entered by another gate , cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a:
ṣ6ṭ.
ṣστσ. Kt 9σ/k ṣσττ (l. ṣτ-ṣ9): tí-de8-ma i-na Wa-ah- u- a-na ú a-lá-tù-ar mu-u -té-bi-lu KÙ.BABBAR ṣṢ ma-na
a-na be-lu KÙ.BABBAR e-pu- u-ni.
ṣσττ. Cf. kt 8ṭ/k Ṭ8σŞ kt 87/k ṭσσŞ kt 9ṭ/k 7Ṭ8 for references to the levy of addu utum-taxes in Wahšušana and note
the ive letters sent from kārum Wahšušana to wabartum šalatuwar about the subject treated in Müller & Mar-
ZaHn ṬṢṢṢ.
ṣστ6. The texts of the archive kt c/k ṣ-869 are currently being prepared for publication by Dercksen, to whom I am
indebted for sharing his preliminary results.
ṭσ8
from Wahšušana if she did not comply with his wishes. The memorandum kt 88/k 7ṣ lists vast
amounts of delicacies procured for a family gatheringŞ the author invited his relations, includ-
ing his in-laws from Wahšušana, to Kaneš for a ceremony when his sister s head was shaved
for divine Ištar .ṣστ7
There is little mention of any local production or resources in relation to Wahšušana. Kt
9σ/k 7ṢṬ refers to a pair of ēnēn (sandals or shoes) coming from Wahšušana, and I 768
states that large amounts of wool arrived on the market in Wahšušana and lowered prices in
the city. Some of that wool may have been of local production, and it is worth noting that the
location of Wahšušana on the western bank of the Kızılırmak and south of modern Ankara
places it in a region that later became known for its Angora wool.ṣστ8
–––––
The Assyrian texts contain numerous references to turbulence and conlicts in relation to
Wahšušana, most of which can be sorted into three distinct groups: an early group dated c.
ṣ89σ BC (REL 7τ), a middle group dated ṣ869 BC (REL ṣṢṢ) and a late group dated some
time after ṣ8ṭ9 BC (REL ṣṭṢ).ṣστ9
The early group relates to a conlict between Wahšušana and Purušhaddum where šalatuwar
appears to have been caught in the middle. The second group refers to a war between all the
major powers west of the Kızılırmak: Purušhaddum, šalatuwar, Wahšušana and Ulama. This
time Wahšušana and Ulama seem to have fought on the same side against Purušhaddum, and
the hostilities ended with a peace treaty between Ulama and Purušhaddum. The third and inal
conlict in is mentioned in two very late Kültepe kārum II texts. AKT τ, ṣτ refers to the As-
syrian community abandoning Wahšušana,ṣσ6Ṣ and royal letter kt 87/k σṢ refers to the destruc-
tion of the Assyrian settlement there.ṣσ6ṣ The opposing antagonist of the discord is unknown,
and one cannot exclude the possibility that some other catastrophe hit the city. The date of the
destruction must be close to, but slightly earlier, than the conlagration that laid waste to
kārum Kaneš level II, since AKT τ, ṣτ came out of the archive of Kuliya whose dated texts
otherwise range between REL ṣṬṭ-ṣṭτ.ṣσ6Ṭ Wahšušana occurs in an additional ive texts in his
archive, seemingly pushing the date of the event towards the end of the period.ṣσ6ṭ
Kt 87/k σṢ does not record any personal names so the text can not be dated precisely, but
on the basis of the apparent link between events described in AKT τ, ṣτ and kt 87/k σṢ, and
the presumption that a destruction of Wahšušana during the well-documented period REL
8Ṣ-ṣṣṢ would have left a lot more evidence in the written record, it is plausible to assign both
texts to the same catastrophic just a few years before the end of kārum level II. This interpre-
tation means that news of the event reached the court in Assur, and that the king wrote a letter
to the colonial authorities in Kaneš to prevent further looting of valid contracts and loan
documents from the archives of the Assyrian merchants and their sale on the black market:
Thus speaks the King to the plenary assembly of the Kaneš Colony. We hear that natives
and traders are carrying valid records belonging to merchants out of Wahšušana and that
ṣστ7. Cf. alBaYrak ṬṢṢṬ: 9-ṣṢŞ Dercksen ṬṢṢ8b: 97-99.

ṣστ8. lassen ṬṢṣṢ: ṣ7ṭ.
ṣστ9. All three conlicts and their date are discussed in BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press, ch. Ṭ.
ṣσ6Ṣ. AKT τ, ṣτ (l. σ-ṣṢ): We are well, we are staying in Tawiniya. We keep hearing that the residents of Wahšušana
have left the city (i-Ta-wi-ni-a wa-á -ba-ni ni-i -ta-na-me wa-á -bu-tum a Wa-ah- u- a-na i-ta- ú-nim).
ṣσ6ṣ. Cf. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣṣ6, ṣσṭ-ṣσσŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣṭ6-ṣσṢ.
ṣσ6Ṭ. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣσ6ṭ. AKT τ, τŞ AKT τ, ṣτŞ AKT τ, ṬṢŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ AKT τ, 7ṣŞ AKT τ, 7σ (cf. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ). The latest dated text
mentioning Wahšušana is I σṭ8 (REL ṣṭṢ).
ṭσ9
small men are buying these all the time in the countryside. Please, as soon as you hear
this letter ... [long break] ... let them buy any tablet belonging to a merchant, which the
natives and traders have brought out of Wahšušana, collect [these] tablets and let the
owner of these tablets pay you the same amount of silver that you have paid (for them),
as witnessed by ṭ citizens of Assur, and let them take their tablets (back). And whoever
has bought a tablet but conceals it and does not bring it before the Colony, and [produces
no] witness for himself that he paid silver, and whose statement [reaches] the City, iden-
tify his ... and then let the City [decide his case].ṣσ6σ
Only a few references to Wahšušana and its colony are known from texts dated to the Ib pe-
riod, but they prove that the city was rebuilt and suggest that it continued to be a home to a
group of Assyrians until the end of the Colony Period.ṣσ6τ The fact that the city is not men-
tioned among the conquests of Anitta may be taken to imply its diminished signiicance.
In Hittite texts the city occurs only once in a broken passage of the Joint Annals dated to
the reign of Arnuwanda I.ṣσ66 It appears to refer to a return journey from Mount Zippasla in
Western Anatolia,ṣσ67 that went via Wahsus[ana] to the royal capital. The context suggests that
Wahsusana is mentioned due to its position on a crossing of the Kızılırmak.
5.15 alatuwarṣσ68
šalatuwar is well attested in the Assyrian sources, and like the neighbouring cities of
Wahšušana and Purušhaddum it was a large consumer of foreign imports and home to a sub-
stantial community of Assyrian merchants. šalatuwar also occurs in numerous itineraries,
mostly as a stop on the copper road that led from Durhumit to Purušhaddum. The cluster is in
agreement with this image, showing that statistical clustering is also a viable tool for deter-
mining the position of a city whose location is unclear from available itineraries.
ṣσ6σ. Kt 87/k σṢ (l. ṣ-ṣṢ): um-ma wa-ak-lúm-ma a-na kà-ri-im Kà-ni-i .ki a-he-‘er] GAL qí-bi-ma ni- a-me-ma ‘up-
pé] ha-ru-mu-tim a tám-‘kà-r]e i -tù Wa-ah- u- a-na ‘x (x)] x nu-a-ú ù ma-ki-ru-ú i-za-bi-lu-nim-ma a-hu-ru-
tum i-na ma-tim i -ta-na-ú-mu a-pu-tum i-na uσ-mì-im ‘ a] up-pá-am a-nim ta- a-me-a-ni … (l. σ -ṬṬ) up-pá-
am u-u‘m- u] a tam-kà-ri-im ‘ a i -tù] Wa-ah- u- a-na ‘nu-a-ú ù ma-ki-ru ú- é-‘ í-ú] li-i -ú-mu-ma
u‘p-pé-e- u-nu] li-ip-hu-ru-ma IGI [ṭ] [DUMU] a A- ùr ma-lá KÙ.BABBAR tù- a-‘qá]-lá-ni bé-lu up-pé-e
li-i -qú-lu-ni-ku-nu-tí-ma up-pé-e- u-nu li-ilτ-qé-ú-ma a up-pá-am i -ú-m i-kà-tù-mu-ma a-na [I]GI kà-ri-im
lá ub-lá-ni ù a í-bu-um ‘x]-x-ú- u-ni-ma ‘ up]-pá-am lá i- a-qú-‘lu] ú pí- u a-na a-li‘m ...] x x- u ú-dí a x x x
‘a-lu-um] ‘dí-in- u] ‘li-dí]-in. Cf. Hecker ṬṢṢṭ: ṣ87-ṣ88Ş veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣṭ8-ṣṭ9.
ṣσ6τ. Kt ṢṢ/k ṣσ (REL ṬσṬ)Ş kt n/k Ṭ9 from the archive of Eddin-Aššur (REL ṬṢσ-Ṭṣ7), cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel &
larsen in press.
ṣσ66. KUB Ṭṭ.ṣṣ6 (col. i): 7, cf. carruBa ṣ977: ṣ7ṭ.
!
ṣσ67. Contra Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: τṢ9, read ([HUR.SA]G Zi-ip-pa-as-l‘a]) and cf. KUB ṣσ.ṣ (goetZe ṣ9Ṭ8).
ṣσ68. The attestations of šalatuwar (with various spellings) are found in: a-lá-tí-a-ar: kt n/k ṣσ6Ṣ, a-la-tí-wa-ar: kt
c/k 6ṬṬŞ KTS ṣ, ττaŞ TC ṭ, ṣ8τ, a-lá-tí-wa-ar: kt 7τ/k ṣ6Ş kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ9Ş AKT τ, ṬṢŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ Adana Ṭṭ7 AŞ kt
a/k τ79 a+bŞ BIN σ, ṣσ8Ş BIN σ, ṬṭṭŞ BIN 6, ṬṢ8Ş CCT σ, σbŞ CCT σ, ṭṭbŞ Cole ṬŞ I 6ṭ7(b)Ş KTK ṬṢŞ KUG ṭ7Ş
kt n/k 88Ş kt t/k ṣŞ kt t/k ṬτŞ TC Ṭ, Ṭ6Ş VS Ṭ6, σṢŞ VS Ṭ6, στ, a-la-tù-a-ar: AKT ṭ, ṭσ, a-la-tù-ar: AKT ṭ, στŞ
AKT ṭ, τ6Ş AKT 6, σ96Ş AKT 6, σ98Ş BIN 6, Ṭ6ṣŞ kt m/k 9ṭŞ kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ (māt)Ş kt v/k ṣṬ8, a-lá-tù-
a-ar: kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9τŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσσ9Ş AKT Ṭ, ṭṬŞ AKT ṭ, σṢŞ AKT σ, ṣ8Ş BIN σ, 6Ş BIN σ, ṭτŞ kt c/k Ṭ87Ş
kt c/k 7στŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş I σσṬŞ kt n/k 96Ş kt v/k τ7, a-lá-tù-wa-ar: kt 78/Et 8ṬŞ kt 78/Et ṣṣ7Ş kt 9σ/k ṣṢ8σŞ kt a/k
σṬτŞ AKT τ, τṢŞ AKT 6, ṬτṣŞ BIN σ, ṬŞ BIN 6, ṣ98Ş BIN 6, ṬṢσŞ CCT σ, ṭ9bŞ kt c/k ṣṢṢŞ kt f/k ṣ78 (Ib)Ş I σ7ṭŞ
KbO 9.6 (Ib)Ş KTS Ṭ, ṣ7Ş KTS Ṭ, 6τŞ MIXON ṣŞ kt n/k 96Ş POAT Ṭ9Ş TC ṣ, ṣṢσŞ VS Ṭ6, 66Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣ7ṣ, a-lá-tù-
ar: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k σṬṬŞ kt 87/k σ6τŞ kt 88/k ṣṣṬŞ kt 9Ṣ/k ṣṬ9Ş kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ8τŞ kt 9σ/k ṣτṭŞ kt 9σ/k 8ṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k
ṣσττŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσ6σŞ kt a/k σ6σbŞ kt a/k σ86Ş kt a/k σ89bŞ kt a/k τṢ9Ş kt a/k τṣ8Ş AKT ṣ, 6σŞ AKT τ, 76Ş AKT 6,
ṣ76Ş AKT 6, Ṭσ6Ş AKT 6, ṭ9ṬŞ AKT 6, ṭ97Ş AKT 6, ṭ66Ş AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ AKT 6, τṣṭŞ AKT 6, τṣ9Ş AnOr 6, ṣṭŞ BIN
σ, 7ṢŞ BIN 6, ṣṣτŞ BIN 6, Ṭσ7Ş CCT σ, ṭṣaŞ CCT τ, 7aŞ CCT τ, στaŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ kt c/k ṣσσŞ kt c/k ṣ7Ṭ+Ş kt c/k
τσṬŞ kt c/k 7ṣṢŞ Kay 88Ş kt k/k 79Ş kt k/k ṣṬṬŞ KTH ṣ6aŞ KTK ṬŞ KTP ṣṢŞ KUG ṭ7Ş JCS ṣσ, ṭŞ kt n/k ṣ777Ş PUL
ṣṢṢŞ TC ṣ, ṭṬŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣṭŞ TMH ṣ, ṣaŞ kt v/k ṣṬ8Ş VS Ṭ6, Ṭ9Ş WAG σ8-ṣσ6ṭ.
ṭτṢ
τ.ṣτ šALATUWAR
Athurušna ṣ šalahšuwa ṣ
Durhumit 9 Tegarama Ṭ
Hattum ṣ Timelkiya ṭ
Hurama ṣ Tišmurna ṣ
Kuššara ṣ Tuhpiya τ
Kuburnat ṣ Ulama τ
Luhuzattiya Ṭ Upe ṣ
Mamma Ṭ Ušbugattum ṣ
Nihriya ṭ Ušša ṣ
Ninašša ṣ Wahšušana ṭτ
Purušhaddum ṣτ Wašhaniya ṣ
Table ṭτ: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as šalatuwar.
Most of the toponyms listed above are attested only once alongside šalatuwar. The only
prominent cities in the cluster are Tuhpiya, Wahšušana and Purušhaddum on the copper route,
and Ulama on the alternative road from Kaneš to Purušhaddum.ṣσ69 The statistical evidence
gives the clear impression that the most common route between Wahšušana and Purušhaddum
passed through šalatuwar: ṬṢ texts link Wahšušana and šalatuwar as part of an itinerary and
ṣṬ texts connect šalatuwar to Purušhaddum. In 5comparison, the route from Wahšušana to
Chapter
Purušhaddum via Ulama (cf. τ.ṣṭ) is mentioned in only ṭ texts.
Durhumit
Luhuzattiya
Mamma
Mama
Nihriya
Purušhaddum
Tegarama
Timelkiya
Tuhpiya
Ulama
Wahšušana
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Graph 25: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Šalatuwar. ‘Itineraries’ are shaded in a darker colour.
Graph 25: Frequency of a given toponym associated with alatuwar. Itineraries are shaded in a darker
colour.
Wašhaniya and Ninašša are not a part the cluster, indicating that communication between
Kaneš and Š alatuwar mainly passed via Wahšušana (5.11, 5.12). The connection with
ṣσ69. The attestations
Durhumit of šalatuwar
and Tuhpiya suggeststogether
thatwith
the other
maincities are found
function of in: Athuru na:
Šalatuwar in AKT Ṭ, 88, Durhumit:
the Assyrian kt 9ṣ/k
system of
σṬσŞ AKT 6, ṬτṣŞ AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ BIN σ, 7ṢŞ CCT 6, ṣṬaŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş KTS ṣ, ττaŞ TC
trade was related to the copper trade and not to the trade or transport of goods coming from Ṭ, Ṭ6Ş TC Ṭ, ṭ6, Hattum: kt h/k
ṭ8, Hurama: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Ku ara: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Kuburnat: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Luhuzattiya: AKT 6, σ9ṣŞ BIN σ, 6,
Kaneš. A rare example of a journey between Šalatuwar and Kaneš is found in the following
Mamma: AKT τ, τṢŞ AKT τ, Ṭṣ, Nihriya: kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9τŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ kt c/k τσṬ, Nina a: kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ, Puru haddum:
record:
kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k σ6τŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ8τŞ kt 9σ/k ṣτṭŞ kt 9σ/k 6τṣŞ AKT ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT 6, ṣ76Ş AKT 6, ṭ66Ş
BIN σ, ṭτŞ Cole ṬŞ KTP ṣṢŞ MIXON ṣ8Ş kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6, alah uwa: AKT 6, σ9ṣ, Tegarama: AKT τ, ṬṣŞ
AKTI 6,had
σ9ṣ,an expensekt of
Timelkiya: 9σ/k10 minas
ṣσττŞ AKT of copper
6, ṣ76Ş AKT for theTifodder
6, σ9ṣ, murna:forCCTthe perdum,
6, ṣṬa, Tuhpiya:mykt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ
BINprovisions
σ, ṬṭṭŞ CCT and thekt provisions
6, ṣṬaŞ n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ VS for myUlama:
Ṭ6, 66, servantkt in theṣṣ7Ş
8ṭ/k Land ofτ79bŞ
kt a/k Šalatuwar. I paid
AKT 6, ṭ66Ş 5 88Ş kt v/k
kt n/k
Upe: AKT
ṣṬ8,minas τ6, Usundries
forṭ, the bugattum:thatkt 9ṣ/k in Umya: possession.
areσṬσ, kt 87/k σṬṬ, Wah u ana:out
I took kt 8ṭ/k
and had an
expense of 20 minas of copper in [Wahšušana]. I had an expense of 5 minas
ṭτṣ of 15 minas of copper in Ninašša.
of copper for the bridge ... I had an expense
I paid 10 minas for the hireling who was delayed with me. I gave them to him
in Wašhaniya.3
As in the kt t/k 1 and kt t/k 25 (cf. 5.14) the text refers to a bridge, although it is unclear
whether it was the crossing that marked the frontier of Šalatuwar. The preceding toponym in
the text is broken, but based on the earlier sections, Šalatuwar and Wahšušana appear as two
likely candidates. The order in which the expenses are listed suggests that the crossing in
Wašhaniya and Ninašša are not a part of the cluster, indicating that communication between
Kaneš and šalatuwar mainly passed via Wahšušana (τ.ṣṣ, τ.ṣṬ). The connection with Durhu-
mit and Tuhpiya suggests that the main function of šalatuwar in the Assyrian system of trade
was related to the copper trade and not to the trade or transport of goods coming from Kaneš.
A rare example of a journey between šalatuwar and Kaneš is found in the following record:
I had an expense of ṣṢ minas of copper for the fodder for the perdum, my provisions and
the provisions for my servant in the Land of šalatuwar. I paid τ minas for the sundries
that are in my possession. I took out and had an expense of ṬṢ minas of copper in
[Wah u ana]. I had an expense of τ minas of copper for the bridge ... I had an expense of
ṣτ minas of copper in Ninašša. I paid ṣṢ minas for the hireling who was delayed with
me. I gave them to him in Wašhaniya.ṣσ7Ṣ
As in the kt t/k ṣ and kt t/k Ṭτ (cf. τ.ṣσ) the text refers to a bridge, although it is unclear
whether it was the crossing that marked the frontier of šalatuwar. The preceding toponym in
the text is broken, but based on the earlier sections, šalatuwar and Wahšušana appear as two
likely candidates. The order in which the expenses are listed suggests that the crossing in
Wahšušana was meant. Also AKT ṭ, ṭσ (cf. τ.ṣσ) refers to a bridge between Wahšušana and
šalatuwar. This time a longer passage of the text is given and the individual expenses are
tabulated below:
From Wahšušana to šalatuwar ṣ τ/6 minas τ shekels came on as fees for donkey fodder
and lodgings for each of us. In addition, they deducted ṣ/ṭ mina for each donkey at the
bridge. Ṭ minas of copper: fodder for the donkeys in šalatuwar. Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ mina came on (as
fees) for each of us until Purušhaddum. They deducted a fee of ṣτ shekels for each don-
key at the bridge. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ mina for fodder for the donkeys and our servants in Purušhaddum.ṣσ7ṣ
Wahšušana – šalatuwar ṣ τ/6 minas τ shekels of fodder and lodgings

Bridge ṬṢ shekels per donkey
In šalatuwar Ṭ minas of copper for fodder
šalatuwar – Purušhaddum Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ minas in general fees
Bridge ṣτ shekels per donkey
In Purušhaddum ṣ ṣ/Ṭ minas for fodder and servants
Table ṭ6: Expenses on a trip from šalatuwar to Purušhaddum according to the memorandum AKT ṭ, ṭσ.
ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k σ6τŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ9τŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9σ/k ṣσττŞ AKT τ, ṬṢŞ AKT τ, ṬṣŞ kt a/k σ86 a+bŞ kt
a/k σ89a+bŞ kt a/k τṢ9Ş AKT ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT ṭ, στŞ AKT ṭ, τ6Ş AKT 6, ṭ97Ş AKT 6, σ96Ş AKT 6, σ98Ş BIN σ, 6Ş BIN
σ, 7ṢŞ CCT τ, στaŞ kt c/k ṣ7Ṭ+Ş kt c/k τσṬŞ kt c/k 6ṬṬŞ kt c/k 7στŞ kt h/k ṭ8Ş I σσṬŞ KTK ṬŞ KTP ṣṢŞ KUG ṭ7Ş kt
n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ TC ṣ, ṭṬŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş kt t/k ṣŞ kt t/k ṬτŞ TMH ṣ, ṣa, Wa haniya: kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ. All itineraries have been
underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably describes a geographical relation be-
tween two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to B).
ṣσ7Ṣ. Kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ (l. ṣ-ṣṢ) i-na ma-at a-la-tù-ar ṣṢ ma-na URUDU ú-ku-ul-tí pá-ar-dim ú-ku-ul-tí ù ú-ku-ul-tí ú-
ha-ri-a ag-mu-ur a-na sà-he-er-tim a qá-tí-a τ! ma-na URUDU á -qú-ul ṬṢ ma-na URUDU i-na ‘...] ú- é- í-
ma ag-mu-ur τ ma-na URUDU a-na tí-tù-r‘i]-im á -qúl ... (l. ṣṬ-ṣ7) i-na Ni-na- a-a ṣτ ma-na URUDU ag-
mu-ur ṣṢ ma-na ‘a]-na ag-ri-im ‘ a] i -tí-a is-hu-ru ‘á -q]úl i-na Wa-á -ha-ni-a a-dí- u-um.
ṣσ7ṣ. AKT ṭ, ṭσ (l. ṣ-Ṭṣ): i -tù Wa-ah- u- a-na a-dí a-la-tù-a-ar ṣ τ/6 ma-na τ GÍN.TA URUDU lu da-a-tum lu ú-
ku-ul-tí ANšE lu É ub-ri-im ik- u-ud-ni-a-tí a-ha-ma ṣ/ṭ ma-na.TA i-na tí-tù-ri-im i-na ANšE i-sú-hu Ṭ ma-na
URUDU ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE.HI.A i-na a-la-tù-a-ar Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na.TA a-dí Pu-şruš-u -ha-dim ik- u-ud-ni-a-tí ṣτ
GÍN.TA i-na tí-tù-ri-im ni-is-ha-tim a ANšE i-sú-hu ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ú-ku-ul-tí ANšE ù ú-
ha-ri-im.
ṭτṬ
τ.ṣτ šALATUWAR
Two observations may be drawn on the basis of this passage. Firstly, a bridge, cheaper to
cross than the one between Wahšušana and šalatuwar, separated šalatuwar from Purušhaddum.
Secondly, the relative distance between the cities of šalatuwar and Purušhaddum appears to
have been greater than the distance between Wahšušana and šalatuwar. This calculation is
speculative, since it presumes that no unexpected costs were included under each section, but
the fact that the expenses account for fodder and lodgings suggests that the fees were directly
linked to the distance travelled.
There are few permanent watercourses in the area west of the Kızılırmak that are wide
enough to require a bridge and the only true candidates for a state frontier are the Sakarya
River and its tributary, the Porsuk ‘ay. The Sakarya River has retained its name since the
Bronze Age but receives no direct mention in the Assyrian texts.ṣσ7Ṭ Conversely, the Anitta-
text connects šalatuwar (Hitt. Salatiwara)ṣσ7ṭ to the Hulanna River, which must also have
passed through the region:
In the following year I went to battle against [the city of Salatiwar]a. The man of the city
of Salatiwara arose together with his sons and he entered [x x x]. He abandoned his city
and he seized the Hulanna River.
–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
[The army of] Nesa passed behind him, and it set ire to his towns and those it [destroyed/
conquered]. Inside the city were ṣ,σṢṢ men and σṢ chariots and horse. [There had been
gold and silv]er, but that one (the man of Salatiwara) dragged (it off) and he marched
(away).ṣσ7σ
The understanding of the passage is hampered by the break at the end of the irst section and
two possible interpretations present themselves. Either the ruler of Salatiwara and his nobles
Map 17: The battle of Salatiwara.
ṣσ7Ṭ. Hittite Sahiriya / SihiriyaŞ Greek Σ ά ιο / Σά ι / Σά ι Ş Latin: SangariusŞ Arabic āġirāŞ Turkish
Sakarya. It occurs once as a personal name in the Old Assyrian text TC ṣ, 87 (Sà-kà-ri-a).
ṣσ7ṭ. The toponymic element –tiwara is attested in OA in kt 88/k ṣṢσ6 (cf. gÖkçek ṬṢṢ6) Ti-wa-ra (alahinnum a).
For Hittite Tiwara, cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: σṭṣŞ Del Monte ṣ99Ṭ: ṣ7ṣ.
ṣσ7σ. KBo ṭ.ṬṬ: 6σ-7ṭ. Translation courtesy J. D. Hawkins, cf. neu ṣ97σ: ṣσ-ṣτŞ tjerkstra ṣ999: 7σ and n. ṣṢ6Ş car-
ruBa ṬṢṢṭ: σ6-σ7.
ṭτṭ
retreated from their capital in anticipation of Anitta s attack to seek refuge at the Hulanna
River and abandoned their city. Or else the Hulanna River was located at an advanced posi-
tion from Salatiwara and was occupied by its ruler and his army as a strategic point of de-
fence. The last option makes better sense and explains the statement about the army from
Nesa that is said to have gone around behind (appan arha) his position to take the city.
The traditional crossing of the Sakarya has always been located at Gordion near the conlu-
ence of the Sakarya and the Porsuk ‘ay. This was the mythical battleground where Priam and
his Phrygian allies defeated the Amazons,ṣσ7τ and where Arab invaders clashed with the Byz-
antine army in AD 8ṭ8.ṣσ76 It was also the turning point of the Greek invasion into Anatolia in
ṣ9Ṭṣ, the Sakarya Meydan Muharebesi.ṣσ77 It seems probable that the ruler of Salatiwara
would have taken up his defensive position at this key location in anticipation of an attack
from the west, and presumably it marked the position of a bridge that the invading army was
expected to cross. The Hulanna River may then be identiied with the Porsuk ‘ay as sug-
gested by Forlanini.ṣσ78 The army of Anitta appears to have crossed the Sakarya further up-
stream to avoid the defenders of Salatiwara. In turn, this suggests that the capital city of
Salatiwara can not have been too close to the Hulanna crossing.
Given that Purušhaddum was located on a busy route from Wahšušana that went through
šalatuwar, it must have been located either north, west or south of šalatuwar. The direct con-
nection between Ulama and Purušhaddum (τ.ṣṭ) excludes a location of Purušhaddum to the
north, and the fact that yet another bridge and a watercourse separated šalatuwar from
Purušhaddum suggests that the Sakarya also formed the frontier of šalatuwar towards the
south (cf. τ.ṣ7).
A few additional texts offer information about the location of šalatuwar in relation to its
neighbours. Two records discussed in section σ.7 mention the Inner Land (mātum qerbītum)
in relation to the city. Apparently, this was the term used for a region west of šalatuwar and
Purušhaddum that could be reached from both places. A third text refers to the town of
Ušbugattum, which may either have been be located on the far side Purušhaddum as seen
from šalatuwar, or between the two cities:
I gave [x] minas of ikkum-copper in wages to the porters until šalatuwar. I paid out ṬṢ
minas of ikkum-copper in šalatuwar. I gave ṭ minas for lodgings. I gave the porters ṣṢ
minas of copper. I gave 7 minas of copper to Tarkua. I spent ṭ minas of copper until
Purušhaddum. I deposited ṭ shekels of silver as addu tum-tax in the Colony in
Purušhaddum. ṭ minas of copper for expenses until Ušbugattum. I gave ṭ shekels of
silver for my lodgings in Purušhaddum. ṣ ṣ/Ṭ mina of copper came on (as fees) from
Purušhaddum until šalatuwar.ṣσ79
ṣσ7τ. Homer Il. ṭ,ṣ87.

ṣσ76. vasiliev ṣ9ṭτ: σṢṣ, σṢṭ on the basis of the poetic works of Abū-Tammām and al-Buhturī about the victories of
al-Mu ta im at Ankyra and Amorium.
ṣσ77. The Pitched Battle of the Sakarya . This was also the location of the Tautaendia bridge in late Antiquity, and
according to Polybius Ṭṣ.ṭ7 (during the Roman republic): Cnaeus made a bridge over the River Sangarius,
which was extremely deep and dificult to cross. And having encamped on the bank of the river, he was visited
by some Galli sent by Attis and Battacus, the priests of the mother of the gods at Pessinus, wearing igures and
images on their breasts, and announcing that the goddess promised him victory and powerŞ to whom Cnaeus
gave a courteous reception. (transl. sHuckBurgH ṣ889). In contrast, by the ṣ9th century AD, the river had be-
come: A deep but narrow stream, winding lazily along the edge of a marshy plain, covered with reeds, and
stretching away far to the south , cf. HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (col. i): σṭσ.
ṣσ78. forlanini ṣ977. Argued in detail in forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 6Ṣ. The latter locates šalatuwar inside the bend of Sakar-
ya River. Like Zuliya (cf. τ.ṣṬ), there may have been several rivers in Anatolia named Hulanna.
ṣσ79. Kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ (l. ṣ-ṣ6): [x] MA. NA í-kam ig-ri a biσ-ilτ-tim ‘a]-dí a-lá-tù-a-ar a-dí-in ṬṢ ma-na í-kam i-na
a-lá-tù-a-ar ú- a-qí-ilτ ṭ ma-na a-É ub-ri a-dí-in ṣṢ ma-na URUDU a-na a biσ-lá-tim a-dí-in 7 ma-na URUDU
a-Tár-ku-a a-dí-in ṭ ma-na URUDU a-dí Pu-ru-u -ha-dim ag-mur ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim
ṭτσ
τ.ṣτ šALATUWAR
It is noteworthy that the expenses listed for the journey between Ušbugattum and Purušhaddum
equal the fees paid on the trip from šalatuwar to Purušhaddum. This implies that Ušbugattum
was located at some distance from Purušhaddum. Furthermore, the fact that the fees on the
return trip to šalatuwar were halved suggests that each total listed in the memorandum con-
sists of several separate expenses. In the given example, the author presumably returned
without porters or shipment.ṣσ8Ṣ
–––––
Next to nothing is known about the city-state of šalatuwar on the basis of the Old Assyrian
sources. One text mentions the land of šalatuwar , likely to specify that the expenses listed
were incurred on a journey through its territory.ṣσ8ṣ There are no references to the local ruler,
except in the Anitta-text, and there is no mention of a palace. Instead, a letter contains what
may be a unique reference to a local assembly:
Do you not keep hearing that there is sikkātum in šalatuwar: that inside the city itself
their assembly is in revolt, and that […] keeps giving offence and has turned […] to sin
[…]?ṣσ8Ṭ
The city itself appears a number of times in texts related to armed conlicts and the distur-
bance of trade associated with conlicts between Purušhaddum and Wahšušana,ṣσ8ṭ and the
letter KTP ṣṢ sent from the Station in šalatuwar to the Colony in Wahšušana relates how the
king of Purušhaddum tried to put pressure on someone, presumably the local heads of state,
to join him in the war against Wahšušana:
To the Wahšušana Colony from the Station in šalatuwar: We wrote to Purušhaddum, to

the place where [...], and [... long break ...]. He wrote saying: Attack the land of
Wahšušana. If you do not attack, you are an enemy to us. Iddin-Aššur and Ibbi-Suen
were our messengers.ṣσ8σ
šalatuwar occurs only once in an Old Assyrian text dated to the Ib period, but this is enough
to suggest that the settlement and the trade with the Assyrians continued. In addition, a letter
a-na kà-ri-im a-du-a-tám a-dí-i ṭ ma-na [URUD]U a-gám-ri-im a-dí U -bu-ga-‘ti]m ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR a-É
ub-ri i-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim a-dí-in ṣ ṣ/Ṭ ma-na URUDU i -tù Pu-şruš-u -ha-dim a-dí a-lá-tù-a-ar ik- u-dí.
Tarkua (Tarkuwa) is probably a personal nameŞ elsewhere the text uses adi and i tu but not ana in relation to
toponyms. The reading of the toponym Ušbugattum is not certain.
ṣσ8Ṣ. Note also kt 87/k σ6τ: 6 minas ṣτ shekels of copper – fees on what (went) from šalatuwar to Purušhaddum ...
σ ṣ/Ṭ shekels of silver – fees on what (went) from Purušhaddum to šalatuwar (l. ṣ-σ: 6 ma-na ṣτ GÍN URUDU
da-a-sú a i -tù a-lá-tù-ar a-dí Pu-ru-u -ha-dim (l. 9-ṣṣ): σ ṣ/Ṭ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR da-a-sú a i -tù Pu-ru-u -
ha-dim a-dí a-lá-tù-ar).
ṣσ8ṣ. Kt n/k ṣτ8Ṭ.
ṣσ8Ṭ. AKT 6, ṭ9Ṭ (l. ṣṭ-ṣ9): a-ta ú-lá [ta-á ]-ta-na-me ki-ma i-na ‘ a-lá-tù]-ar sí-kà-tù-ni-ma ‘ù i-na] qé-ra-áb a-li-
ma ‘i-na pu-ù]h-ri- u-nu sí-hi-tù-ni-ma ‘x x x (x) ih]- á-na-ta a-na hi- im ‘x x x x x x (x)] i-tù-ru-ma.
ṣσ8ṭ. Cf. e.g. kt 9σ/k 9Ṭ6Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσ6σŞ AKT 6, ṭ97Ş CCT σ, ṭṣaŞ I 6ṭ7Ş kt v/k τ7Ş kt v/k ṣṬ8. See BarjaMovic, Hertel
& larsen in press, ch. Ṭ.
ṣσ8σ. KTP ṣṢ (l. ṣ-7): a-na kà-ri-im Wa-ah- u- a-na qí-bi-ma um-ma wa-bar-tum a-lá-ştùš-ar-ma a-na Pu-ru-u -
ha-‘dim] a-na a- a-ar ‘ ] ni-i -pur-ma … (9 -ṣτ ): i -ta-pá-ar um-m‘a u-ut-ma] a-na ma-at Wa-ah- u- ‘a-na]
mu-uq-ta u-ma ‘lá] ta-am-qú-ta i -tí-ku-nu na-ak-ra-ak I-dí-A- ùr ù I-bi-ZU í-ip-ru-ni). For the meaning of
maqātum to fall upon in the sense to attack , cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣṢṢ n. σṭ7. The event may have resulted in a
temporary abandonment of the Assyrian settlement in šalatuwar and its transfer to Wahšušana, cf. the discussion
of kt 87/k ṭ88 in BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṭττ
sent from Carchemish to Mari that dates to the irst half of the ṣ7th century BC refers to
šalladuwar as the provenience of a golden ring.ṣσ8τ
After Anitta s destruction of Salatiwara the city seems to have lost its importance, and in
the Hittite period only its gods appear in the archaic sacriicial list alongside Sallapa and
Tapalga.ṣσ86 In addition, KBo Ṭ7.ṭṣ refers to the city in the course of a description of a libation
ritual:
The ummeānum, the supervisor of the market, [...] traders from Kaneš, the merchants
from Salatiwara, the traders from Ta[...].ṣσ87
The Hulanna River was associated with the Man of Kuššara as seen from the ritual text KUB
τ8.ṣτ, which Ünal has connected to the late Hittite cult of the deiied dynastic father Anit-
ta.ṣσ88 Hittite historiography thus appears to have associated the Hulanna River, the Kuššaran
dynasty and the battle of Salatiwara long after the disappearance of both cities and its kings.
The Assyrian Station (wabartum) in the city is attested a few times,ṣσ89 and a series of let-
ters sent from the Wahšušana Colony to the dātum-payers and the beruttum-oficials of
šalatuwar have been preserved.ṣσ9Ṣ In spite of its inferior status in the Assyrian commercial
network, there is nothing to suggest that the city of šalatuwar played a minor role in the trade
compared to its neighbours at Wahušušana and Purušhaddum. Large amounts of copper
passed through the city on the way to Purušhaddum, and records show that šalatuwar was an
attractive market for textiles from Assur and copper from Durhumit.ṣσ9ṣ
Little is known about local production. Four texts out of some two dozen that refer to the
trade in the expensive perdum-animal appear in association with šalatuwar.ṣσ9Ṭ One of the
texts links the trade with the wife of the chief of the horses, although it is uncertain whether
the latter stayed in šalatuwar:ṣσ9ṭ
ṣσ8τ. ARM Ṭ6/Ṭ.τσṬ, cf. cHarpin ṬṢṢ8: ṣṢ6.

ṣσ86. KBo σ.ṣṭ (col. i): σṢ.
ṣσ87. Traders are occasionally mentioned as participants in Hittite cultic rituals, cf. e.g. KBo ṣσ.ṣσṬ (col. iv): 7 (festi-
val for the Storm-god of Halpa)Ş KUB σṢ.Ṭ: 7Ṭ-79 (organisation of the cult of Ishara, cf. CTH 6σṣŞ goetZe ṣ9σṢ:
6Ṣ-7ṣ)Ş KUB τ7.9τ (col. iv): τ.
ṣσ88. KUB τ8.ṣτ (col. i): ṣṢ, ṣσ, cf. ünal ṣ99τ: Ṭ7σ who provides a full edition of the text. A preceding section of the
tablet deals with the city of Sanahwitta, which leads Ünal to suggest that the tablet may represent a compendium
of rituals related to the earliest history of the Hittite state. Ünal relates KUB τ8.ṣτ to another ritual text, KUB
6Ṣ.ṣṭσ, which mentions the dressing of the (cultic statue?) of the king of Kuššara, and to the place of rest
(mayyālu), perhaps his bed.
ṣσ89. The wabartum in šalatuwar occurs in: kt 7τ/k ṣ6Ş kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 88/k ṣṣṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭṣ9Ş AKT τ, τṢŞ AKT 6, τṣṭŞ
Adana Ṭṭ7öŞ k/k ṣṬṬŞ KTH ṣ6a (mentioned in relation to blood money)Ş KTP ṣṢ. Kt t/k ṣ and kt t/k Ṭτ refer to
payments made to the ofice of the colony in relation to the trade of a perdum. The context is unclear and may
refer to an otherwise unattested colony in šalatuwar or (perhaps more likely) an advance payment or tax levied
in šalatuwar on behalf of the colony in Kaneš. Alternatively, the Assyrian community may at some point have
been gained status as a colony (cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8a: ṣ6Ṣ). The two texts in question can not themselves be dated,
but given the range of dates of the remaining texts mentioning the Station, this change would have taken place
at the very end of the kārum II-period.
ṣσ9Ṣ. KTK ṬŞ TC ṣ, ṭṬŞ TMH ṣ, ṣa alongside two more letters that omit a alatuwar from their address, cf. Müller
& MarZaHn ṬṢṢṢ: Ṭ89f. KTK Ṭ is addressed to the dātum-payers and the Station of šalatuwar .
ṣσ9ṣ. Note also the general remark about the importance of the markets in Wahšušana and šalatuwar in kt 9σ/k ṣσττ
(cf. τ.ṣṭ).
ṣσ9Ṭ. Kt t/k ṣŞ kt t/k ṬτŞ kt n/k ṣτ8ṬŞ BIN σ, Ṭ. Cf. MicHel ṬṢṢσ: ṣ9Ṭ-ṣ9ṭ.
ṣσ9ṭ. Cf. farBer ṬṢṢṣ, esp. ṣṭ8 n. τ.
ṭτ6
τ.ṣ6 PURUšHADDUM
I arrived in šalatuwar for my business, but the people I was to do business with had not
arrived yet, so I said ... He set the perdum-animals that you wrote to me about free (for
sale) before I came. Let a your message come to me about the agreement you made with
the wife of the chief of the horses.ṣσ9σ
In relation to the location of šalatuwar inside the bend of the Sakarya River, it is perhaps
worth noting that the region in later times became a centre of horse- and mule-breeding.ṣσ9τ
5.16 Puru haddumṣσ96

Purušhaddum was the terminus of the two major Assyrian routes that crossed Anatolia, one
coming from Kaneš and the other from Durhumit. Its market was the most important in the
region and was only rivalled by Kaneš. Purušhaddum occurs in hundreds of Assyrian busi-
ṣσ9σ. BIN σ, Ṭ (l. Ṭ-6): a-na a-lá-tù-wa-ar a-na té-er-tí-a e-ta-ra-áb ma-ki-ru-ú a-dí-ni lá e-ru-bu-nim-ma um-ma
a-na-ku-ma … (l. Ṭṣ-Ṭ6): pè-er-dí a ta-á -pu-ra-ni i-pá-ni-a ú- é-ra-am a-wa-tí a DAM GAL sí-sé-e ma-lá
tág-mu-ru té-er-ta-kà lí-lí-kam.
ṣσ9τ. Cf. cornelius ṣ97ṭ: τ-6 about the breeding of horses and mules in the region, and note the description of the
fertile meadows and extensive pastures of the Sakarya basin in HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): σṭσ.
ṣσ96. Attestations of Purušhaddum are found in: kt 7τ/k 88Ş kt 78/Et ṣṢ7Ş kt 87/k EtŞ kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k ṣŞ kt 87/k
σσŞ kt 87/k ṣṭ8Ş kt 87/k ṭṬṣŞ kt 87/k ṭ97Ş kt 87/k σṣτŞ kt 87/k σ6ṭŞ kt 87/k σ6τŞ kt 87/k τṬṣŞ kt 87/k τṭτŞ kt 87/k
τσ8Ş kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 88/k ṣṢσ9Ş kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṣ7τŞ kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭṢτŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭṣ9Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt
9ṣ/k ṭ6ṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṢṣŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k σ7τŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ8τŞ kt 9ṭ/k ττṭŞ kt 9ṭ/k 7τṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣτṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ6ṢŞ
kt 9σ/k Ṭṣ8Ş kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ6ṣŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ6τŞ kt 9σ/k ṭ98Ş kt 9σ/k σṢṭŞ kt 9σ/k
σṣ9Ş kt 9σ/k σστŞ kt 9σ/k στṢŞ kt 9σ/k στ6Ş kt 9σ/k στ7Ş kt 9σ/k στ9Ş kt 9σ/k σ7σŞ kt 9σ/k σ97Ş kt 9σ/k 6τṣŞ kt
9σ/k 6ττŞ kt 9σ/k 669Ş kt 9σ/k 69ṢŞ kt 9σ/k 7τ9Ş kt 9σ/k 769Ş kt 9σ/k 8Ṣ8Ş kt 9σ/k 8τ8bŞ kt 9σ/k 97ṢŞ kt 9σ/k 978Ş
kt 9σ/k ṣṬ9τŞ kt 9σ/k ṣṭ78Ş kt 9σ/k ṣσ6ṬŞ kt 9σ/k ṣτṬτŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ7σṢŞ kt a/k ṬτṬŞ kt
a/k Ṭ9σŞ kt a/k σṢṭŞ kt a/k σṭṬŞ kt a/k τṣṭŞ kt a/k 8ṬτŞ kt a/k ṣṢτṢŞ kt a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ AKT ṣ, ṣ6Ş AKT ṣ, 78Ş AKT ṭ,
ṬṣŞ AKT ṭ, ṭṭŞ AKT ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT ṭ, 7τŞ AKT ṭ, 9ṢŞ AKT 6, Ṭ (Pu-ur-u -ha-‘dim])Ş AKT 6, ṣṢσŞ AKT 6, ṣṢ6Ş AKT
6, ṣṢ7Ş AKT 6, ṣṢ9Ş AKT 6, ṣṣṢŞ AKT 6, ṣṣṣŞ AKT 6, ṣṬ8Ş AKT 6, ṣσṣŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣσ6Ş AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ
AKT 6, ṣ7ṭŞ AKT 6, ṣ7τŞ AKT 6, ṣ76Ş AKT 6, ṬṢ8AŞ AKT 6, ṬṣṭŞ AKT 6, Ṭṣ6Ş AKT 6, ṬṬṭŞ AKT 6, ṭṢ6Ş AKT 6,
ṭṢ9Ş AKT 6, ṭṣ9Ş AKT 6, ṭτṣŞ AKT 6, ṭ66Ş AKT 6, ṭ8ṢŞ AKT 6, ṭ89Ş AKT 6, σṢ9Ş AKT 6, σṣṢŞ AKT 6, σσ7Ş Ank.
ṣ6 (Afo ṣτ, ṭτ)Ş AKT σ, ṣ7Ş AKT σ, Ṭ6Ş ATHE ṭ7Ş ATHE σ8Ş ATHE 6ṭŞ Berytus ṭ, 79Ş BIN σ, ṣŞ BIN σ, ṣṬŞ BIN
σ, ṬṢŞ BIN σ, ṬσŞ BIN σ, ṭτŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, ṭ7Ş BIN σ, σṢŞ BIN σ, σṭŞ BIN σ, σσŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş BIN σ, 6σŞ BIN σ,
7σŞ BIN σ, 98Ş BIN σ, ṣṢτŞ BIN σ, ṣσσŞ BIN σ, ṣσ9Ş BIN σ, ṣτṬŞ BIN σ, ṣ87Ş BIN σ, ṬṬṢŞ BIN 6, Ṭ7Ş BIN 6, ṭσŞ
BIN 6, 8ṣŞ BIN 6, ṣṣṢŞ BIN 6, ṣ67Ş BIN 6, ṬṢτŞ BIN 6, Ṭ6σŞ C ṣṣŞ C ṭṣŞ kt c/k σ8Ş kt c/k τṢŞ kt c/k 8τŞ kt c/k ṣṣṣŞ
kt c/k ṣṬṣŞ kt c/k ṣσṬŞ kt c/k ṣ9ṣŞ kt c/k ṣ98Ş kt c/k ṬṢ6Ş kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k ṬσṢŞ kt c/k Ṭσ9Ş kt c/k ṬτσŞ
kt c/k Ṭτ7Ş kt c/k Ṭ6ṭŞ kt c/k Ṭ9ṢŞ kt c/k ṭṢ9Ş kt c/k ṭṬṭŞ kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k ṭσ7Ş kt c/k ṭ67Ş kt c/k ṭ7ṭŞ kt c/k ṭ76Ş
kt c/k ṭ8ṬŞ kt c/k σṢσŞ kt c/k σṢ6Ş kt c/k σṢ8Ş kt c/k σστŞ kt c/k σσ9Ş kt c/k στṢŞ kt c/k στṬŞ kt c/k στ9Ş kt c/k σ6σŞ
kt c/k σ77Ş kt c/k σ8τŞ kt c/k σ87Ş kt c/k σ9ṭŞ kt c/k τṬṭŞ kt c/k τṬτŞ kt c/k τṬ8Ş kt c/k τṭṢŞ kt c/k τ6ṣŞ kt c/k 6ṣ9Ş
kt c/k 669Ş kt c/k 67ṣŞ kt c/k 686Ş kt c/k 69ṬŞ kt c/k 69τŞ kt c/k 7Ṣ8Ş kt c/k 7ṣσŞ kt c/k 7ṣτŞ kt c/k 7ṣ9Ş kt c/k 7ṬṭŞ
kt c/k 7ṭτŞ kt c/k 7τṢŞ kt c/k 7τ8Ş kt c/k 7τ9Ş kt c/k 866 (Pu-ru-u -ha-tí)Ş kt c/k ṣṢ87Ş kt c/k ṣτṢṢŞ CCT ṣ, 9bŞ
CCT ṣŞ ṣ9b, CCT ṣŞ ṬṬa, CCT ṣŞ ṭṣb, CCT ṣŞ σσ, CCT ṣŞ σ9b, CCT ṬŞ ṣ, CCT ṬŞ τb, CCT ṬŞ 8, CCT ṬŞ ṣṣa, CCT
ṬŞ ṣṭ, CCT ṬŞ σ6a, CCT ṭŞ σ, CCT σŞ ṭa, CCT σŞ σa, CCT σŞ ṣṬb, CCT σŞ ṬṬb, CCT σŞ Ṭ9a, CCT σŞ ṭṭa, CCT σŞ
σṭa, CCT σŞ σσa, CCT σŞ σ6a, CCT σŞ σ7a, CCT σŞ σ8a, CCT σŞ σ9a, CCT τŞ ṣb, CCT τŞ ṣṬb, CCT τŞ ṣṭa, CCT
τŞ ṣτb, CCT τŞ ṭ8a, CCT τŞ σṬb, CCT 6Ş 7c, CCT 6Ş 8a, CCT 6Ş ṣṣa, CCT 6Ş ṣṣb, CCT 6Ş Ṭσa, CCT 6Ş ṭτa, CCT
6Ş ṭ7aŞ Cole ṬŞ Cole σŞ Cole 9Ş CTMMA ṣ, 7ṣŞ CTMMA ṣ, 77Ş CTMMA ṣ, 79Ş kt e/k ṣŞ Foto Landsberger EŞ kt
h/k 7ṭŞ I σṭṢŞ I σσṭŞ I σ7σŞ I σ8ṬŞ I σ8σŞ I σ9ṢŞ I σ9ṣŞ I τṢṣŞ I τṣ6Ş I τṬṣŞ I 6ṢṭŞ I 6ṣ9Ş I 687Ş I 7ṭ7Ş I 7τṢŞ I 766Ş
I 786 (māt)Ş I 79ṢŞ ICK ṣ, Ṭ6aŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ7τŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ8ṭŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ8σŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ8τŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ86Ş ICK ṣ, ṣ89Ş ICK ṣ,
ṣ9ṢŞ ICK Ṭ, ṣṬ7Ş ICK Ṭ, ṬṬσŞ kt j/k σṭṢŞ kt k/k σṭŞ kt k/k ṣṢ8Ş Ka Ṭṭ9! (Matouš ṭτa)Ş Ka σṣṢŞ Ka σṭσŞ Ka 8σ8Ş
Ka 97ṢŞ Kay Ṭ6Ş Kay Ṭτ (TTAED σ, ṣṣ)Ş Kay 86Ş Kay 9σŞ KTH ṣ (māt)Ş KTH ṣσŞ KTH ṭṭŞ KTK ṣŞ KTK ṣσŞ KTP
σ?Ş KTP ṣṢŞ KTP ṬτŞ KTS ṣ, ṣ7Ş KTS ṣ, ṣ9bŞ KTS ṣ, ṬṢŞ KTS ṣ, ṬṬbŞ KTS ṣ, ṭ9aŞ KTS ṣ, σṬdŞ KTS Ṭ, σṢŞ KUG
ṣṭŞ KUG ṣσŞ KUG σ8Ş LB ṣṬṢ6Ş LB ṣṬτ8Ş LB ṣṬ99Ş kt m/k τŞ kt m/k ṣṭŞ kt m/k 7τŞ kt m/k ṣσ8Ş kt m/k ṣτṭŞ
Medelhavsmuseet Bull. ṣ9: σŞ kt n/k 8σŞ kt n/k ṣṢṢŞ kt n/k ṣ7ṭŞ kt n/k ṣ76Ş kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k Ṭσ6Ş kt n/k Ṭ8ṭŞ kt
n/k ṭṭ7Ş kt n/k στ6Ş kt n/k σ68Ş kt n/k σ7ṣŞ kt n/k σ8ṭŞ kt n/k σ86Ş kt n/k τṬṭŞ kt n/k 696Ş kt n/k 8ṢτŞ kt n/k ṣṬṭ7Ş
kt n/k ṣṬτ8Ş kt n/k ṣṬ77Ş kt n/k ṣṬ9σŞ kt n/k ṣṭṭσŞ kt n/k ṣṭṭ9Ş kt n/k ṣστ6Ş kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ kt n/k ṣτṢ9Ş kt n/k ṣτṭṬŞ
kt n/k ṣ689Ş kt n/k ṣ7ṢτŞ OAA ṣ, 76 (C ṣ8)Ş kt o/k ṣ7τŞ OrNS ṬṢ, Tf. ṬṢ, Abb. ṬṢŞ ›zgüç ILN, Jan. ṣσ, ṣ9τṢ: 7Ṣ,
ṭτ7
ness documents that record the sale of thousands of textiles and tons of tin and copper. The
importance of the city as a centre of trade is also relected in the statistical analysis.ṣσ97
Amkuwa ṣ Mamma ṭ Tišmurna τ

Buruddum ṣ Marithum ṣ Titatum ṣ
Dinarnu ṣ Ninašša ṭ Tuhpiya σ
Durhumit Ṭ8 Qa ara ṭ Tum(e)liya σ
Eluhhut ṣ šalatuwar ṣτ Ulama ṣτ
Hahhum 7 māt šarla ṣ Uršu ṣ
Haqa ṣ (ša)šasama ṣ Ušbugattum ṣ
Hattum 6 šinahuttum ṣ Ušša Ṭ
Hurama σ Talhat ṭ Wahšušana τσ
Kuburnat Ṭ Tawiniya ṣ Wašhaniya σ
Kunanamit Ṭ Tegarama Ṭ Zalpa 7
Luhuzattiya σ Timelkiya τ Zimišhuna Ṭ
Table ṭ7: Toponyms mentioned in the same Old Assyrian text as Purušhaddum.
Fig. ṣ6Ş POAT ṣ6Ş RA τ9, ṣτṢ (MAH ṣṢ8Ṭṭ+Sch Ṭṭ)Ş RA 6Ṣ, ṣṢ6 (MAH ṣ96Ṣ9)Ş RA 6Ṣ, ṣṬṭ (MP ṣ)Ş RA 8ṣ, ṭ
(OA ṬṬτṢ6)Ş RA 8ṣ, ṣσ ḤṣŞ RA 8ṣ, τ7 (OA Ṭ9ṣ89)Ş RA 8ṣ, 8ṭ ḤṬ+Ş RGZM ṣŞ Sadberk (ARK. ṣ6σ-9σ7Ṭ)Ş Sadberk
(H.K. ṣṢṢ8-ττṭ7)Ş Tablet NasterŞ TC ṣ, 9Ş TC ṣ, ṭ7Ş TC ṣ, τṣ?Ş TC ṣ, 77Ş TC ṣ, 9τŞ TC Ṭ, ṣṭŞ TC Ṭ, ṣ6Ş TC Ṭ, ṣ7Ş
TC Ṭ, ṣ8Ş TC Ṭ, ṬṭŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC Ṭ, τ8Ş TC Ṭ, 77Ş TC ṭ, ṭŞ TC ṭ, ṣτŞ TC ṭ, ṬτŞ TC ṭ, σ7Ş TC ṭ, τ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣṣσŞ
TC ṭ, ṣσ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣσ9Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6ṢŞ TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṭŞ TMH ṣ, Ṭ7bŞ TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa+bŞ TTC σŞ TTC ṣσŞ TTC Ṭ7Ş
TTC Ṭ8Ş Univ. Privatsam. (Forrer)Ş Veenhof ṣŞ kt v/k 89Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣ8Ş VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6Ş VS Ṭ6, ṭṣŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭ6Ş VS Ṭ6, σ6Ş
VS Ṭ6, 6ṬŞ VS Ṭ6, 7ṣŞ VS Ṭ6, 8ṭŞ VS Ṭ6, 8σŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣσ7Ş VS Ṭ6, ṣτṬŞ WAG σ8-ṣσ6τŞ WAG σ8-ṣσ66. Against the
alleged attestation in KTP σ ana Puru ‘hattim] a Wah u ana , cf. larsen ṣ976: Ṭ6Ṭ.
ṣσ97. The attestations of Purušhaddum together with other cities are found in: Amkuwa: AKT 6, ṣṢσ, Buruddum:
BIN 6, ṭσ, Dinarnu: CCT τ, ṣb, Durhumit: kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ kt
a/k ṣṢτ6bŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, 6σŞ CCT σ, σ8aŞ CCT τ, ṣṭaŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k Ṭṭ7Ş CT-
MMA ṣ, 79Ş I 7τṢŞ I 79ṢŞ KTK ṣσŞ kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k σ8ṭŞ kt n/k 8ṢτŞ kt n/k ṣṬ77Ş TC Ṭ, ṬṭŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣσ9Ş
TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa+bŞ VS Ṭ6, ṣ8Ş VS Ṭ6 7ṣ, Eluhhut: c/k τṬ8, Hahhum: kt 9σ/k σṢṭŞ kt c/k 69τŞ kt h/k 7ṭŞ I σṭṢŞ
KUG ṣṭŞ kt m/k 7τŞ kt n/k ṣτṢ9, Haqa: KTS ṣ, ṬṬb, Hattum: AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ CCT τ, ṣτbŞ I σ9ṢŞ KTP ṬτŞ LB ṣṬṢ6Ş
RA τ8, ṣτṢ (MAH ṣṢṬ8ṭ), Hurama: kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN σ, σ8Ş TC ṣ, 9, Kuburnat: kt a/k σṢṭŞ kt a/k
τṣṭŞ Kunanamit: LB ṣṬṢ6Ş VS Ṭ6, 7ṣ, Luhuzattiya: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt c/k ṭ67Ş kt m/k ṣσ8Ş kt n/k Ṭ8ṭ, Mamma:
CCT Ṭ, ṣṣaŞ KTH ṣŞ Tab. Naster (VAT Ṭ6.σ6), Marithum: CCT τ, ṣṭa, Nina a: kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ kt c/k 669Ş TC ṭ,
ṣ6τ, Qa ara: ICK ṣ, ṣ89Ş Ka 8σ8Ş Ka 97Ṣ, alatuwar: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k σ6τŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṭ/k Ṭ8τŞ kt
9σ/k ṣτṭŞ kt 9σ/k 6τṣŞ AKT ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT 6, ṣ76Ş AKT 6, ṭ66Ş BIN σ, ṭτŞ Cole ṬŞ KTP ṣṢŞ MIXON ṣ8Ş kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ
TC Ṭ, ṭ6, māt arla: AKT ṣ, 78, ( a) asama: AKT 6, ṣṢσ, inahuttum: kt 9σ/k ṭσṢ, Talhat: kt 87/k σ6ṭŞ kt 9σ/k
69ṢŞ VS Ṭ6, ṭṣ (wr. Tilhat), Tawiniya: ATHE 6ṭ, Tegarama: kt 9Ṭ/k ṣṢṭ6Ş kt n/k σ68Ş Timelkiya: AKT 6, ṣσσŞ
AKT 6, ṣ76Ş BIN σ, σ8Ş kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt h/k 7ṭ, Ti murna: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣτṢŞ CCT σ, σ7aŞ
POAT ṣ6, Titatum: VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6, Tuhpiya: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9σ/k σṣ9Ş kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ VS Ṭ6, Ṭ6, Tum(e)liya: kt 9ṣ/k
ṭστŞ AKT 6, ṣσṣŞ AKT 6, ṣσσŞ AKT 6, ṣ7τ, Ulama: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ AKT 6,
Ṭṣ6Ş AKT 6, ṭ66Ş kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k σστŞ kt c/k 669Ş I σ8σŞ I 766Ş kt k/k σṭŞ KTS Ṭ, σṢŞ kt n/k 696Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τ,
Ur u: ATHE ṭ7, U bugattum: kt 9ṣ/k σṬσ, U a: BIN σ, ṣ87Ş I 766, Wah u ana: kt 8ṭ/k ṣṣ7Ş kt 87/k σσŞ kt
87/k σ6τŞ kt 88/k τṢ7bŞ kt 89/k σṭṢŞ kt 9ṣ/k ṭστŞ kt 9ṣ/k σṬσŞ kt 9ṣ/k σ7τŞ kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭσṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṭστŞ
kt 9σ/k ṭ6τŞ kt 9σ/k σ97Ş kt 9σ/k 97ṢŞ kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṢŞ kt a/ k ṣṢτ6bŞ AKT ṣ, 78Ş AKT ṭ, ṭσŞ AKT 6, ṣ7τŞ AKT 6,
ṭτṣŞ ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN σ, ṭ6Ş BIN σ, σṭŞ kt c/k σ8Ş kt c/k τṢŞ kt c/k ṣ9ṣŞ kt c/k ṬṣṬŞ kt c/k Ṭ6ṭŞ kt c/k ṭṢ9Ş kt c/k
ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k ṭ7ṭŞ kt c/k σṢ6Ş kt c/k 669Ş kt c/k 7ṭτŞ kt c/k 866Ş CCT σ, ṭaŞ CCT σ, σaŞ CCT σ, ṬṬbŞ CCT 6, 7cŞ
KTH ṣŞ KTH ṣσŞ KTH ṭṭŞ KTP σŞ KTP ṣṢŞ kt n/k 8σŞ kt n/k ṬṬ7Ş kt n/k ṣστ6Ş kt n/k ṣσ9ṢŞ TC Ṭ, ṭ6Ş TC ṭ, ṭŞ
TPAK ṣ, ṣ6ṣa+bŞ TTC Ṭ8Ş VS Ṭ6, ṭṣŞ VS Ṭ6, 8σ, Wa haniya: CCT τ, ṣτbŞ TC ṭ, ṣσ6Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ VS Ṭ6, σ6,
Zalpa: ATHE σ8Ş ATHE 6ṭŞ BIN 6, ṣ67Ş CCT 6, 7cŞ kt c/k ṭṭ7Ş kt c/k ṭ67Ş Ka σṭσ, Zimi huna: kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢŞ kt
k/k ṣṢ8. All itineraries have been underlined (the term itinerary is applied to any source that unmistakably
describes a geographical relation between two or more toponyms, and not necessarily just journeys from A to
B).
ṭτ8
Durhumit
Hahhum
Hattum
Hurama
Kuburnat
Kunanamit
Luhuzattiya
Mamma
Ninašša
Qaṭṭara
Šalatuwar
Talhat
Tegarama
Timelkiya
Tišmurna Hurama
Tuhpiya
Tum(e)liya
Ulama
Ušša
Wahšušana
Wašhaniya
Zalpa
Zimišhuna
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Graph 26: Frequency of a given toponym associated with Puru haddum. Itineraries are shaded in a
darker colour.
Most of the toponyms in the table appear only a few times alongside Purušhaddum, only a
small group of cities are linked directly to the city through itineraries . In particular, Durhu-
mit, Tuhpiya, Ninašša, Wahšušana, šalatuwar and Ulama seem to have had direct and fre-
quent relations with Purušhaddum.
There are no prominent new toponyms mentioned in connection with Purušhaddum, and
the documentation suggests that the city was at the end of the line as far as the Assyrians were
concerned. This underscores the observation (cf. τ.ṣ) that a number of important Anatolian
cities known from the later Hittite texts are absent from the Assyrian records, and it empha-
sises the narrow functional and geographical scope of our sources. The cluster suggests that
Purušhaddum was a western terminus beyond which the Assyrian merchants rarely travelled,
and with a few possible exceptions, its geographical connections point exclusively to the
east.ṣσ98
It has long been realised that a fundamental component of the Assyrian trade was the avail-
ability of silver on the market in Purušhaddum.ṣσ99 Even when tin and textiles coming from
Assyria were irst converted into shipments of local copper or wool, the goal of such opera-
tions was typically to sell those goods for silver in Purušhaddum. This pivotal role of the city
ṣσ98. Possible exceptions are the rare references to the māt qerbitim (cf. σ.7 and τ.ṣτ), māt šarla, (ša)šasama (cf.
τ.ṣṢ), Harzi(w)una (kt 8ṭ/k ṣṭ7), Tinarnu and Ušbugattum (cf. τ.ṣτ).
ṣσ99. larsen ṣ967: 9σŞ veenHof ṣ97ṬŞ ṬṢṢṭaŞ ṬṢṢ8a. Dercksen ṣ996 included the copper trade into the equation, and
lassen ṬṢṣṢ added the wool trade.
ṭτ9
in the Assyrian trade has been interpreted as the result of Purušhaddum controlling extensive
silver deposits.ṣτṢṢ In turn, the relation to known areas of silver extraction have become an
element in attempts to localise the city.ṣτṢṣ
But why would Purušhaddum be able consume much larger quantities of copper, tin and
textiles than its neighbours? The volume of the trade on Purušhaddum seems to exceed local
consumption, and the record of literally hundreds of shipments that were cleared by customs
in Kaneš before they went on to Purušhaddum suggests that the strength of its market drove
a large part of the entire trade. This suggests something more than a local concentration of
wealth and implies that Purušhaddum (like Assur) was as a market that strode two regional
systems of exchange. The fact that the Assyrians did not take part in this further business
seems to hold important implications for the geographical location of the city.
There are only two records of goods arriving at Purušhaddum from the Narrow Track.ṣτṢṬ
Presumably the proit made on such commodities, which had to travel all the way east of
Kaneš via Durhumit to Purušhaddum, was marginal. The examples probably result from par-
ticular problems and not established procedure. In comparison, more than 8Ṣ texts refer to the
arrival of goods from Kaneš, suggesting the importance that the market in Purušhaddum must
have had for the economy of Kaneš and Anatolia in general.
As already shown (τ.ṣṭ and τ.ṣτ), the Assyrians reached Purušhaddum from Ulama when
coming from Kaneš and from šalatuwar when coming from Wahšušana and Durhumit. The
main cities in the Purušhaddum cluster are either its neighbours (Ulama and šalatuwar) or the
main stations along the copper route (Wahšušana and Durhumit).
The road to Kaneš is less commonly mentioned in the sources than the road to Durhumit.
This is probably not related to their relative importance, but is caused by the fact that the
majority of the available itineraries between Kaneš and Purušhaddum telescope the entire
journey. The following two letters are typical examples of such texts. They are messages sent
from company headquarters in Assur to notify the Kaneš ofice about the imminent arrival of
a caravan from the south. The shipments had Purušhaddum as their inal destination:
šu-Belum son of Zurzur will entrust ṣ talent and τ minas of tin with the seal of the City
(of Assur), τṢ kutānum-textiles of average quality, ṣτ minas of hand-tin and Ṭ black
donkeys to you, and you should lead it into Purušhaddum together with the goods of the
man and you should sell it for cash upon delivery ...ṣτṢṭ
[… talents and … minas] of tin under the se[al of the City (of Assur)], ṣṣ[Ṣ+ kutānum-
textiles], including those (used) for wrapping (the shipment), τṭ minas of hand-tin, 7
black donkeys and their harnessing and one a sa ītum-textile. Ahu-waqar son of Zurzur
is leading all of this to you. My dear brothers, stand up in the palace, and when the
nishātum-tax has been deducted for me (and) the goods have come down then Amur-Ili
and Ahu-waqar should take all my goods into Purušhaddum and sell them for cash upon
delivery. They should not set them free (for sale on credit).ṣτṢσ
ṣτṢṢ. forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 6τ.

ṣτṢṣ. forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 67.
ṣτṢṬ. Kt 9ṭ/k σ88Ş kt m/k 7τ. Cf. section σ.9 for BIN σ, σ8 and kt 9σ/k 8Ṣ8 that refer to wares coming from the Narrow
Track that appear to have Purušhaddum as their inal destination. Note that the smuggling of textiles through
Kaneš (Sadberk HK ṣṢṢ8-ττṭ7) and into Purušhaddum (TC ṭ, ṣ6τ) is also attested. Selling textiles that had not
been properly declared and taxed was considered smuggling, a procedure that is not necessarily linked to the
Narrow Track (cf. σ.9 and veenHof ṣ97Ṭ).
ṣτṢṭ. CCT Ṭ, σ6a (l. 6-ṣ7): ṣ GÚ τ ma-na AN.NA ku-nu-ki a a-limki τṢ TÚG ku-ta-nu qá-áb-li-ú-tum ṣτ ma-na
AN.NA-ak qá-tim Ṭ ANšE.HI.A a-lá-mu u-Be-lúm DUMU Zu-ur-zu-ur li-ip-qí-da-ku-nu-tí-ma ‘i ]-tí lu-qú-
a-tim a a-wi-lim a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim e-ri-ba-ma a-na i-ta-a -lim dí-na-ma… Cf. larsen ṣ967: 9Ṭ-9ṭ.
ṣτṢσ. I 7ṭ7 (l. ṣ-ṬṬ): [x GÚ x ma-na] AN.NA k‘u-nu-ki a a-limki] ṣ me-at ṣṢ[+x TÚG ku-ta-ni] qá-dum a l‘i-wi]-tim
ṭ6Ṣ
Such notifying messages are completely standard and refer to goods that were sealed and sent
from Assur to Kaneš.ṣτṢτ The shipments followed a common procedure of declaration and
taxation at the palace, and subsequently they were sent on to Purušhaddum to be sold for
silver on delivery. These itineraries mention no stations along the route, but their frequency
suggests that trafic between the two cities was substantial.
As shown in the section on Ulama (τ.ṣṭ), the route between Kaneš and Purušhaddum
passed through that city. Conversely, there is little evidence for goods travelling from Kaneš
to Purušhaddum via Wahšušana (τ.ṣσ). Instead, the copper route connected Wahšušana and
Purušhaddum. The preceding section (τ.ṣτ) suggested that the road from Wahšušana to
Purušhaddum passed through šalatuwar, and that a watercourse and a bridge (where entry-tax
was levied) marked the frontier between the two states. Records show that heavily loaded
wagons plied this route and suggest that the road was of a high standard.ṣτṢ6
The statistical analysis shows that this route was much more frequently used for the copper
trade than the alternative road from Wahšušana through Ulama, and the infrequent examples
of journeys via Ulama all seem to be connected to periods of political disorder (cf. τ.ṣṭ).ṣτṢ7
Since the road that connected Purušhaddum to Ulama continued on to Kaneš, this route was
presumably located south of the copper road. Conversely, the road from šalatuwar would
have reached Purušhaddum by crossing the Sakarya River (τ.ṣτ) from the north.
As already stated, very few documents refer to any Assyrian trade on the far side of
Purušhaddum. There are two possible exceptions. One is an unclear reference to the town of
Ušbugattum, which may also have been located between šalatuwar and Purušhaddum (cf.
τ.ṣτ). The other is the mention of the city of Dinarnu in a context seems to be unrelated to
trade:
Do not worry. The rabi sikkitim is staying in Dinarnu. He returned here after τ days, he
set šu-Ištar free and left to Purušhaddum, and ...ṣτṢ8
Two documents refer to something called the inner land (mātum qerbītum). Apparently, this
was a region reached from šalatuwar and perhaps also Purušhaddum (cf. σ.6) from the east.
But with so few references, the area beyond the city appears to have been effectively out of
bounds for the Assyrians, or else the region had little interest for them.ṣτṢ9
The fact that a main road linked Wahšušana and Purušhaddum through šalatuwar, and that
the latter city has to be located inside the bend of the Sakarya River (τ.ṣτ), pulls Purušhaddum
τṭ ma-na AN.N[A qá]-tim 7 ANšE.HI.A a-lá-m‘u] ù ú-nu-sú-nu ù ṣ TÚG a sà-i-tim mì-ma a-nim A-hu-wa-
qar DUMU Zu-ur-zu-ur i-ra-de8-a-ku-nu-tí a-hu-ú-a a-tù-nu i-na É.GAL-lim i-zi-za-ma ki-ma ni-is-ha-tum i-ni-
is-ha-ni ú-nu-tum ur-da-ni mì-ma lu-qú-tí-a A-mur-DINGIR ù A-hu-wa-qar a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim lu- é-ri-bu-
ma a-na i-ta-a -lim li-dí-nu lá ú- u-ru.
ṣτṢτ. larsen ṣ967 type IIIb.
ṣτṢ6. Cf. ṣ.τ and τ.ṣτ. For examples related to wagon trafic at Purušhaddum cf. appendix ṣ.σ. See also Dercksen
ṣ996: ṣτ6.
ṣτṢ7. See also kt c/k ṭṢ9 and cf. kt c/k σστ in forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 6ṭ.
ṣτṢ8. CCT τ, ṣb (l. ṣṬ-ṣ8): mì-ma li-ba-kà lá i-pá-ri-id GAL sí-ki-tim i-na Dí-na-ar-nu wa- a-áb a-dí τ uσ-me i-tù-ra-
ma u-I tar ú- é- a-ar-ma a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim i-ta-lá-ak-ma … Another possible candidate for a town located
beyond Purušhaddum would be Zidamriš, which is taken by forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 6Ṭ n. Ṭṭ to be in the vicinity of
Purušhaddum on the basis of the text kt n/k ṣ7τ quoted in BaYraM ṣ997: ττ. In fact, kt n/k ṣ7τ does not contain
any reference to Purušhaddum. Perhaps Bayram meant that Purušhaddum occurs together with Zitawariš in kt
n/k ṣṢ8τ which he also quotes. The latter text was not available for the present study. Regardless, the fact that
two toponyms appear in the same text does not automatically imply any geographical relationship. Cf. e.g. the
attestations of Purušhaddum together with other cities in fn. ṣσ97 in the present section.
ṣτṢ9. Note also that Zarniya on the frontier of Pedassa and the Hulaya River Land (cf. CTH ṣṢ6), occurs once in the
Assyrian text kt c/k σ86 as a source of copper. It may of course be a homonym.
ṭ6ṣ
Hulanna

mātum qerbītum
Sakarya
Zuliya
Nina a Wa haniya
Puru haddum Ulama Marassanda
Kane
U a
N
bridge
bridge and/or ferry
ford
Fig. 42: The connections and the rivers in relation to the Puru haddum cluster.
far to the west. Coupled with the close geographical link between Ulama, Ninašša and
Wahšušana near the Kızılırmak this appears to leave a large open space between the territories
of Purušhaddum and Ulama where no stations are mentioned.
Presumably the route crossed the dry Obruk Yaylası that would not have supported any
large independent political centres. Minor settlements are expected, but none are mentioned
in the available records. Prior to the formation of the Old Assyrian Text Project there were
also only telescoped accounts linking e.g. Timelkiya and Durhumit or Wahšušana and
Purušhaddum, and there were no detailed records to help establish the geographical connec-
tions east of Kaneš. The image has changed mainly due to the comprehensive studies of the
archives of Kuliya, who acted as envoy for the Kaneš Colony in the northeast,ṣτṣṢ and šalim-
Aššur, who specialised in the trade on Durhumit.ṣτṣṣ Similarly, a future study of an archive
belonging to a merchant who focused his trade on Purušhaddum could change the current
image and ill out the empty spaces in the lands west of Kaneš.
An impression of relative distances between the cities may be gained from memoranda
such as TC ṭ, ṣ6τ (cf. τ.ṣṣ and table ṭṬ) that record expenses related directly to travelling. It
has already been shown why this particular memorandum can not be used to show that
Purušhaddum was located at a distance of four days from Kaneš and support the identiication
of Purušhaddum with the mound of Acemhöyük.ṣτṣṬ But there are a lot of other uncertainties
involved in using memoranda as a source for determining the distance between two cities. In
the given example one has to take for granted that the fees did not include other expenditures.
Since fodder lodging and transport are speciically mentioned, this appears to be a reasonable
ṣτṣṢ. veenHof ṬṢṣṢ.

ṣτṣṣ. larsen ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣτṣṬ. The idea that Purušhaddum was located at a distance of four days from Kaneš was irst proposed by Bilgiç ṣ9στ-
τṣ: ṬṢ, who nevertheless located the city at Konya ca. ṭṢṢ km. west of Kültepe as the crow lies. See also
Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṢ-ṣṣ, ṣṭ who argued against the identiication of Purušhaddum with Karahöyük Konya. keM-
pinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ refuted the interpretation of TC ṭ, ṣ6τ but accepted the identiication of Acemhöyük with
Parsuhanda. larsen ṣ967: 9σ n. σ7 and veenHof ṣ989: 6τσ n. ṭτ have both raised serious doubt about the inter-
pretation of TC ṭ, ṣ6τ and its implications for the location of Purušhaddum.
ṭ6Ṭ
assumption. One also has to recognise that the inal entry, which covers the journey from
Ulama to Purušhaddum, speciies each of the expenses separately, i.e. lodgings (ṣṢ minas)
and fodder (ṣṢ minas). Finally, one must accept that the ṭṢ minas spent on smuggling would
have included the transport fees of the shipment.ṣτṣṭ One could argue that the inal two pay-
ments listed in the memorandum, which were made to porters and an escort between Kaneš
and Wašhaniya, somehow included the transport fees on the irst part of the journey:
I gave ṬṢ shekels of silver to the porters from Kaneš to Wašhaniya. I gave ṣ7 ṣ/ṭ shekels
of silver to the porters and my escort.ṣτṣσ
This would level out the difference between the fees paid before Ulama and those between
Ulama and Purušhaddum. But who then carried the shipment in the gap between Wašhaniya
and Ulama? It seems more reasonable to assume that the inal speciication relects a separate
action related to the irst part of the journey. Perhaps a part the shipment was destined to go
to Wahšušana and therefore went no further than Wašhaniya? Or perhaps donkeys were only
available from Wašhaniya? Elements in the reconstruction are uncertain, but the speciic sub-
division of the expenses and the higher fees paid for fodder, lodgings and transport between
Ulama and Purušhaddum suggest that a greater distance separated those two stations on the
journey.
The text CCT Ṭ, ṣ has also been used in support of a close geographical relation between
Kaneš and Purušhaddum, although the interpretation was effectively rejected more than four
decades ago:ṣτṣτ
It has been asserted on the basis of the passage in the letter CCT Ṭ: I, σ-8, that the dis-
tances between Kaneš and Purušhaddum could be covered by a caravan in ive days (cf.
AC, p. ṣṬṬ)Ş in the text šalim-ahum quotes a letter he has received from Pūšu-kēn which
ran: AN.NA a é-ep Ku-za-ri τki-ma e-ru-ba-ni a-na 6Pu-ru-u -ha-dim u -té-biσ-ilτ- u
7
a-na τ uσ-me a-na KÙ.BABBAR 8a-da-ga-al: (concerning) the tin transported by Ku-
zari – when he arrived I sent him to PurušhaddumŞ in ive days I expect the silver. Cer-
tainly, this does not mean that the journey from Purušhaddum to Kaneš took τ daysŞ
Pūšu-kēn is simply saying that he expects the silver bought in Purušhaddum to arrive one
week after he wrote the letter quoted, and why should we think that he wrote that letter
exactly on the day when the silver left Purušhaddum?ṣτṣ6
Given the location of šalatuwar on the route between Wahšušana and Purušhaddum, it is
necessary to move Purušhaddum west of Acemhöyük. This notion inds circumstantial sup-
port in the letter TTC Ṭ8, which implies that Wahšušana and Purušhaddum must have been
located at some distance from one another:
ṣτṣṭ. First suggested in veenHof ṣ97Ṭ: ṭṭṭ n. σσ8.

ṣτṣσ. TC ṭ, ṣ6τ (l. σṭ-σ7): ṣ/ṭ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR i -tù Ka-ni-i a-dí Wa-a -ha-ni-a a- a biσ-lá-tim a-dí-in ṣ7 ṣ/ṭ
GÍN KÙ.BABBAR i -tù Wa-a -ha-ni-a a-dí Ú-lá-ma a- a biσ-lá-tim ù mu-qá-ri-biσ-a a-dí-in. Cf. veenHof 1972:
333; nasHef 1987: τṢ-τṭŞ Dercksen ṣ996: ṣṢ.
ṣτṣτ. Cf. e.g. forlanini ṣ998: ṬṬ6 n. Ṭσ (in rejection of the doubts raised about the identiication of Parsuhanda with
Acemhöyük in Hawkins ṣ99τa)Ş forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 6ṭ n. Ṭ8Ş kawakaMi ṬṢṢ6: 6τ-66. The latter author takes TC
ṭ, ṣ6τ and CCT Ṭ, ṣ as conclusive proof that Purušhaddum is to be identiied with Acemhöyük and builds the
remainder of his argument upon that premise. Note, that beside the traditional location of Parsuhanda at Acem-
höyük, Haas ṣ977 argued for more a south-easterly location near the Taurus (cf. also singer ṣ98σb: ṣṬṭff.).
ṣτṣ6. larsen ṣ967: 9σ n. σ7.
ṭ6ṭ
Enter Wahšušana do ... and then I will come. A lot of tin has entered Purušhaddum, so
you should spend each shekel of silver there, and then have the (remaining) tin brought
by horse or pack some donkeys and enter Purušhaddum straight away.ṣτṣ7
The author warns the recipient, who probably stayed in Kaneš, that the market in Purušhaddum
has been looded with tin. He is urged to take off with the coming shipment of tin to
Wahšušana and sell as much of it as possible there before proceeding to Purušhaddum. The
shipment is to leave straight away , perhaps in order to outrun the collapsing prices. A short
distance between Wahšušana to Purušhaddum would render the message meaningless. The
two markets would be closely integrated, and presumably prices would have evened out
much faster than a letter and a caravan could travel from Purušhaddum to Kaneš and back
via Wahšušana.
The dispatch conirms the notion that the geography west of Kaneš has to be expanded in
relation to what has hitherto been assumed. However, the letters and memoranda give only a
vague an idea of the relative connections and distances involved and do not mention any
landmarks, except for the river between Purušhaddum and šalatuwar. On the basis of the As-
syrian evidence alone it is not possible to decide whether the territory controlled by the city
was small or extensive, or to determine whether large empty territories separated it from
Wahšušana and Ulama.
According to the traditional view of the historical geography in Anatolia, the western lim-
it of Assyrian activities on the Anatolian Plateau is deined by the location of the site of Acem-
höyük. The eastern frontier of the Assyrian colonial system is less clear, but as a minimum,
the trade has been known to include the region of Hattuš. The model does not usually refer to
the way in which the exchange was organised, but it predicts that Assyrian trading activities
focussed on a small area around the dry basin of the Tuz Gölü. A journey from Durhumit to
Purušhaddum would take only a few days to complete. This would imply that the main pur-
pose of the Assyrian trade was to reach Anatolia and sell the imported tin and textiles in the
immediate vicinity of Kaneš. According to Michel s reconstruction from ṬṢṢṬ (Map ṭ) the
distance between Durhumit and Purušhaddum was a mere ṣ6Ṣ kilometres. In Forlanini s map
from ṬṢṢ9 the distance is even shorter (c. ṣσṢ km) (Map ṣ8).
The importance and volume of the Assyrian copper trade in Anatolia has been known since
Dercksen s study from ṣ996 but its implications for the historical geography have not been
fully realised. Could a balance between price and demand drive a voluminous trade between
cities that were located only σ-τ days apart?
In fact, the position of Wahšušana and šalatuwar as main stations on the copper route in-
validates the traditional model.ṣτṣ8 According to the map shown above, the copper road would
have to leave Durhumit on the Kızılırmak and go west through Wahšušana across the Sakarya
to šalatuwar before it turned back across the river to Acemhöyük. No matter where Durhumit
is placed, the position of Purušhaddum at Acemhöyük is untenable unless Wahšušana and
šalatuwar move as well.
Michel s map from ṬṢṢṬ also made little sense in regard to the copper trade. The road from
Durhumit to Purušhaddum was shown to run via Tuhpiya, Ninašša and Ulama to Purušhaddum.
This is never recorded in the texts, whereas the most common route via šalatuwar was miss-
ṣτṣ7. TTC Ṭ8 (l. ṭ-ṣ9): a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na e-ru -ba!-am lu?-x-ak ú lá- lik ? AN.NA ma-dum a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim
e-ru-bu-ú a-ma-kam KÙ.BABBAR ṣ GÍN guτ-mu-ur-ma lu i-na sí-sá-im AN.NA i-ta- í ú-lá e-ma-re-e sé-er-
da-ma i-pá-nim-ma a-Pu-ru-u -ha-‘d]im e-ru-ub. Note a similar example in kt 9σ/k ṣ67ṭ, which suggests that
Durhumit and Purušhaddum cannot have been close neighbours.
ṣτṣ8. Explicitly stated already in Dercksen ṣ996: ṣττ.
ṭ6σ
Map 18: The political geography in Anatolia during the early Old Assyrian Colony Period according to
forlanini ṬṢṢ8a (reproduced with kind permission from the author).
ing.ṣτṣ9 But Michel s map took the importance of the mechanisms of the trade into account,
and her model basically its the system of the copper trade as presented by Dercksen, even if
it overlooks the function of šalatuwar on the copper route.ṣτṬṢ
If one identiies Purušhaddum with Acemhöyük, the copper route essentially forces one to
locate all the remaining cities in the west (šalatuwar, Ulama and Wahšušana) inside the nar-
row strip of territory between the Kızılırmak and the Tuz Gölü. Since it is now clear that
Wahšušana and Ninašša shared a frontier marked by the River Zuliya, one has to it Ninašša
into the region as well. If one integrates all those relations into the old model, the resulting
reconstruction would have to look something like what is shown on Map ṣ9.
But this map has been produced disregarding a number of the other important issues raised
by the present study. The relative distances between the cities that can sometimes be inferred
by the mechanisms of the trade and the fees listed in the memoranda have been left out of
consideration. What would the effects upon trade and prices be if Ninašša, šalatuwar and
Ulama were located at only a few hours walking distance from one another? Would the trade
in copper have been proitable under such conditions?
The fact that bridges separated Wahšušana, šalatuwar and Purušhaddum has not been tak-
en into consideration either. One could argue that smaller streams, such as the Hacıbekirözü,
the Peçenek Deresi and the Aksaray ‘ay, all marked political borders. But the map also ig-
nores the Anitta Text, which implies that the river close to šalatuwar was the Hulanna and not
Zuliya even if one does not accept the identiication of Hulanna in the Anitta Text with later
ṣτṣ9. Note that MicHel ṬṢṢ8d produced an updated map on the basis of BarjaMovic ṬṢṢτ, which is in agreement with
most of the data presented here. It leaves out the tricky question of where to locate Purušhaddum.
ṣτṬṢ. Cf. Dercksen ṣ996: σ-ṣ7 and map A on p. Ṭτσ.
ṭ6τ
Map 19: A ictional map showing a possible distribution of Anatolian toponyms if one assumes that
Puru haddum is to be identiied with the site of Acemhöyük.
Hittite Hulanna.ṣτṬṣ Finally, the topography of the region renders the model doubtfulŞ the area
is simply too small and too mountainous to accommodate ive thriving city-states.
In conclusion, the model of the geography that has Purušhaddum at Acemhöyük falls apart
even if one disregards the minor stations that have been assigned to various routes in the
course of the present study. Former attempts to reconstruct the geography have been based on
a much smaller amount of data, and an analysis of the geographical system of the trade as a
whole has never been attempted. The degree to which the mechanisms of trade should dictate
our perceptions of the geography has not been fully realised or integrated into the analysis.
This has vital implications for the location of Purušhaddum. A number of the traditional argu-
ments raised in favour of identifying Purušhaddum with Acemhöyük can be rejected. CCT Ṭ, ṣ
and TC ṭ, ṣ6τ are not proof that Kaneš and Purušhaddum were located at a distance of ive
days of travel from one another, and the rich archaeological assemblage at Acemhöyük dated
to the Colony Period does not agree with what is known about the history of Purušhaddum.
Parsuhanda continued to exist into Imperial Hittite times, whereas the occupation at Acem-
höyük ends abruptly after the Colony Period. The Assyrian documentation requires a location
of the city further to the west.
–––––
The Hittite evidence for locating Purušhaddum (wr. Parsuhanda/Purushanda /Parashunta) is

extensive and needs to be correlated with the Old Assyrian data. According to the historical
preamble of Telipinu s proclamation, Parsuhanda was conquered already during the reign of
Labarna.ṣτṬṬ He is said to have extended the realm as far as the sea, and he supposedly in-
ṣτṬṣ. For the Hulanna River in Hattusili s Command, cf. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: 6.
ṣτṬṬ. KBo ṭ.ṣ+ (l. 9-ṣṬ), cf. van Den Hout ṣ997a. An earlier Hittite reference to Parsuhanda is found in the Anitta Text
(KBo ṭ.ṬṬ rev. 7σ, 77) that mentions its ruler. The passage associates Parsuhanda with Salatiwara in a manner
ṭ66
stalled his sons to rule the conquered lands of Hupisna, Tuwanuwa, Nenassa, La(y)anda,
Zallara, Parsuhanda and Lusna.ṣτṬṭ Forlanini has offered a detailed reconstruction of this ear-
ly Hittite territorial expansion based on a reinterpretation of the archaic offering list KBo
σ.ṣṭ.ṣτṬσ His proposal that the archaic offering list was ordered according to the historical
development of the Hittite state is in itself very important, but Parsuhanda appears at the very
end of this list, and it occurs together with cities and lands that seem to have been on the pe-
riphery of Hittite political control, e.g. Halpa, Pala and Ussa.
It is still a matter of debate when Parsuhanda came under permanent Hittite rule. The city
of Ussa, which belongs in the same region as Parsuhanda, was incorporated into the Hittite
state by Hattusili I. He installed a member of his family to rule the city, as he had done in
Sukziya, Nenassa, Hupisna, Hassuwa and other newly conquered places.ṣτṬτ Whether he also
conquered Parsuhanda depends on how one dates the so-called Extensive Annals of Hat-
tusili I (CTH ṣṭ). Kempinski and Košak discussed the issue in their edition of the text, but
their conclusions were by no means inal.ṣτṬ6 If the Extensive Annals refer to the same mili-
that corresponds well with what is known about the geography of the Assyrian trade: When I went to battle [the
city state of Salatiwara], the Man of Parsuhanda [brought] his hengur-gift. He brought one iron throne and one
iron crook to me as a hengur-gift . Cf. singer ṣ98ṣ: ṣṭṢ-ṣṭṣ n. 7. Dercksen in press suggests that the throne and
the crook were given by the ruler of Parsuhanda as traditional symbols of protection and recognition of kingship
from a senior to a junior colleague. References to Purušhaddum in the sagas of the Old Akkadian kings refer to
a period further back in time. westenHolZ ṣ998 suggested that Sargon s liberation of the merchants of
Purušhaddum narrated in the King of Battle ( ar tamhāri) could have risen from a core of actual historical
events, and proposed that the episode refers back to a genuine Akkadian involvement on the Anatolian Plateau.
This has been convincingly rejected by arcHi ṬṢṢṢ (cf. also KBo ṬṬ.6 (col. i): ṬṬ, (col. iii): 8) and torri ṬṢṢ9.
With the movement of Purušhaddum to a location far west of Acemhöyük, the possible historical value of the
tale is further diminished. It probably belongs to the same cycle of legends as the account of the siege of
Purušhaddum by Anubanini and his ṣ7 allied kings supported by a force of 9Ṣ,ṢṢṢ men with raven heads found
in the Cutha-Legend (cf. gurneY ṣ9ττ: 9τ). However, since the composition was made in Anatolia (torri ṬṢṢ9),
the physical description of the mountainous and forested environs of Purušhaddum may be based in reality. Cf.
Hoffner ṣ97σ: ṣṣṭ-ṣṣσ for the various types of trees growing there, and note the reference to pistachios from
Purušhaddum in T.ṣṭτ from Mari (DuranD ṬṢṢṣ: ṣṭṢ). The fact that legends such as the ar tamhāri and the
Cutha Legend even exist may be a testimony to the early political importance of Purušhaddum that is also evi-
denced in the Anitta text and which must have continued to circulate among the Hittite historiographers. From
the reign of Telipinu the city became the seat of one of 9σ royal storage houses (É NA KIšIB) and later sources
σ
never again mention the city in political or administrative contexts. It appears with some frequency in cultic
texts, but its political importance appears to have dwindled after the Hittite conquest.
ṣτṬṭ. His statement may be related with the claim made by Muwatalli II in his treaty with Wilusa, who states that
m
Lab[arnas], the father of my forefathers was active in Arzawa and Wilusa. But this passage was written to
emphasize the eternal relationship between Hatti and Wilusa and not to teach history. The main function of
Telipinu s proclamation was to illustrate an ideal past state where sons obeyed their fathers and dynastic quarrels
were unknown. A series of texts suggest that the cities mentioned were in fact only conquered gradually during
the reigns of Hattusili I and Mursili I and the attested campaigns of Labarna all led north (to Zalpuwa) or south
(to Cataonia and Cilicia). Thus, if one is to take Telipinu s claim at face value, the western expansion was short-
lived and the region was soon lost, perhaps during the Hurrian revolt mentioned by Hattusili I (CTH σ §τ). La-
barna seems not to have had any (surviving) sons, which would be the reason for adopting Hattusili I and ap-
pointing him as his successor. The sons would thus have to be a general term for royal family or nobility. But
even if the text does not relect true historical events, the geography must rely upon fact. If one draws a circle
connecting Hupisna (Ereğli), Tuwanuwa (Kemerhisar), Nenassa (near erelikoçhisar), and extends it via
La(y)anda (location debated) and Zallara to Lusna (probably class. Lystra, modern Hatunsaray) south of Konya,
one gets a position of Parsuhanda between Zallara and Lusna far west and in the vicinity of Ak ehir.
ṣτṬσ. forlanini ṬṢṢ7b.
ṣτṬτ. One such son of the king is mentioned twice in relation to Ussa in the Palace Chronicles, cf. KBo ṭ.ṭσ (col. i):
Ṭ7 ([L]Ú URUUssaŞ KBo ṭ.ṭσ (col. iii): ṬṢ (DUMU URUUssa), and see DarDano ṣ997: ṭ6-ṭ7Ş τ8-τ9.
ṣτṬ6. keMpinski & košak ṣ98Ṭ: 96-99 who followed Bin-nun ṣ97τ: 8Ṣ-8Ṭ in her attempt to date this text and CTH 9
to the reign of Hattusili I. There in no strong evidence in support of this idea, and it seems the passage in §ṭ.ṣσ
may in fact refer to the second year of Mursili I s reign and it with what we know about this king. The following
paragraph refers to the battle against the Hurrians at Hurama and Lawatzantiya, which would also suit the reign
of Mursili I. The reference to Ullamma on the road to Arzawa in §τ.στ probably relates to Walma at modern ‘ay
ṭ67
tary conlict between the Hittites and Parsuhanda as KBo ṭ.Ṭ8, it should probably be dated to
the reign of Mursili I. The latter refers to past events under my father , and the text has there-
fore been seen to belong among the Palace Chronicles (CTH 9.6). But there are also passages
that relate to present action, including the narrative of the fall of Purušhaddum and the depor-
tation of its royal women.ṣτṬ7 At any rate, it does not seem possible to argue for or against a
particular model of the geography on the basis of the Hittite territorial expansion.
Instead, a key piece of evidence for the location of Purušhaddum comes out of the Prayer
of Muwatalli, which lists the district of Parashunta as belonging to the region of the Lower
Land:
The Storm-god of Ussa, the Storm-god of Parashunta, the Mountain Huwatnuwanda, the
Hulaya river, male gods, female gods, mountains and rivers of the Lower Land.ṣτṬ8
The exact boundaries of the Lower Land are a matter of debate, but it seems clear that the
region bordered onto the Arzawa Lands in the west, and the passage in the prayer implies that
it consisted of several individual districts.ṣτṬ9
on the road to Arzawa (cf. τ.ṣṭ). With the movement of Parsuhanda to the west and the dissociation of Lawa-
zantiya in Cilicia with Lawazantiya in the north, there is no reason to follow their assumption on p. 9τ that all
of the events in the text refer to the early campaigns of Hattusili I to reach the passes into Cilicia.
ṣτṬ7. Cf. arcHi ṣ98ṢŞ soYsal ṣ989Ş De Martino ṣ99ṬŞ peccioli DaDDi ṣ99σŞ Beal ṬṢṢṭ and the discussion in σ.ṣṢ.
The relevant passage of KBo ṭ.Ṭ8 where the ladies are banished (probably to Hurma) reads: the gods gave the
son of Purushanda to me, and I, the king, said to his wife and her sisters (ladies): Go, eat and drink, but my eyes
shall not look upon you .
ṣτṬ8. CTH ṭ8ṣ (col. ii): ṭ8-σṢ.
ṣτṬ9. The term Lower Land (KUR (URU) APLĪTI) may have changed its meaning in the course of Hittite history and
its constituent elements may have varied. It occurs almost ṬṢ times in the sources, corresponding to c. ṣτ sepa-
rate administrative or historical situations (cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: σττ). During the apex of Arzawan
power, forces from the west attacked the Land of Hatti by passing through the Lower Land to Tuwanuwa and
Uda in the east. A description of this episode is found in the Deeds of Suppiluliuma and in a shorter summary in
the historical preamble to KBo 6.Ṭ8 (obv. 6-ṣτ) written under Hattusili III. The passage in the Deeds is so frag-
mentary that one has to rely upon the later summary: From beyond the Lower Land came the Arzawan enemy,
and he too sacked the Hatti lands, and made Tuwanuwa and Uda his frontier . The passage shows that the Ar-
zawa Lands were located west of the Lower Land, and that one had to pass through the Lower Land to get to
Tuwanuwa and Uda. Given that the Arzawa lands are known to have included the three great western Anatolian
river valleys of the Hermos, the Kaistros and the Maiandros (Hawkins ṣ998a) as well as the Land of Haballa,
one may infer that the Lower Land constitutes the territory immediately to the east of that region. A fragment of
the Deeds (KUB ṣ9.ṬṬ, l. σff., cf. Houwink ten cate ṣ966b) also suggests that Haballa bordered directly onto
the Lower Land: And my father sent Hannutti the Marshal ahead to the Lower Land, and when the people of
Lalanda saw him, they became terriied, and they offered a peace, and became subjects of Hatti again. But Han-
nutti the Marshal continued his march to the Land of Haballa, and he attacked the Land of Haballa . This episode
also suggests that the city of Lalanda was located in the Lower Land. A close geographical link between Arzawa
and the Lower Land also appears in a passage in the annals of Mursili II (KUB ṣσ.ṣ6 (col. i): ṬṬ-Ṭσ, cf. also KUB
ṣ9.Ṭ9 (col. iv): ṣṣ-ṣṭ): He led the other army to the Lower Land, and it was stationed there, opposite the Arza-
wan enemy . Finally, the Lower Land turns up in a fragment of the annals of Hattusili III (KUB Ṭṣ.6a (col. iii):
ṣṢ-ṣσ, cf. Garstang ḫ gurneY ṣ9τ9: 6σŞ gurneY ṣ997) that refers to an attack from the lands west of Hatti:
And they reached the Land of Kuwalapassa, and they [occupied it]. And above it, the Land Zallara was the
border (of the occupied territory), and [below] it, the Lower Land was the border (of the occupied territory), and
on [hither] side, Harziuna was the border (of the occupied territory) . For a similar frontier description, cf. KUB
σṢ.Ṭ (Bo σ889): σṣ-σṭ. The passage deines the frontiers the Lower Land indirectly by showing that Zallara,
Kuwalapassa and Harziuna (which was granted a separate entry in Muwatalli s Prayer, KUB 6.στ (col. ii): ṭσ-ṭτ,
cf. kt 8ṭ/k ṣṭ7) did not belong to it. This can be compared to the position of Zallara in relation to Parsuhanda in
Telipinu s inventory: Hupisna – Tuwanuwa – Nenassa – La(y)anda – Zallara – Parsuhanda – Lusna. The Lower
Land appears in the Bronze Tablet CTH ṣṢ6a (col. iii): σṢff. in a paragraph referring to the obligation of the
viceroy of Tarhuntassa to provide troops for the Hittite king on campaigns against inner and outer foes: But if
a king of equal rank (i.e. Egypt, Assyria etc.) stands against the king of Hatti, or if My Sun leads a war on this
(the Hittite) side of the Lower Land, then they shall prepare an army for him (in Tarhuntassa) . Similar stipula-
ṭ68
Fig. 43: Homat Höyük in the Bey ehir Lake. The lake regularly loods the lower slopes of the mound, and
waves have cut away the eastern edge of the mound, exposing the occupational layers. gorDon ṣ967: 8ṣ
identiied the site with Puru haddum on the basis of a linguistic equation: Lake pasgousa Š *pasgount Š
parshunt. Cf. alkiM ṣ967: ṣ8Ş Mellaart ṣ9τ8 sub. Hozat Höyük .
Fig 44: Külada in Lake Bey ehir. Waves have cut the western face of the mound away. According to Gordon,
Külada is locally said to represent the looded city of Yeragöme, which he identiied with classical Hiera-
komê and Hittite Arimatta on the Tarhuntassa boundary. A large sinkhole, known locally as the Maritta
Düdeni (Homat Düden in oğuZkurt ṬṢṢṣ), is located close to the mound under the present surface of the
lake. Gordon linked this to the dKASKAL.KUR of Arimatta in the Tarhuntassa frontier description.
tions are found in other Hittite vassal treaties in clauses on warfare against foreign and local (andurza) enemies.
Two additional factors may further inluence the location of the Lower Land. If the city of Lalanda on the road
to Haballa is identiied with the classical settlement of Lalandos in the vicinity of Afyon (garstang & gurneY
ṣ9τ9: 99) then the Lower Land would have to stretch far to the north-west. If one identiies Haballa with classi-
cal Kabaliya southwest of modern Burdur, this would pull the frontier south-west (note e.g. the map in for-
lanini ṣ988).
ṭ69
The association of Parashunta, Ussa, the mountain of Huwatnuwanda and the Hulaya Riv-
er in the prayer can be compared to the detailed frontier description of the Hulaya River found
in the later treaties with Tarhuntassa.ṣτṭṢ There the Hulaya River Land formed a part of the
Tarhuntassa state, but as argued by Hawkins, Hulaya is not synonymous with all of Tarhunt-
assa as was earlier thought.ṣτṭṣ Rather, the district of the Hulaya River was a frontier zone of
Tarhuntassa. He also pointed out that Ikkuwaniya in the list of countries bordering onto the
Hulaya River Land corresponds to Ussa in the description of the frontier.ṣτṭṬ This gives an
important clue to the location of Ussa, since Hittite Ikkuwaniya can be securely linked to
modern Konya.ṣτṭṭ Finally, Hawkins identiied the Hulaya River with the ‘ar amba Su, which
descends from the Bey ehir depression and runs via the Suğla Gölü onto the Konya Plain.ṣτṭσ
In order to relate Parashunta to the other districts in the Lower Land, it is important to note
that the valley of the wide and shallow Bey ehir Lake where the ‘ar amba/Hulaya has its head-
waters appears to have been a river valley covered with towns and villages in Hittite times.ṣτṭτ
ṣτṭṢ. CTH ṣṢ6a+b.

ṣτṭṣ. Most importantly Hawkins ṣ99τa: τṢ and n. ṣ66Ş ṣ998a. Cf. CTH ṣṢ6a (col. ii): σ, Also (that) which (is) the
frontier of the land of Tarhuntassa – it (is) the Hulaya river-land ... .
ṣτṭṬ. Hawkins ṣ99τa: τṣ.
ṣτṭṭ. larocHe ṣ98τ: 89-9Ṣ.
ṣτṭσ. The identiication goes back to garstang ṣ9σσ: ṣσ-ṭ7, although it was later contradicted e.g. by otten ṣ988:
ṣṬ, ṭ6-ṭ8Ş gurneY ṣ99Ṭ. The latter also quotes Cornelius, Bryce and Košak for the opinion that the River Hu-
laya should be identiied with Classical Caly(ca)dnos, i.e. the modern Gök Su Nehri, but note Gurney s renewed
reservations in his postscript on p. Ṭṣṣ. gorDon ṣ967: 8ṣ pointed out that the local name for one of the streams
coming down from the direction of Bey ehir towards the Suğla lake was Hūlu Irmağı. Note the comments on the
local hydrography in forlanini ṣ988.
ṣτṭτ. At least three mounds (höyüks) rise from the shallow waters of the lake, which today covers an area of 6τṢ kmṬ
although the maximum depth is only ṣṬ m. Homat Kale in the north-western corner of the lake (ṭ7° τ6 ṢṢ N,
ṭṣ° ṣ9 σṢ E, ṬṭṢ m in diameter) was surveyed by Mellaart ṣ9τ8: site 9. Cf. also BaHar ṬṢṢ8Ş BarjaMovic
ṬṢṣṢ: ṣτ-ṣ6. Külada in the lake itself (ṭ7° τṬ Ṣ6 N, ṭṣ° ṭṢ ṭṭ E, ṣṬṢ m in diameter) has late classical remains
and EB pottery. At Yılanlı Ada (ṭ7° σṣ σṣ N, ṭṣ° ṭ9 Ṣ9 E) all traces of mounding have disappeared due to wave
action. Pottery and glass fragments all appear to be Roman or later. Proof that the lake must have formed late in
history was provided by a local isherman, who took me to a place c. 6ṢṢ m south-west of Yılanlı Ada (ṭ7° σṣ
Ṭτ N, ṭṣ° ṭ9 ṭ6 E) where Roman stone cofin graves cover the lake loor at a depth of c. 6Ṣ cm. Already gorDon
ṣ967: 8ṣ suggested that the interior drainage of the Bey ehir Plain through a sinkhole (Tyrkish düden , Hitt.
(DKASKAL.KUR (cf. Haas ṣ99σ: τṢ9)) was clogged at some point in early antiquity, trapping the run-off from
the mountains and causing the formation of the lake. Gordon argued against the widely accepted identiication
of the Bey ehir Lake with the (non-existent) classical *Karal(l)is Limnē, and rejected the idea that the nearby
Suğla Gölü is to be identiied with ancient Trogîtis Limnē. HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. ii): ṭσ9 had promoted the idea
that Lake Koralis mentioned by Strabo was to be identiied with later Byzantine Skleros Limnē (Bey ehir) on
the basis of a linguistic similarity. Since then the name has been linked to the modern village of Kıreli on the
plain north-east of Bey ehir. But the description found in Strabo ṣṬ.6 of the lakes Koralis and Trogîtis clearly
states that they were located in an area where there is great scarcity of water and near a place where people drill
the deepest wells in the world . It is hard to believe that this refers to the well-watered plain of Bey ehir and
Suğla. The two small lakes at Karapınar (Acıgölü and Meke Gölü) it Strabo s description better. The dissocia-
tion of *Karalis Limnē with Bey ehir means that the lake appears in a historical record for the irst time in the a
description given by Kinnamos and Niketas Choniates of the expeditions undertaken by Johannes II and Manuel I
in the area in AD ṣṣσṬ and ṣṣσ6 (cf. raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: ṭτ9, ṭ8ṣ, ṭ89). Kinnamos τ8 refers to the lake as Skleros
( the Hard Lake ), and mentions its many islands with fortiications of old (Kinnamos ṬṬ). One possible ear-
lier reference to the lake is found in an Arabic source on the irst attack on Amorion in AD 66τ. This text men-
tions the lake of sqdrīn, which nÖlDeke & Blau ṣ87τ: 86, 97-98, 6σṬ-6σσ suggested might be an Arabic ren-
dering of the Greek name (Belke ṣ98σ: Ṭṣ8 mistook Blau s point to mean that sqdrīn was a rendering of
*Karalis instead of Skleros). In later sources the name Skleros is abandoned in favour of Pousgousē Limne,
perhaps as the level of the lake rose to reach its outlow through the Bey ehir River and changed from being
hard into sweet. It is tempting to assume with Gordon that the Bey ehir Depression was dry in Hittite times,
and that it formed a part of the Hulaya River Land. Note also Hawkins ṣ99τa: τṭ n. ṣ8σ, who proposed that the
Hulaya River Land may have extended into the Bey ehir Valley. He locates Haballa here on his regional map in
Hawkins ṣ99τb: ṭṣ. Comprehensive studies of the hydrology of South-Western Turkey are rare (cf. gülDali
ṣ979), but a valuable analysis of the limnology of the Bey ehir Lake is found in oğuZkurt ṬṢṢṣ. According to
ṭ7Ṣ
Presumably, this area was also part of the Hulaya River Land. This pushes Haballa further
west into classical Kabaliya.ṣτṭ6
The mountain of Huwatnuwanda should presumably also be understood as a district in the
Lower Land. The Sahurunuwa deed and the Bronze Tablet both imply that the mountain had
villages and farmsteads,ṣτṭ7 and the suggestion to identify it with one of the prominent volca-
nic cones that stand in semi-circle west of Konya its the description less well.ṣτṭ8 With the
extension of the Hulaya River Land into the Bey ehir depression one can identify Huwatnu-
wanda with the neighbouring Sultan Dağ.ṣτṭ9 The Tarhuntassa Treaty uses the mountain as a
landmark in the demarcation of the Hulaya River Land,ṣτσṢ but from the ‘ar amba fan the
volcanoes west of Konya are rarely visible. Instead, the Sultan Dağ presents a clear line in the
landscape for someone standing in the Bey ehir Valley. The apparent status of Huwatnu-
wanda as a separate district in Muwatalli s Prayer may be compared to the description of the
mountain given by Strabo, for whom it was an independent and recognised geographical unit:
In Phrygia Paroreia is a mountainous ridge stretching from east to westŞ and under this
on either side lies a great plain, and cities near itŞ to the north Philomelion [Ak ehir], and
on the other side Antioch, called Antioch near Pisidia [Yalvaç]Ş the one is situated alto-
gether on the plainŞ the other on an eminence, and has a colony of Romans.ṣτσṣ
The Tarhuntassa Treaty also lists the mountain of Huwatnuwanda, the Hulaya River Land and
Ussa as a group, but it leaves out mention of Parashunta and includes the region of Pedassa
instead. It is tempting to suggest that the location of Purušhaddum has to be related to the
position of Hittite Pedassa.
Since Parashunta was a constituent part of the Lower Land, it presumably has to be sought
in the same area as the remaining three districts in the group. This would have to be a region
that was not a part of Arzawa, but which was located close to its frontier and associated with
the districts of Huwatnuwanda, Ussa, the Hulaya River Land. Possibly, it covered some or all
her investigations, the Bey ehir and Suğla Lakes both belong to the carstic net of the Western Taurus, but their
position on an active fault-line also leads to their constant formation, collapse, and re-formation. The process has
been going on since the Miocene Age. The current morphological formation of the basin, including its largest
islands, took place in the Pliocene. Sinkholes are especially common in the western part of the lake, the largest
being the Homat Düden, which appears to open and close from time to time (Oğuzkurt, personal communica-
tion). The neighbouring Suğla Gölü is a perennial lake that only ills in years when the water from nearby
‘obankaradağ and Alaca Dağ cannot pass through the narrow gorge of the ‘ar amba Su at Bozkır and spills into
the countryside. See HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. ii): ṭσṭff. for a description of the local countryside and its rich birdlife
(pelicans, waterfowl, gulls, duck and snipes) in pre-industrial times. The contrast to Strabo s description of the
dry wastes surrounding the Trôgitis Limnē is striking.
ṣτṭ6. Accessible from Lalanda, possibly Lalandos north of the Emir Dağ, cf. forlanini ṣ996: 9 n. Ṭτ.
ṣτṭ7. KUB Ṭ6.σṭ obv. Ṭ8: URU.DU6mMa-al-le-liŞ CHT ṣṢ6a (col. iii): σ7-τ6. In the latter text the mountain of Huwatnu-
wanda occurs on the same level as Kizzuwatna, Hurniya, Ikkuwaniya and Pedassa as a provincial territory (with
URUDIDLI.HI.A) that borders onto the Hulaya River Land.
ṣτṭ8. Hawkins ṣ99τa: τṣ n. ṣ77Ş forlanini ṣ998: ṬṬτ.
ṣτṭ9. A possible etymology for the toponym Huwatnuwanda rich in game (*huitna-wanda, cf. neuMann ṣ976: ṣσṬŞ
puHvel ṣ99ṣ: ṭτṬ-ṭττ) has been proposed. Note that a similar notion is expressed in the cognomen of the Ida
Mountain mētēr thērôn in Il 8.σ7Ş ṣσ.Ṭ8ṭŞ ṣτ.ṣτṣ. For a recent archaeological survey of the mountainous re-
gion west of Konya, cf. BaHar & koçak ṬṢṢσ with an overview on Map ṣ. Note the identiication in forlanini
ṣ988: ṣτṢ and n. ṭ of Huwatnuwanda with the toponym Koδnounδioς attested in a Greek inscription from
Termessos in Pisidia, west of modern Antalya. Mountains bearing this Luwian name may have been common in
western Anatolia.
ṣτσṢ. CTH ṣṢ6a Obv. ṬṢŞ CTH ṣṢ6b (col. i): Ṭ9.
ṣτσṣ. Strabo ṣṬ.8, ṣσ ed. Tauch. The identiication of the Sultan Dağ with the Phrygian Paroreios was made already
by HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): σ7Ṣ.
ṭ7ṣ
Map 20: Chronological composite, showing the possible location and extent of the four Hittite districts of
the Lower Land, the approximate eastern frontier of Arzawa, and the Colony Period routes and states of
Wah u ana, alatuwar and Ulama.
of the territory later known as Pedassa. In addition, the region would have to have a clear
connection to Kayseri in the east and the Sakarya and Porsuk crossings in the north.
The area due north of the Sultan Dağ at Akar ‘ay (Hittite Astarpa) forms the most impor-
tant corridor between Central Anatolia and the Mediterranean. It is situated directly east of
the Arzawan state of Kuwaliya, and it connects to a major route descending from the Sakarya
River basin. If this was the heartland of Purušhaddum, then the term Lower Land would not
refer to altitude or a lat surface, but would be a mental or geographical opposition to the Up-
per Land.
–––––
The political and economic importance of Purušhaddum during the Assyrian Colony Period
has been emphasised throughout the present study, and its key function as a market city was
discussed in the introduction to this section. The topic of Purušhaddum as a market has not
drawn much interest,ṣτσṬ and inasmuch as the problem has received any attention at all,ṣτσṭ the
ṣτσṬ. Note e.g. Dercksen in press where the results of the present study are integrated at the core of historical analysis.
Other examples are krYsZat ṬṢṢ8bŞ MicHel ṬṢṢ8dŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8aŞ larsen ṬṢṣṢŞ veenHof ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣτσṭ. Dercksen ṣ996: ṣτ7 notes that the price of copper was usually the same in Kaneš and Purušhaddum (c. ṣ:6Ṣ
ṭ7Ṭ
constant low of large amounts of silver into the economy of the city is thought to suggest that
the state controlled a major source of silver in its vicinity.ṣτσσ
But if one examines the volume of copper that reached Purušhaddum through the Assyr-
ian trade and compares those igures to the (admittedly limited) evidence on populations and
consumption, a discrepancy between the two becomes apparent.ṣτστ Even if the Assyrian
traders held a monopoly on the trade in copper, the magnitude of this trade renders it hard to
believe that all shipments were destined for local consumption. In a single text an Assyrian
merchant refers to Ṭṭ tons of copper – an amount that would have provided each household
in the state of Purušhaddum with a considerable quantity of metal.ṣτσ6 Furthermore, although
the texts to not always specify the exact amount of copper reaching the market in Purušhaddum,
the low appears to be constant. The reference to Ṭṭ tons is unusually large, but the example
is not unique. In addition, the documentation from Kültepe for a trade that went on between
Durhumit and Purušhaddum is likely to be deicient, and there were presumably many more
transactions conducted than what is attested in the extant documentation. Table ṭ8 gives a
selection of texts that speciically refer to copper arriving at the market in Purušhaddum.
The twenty examples amount to c. ττ tons of copper and represent only a fraction of the
total quantity of copper evidenced directly in the Assyrian records. These examples alone ac-
count for almost two tons of metal sent into Purušhaddum annually during the main period of
the Assyrian trade REL 9Ṣ-ṣṣṢ.ṣτσ7 Could one city absorb such vast quantities of metal? If
Purušhaddum was a trans-regional market on the fringe of a major area of consumption, then
compared to silver) and so the large demand for copper in Purušhaddum is explained by the large quantities of
silver available in the latter city. This does not account for a larger consumption – it only proves a stronger mar-
ket. Why would the people of Purušhaddum use signiicantly more copper than those in Kaneš?
ṣτσσ. See e.g. larsen ṣ967: 9σ n. σ7Ş ṣ976: ṣṢσŞ veenHof ṬṢṢ8a ṣτṢ-ṣτṣŞ forlanini ṬṢṢ8a: 6σ-6τ. The latter both point
explicitly to the mines in Bolkar Dağ in the Taurus as a probable source of Purušhaddum s silver, but note that
there is no evidence for mining at the Bolkar Dağ during the Old Assyrian period at present, and that the central
site in the valley (Porsuk (Zeyve) Höyük) dates to the Old Hittite period (cf. BeYer ṬṢṢ6). Recent archaeometal-
lurgical surveys in the region south of the Bey ehir and Suğla Lakes at Bozkır (cf. sertok et al. ṣ998Ş BaHar
ṬṢṢ9) shows how rich this area is in silver and lead slag, ancient galleries and dumps. Although the activities
mostly date to the Roman and Ottoman periods, the site of Sazlı Höyük identiied by H. Bahar and his team carries
an assemblage of pottery dating to the Colony Period and may represent a central processing site in the region
during the Middle Bronze Age (cf. BaHar & koçak 2004: 53; BaHar 1991; 2009). Note also the description of
Trismaden at Bozkır in HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. ii): ṭṭṬ-ṭṭ9, and note the existence of silver mines in the Sultan Dağ
at Tiris Maden west of Konya (Yakar ṣ976: ṣṬṣŞ forBes ṣ97Ṭ: ṣ6ṭŞ gowlanD ṣ9ṣ8: Ṭṣ7-Ṭṣ8, ṬṬσ-ṬṬτ). Mining
implements, moulds and some silver slag have also been recovered at Kızılören near Konya as reported in BaHar
ṬṢṢṭ. The inds may relate to the same source at Tiris. Numerous ancient workings of silver in the region west of
Konya undoubtedly await discovery, and for now it is too early to single out any particular source (e.g. Bolkar
Dağ) as the main supplier of silver in Central Anatolia during the Old Assyrian Colony Period.
ṣτστ. Although it is almost impossible to given an estimate of the population in Anatolia during the early Middle
Bronze Age, populations should probably be counted in thousands rather than tens of thousands. For instance,
the army of Salatiwara mentioned in the Anitta-text consisted of ṣ,σṢṢ men. In the Greek city-states of the τth
century BC, which probably shared a number of general social and structural similarities with the Anatolian cit-
ies of the Middle Bronze Age, at least a quarter of the total male population would participate in battles for the
defence of their city (cf. scHwartZ ṬṢṢṬ). A simple calculation shows that the total male population in šalatuwar
would have been around τ,τṢṢ men. Together, men, women, children, slaves and foreigners would probably not
exceed ṬṢ,ṢṢṢ. At an estimated average of ṬṢṢ individuals per hectare, this would result in a settled urban area
of roughly ṣṢṢ ha. In comparison to the known sites in Turkey this igure seems acceptable.
ṣτσ6. AKT 6, ṣṢ9: They said: They said: the slave Abu-šalim owes ṣ6,ṢσṢ minas of copper, the price of wool, to
Ušinalam. As to the ṭṢ,ṢṢṢ minas of copper from the others that the palaces owes ... (l. ṣṭ-ṣ7: um-ma ‘ u-
n]u-ma ṣ6 li-me-e σṢ ma-na URUDU í-im SÍG.HI.A A-bu- a-lim ”R a-na Ú- í-na-lam ha-bu-ul ṭṢ li-me-e
URUDU a nam-e-dim a É.GAL-lúm ha-bu-lu …).
ṣτσ7. Cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press. It worth noting that the ifteen largest shipments of copper known
to Garelli already in ṣ96ṭ amounted to some ṭτ tons of copper, although not all of the references were associ-
ated directly with Purušhaddum. See garelli ṣ96ṭ: Ṭ96 n. ṭŞ larsen ṣ976: 9Ṭ. For the Assyrian copper trade in
general, cf. Dercksen ṣ996.
ṭ7ṭ
Text Amount of copper Text Amount of copper

AKT 6, ṣṢ9 and ṣṣṢ c. Ṭṭ,ṢṢṢ kg Kt c/k 67ṣ c. 6ṢṢ kg
AKT 6, ṭṢ6 c. ττṢ kg Kt c/k ṣṢ87 c. ṬσṢ kg
Kt a/k ṬτṬ c. ṭṢṢ kg Kt c/k ṣτṢṢ c. ṭṭṢ kg
Kt a/k ṣṢτṢ c. ṣ,τṢṢ kg CCT Ṭ, ṣṭ (w. KTH ṣσ) c. τ,ṢṢṢ kg
ATHE ṭ7 c. ṭṢṢ kg CCT σ, ṣṬb c. ṣ,τṢṢ kg
BIN σ, ṣ c. 9ṢṢ kg I σ8σ c. ṬṬτ kg
BIN σ, σṭ c. ṣ,τṢṢ kg KTK ṬṢ ṣτσ8
c. ṣτ,ṢṢṢ kg
Kt c/k Ṭτσa (w. c/k Ṭ6ṭ) c. τṭṢ kg Kt m/k ṣτṭ c. Ṭ,ṢṢṢ kg + c. τṢṢ kg
Kt c/k σστ c. ṣττ kg Kt n/k ṣστ6 ṣσ-ṣτ donkey loads
Ky c/k τṬ8 c. ṭσṢ kg VS Ṭ6, 7ṣ c. ṭṢṢ kg
Table ṭ8: A selection of references to copper sold on the market in Purušhaddum. Hundreds of additional texts contain references
(speciied or general) to the sale of copper in Purušhaddum, but only the largest references have been included in the table. ṣτσ8
this would explain not only the buying-power evidenced in the texts, but would also account
for the seemingly endless supply of money (silver) that attracted the Assyrian traders to the
city. In fact, the quantity of silver on the market in Purušhaddum did luctuate as one would
predict if it came from investors and buyers instead of mines.ṣτσ9
The fairs of medieval Europe may serve as a useful model for understanding the role of
market cities, such as Kaneš, Durhumit and Purušhaddum.ṣττṢ The prominence of Purušhaddum
in the Assyrian documentation is presumably a result of its geographical location and its tra-
ditional role as a market city, and not the buying power of its local population. This model
may also account for the apparent disappearance of the city from the records of the Ib-period
trade. Dercksen irst noticed the absence of Purušhaddum during the later stages of the Old
Assyrian trade, and although his conclusions were drawn with great reservation due to the
paucity of texts, he emphasised the remarkable disappearance of the western part of the As-
syrian colonial network.ṣττṣ Wahšušana and šalatuwar turn up only a few times in the late
Assyrian documents, and Purušhaddum is entirely absent. In addition, the Assyrian settle-
ment at Tuhpiya, which appears to have been the major link between the eastern and the
western zone, lost its status as colony during the closing years of the kārum II-period (cf. τ.9).
The evidence for the Ib-period trade is scanty at best, and our image is set to change when
the Ib-archive found at Kültepe a decade ago is published.ṣττṬ But if one accepts that
Purušhaddum was essentially a gateway into a different (western) region of exchange, then it
is tempting to link its disappearance from the Assyrian documentation with a general shift in
trade patterns. Fundamental changes in the copper trade appear to have taken place through-
out the Near East in the mid-ṣ8th century BC when supply shifted from Oman to Cyprus.ṣττṭ
The function of Purušhaddum as an interface between the exchange systems of Central and
Western Anatolia would presumably have left the city vulnerable to the emergence of a Cy-
priot copper industry, and the Pontic ores that were traded from Durhumit were probably
priced out of the market. This model explains why and when Purušhaddum disappeared out
of the Assyrian records, and claims that prices (as opposed to political upheaval) can account
for the shift in trade. It also explains why later Hittite evidence suggests that Parsuhanda con-
ṣτσ8. The association to Purušhaddum is indirect and not entirely clear.

ṣτσ9. Cf. e.g. the examples discussed under Ušša in section τ.ṣṭ.
ṣττṢ. spufforD 2002.
ṣττṣ. Dercksen ṬṢṢṣ: 6ṣ.
ṣττṬ. Cf. günBatti ṬṢṢτŞ BarjaMovic ṬṢṢ8Ş BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣττṭ. The discussion is found in warBurton ṬṢṢṭ: τ9-6Ṭ and n. ṭσ with references. Cf. also BarjaMovic 2008.
ṭ7σ
tinued to be a regional power in spite of its declining importance in the Assyrian trade.ṣττσ This
interpretation requires a location of Purušhaddum far west of Ulama, but it explains why
Purušhaddum disappears from the Assyrian records while Ulama does not. As more source-
analyses of metal objects are published and correlated with the archaeological assemblage of
Western Turkey it will presumably become possible to test this hypothesis. For now, the ap-
parent function of Purušhaddum as a central market city combined with a possible shift in the
Anatolian copper trade provides a model for the interpretation of the geographical and his-
torical data at hand.
–––––
The political and administrative structures of Purušhaddum resemble the other Anatolian
city-states of the period. The city had a palace,ṣτττ a ruler,ṣττ6 a rabi sikkitim, and a mū ium-
oficial.ṣττ7 The Assyrian Colony (kārum) and its plenary assembly in Purušhaddum also oc-
cur frequently in the texts,ṣττ8 and we know of a number of Assyrian merchants and agents
who had settled in the city on a permanent basis.ṣττ9
But the way in which the Assyrian colony at Purušhaddum was organised appears to have
been different from the well-known system at Kaneš. Dercksen presented evidence that
Purušhaddum functioned as a separate tax district in the Assyrian colonial system, and that
dātum-contribution was levied by the Purušhaddum Colony as well as the main settlement in
Kaneš.ṣτ6Ṣ This fact supports the general image that Purušhaddum constituted a distinct and
geographically separate entity.
It has long been known that the local palace at Kaneš levied a nishātum-tax of Ṭ/6τ on tin
and ṭ/6Ṣ (=τḪ) on textiles, while Purušhaddum levied mētum ham at or τḪ on both types
of merchandise.ṣτ6ṣ The fact that authorities in Kaneš made their calculations in the sexagesi-
mal system and Purušhaddum used the decimal system may be taken as an additional sign of
ṣττσ. Pistacchios from Pu-ru-ú -ha-de-tim appears in T.ṣṭτ, a document from Mari dated to the reign of Yahdun-lim.
(DuranD ṬṢṢṣ). Note also the reference to the ruler of Parsuhanda in the Anitta-text and cf. Dercksen in press.
The bullae from Acemhöyük show that a brisk trade with Kaneš and Northern Syria continued during the Ib
period (e.g. with the city of Carchemish, which never appears in the Assyrian texts). This is another argument
against the identiication of the site with Purušhaddum.
ṣτττ. The palace in Purušhaddum occurs in e.g. CCT Ṭ, 8Ş Cole σŞ ICK ṣ, ṣ89Ş ICK ṣ, ṣ9ṢŞ ICK Ṭ, ṣṬ7Ş TC Ṭ, ṣ6Ş TC
ṭ, ṬτŞ TC ṭ, σ7Ş VS Ṭ6, ṭ6Ş VS Ṭ6, 8ṭŞ VS Ṭ6, 8σŞ WAG σ8-ṣσ6τ?. AKT 6, ṣṢ9 contains a unique reference to
palace courtiers (ṭṭ: tí-ri É.GAL-[lim]), and kt n/k ṣṭṣ8 mentions the storehouse of the palace, probably in
Purušhaddum, cf. Dercksen ṣ996: 7ṢŞ larsen ṬṢṣṢ: ṬṢ. In BIN 6, Ṭṭ a ire is said to have destroyed (lit. eaten
up ) the palace. The letter was sent to Kaneš to inform of the eventŞ due to the people involved, it may have come
from Purušhaddum.
ṣττ6. The ruler occurs in AKT ṣ, 78Ş OAA ṣ, ṣṣṭ.
ṣττ7. The rabi sikkitim occurs in CCT τ, ṣb. The mū ium is attested in reference to events taking place in Purušhaddum
in AKT 6, ṣ76Ş AKT 6, ṣ77. Cf. also CCT σ, σa. He is presumably to be identiied with the man named Ušinalam,
cf. larsen ṬṢṣṢ. In addition, the title is attested in kt 9ṣ/k ṬṬṭ (in Timelkiya)Ş kt 9ṣ/k ṭ6σ (in Tišmurna)Ş kt b/k
ṣ98 (bēt m.)Ş I τṬ7Ş kt n/k ṣ8τσ (rabi m. a rabi sikkitim)Ş OIP Ṭ7, ṣṢ (from Ali ar)Ş POAT τσ (bēl bētim a m.)Ş
TC ṭ, ṣ6ṣ (bēt m.).
ṣττ8. The kārum Purušhaddum occurs e.g. in: kt 87/k ṣŞ kt 87/k ṣṭ8Ş kt 88/k ṣṢσ9 (TUR GAL)Ş kt 9ṣ/k Ṭ9ṬŞ kt 9ṣ/k
ṭṢτŞ kt 9σ/k σστŞ AKT 6, ṣṢ9 (TUR GAL)Ş AKT 6, ṣṣṢ (TUR GAL)Ş AKT 6, ṣṣṣŞ BIN σ, ṣṢτŞ kt c/k Ṭ6ṭŞ kt c/k
στṢ (bēt kārim)Ş kt c/k τṬ8Ş kt c/k ṣτṢṢŞ CCT ṣ, σ9b (TUR GAL)Ş CCT Ṭ, σ8 (bēt kārim)Ş CCT ṭ, σŞ CCT τ, ṣṬbŞ
CCT τ, ṭ8a (bēt kārim)Ş Cole σŞ I σ8Ṭ?Ş I τṣ6Ş I τṬṣŞ ICK ṣ, Ṭ6aŞ KTK ṣ (TUR GAL)Ş KUG ṣṭ (TUR GAL)Ş KUG
ṣσ (TUR GAL)Ş kt m/k τŞ kt n/k ṣ76Ş kt o/k ṣ7τ (TUR GAL)Ş TC ṣ, ṭ7 (bēt kārim)Ş TC ṣ, 77 (TUR GAL)Ş TC
Ṭ, 77Ş TC ṭ, ṣ6τŞ TC ṭ, Ṭ7ṭŞ TMH ṣ, Ṭ7bŞ TTC σ (TUR GAL)Ş TTC Ṭ7Ş Veenhof ṣ (bēt kārim)Ş kt v/k 89Ş VS Ṭ6,
ṣσ7Ş WAG σ8-ṣσ6τ.
ṣττ9. Cf. garelli ṣ989Ş larsen ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣτ6Ṣ. Dercksen ṬṢṢσa: ṣσṢ-ṣσσ.
ṣτ6ṣ. Cf. larsen ṣ967: ṣτ6-ṣτ7. Kt 9σ/k ṭṣṢ also refers to the payment of adu utum in Purušhaddum.
ṭ7τ
cultural and perhaps geographical differences. Finally, a single reference suggests that
Purušhaddum may have had its own standard of weights and measures.ṣτ6Ṭ
The archive of šalim-Aššur son of Issu-arik contains a number of documents related to an
affair that took place in Purušhaddum and lends a unique image of the activities of a local
Anatolian oficial. This man, whose name was Ušinalam/Wašunalam, traded directly with the
Assyrians in large amounts of copper and wool on behalf of the palace.ṣτ6ṭ Ušinalam held a
position as the mū ium-oficial in the city,ṣτ6σ and it seems that he was a son of the ruler. In a
letter from šalim-Aššur s son to his father, we hear that:
And as for me, I was afraid because of the mū ium and because of fear for my own head
and the welfare of your goods I will not enter Purušhaddum. With regard to the a ium-
metal that you promised to the mū ium without sending any a ium and thereby not calm-
ing the man s heart – do you not know that the man is hostile towards the father and will
go to reach his father?ṣτ6τ
The context of the inal statement is unclear, but it may suggest that Ušinalam came into con-
lict with his father at some point. The continued affairs of Ušinalam are related in another
Assyrian letter:
To U ur-ša-Aššur from Ili-idi. I went up to the palace in accordance with your instruc-
tion, and I discussed your instructions, so the king said: I will keep my word in accor-
dance with what I have informed him . The king also said: I will write a letter to
Wahšušana in regard to the gold and the fact that šuluat brought a message, and then I
will send a perdum-animal . Urgent: do not go to Wahšušana. Until the rabi sikkitim has
made the king of Purušhaddum, Ušinalam and the Wahšušanean swear an oath, he will
not come. Here in the Land of šarla, the šabueans kept us from the road and they have
seized us.ṣτ66
Ušinalam seems to be acting alongside a rabi sikkitim during the ratiication of a treaty be-
tween Purušhaddum and Wahšušana, but it is unclear whether his name occurs in apposition
to the king of Purušhaddum. Since the Anatolian rulers very rarely appear under their own
name in the Assyrian letters, it seems more probable that the presence of Ušinalam was re-
quired for some other reason. Except for Purušhaddum and Wahšušana, the toponyms men-
tioned in the text are not attested elsewhere. šarla, mentioned towards the end of the letter, is
a productive linguistic element with a Luwian etymology ( exalted ), and it occurs in Hittite
ṣτ6Ṭ. Sadberk (ARK ṣ6σ-9σ7Ṭ) (l. σ-τ): ṭṢ ma-na URUDU a-ba-an ‘ma-tim a] Pu-ru-u -ha-dim. For a study of
weights and measures in Anatolia during the Old Assyrian Colony Period, cf. Dercksen ṣ996: 86-89Ş Zac-
cagnini ṬṢṢṢ. The weight of the (Central) Anatolian mina was c. σσ8 grams, the mina of Carchemish was c. σ7Ṣ
grams and the Assyrian mina c. σ9τ grams.
ṣτ6ṭ. larsen ṬṢṣṢ: ṣ7-Ṭṭ and texts AKT 6, 89-ṣṣṣŞ lassen ṬṢṣṢb.
ṣτ6σ. Cf. AKT 6, ṣ77 about Ušinalam and its link to AKT 6, ṣ76 (below) which refers to the mū ium.
ṣτ6τ. AKT 6, ṣ76 (l. ṣṬ-Ṭṭ): ú a-na-ku a-dí mu- í-im pá-al-ha-ku-ma a-na qá-qí-dí-a ù na-pá-á -tí lu-qú-tí-kà a-na
Pu-ru-u -ha-dim e-ra-ba-am ú-lá a-mu-a a-dí a- í-im a pá-kà a-na mu- í-im ta-dí-nu-ma a- í-am lá tù- é-biσ-
‘l]a-ni-ma li-bi a-we-LAM lá tù-na-e-hu a-ta la tí-de8-e ki-ma a-we-LAM a-ba-am lá-am-nu-ma a-na a-bi- u
kà- a-dí-im i-lu-ku.
ṣτ66. AKT ṣ, 78 (l. ṣ-ṬṢ): a-na Ú- ur- a-A- ur qí-bi-ma um-ma DINGIR-i-dí-ma a-ma-la tù- a-hi-zi-ni a-na É.GAL.
lim e-li-ma té-i-ra-tí-kà a-tù-ú-ma um-ma ru-ba-um-ma ma-la ú-na-hi-du- u-ni a-wa-tí-a ú-kà-al um-ma ru-ba-
um-ma a- u-mì KÙ.GI ú a u-lu-a-at té-er-tám ub-la-ni a-na Wa-ah- u-ş aš-na a- a-pá-ar ú pé-er-dam ú- é-
ba-al a-pu-tum a-na Wa-ah- u- a-na é-ep-kà la ta- a-kà-an a-dí ru-ba-am Pu-ru-u -ha-dí-am ú Ú- u-na-la-am
ú Wa-ah- u- a-na-i-am ra-bi sí-ki-tim ú-ta-mu-ú ú-la i-la-kam a-na-kam i-ma-at a-ar-la a-bu-a-i-ú ha-ra-na-
am ú-kà-i-lu-ni-a-tí-ma i- a-áb-tù-ni-a-tí.
ṭ76
texts, e.g. in the exalted Mount Sarlaimi located southwest of Aksaray.ṣτ67 šabua may be
linked with Hittite Sappuwa/Sappa,ṣτ68 but what men from šabua were doing in šarla is un-
clear.
More than a dozen of the texts from šalim-Aššur s archive refer to a society of Assyrian
merchants who traded a large consignment of wool (ṣτ tons) with Ušinalam and the palace in
Purušhaddum. The logistical efforts involved suggest that the wool it may have been mar-
keted directly in Purušhaddum, and implies that the local palace had been involved in its
production.ṣτ69 The texts record a series of complex legal issues related to this exchange and
show how the entire matter became the cause of a crisis between the palace in Purušhaddum
and Assyrian colonial authorities. One letter in the dossier refers to a delegation from
Purušhaddum to the Kaneš Colony, which included the Colonial Secretary of Purušhaddum
(a man named Iddin-Suen, son of Ibaya) and an envoy sent by Ušinalam.ṣτ7Ṣ It also mentions
the transport of šalim-Aššur in fetters.
Further references to Ušinalam are found in a memorandum that relates to a large amount
of copper (c. Ṭ tons) and mentions the city of Purušhaddum.ṣτ7ṣ It states that Ušinalam carried
the copper away in Purušhaddum, and it refers to a certain Aššur-malik the interpreter . Fi-
nally, Ušinalam occurs in a letter in which two Assyrians state that the ruler has maltreated
them and locked their goods away in a palace storage. Ušinalam appears as a palace ofi-
cial.ṣτ7Ṭ Even if Ušinalam was not the mū ium of Purušhaddum and a rebellious royal son, his
function in the ratiication of an inter-state treaty and his role in a number of commercial
transactions between the palace in Purušhaddum and the Assyrian merchants identiies him as
a central igure in the local political and administrative hierarchy.
Apart from the apparent strength of the market in Purušhaddum, the economic basis of the
city is ill understood. In addition to the references suggesting that the palace may have been
involved in shepherding, only a small number of commodities are mentioned in relation to
Purušhaddum. Certain texts show that the local palace occasionally bought Assyrian goods
for copper held in its stores, thereby turning the responsibility of converting the copper into
silver over to the merchants.ṣτ7ṭ Occasionally, the city is mentioned as the place of origin of
ine pa allum-gold,ṣτ7σ but this denomination probably refers to the point were the metal was
obtained rather than produced. Finally, Assyrian merchants seem to have sold their unloaded
donkeys in Purušhaddum since these were no longer needed.ṣτ7τ
ṣτ67. The Sarlaimi Mountain and the Sarpa Mountain were associated with the sacred cult of Huwassana in Hupisna
(Ereğli). For Sarpa, cf. forlanini ṣ987Ş loMBarDi ṣ998. Together with the DKASKAL.KUR of the hinnaruwas-
water, Sarlaimmi marked the eastern boundary of the Hulaya River Land. Note that the association with šarla is
linguistic and not geographical.
ṣτ68. Mentioned between Kassiya and the Hulanna River in Hattusili s Command, cf. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: 6.
forlanini ṬṢṢ8a locates it in the region of Ankara. Note also the reference to šabaya in AKT 6, ṭ66Ş (cf. p. ṭ76)
that may refer to a person, but which could conceivably be a toponym and linked with šabua.
ṣτ69. The wool amounts to an annual yield from ṣτ,ṢṢṢ - ṬṢ,ṢṢṢ sheep, cf. lassen ṬṢṣṢ: ṣ7τ-ṣ76. Compare to this to
the wool-production in the Ankara according to ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṣṭσ. He states that 6Ṭσ tons of wool
was produced per year, c. ṬτṢ tons of high quality. The contemporary igures in HaMilton (vol. i): ṣ8σṬ: σṣ8 are
much lower (Ṭτ tons) and suggest that the annual production may have varied enormously. According to waetZ-
olDt ṣ97Ṭ: ṣ7 the common medieval European sheep (Britain AD ṣṭṬσ) gave some Ṣ,8 – Ṣ,9 kg of wool per
year, and the average yield from a sheep in Southern Iraq in the late third millennium BC was a little less than ṣ
kg.
ṣτ7Ṣ. AKT 6, ṣṢ9Ş AKT 6, ṣṣṢ.
ṣτ7ṣ. Kt m/k ṣτṭ.
ṣτ7Ṭ. Kt n/k ṣṭṣ8, cf. çeçen ṣ99ṢŞ Dercksen ṣ996: 7Ṣ.
ṣτ7ṭ. See Dercksen ṣ996: σσ, ṣτ6.
ṣτ7σ. Cf. kt c/k Ṭτ7.
ṣτ7τ. Cf. e.g. CCT 6, ṭ7a.
ṭ77
Purušhaddum was the only city whose ruler is ever referred to as great king during the
kārum II-period,ṣτ76 and the Assyrian evidence suggests that Purušhaddum was an aggressive
state with a strong military power. The city fought at least three wars during the main era of the
Assyrian Colony Period, one around REL 7τ,ṣτ77 one in REL ṣṢṢ and one some time after REL
ṣṭṢ.ṣτ78 All three conlicts appear to have involved Purušhaddum, šalatuwar and Wahšušana,
while Ulama only seems to have played a part in the great war of REL ṣṢṢ. The early conlict
may have resulted in the temporary destruction of the Assyrian Station in šalatuwar, whereas
the last of the three wars may have ended in the sack of Wahšušana (cf. τ.ṣσ).
–––––
Purušhaddum as a toponym may have survived into the Iron Age, if we are to believe that the
reference to the city Par-zu-ta , found in the Luwian inscription of king Wasusarma at Topada
(Acıgöl) Ṭτ km southwest of Nev ehir corresponds to Bronze Age Parsuhanda:ṣτ79
[§ṭ-9] Against me in the city of Parzuta eight kings, lesser and more important, were
hostile, and three kings were friendly to me ... I myself with the Royal Horse brought and
put walls (as) my frontier(-post). Me the Parzutassian ...ed at the frontier, and he went
(and) with all his horse and army raised his own frontier here(?), and put (it) on the
mountain ... [§Ṭṭ-Ṭσ] and there/then went down to the Parzutean land with the follow-
ing(?) Horse, and burnt(?) the city ... [§Ṭ6-ṭṢ] The Parzutean Horse and all the rebels
attacked(?) our frontier, but he did(?) not conquer(?) it for himself. Tarhunzas took away
from him the victory, and he did not make any conquest, but to me Tarhunzas, Sarrumas,
god X (and) god Y gave the victory .ṣτ8Ṣ
The inscription contains several dificult passages, and even the reading of the sign zu in Par-
zuta is uncertain. But given the contents of the inscription and the frequency with which
Parzuta is mentioned, Hawkins suggestion that the text refers to a battle that took place
somewhere in the vicinity of where the inscription was carved seems reasonable. This does
not help locate Parzuta and its eight allied cities, and the only clue given to its location is that
the territory of Parzuta is located down from the perspective of king Wasusarma. The loca-
tion of Purušhaddum far west of Acemhöyük is not affected by its identiication with Parzuta,
but the suggestion is based exclusively upon linguistic similarity and seems improbable.
5.17 The Geography North and West of Kane
The evidence for the location of all the major toponyms north and west of Kaneš has been pre-
sented, and each city and its position in the local and regional geographical cluster has been dis-
cussed separately. This section assembles and evaluates those results as a whole and identiies the
ṣτ76. Cf. OAA ṣ, ṣṣṭ (l. 6-8): a-na Pu-ru-u -ha-dim a- é-er ru-ba-im GAL í-i‘p-ra-am] i- a-pár- u-ma ... All other
examples of the title date to the late Ib-period and relate to Kaneš: kt 89/k ṭ69 (l. ṣ): KIšIB Zu-zu LUGAL GAL
a A-la-ah-zi-naŞ kt j/k 6Ṭτ (l. Ṭτ) ru-ba-im GAL, and note that Anitta predecessor of Zuzu styled himself LU-
GAL GAL in his inscription.
ṣτ77. Note also that a plague appears to have hit Purušhaddum around REL 7Ṣ, cf. kt n/k ṣṭṭ9 in çeçen ṣ99τŞ Bar-
jaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣτ78. For references and a detailed discussion of the political history of the west, cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in
press, ch. Ṭ.
ṣτ79. First suggested by garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: 6ṭ. For a translation and discussion of the text, cf. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ
(vol. ii) X.ṣṬ (Topada). He dates the inscription to c. 7ṭṢ BC.
ṣτ8Ṣ. Translation by Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ: στṣ-σ6ṣ.
ṭ78
τ.ṣ7 THE GEOGRAPHY NORTH AND WEST OF KANEš
Fig 45: The bridge at Kayalıpınar.
grid of routes and road-knots that may be compared with the ixed points, the topographical set-
ting and the available archaeological evidence (discussed in Ṭ.8). Unlike the area east of Kaneš,
where the regional topography played an important role in the reconstruction of the historical
geography and the identiication of the main trade routes, the Central Anatolian Plateau is a more
open landscape and the traditional routes are less constrained by their surroundings. Fortunately,
the number of ixed points in the region is much higher than in the Taurus and the archaeology is
known in greater detail. This compensates for the loss of topographical information. In addition,
the landscape continues to dictate the low of trafic to some extent (ṭ.σ). Wide rivers and dry
wastes have always hindered movement and given preference to certain routes.
Fig. 46: View of the pass from Kayalıpınar to Sulusaray.
ṭ79
Fig. 47: The citadel of Ma at Höyük seen from the south.
A diagram showing all the geographical relations west of Kaneš attested in the Old Assyr-
ian texts have been combined into ig. σ9 and joined to the network of routes east of the city
(σ.ṣσ). The site of Kültepe is not the only ixed point in this system, and the position of the
route running east of Kaneš, the harrān sūqinnim (σ.9), allows the networks east and north of
Kaneš to be located according to one another. One can orient the grid east of Kaneš in relation
to the ixed position at Karahna (τ.τ) on the route from Hurama and šamuha in the east (σ.6)
to Kuburnat and Durhumit in the north (τ.ṣ).
The location of Karahna at Sulusaray ṭṢ-ṭτ km west of the modern road leading from Si-
vas to Tokat suggests that the Assyrian merchants may have used a pass over the Akdağlar
Fig. 48: The valley of Kadı ehri.
ṭ8Ṣ
Durhumit
N
Ti murna inahuttum Zimi huna Taedizina bridge
bridge and/or ferry
ford
ferry
Tapagga
Tawiniya Hattu uppiluliya Kuburnat

Hulanna
Hanaknak
Tuhpiya Karahna
Amkuwa
Sakarya
Zuliya
Lakimi a
Nina a Wa haniya amuha Supana
Puru haddum Ulama

harrān sūqinnim Tegarama Haqa
Luhuzattiya Ku ara
U a Zalpa imala
Kane Hurama
alah uwa
Euphrates
Fig. 49. Final diagram of all clusters and their geographical relations in Anatolia according to the Old Assyrian texts.
Fig. 50: The Çekerek at Gözlek, and behind it, the pass to Mecitözü.
west of Yıldızeli. If the identiication of šamuha with Kayalıpınar is correct (cf. ig. στ, σ6),
a pass that emerges at the village of Üyük north of the mountains would lead from the
Kızılırmak in an almost straight line to Sulusaray (Map Ṭṣ on p. ṭ88).ṣτ8ṣ
From Karahna the Assyrian traders would continue to Durhumit via Kuburnat, while the
track coming from Kaneš seems to have passed through Hanaknak and Tapaggaš and across
a river to Durhumit. Hanaknak and Tapaggaš can both be located on a modern map with a fair
amount of precision (τ.ṭ). This helps identify the other routes in the region south of Durhu-
mit.
The local topography and a line of later Ottoman caravanserais on the road from Sorgun to
Zile suggests that a route from Kadı ehri (ig. σ7, σ8) went straight up north to Ma at Höyük
(map Ṭṣ). From there it passed through the town of Taedizina and crossed a river into Durhu-
mit. The distances involved are not clear (τ.ṣ), but the limited number of large watercourses
in the region leaves only three candidates for the Durhumit frontier: the Ye ilırmak, the
‘ekerek Irmağı and the Tersakan ‘ay (ig. τṢ, τσ). The Ye ilırmak would take the travellers
back in an easterly direction, but the ‘ekerek and the Tersakan both appear as suitable candi-
dates.
The route from šamuha and Karahna via Kuburnat to Durhumit went east of the Hanaknak
road (τ.Ṭ), so Kuburnat should probably be sought on a route leading north of Sulusaray in
the region of Artova, Tokat or Turhal.ṣτ8Ṭ The fact that neither Anziliya (modern Zile) nor
Gazziura (modern Turhal) occur in the Old Assyrian texts suggests that Kuburnat was the
dominant settlement in the region in the Colony Period (ig. τṣ, τṬ, τṭ). Similarly, Tapigga
seems to have taken over the position of Hanaknak as a regional centre after the Old Assyrian
Colony Period (τ.ṭ).
In addition to the reference to a river between Durhumit and the town of Taedizina on a
route from Tapaggaš, Durhumit was linked to the western network of cities via the copper
ṣτ8ṣ. Along the ‘ubuk Deresi, cf. Zeiler apud a. Müller karpe et al. ṬṢṢ9.
ṣτ8Ṭ. For a detailed description of this region, see ÖZçaglar ṣ99ṣ. A possible candidate for Kuburnat is Aktepe (cf.
Map σ).
ṭ8Ṭ
Fig. 51: The rock and castle of Turhal, Hittite Gazziura.
road and was connected to Hattuš and Tišmurna (τ.ṣ). Being the chief copper market in Ana-
tolia, Durhumit would presumably have been located in a position where it could receive
shipments from the copper producing areas of the east. The fact that it never occurs in the
texts from Ma at Höyük suggests that it was located some distance to the north. The large
fertile plain of Merzifon is a possible candidate (ig. τσ). A city on that plain controls the
Havza Pass and guards the gateway to the Black Sea region. It would be connected to the
main road through ‘orum, Sungurlu and Delice to the southwest, and be on the important
route from Sivas and Amasya to Samsun (ṭ.σ). Substantial copper deposits are found in the
Tav an Dağ that marks the northern limit of the plain (τ.ṣ).
Fig. 52: The mound in Zile, Hittite Anziliya.
ṭ8ṭ
Fig. 53: Bolus (Aktepe) east of Artova.
A number of large sites in the region with remains dated to the Old Assyrian Colony Period
have been identiied by archaeological survey (map τ). Investigations conducted by Durbin,
T. ›zgüç and M. ›zsait have revealed a number of settlements on the plains south of the
Black Sea range (appendix Ṭ.ṭ), and the re-dating of the regional pottery sequence by Dön-
mez (based on the stratigraphy at Ikiztepe) suggests that virtually all of the larger sites in the
area were inhabited during the Assyrian Colony Period.ṣτ8ṭ Another important observation
Fig.: 54: The plain of Merzifon.
ṣτ8ṭ. DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭ7σ-Ṭ7τ. Earlier studies were based on the stratigraphy of Dündartepe on the Black Sea Coast and
thought that an occupational hiatus between the late Early Bronze Age and the Old Hittite Period characterized
the entire Black Sea Region. For the former view, see e.g. U. alkiM ṣ97τ: 7. Note V. Müller-karpe ṬṢṢṣ: σσṣ,
ṭ8σ
Fig. 55: Doğantepe seen from the south.
made by Dönmez was that the great majority of the sites south of the Tav an Dağ were oc-
cupied from the Early Bronze Age to the end of the Late Bronze Age. Conversely, most of the
sites north of the mountain ceased to exist after the late Middle Bronze Age (the Old Hittite
Period). A similar historical pattern has been reported in Paphlagonia.ṣτ8σ
Fig. 56: Oluz Höyük.
writing only about the archaeological assemblage in the delta of the Kızılırmak River: Für das 19./18. Jh. v.
Chr. ist die Zugehörigkeit der Mündungsregion des Mara antja zu diesem Kulturgebiet meines Erachtens evi-
dent . Note also the references to urban continuity from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age in Yakar & Dinçol
ṣ97σ on the basis of their survey in the districts of Lâdik and Havza
ṣτ8σ. MattHews & glatZ ṬṢṢ9aŞ ṬṢṢ9b.
ṭ8τ
Fig. 57: Ayvalıpınar.
It is tempting to link this shift in settlement pattern to the Kaska expansion in the Central
Black Sea region after the Old Hittite kingdom. This in turn has implications for the location
of Durmitta on the Kaska frontier. The province was counted among the devastated lands
that were handed over to Hattusili III in the ṣṭth century BC, but is seems that the city never
fell out of Hittite control for long. In relation to the survey data, this would suggest that
Durhumit was located just south of the mountains and vulnerable to the north.
The most prominent sites dated to the Assyrian Colony Period in this region are located on
the smaller plain around Doğantepe south of Merzifon. These are the mounds of Gediksaray
and Ayvalıpınar on the right bank of the ‘ekerek River and Oluz Höyük and Doğantepe on
the left bank (ig. ττ, τ6, τ7).ṣτ8τ Ayvalıpınar and Oluz are both extensive sites. Oluz has been
under excavation for a few seasons now and has produced material dated to the Middle Bronze
Age.ṣτ86 Ayvalıpınar consists of a large citadel mound (c. ṭτṢ m in diameter), a smaller mound,
and what appears to be an extensive lower town. The site is covered in pottery dated to the
Old Assyrian period, and an Anatolian-style cylinder seal (now in the Amasya Museum) has
been found at the site.ṣτ87
On the plain of Merzifon the only large recorded site is Onhoroz.ṣτ88 It also appears to con-
sist of several low mounds. Büyük Küllük Tepe produced numerous inds dated to the Assyr-
ian Colony Period including a ine zoomorphic rython. Küçük Küllük Tepe ṣṢṢ m away was
found to have a similar assemblage. And Onhoroz Pınarı (ṭṢṢ m distant) is surrounded by a
scatter of Bronze Age pottery. The entire site-complex covers at least τṢṢ x τṢṢ m and may
relate to a single settlement that has been covered by later sediments.ṣτ89
ṣτ8τ. DÖnMeZ ṣ999: τṬṢ (Doğantepe: ṭṢṢ x ṬṢṢ m)Ş DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṢa: Ṭṭσ (Oluz Höyük: ṭṢṢ x ṬτṢ x ṣτ m)Ş DÖnMeZ
ṬṢṢṬa: Ṭ7Ṭ (Gediksaray: c. ṭτṢ x ṣτṢ m).
ṣτ86. DÖnMeZ 2002a; DÖnMeZ & naZa-DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢ9aŞ ṬṢṢ9b.
ṣτ87. M. ÖZsait 1991: 48; M. & n. ÖZsait ṣ998: σ6Ṣ.
ṣτ88. M. ÖZsait ṣ99ṣ: ṣσ9 (ṣτṢ m in diameter). DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṬa: Ṭ6Ṣ (ṣṬṢ x 8Ṣ m). A similar pattern is found at
Acalapınar Tepe and Delicik Tepe (Hayrettin I and II), cf. DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢṬa: Ṭ6ṭ-Ṭ6σ.
ṣτ89. M. & n. ÖZsait ṣ998: σ6Ṣ-σ6ṣŞ ṬṢṢṬ: τσσ w. photo p. ττṣ. Note the great density of settlement on the Suluova
during the Middle Bronze Age, with nine new sites reported in this article alone.
ṭ86
Fig. 58: The Kelkit valley.
Another large site in the valley was probably the city of Merzifon itself. In the area around
the old church ruin and the city playground there are Bronze Age potsherds visible on the
ground, and a Phrygian stone lion found during construction work is now on exhibit in the
Amasya Museum.ṣτ9Ṣ
Zimišhuna, which appears to have been located on an optional detour from Durhumit to
Wahšušana, should be placed inside the bend of the ‘ekerek River due to its later status as a
township in the province of Tapigga (τ.τ). The Assyrian evidence also links the city to
šinahuttum and Hattuš. Depending on the extent of the Tapigga province, Gediksaray and
Ayvalıpınar are possible candidates. An easy route leads from Merzifon across the ‘akır Dağı
to Doğantepe through Ayvalıpınar and up along the Gümbet Ova to Eskiyapar and Boğazköy.
Sawit, Kunanamit and Marithum were alternative markets for the trade in copper and sites
of a local metal production. They can presumably be linked to the northern slopes of the
Tav an Dağ and the mining areas around Erbaa, Niksar, Almus and Re adiye (ig. τ8).ṣτ9ṣ
The location of šuppiluliya is decided by its position between the two ixed points of
Hattuš and Karahna. A possible candidate is Yassıhöyük (Appendix Ṭ.Ṭ no. ṭṭ).ṣτ9Ṭ
ṣτ9Ṣ. For description of the plain, cf. e.g. wHite ṣ9ṢṣŞ Meriggi ṣ96τ: Ṭ8ṣ. An identiication of Durmitta with Merzi-
fon was proposed already in Yakar ṣ98Ṣ.
ṣτ9ṣ. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): 9Ṭ calls the plain north of the Tav an Dağ and the crossing at Vezirköprü the sole
entrance to Paphlagonia from the west . Strabo found it so green that he referred to it as the fertile Galonitide .
HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṭṬ6-ṭṬ7 crossed the Kızılırmak by wading across the river in late summer. Subse-
quently he visited and described the ruins at Oymaağaç, which have often been identiied with the important
Hittite cultic centre of Nerik (cf. cZicHon ṬṢṣṢ). Contra Dercksen ṣ996: ṣτ, lewY ṣ9τ8: 9σ may have been
correct in identifying Haburat with Classical Cabira at Niksar, which was a mining centre according to Strabo
ṣṬ.Ṭ, ṭṢ. For the archaeology of the Kelkit ‘ay, cf. DÖnMeZ ṬṢṢτ. According to his re-dating of the pottery se-
quence in the Black Sea region, the site of Horoztepe at Erbaa also has inds dated to the Assyrian Colony Pe-
riod. Further east, the fortress of Taulara (where Mithradates IV led after Caesar s arrival) could be identiied
with Hittite Tiliura and Assyrian source of copper from Tilimra (cf. lewY ṣ9τ8: 9σŞ Yakar ṣ98Ṣ: 9ṬŞ BrYce
ṣ986: 9ṬŞ forlanini ṣ999b: σṣτ-σṣ6). Travelling along the Kelkit river HogartH ṣ89ṭ: 7ṭṢ passes a bridge lead-
ing to the village of Kundu. The remains of a Roman bridge are visible as well. A small group of huts at the
junction are said to belong to the village of Taurla further up the mountain.
ṣτ9Ṭ. Cf. also forlanini ṣ99Ṭa: Ṭ88-Ṭ89.
ṭ87
Fig. 59: The mound of Eskiyapar near the town of Alaca.
šinahuttum probably belongs in the same general area, between Zimišhuna and Hattuš and
north of šuppiluliya. The large mounds at Aydıncık or the town of ‘ekerek on the road be-
tween Eskiyapar and Zile are possible candidates (ig. τ9).ṣτ9ṭ A. Süel has identiied several
Map 21: Routes and locations

of the toponyms south-east of
Durhumit.
ṣτ9ṭ. For a description of these sites, see T. ÖZgüç ṣ98Ṭ: ṣσṭ.
ṭ88
Fig. 60: Kapalıkaya/Büklükkale at Köprüköy.
ancient roads in the area, including one that leads from Eskiyapar to the later Hittite site of
Ortaköy past a substantial second millennium mound at Hı ır.ṣτ9σ Although the majority of the
archaeological inds in the Province of ‘orum date to the Hittite period, it is reasonable to as-
sume that the main roads had been established already during the Old Assyrian Colony Period.
The next step is to link the Durhumit cluster to the main crossing on the Kızılırmak River at
Wahšušana. The position of Wahšušana on the river in turn depends upon the location of
Fig. 61: Büyükkale/Küçükkale.
ṣτ9σ. süel ṣ99ṣ: 9σ, 97. Note also süel ṣ99Ṣ, who published a number of small mounds in the region of Eskiyapar
and Ali ar and suggests the course of two roads leading east from Hattusa.
ṭ89
Map 22: Survey map of the Kılıçözü. (From oMura ṬṢṢṬc: 6τ). (Reproduced with kind permission from the
author).
šalatuwar further west, and the probable course of the copper route. The identiication of
Wahšušana build on two premises: a) šalatuwar has to be connected to the Sakarya and Hu-
lanna riversŞ the bridge tolls mentioned in the Old Assyrian records can not refer to crossings
of the dry brooks on the Cihanbeyli Plateau, and b) Purušhaddum can not be identiied with the
site of AcemhöyükŞ the narrow strip of territory between the Tuz Gölü and the Kızılırmak can-
not have held all the cities of Wahšušana, Ninašša, šalatuwar, Ulama and Purušhaddum (τ.ṣ6).
The Sakarya River is not fordable at any location below its headwaters and a bridge is
needed to cross it. The Assyrian memoranda list one bridge between Wahšušana and šalatuwar
and one bridge between šalatuwar and Purušhaddum. This suggests that the road from
Wahšušana crossed the river above the conluence of the Sakarya and the Porsuk. The cross-
ing of the Kızılırmak at Wahšušana should accordingly be located at a comparable latitude.
Since Wahšušana also links up to Ninašša (τ.ṣṣ), the Assyrian traders can not have crossed
the river north of Kırıkkale. Conversely, the frontier between Ninašša and Wahšušana, which
was marked by the river Zuliya (τ.ṣṬ), deines the southern limit for the location of the cross-
ing. The only river in the region west of the Kızılırmak is the Hacıbekirözü, so Wahšušana has
ṭ9Ṣ
Fig. 62: Ali ar.
to be located north of it. The number of suitable crossings on the Kızılırmak is limited, and
the two only options are Kırıkkale and Köprüköy (ig. 6Ṣ). Between those two points the
river runs through a narrow gorge that does not permit any trafic to cross. The association
between Wahšušana and Ninašša points to the crossing at Köprüköy.
With Durhumit and šalatuwar at opposite ends of the copper route, and Wahšušana rough-
ly in the middle, one may draw a route from Merzifon to Köprüköy. Tuhpiya should be lo-
cated somewhere along this route. A corridor through the landscape connects Merzifon to
Köprüköy in a relatively straight line through ‘orum, Sungurlu, Delice and the Kılıçözü Val-
ley. This is a long stretch of road (c. ṬṬτ km), and the two only pieces of evidence that may
help to locate Tuhpiya seem to point in opposite directions. The fact that Kaska tribes de-
scended from Durmitta to raid Tuhuppiya suggests that the two were located in the same re-
gion (or at least on the same route). But Tuhpiya was also where the copper route crossed the
road from Kaneš (τ.9). This pulls it in a southerly direction. A possible candidate is the triple
mound of Büyükkale / Küçükkale in the Kılıçözü Valley (ig. 6ṣ). The valley has been inten-
sively surveyed by S. Omura and his team, revealing a number of sites with material dated to
the Middle Bronze Age that seem to form a route through the landscape (cf. map ṬṬ). The
central settlement is Büyükkale / Küçükkale, which covers some 6ṢṢ x σṢṢ m.ṣτ9τ
The fact that there are no prominent settlements mentioned in the texts on the long stretch
of the copper route between Durhumit and the Kızılırmak seems to disagree with the dense
archaeological assemblage recorded in recent surveys. But the Assyrian merchants rarely list
the places they passed on their journeys unless there was an Assyrian community there.
Memoranda that list all the towns are rare, and in most texts the minor settlements are never
ṣτ9τ. S. oMura ṬṢṢṬc: σ7, 6Ṣ (sites Ṣṣ-ṣṣ and Ṣṣ-ṣṬ). The site consists of a citadel mound with Bronze and Iron Age
pottery and two lower mounds with Bronze Age pottery only. The lowest mound is not described in the report.
ṭ9ṣ
Fig. 63: The citadel of Kır ehir.
mentioned. This gives a false impression of short travelling distances or large empty spaces
between the Assyrian colonies.
The location of Tawiniya (τ.8) is decided in relation to its position at the head of a route
that passed through Hattuš and šuppiluliya to Karahna, and by the fact that it was linked to
Durhumit and Tišmurna. In addition, the distance between Hattusa and Tawiniya could be
covered in a single day.ṣτ96 Since the city does not appear to have been on the copper route, it
should probably be located west of the Delice – Sungurlu line.ṣτ97
Fig. 64: Yassıhöyük at Kır ehir.
ṣτ96. Note that it took anDerson ṣ9Ṣṭ: τ just Ṭ ṣ/Ṭ hours to ride from ‘orum to the Kızılırmak crossing (c. ṣṢṢ km at
σṢ km/h). If the divine hunting bag was carried by a rider it could get far in one day.
ṣτ97. The harrān Tawiniya could thus be different from the harrān Malitta (cf. τ.ṣṣ) and follow the course of the
modern railroad (and partly also the ancient Roman Road, cf. trojani ṣ97σ) from Himmetdede via Kozaklı and
efaatlı towards Delice and the Kızılırmak. The shipment destined for Wahšušana in ATHE 6ṭ would have to
ṭ9Ṭ
Fig. 65: Kesikköprü.
A large part of the region west of the ‘ekerek River has been submitted to archaeological
survey during the past two decades, and in addition to the well-known mounds of Alaca and
Eskiyapar, the early cemetery at Büğet/Ferzant northeast of ‘orum,ṣτ98 and the mounds re-
corded by ›zgüç and Durbin forty years ago, a number of sites in the ‘orum and Yozgat areas
have been identiied (appendix Ṭ.ṭ, map τ).ṣτ99 Numerous smaller sites dominate the district
northwest of Sungurlu where the Delice River lows into the Kızılırmak.
Tišmurna was located closer to Durhumit, and although there are no direct itineraries to
prove it, its cluster suggests that it may have been located on the copper route (τ.σ). It was
linked directly to Tawiniya and was a source and market of copper. No ancient workings have
been reported in the region southwest of Merzifon,ṣ6ṢṢ but there is copper in the Karagüney
Dağı southwest of ‘orum that may have been exploited in antiquity.ṣ6Ṣṣ A location in the re-
gion of ‘orum seems possible.
The identiication of Amkuwa with the site of Ali ar (ig. 6Ṭ) seems to be deinite, both on
grounds of the geographical analysis, the archaeological data and the nature and contents of
the texts found on the site (τ.ṣṢ). In the Assyrian network Amkuwa appears to have been lo-
cated in a fairly isolated position between Hattuš and Kaneš. The mound at Yoğunhisar north
of Boğazlıyan on the road from Kültepe has traces of occupation during the Middle Bronze
Age and is a possible candidate for the town of Lakimišša.ṣ6ṢṬ
Wašhaniya was located between Kaneš, Ninašša and Malitta close to the Hattum frontier
(τ.ṣṣ). Bridges connected the city to both Kaneš and Ninašša, probably along the modern
turn west at some point and follow the route via Yassıhöyük and Kaman to the river. Surveys in the area of
Delice have mostly produced sites dated to Early Bronze Age, cf. S. oMura ṣ99ṣŞ Mori & oMura ṣ989: Ṭ98. A
distinct ceramic culture ( Delice-ware ) thrived there during the late part of the Early Bronze Age. No large
mounds dated to the Middle Bronze Age have been identiied in the region.
ṣτ98. Cf. eMre ṣ99ṣ: σ.
ṣτ99. Note e.g. the mound in Kızılırmak city that seems to have guarded an important crossing of the river (cf. sipaHi
ṬṢṢṭ: Ṭ77, c. ṭṢṢ x ṬτṢ m), and Cırcır Tepe, which lies halfway between ‘orum and Sungurlu and watches over
the old main road (cf. sipaHi & YilDiriM ṬṢṢṣ: ṣṢσ, c. στṢ x ṬτṢ m).
ṣ6ṢṢ. With the exception of a small dump at Oyaca north of Sulaykurt, cf. S-9σ in De jesus ṣ98Ṣ (vol. ii): Ṭσ8.
ṣ6Ṣṣ. Cf. De jesus ṣ98Ṣ (vol. ii): ṭ79 map 7 group II – τ.
ṣ6ṢṬ. oMura ṣ99Ṭ no Ṭ7 (ṭσṢ m in diameter, Ṭσ.τ m high).
ṭ9ṭ
Fig. 66: Topaklı.
main route between Kayseri and Ankara and inside the bend of the Kızılırmak. Unlike the
lands south of the river, this region features a number of large and middle-sized mounds, in-
cluding Topaklı,ṣ6Ṣṭ Zank,ṣ6Ṣσ Suluca Karahöyük (Hacibekta ),ṣ6Ṣτ Yassıhöyük,ṣ6Ṣ6 Kaman
Kalehöyük,ṣ6Ṣ7 and Kır ehir (ig. 6ṭ, 6σ, 66).ṣ6Ṣ8
ṣ6Ṣṭ. The site measures c. ṬτṢ m in diameter. Layers ṣ7-Ṭσ date from the Early Bronze Age to the Imperial Hittite
Period, cf. appendix Ṭ.ṣ. For a plan of the site, cf. Meriggi ṣ97ṣ: τ8.
ṣ6Ṣσ. The site measures c. ṣṢṢ m in diameter. Preliminary reports in sever ṣ99ṭŞ ṣ99σŞ ṣ998. Note also Meriggi ṣ969:
ṣτ6-ṣτ7.
ṣ6Ṣτ. The site measures c. ṣ7Ṣ m in diameter. Most of the inds date to the Old Hittite Period, but note Balkan &
süMer ṣ967 ig. Ṭ9. Large trenches have been dug on the site but were never published. The local museum in
Hacibekta , which houses the inds from the excavation, has been closed for an indeinite period. Among the
published inds, note e.g. the mould shown in Balkan & süMer ṣ969 igs. ṣṭ-ṣσ, which appears to be an exact
duplicate of E. Kaptan s ind on the Plain of Almus near Tokat (kaptan ṣ979, cf. τ.ṣ).
ṣ6Ṣ6. This important site was irst visited and described by Meriggi ṣ966: 9ṣ-9Ṭ and later by MikaMi & oMura ṣ988:
ṣṬ6Ş S. oMura ṬṢṢṣb: σṭ (site ṢṢ-σṢ). At the time of Meriggi s visit, very little pottery was visible on the surface
and so he suggested in identiication of the city with Roman Justinianopolis. After the surface of the mound was
ploughed a rich assemblage of Middle Bronze Age and Early Iron Age material appeared. The dimensions of the
mound (6Ṭτ x τṢṢ x ṣṭ m). The site is currently being excavated under the direction of Dr. Masako Omura. No
written reports have appeared, but substantial remains of a burnt building dated to the Old Assyrian Colony
Period are currently being excavated. I am grateful to Mrs. and Mr. Omura for their kind personal communica-
tions on the matter.
ṣ6Ṣ7. The site measures c. Ṭ8Ṣ m in diameter and has substantial remains dated to the late Old Assyrian Colony Period,
cf. oMura ṬṢṢ7a with further references. For the Old Assyrian texts found at the site, cf. YosHiDa ṬṢṢṬ.
ṣ6Ṣ8. The site measures c. ṭṢṢ m in diameter but is heavily damaged by recent buildings. Excavations are currently in
progress under the auspices of the Ahi Evran University in Kır ehir but no reports have yet appeared. Newspa-
pers report that inds dated to the Selcuk and Ottoman periods have been unearthed. For a photo and a descrip-
tion of the early assemblage, cf. U. B. alkiM ṣ9τ6Ş von Der osten 1929: 145-145; Meriggi ṣ966: 9ṣ. Note also
Kızılözun Höyük (c. ṭṢṢ x ṬτṢ m) recorded in ŞenYurt ṣ999: στṬ. The site is located on the northern bank of
the Kızılırmak and has an assemblage dated from chalcolithic to Roman times. Compare to the number of sites
on the south bank recorded e.g. in S. oMura ṣ997Ş ṣ998b. The only large site Bronze Age site (EB, MB, LB)
south of the river is Topakhöyük, located c. τṢṢ m northwest of the Iron Age site of Ovaören. The latter is cur-
rently under excavation by Prof. Y. enyurt and his team. I am grateful for his personal communications on the
matter. The Bronze Age site (ṭ8° ṭ6 σ8 N, ṭσ° ṣ7 Ṭ6 E) measures c. 6ṢṢ x ṭτṢ m and has a small citadel of c.
ṣṢṢ m in diameter. Its morphology is similar to that of Ali ar.
ṭ9σ
Fig. 67: Harmandalı.
A probable route from Kaneš would have crossed the Sarmısaklı at Boğazköprü and pro-
ceeded across the Bir Göz Köprü on the Kızılırmak. The road would continue across the low
‘allıgedik Pass to Topaklı. In Ottoman times the road from Kayseri turned south at this point,
and passed via Hacibekta to the river crossing at Kesikköprü Hanı. The Byzantine road contin-
ued northwest to Kır ehir before it turned south to Kesikköprü, following an easier but longer
route.ṣ6Ṣ9 The alternative road from Wašhaniya to Wahšušana via Malitta would probably have
continued along this route and turned west via Kaman Kalehöyük to the crossing at Köprüköy.
Fig. 68: Varavan.
ṣ6Ṣ9. Some σṬ km by the shorter route and 6τ by the longer one.
ṭ9τ
Fig. 69: Acemhöyük.
A less likely scenario would be to place Wašhaniya on the southern bank of the Kızılırmak.
The road from Kaneš would have crossed the barren plateau east of Ürgüp and passed through
Avanos and Gül ehir before turning south. The route would probably follow the later Persian
Royal Road and proceed via Ortaköy (Byz. Osiēna) in the direction of the Tuz Gölü.ṣ6ṣṢ
In Roman times the main road also crossed the Kızılırmak at Bir Göz Köprü and followed
the modern highway to Himmetdede. There it turned north through Soanda to Tavium. A
subsidiary road continued to Kır ehir (Aquae Saravenae) and crossed the river again at
Köprüköy before proceeding to Angora. A less common route followed the outside bend of
the river.ṣ6ṣṣ In general, it seems that travellers preferred to cross the Kızılırmak whenever
there were bridges available. In periods where political or social instability prevented this, the
main route passed south of the Kızılırmak. This region was much less densely settled during
the Middle Bronze Age, and since the Assyrian merchants were dependent upon the existence
of settlements along their routes for logistical support (ṣ.τ, ṣ.7),ṣ6ṣṬ they would presumably
have chosen to pass through more densely settled areas.
A location of Wašhaniya to the north of the Kızılırmak appears to be in better agreement
with the archaeological evidence. The location of Wašhaniya north or south of the river de-
pends upon the ability of the Anatolian craftsmen to span the Kızılırmak in the Middle Bronze
Age.ṣ6ṣṭ A bridge probably crossed the river further upstream at šamuha (σ.6), and the span of
the modern bridge at Kayalıpınar is ṣṣṢ m. The medieval Kesikköprü is ṬṬṢ m (ig. 6τ). With-
ṣ6ṣṢ. frencH ṣ998Ş HilD ṣ977: 6τ-76, 8ṭ. Note the reference to the salt-men from Wašhaniya in KUB σ8.ṣṢτ+,
which might be linked to the rich salt mines just south of the river at Tuzlaköy (cf. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i):
ṣ67-ṣ69Ş ṣ77-ṣ78 visited the mines and noted that ṭṢṢ-σṢṢ camel-loads were produced here on a yearly basis.
Ainsworth crossed the river on a raft with the horses swimming behind him. In summertime the water was said
to be so low, that it has a distinctly salty taste). But salt-men may not have been miners, but harvesters, who
worked on the great pans of the Kızılırmak River.
ṣ6ṣṣ. Cf. talBert ṬṢṢṢ and map 6ṭ.
ṣ6ṣṬ. See Meriggi ṣ966 map iv and note the surveys published by S. oMura passim.
ṣ6ṣṭ. For the evidence of bridge building in Hittite times, see otten ṣ98ṭ. Cf. also rieMscHneiDer, ṣ96ṬŞ alp ṣ977:
6σṭ-6σ7Ş CHD vol. P: ṣσṬ, Ṭ7Ṣ. Bridges are attested in the Hittite texts e.g. on the river Zuliya and in the vicin-
ity of Sapinuwa and Tapigga, cf. HW vol. A: GIš.(NA )armizzi.
σ
ṭ96
Fig. 70: Two small mounds with assemblages dating to the Old Assyrian Colony Period on the route west
of Acemhöyük. Right: Tosun Höyük north of Sultanhanı. The summit of Hasan Dağ 80 km away was visible
as a landmark in the distance, although it barely shows up on the image. Left: Ertuğrul Höyük, located
where the old route from Sultanhanı meets the road from Konya (cf. BaHar & koçak ṬṢṢσ: σ7 (ṣṢ8.ṣṬ)).
Some such small mounds may have been ancient inns.
out bridges one has to locate Wašhaniya in the Cappadocian highlands between two minor
streams. The Malitta Road would have crossed the Kızılırmak by ferry from Wašhaniya.
The location of Ninašša is determined by its position between Wašhaniya, Wahšušana and
Ulama at a place where the road from Kaneš to Wahšušana splits out from the route to
Purušhaddum. In addition, the city must have been located in the vicinity of the Kızılırmak,
and the frontier towards Wahšušana was marked by the Zuliya. A bridge connected Ninašša
to Wašhaniya (τ.ṣṬ). In Hittite times Nenassa was an independent province and marked the
limit of Kaska expansion during the crisis years of Tudhaliya III s reign. The situation was
comparable to the later Kaska raids across the Kızılırmak into the province of Kaneš.
ṭ97
Fig. 71: Corca Village and the Chanbeyli Plateau to the west.
Numerous attempts have been made at locating Ninašša through linguistic identiication,
and four suitable candidates in the area present themselves: Neonassos, Nanessos, Nyssa and
Naziansos. All four have alternately been identiied with Bronze Age Ninašša. Nanessos
(modern Nenizi ṭ6 km east of Aksaray)ṣ6ṣσ has often been identiied with Ninašša owing to
the assumption that the mound of Acemhöyük marks the site of ancient Purušhaddum.ṣ6ṣτ In
Fig. 72: Külhöyük. erteM ṣ99τ, who excavated the site, proposed to identify it with ancient alatuwar.
ṣ6ṣσ. But note raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: Ṭ8τ, Ṭ87, Ṭ99 and his discussion of Venasa Ṭ9Ṭ-Ṭ9ṭ.
ṣ6ṣτ. Cf. Del Monte & tiscHler ṣ978: Ṭ8Ṭ-Ṭ8ṭ. forlanini ṣ979: ṣ7σ proposed and identiication of Ninašša with the
mound at Ağıllı (Topada), which has since been shown to date mainly to the Iron Age, cf. Hawkins ṬṢṢṢ pl.
ṬτṢa. Note also the Iron Age site at Karaören in gülçür ṬṢṢṬ: Ṭ7σ - RṭṭṢ8.
ṭ98
recent years the region east of Aksaray has been intensively surveyed (appendix Ṭ.ṭ), but no
obvious candidate for the site has turned up in the vicinity of Nenizi. Similarly, the site of
Nazianzos (Nandianulus / Türbetepe) has been visited by several teams of surveyors. All have
failed to ind any material dated earlier than the Greco-Roman period.ṣ6ṣ6
The identiication of Ninašša with the Byzantine metropolis Nyssa at Harmandalı is more
promising (ig. 67). The site is centred on three mounds and surrounded by a Ṭ km long wall.
According to the initial surveys of the site by Hild, the central mound of Büyükkale was
strewn with a rich assemblage of prehistoric ceramics.ṣ6ṣ7 All stone foundations, columns and
ired bricks appear to have been robbed from the surface, despite the fact that Nyssa was one
of the great cities in Central Anatolia until the late ṣσth century AD.ṣ6ṣ8 The city had become
the seat of a Bishop already in AD ṭ7Ṭ and housed the Octagon Church of Saint Gregory.ṣ6ṣ9
Investigations conducted by S. Omura and his team produced inds dated to the late Middle
Bronze Age and early Late Bronze Age, while the Hittite Imperial period was less well repre-
sented.ṣ6ṬṢ Since the site is located on a route from Kesikköprü and only ṣṢ-ṣṬ km from the
Kızılırmak, it seems possible that Byzantine Nyssa and Bronze Age Ninašša could be related.
Another possible candidate for Ninašša is the extensive site of Varavan close to
erelikoçhisar (ig. 68). The mound has an unusually large amount of sherds dated to the
Colony Period,ṣ6Ṭṣ but the site has been heavily disturbed by later occupation (Byzantine
Sadagolthina was located nearby), and it remains unclear whether the entire mound was set-
tled during the Bronze Age. Both sites could be located on a route from Kesikköprü and
control a crossroad between Wahšušana and Ulama.ṣ6ṬṬ
Ulama was located on the main route from Kaneš to Purušhaddum after Ninašša. This
route would have to cross the Obruk Plateau to reach Purušhaddum, and the last major site
before it enters the dry waste is the large mound of Acemhöyük (ig. 69). The site is known to
represent an important city in the Colony Period, and four decades of archaeological excava-
tion on the citadel mound have revealed several administrative buildings,ṣ6Ṭṭ an extensive
cemetery,ṣ6Ṭσ a textile workshop,ṣ6Ṭτ caches of silver and bars of copper,ṣ6Ṭ6 an ivory
workshop,ṣ6Ṭ7 and storage pithoi and bullae that suggest the city traded directly with states in
Northern Syria.ṣ6Ṭ8 The site was abandoned following a major conlagration at the end of the
Old Assyrian Colony Period. This would agree with the historical evidence for Hattusili I s
sack of the city of Ulama during the early years of his reign.
ṣ6ṣ6. The area in general is described in Meriggi ṣ966: 87ff. and investigated in HilD ṣ98ṣ: Ṭσ7Ş S. oMura ṣ998a
(nos. Ṭτ-Ṭ6).
ṣ6ṣ7. HilD ṣ98ṣ: Ṭσ7. First identiied as Nyssa by anDerson ṣ898: 7τ on the basis of its position in the Antonine
Itinerary (Itin. Ant. ṬṢ6: σ), cf. also jacopi ṣ9ṭ7: ṣ7Ş talBert ṬṢṢṢ: 98Ṣ.
ṣ6ṣ8. HilD ṣ98ṣ: Ṭσ6-Ṭσ7.
ṣ6ṣ9. HilD ṣ977: 78.
ṣ6ṬṢ. oMura ṣ997: Ṭ9σŞ ṣ998b: 8Ṭ.
ṣ6Ṭṣ. oMura ṣ99ṭ: ṭ7ṭ (ṭ8° τσ τṬ N, ṭṭ° ṭṣ Ṭτ E, σ7Ṣ x ṭ7Ṣ m).
ṣ6ṬṬ. The route is described in ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṣ8ṣ-ṣ8ṭ. He crossed the Koca Dağ and went through the pass
of Kazı Höyük ( the mound of excavation ) to erelikoçhisar. On p. ṣ87 he describes the existence of an old
causeway crossing the shallow Tuz Gölü and offers a general impression of nature and environment in the region
in pre-industrial times. Also HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. ii), ch. σσ followed this route to Kayseri.
ṣ6Ṭṭ. T. ÖZgüç ṬṢṢṭ: ṣṬ8Ş ÖZtan ṬṢṢ7b. The Sarıkaya Palace is dendrochronologically dated to ṣ777 – ṣ77σ BC, cf.
newton & kuniHolM ṬṢṢσŞ BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
ṣ6Ṭσ. ÖZtan ṣ998.
ṣ6Ṭτ. ÖZtan ṬṢṢṭ.
ṣ6Ṭ6. cukur & kunç ṣ99ṢŞ ṣ99ṬŞ N. ÖZgüç ṣ99τ.
ṣ6Ṭ7. DeniZ et al. ṣ99ṣ reports on the tusk of an Indian elephantŞ Bourgeois ṣ99ṭ discusses the craftsmanship. Note
that the furniture supports made of Hippopotamus tusk that are kept in the Metropolitan Museum, New York are
said to come from Acemhöyük.
ṣ6Ṭ8. tunca ṣ989Ş veenHof ṣ99ṭŞ karaDuMan ṬṢṢ8.
ṭ99
Acemhöyük is situated in the fertile plain of Ye ilova and watered by the Ye ilırmak as it
crosses a grassy plain on its way to the marshes of the Salt Lake. The area is rich in volcanic
nutrients and minerals from the nearby volcano of Hasan Dağ (ṭṬ68 m). At least since Roman
times, the valuable nitre of the region was said to be the best of its kind in the ancient world.ṣ6Ṭ9
Its proximity to the Tuz Gölü would presumably have made the trade in salt a proitable busi-
ness for the city.ṣ6ṭṢ The plain is ideally suited for agriculture and animal husbandry, and the
slopes of the Hasan Dağ were presumably covered in timber.ṣ6ṭṣ
The site occupies one of Ramsay s central road-knots and connects the main route through
Anatolia from east to west with a major thoroughfare from north to south.ṣ6ṭṬ This image cor-
responds with the function of Ulama in the Assyrian network of trade, although the merchants
from Assur never seem to have gone south of the Aksaray Plain in the direction of the Cilician
Gates.
From Acemhöyük the road runs west through a dry and sparsely populated region in the
direction of Purušhaddum in the Lower Land. This route has always been a major passageway
for goods and people headed for western Anatolia, as seen by the medieval caravanserais and
tiny mounds following the route (ig 7Ṣ). Without deep wells and hands to work them, the
region west of Acemhöyük is impassable from late spring to early autumn, and the Assyrian
caravans could only have gone this way if there were inns located at regular intervals along
the route. Even in late Ottoman times, when Hamilton wanted to travel from Ak ehir to Ak-
saray, he was warned against the direct route due to the lack wells and caravanserais. In the
end he was forced to take a longer road through the more densely populated districts of Kara-
man and Ereğli.ṣ6ṭṭ
The location of Wahšušana west of the Kızılırmak crossing is an anchor point in the recon-
struction of the historical geography. Köprüköy is identiied as the only feasible candidate for
this crossing. What appears to be an ancient route coming from Delice (cf. map ṬṬ) crosses
the Kızılırmak at this point and continues west over the Haymana Plateau via Bala, Kül-
höyük, Turk(men) Höyük and Polatlı to the Sakarya crossing at Gordion. The road to the
Sakarya River was of such quality that it allowed wagons to pass, and it seems that the Assyr-
ian merchant who wrote the memorandum kt t/k ṣ reckoned everything between the Kızılırmak
and the Sakarya as the territory of Wahšušana.
Numerous sites have been identiied in the plain of the Hacıbekirözü, although in most
cases they appear to have reached their maximum size during the Iron Age.ṣ6ṭσ At the crossing
itself, the extensive site of Kapalıkaya / Büklükkale appears to be a good candidate for the
ṣ6Ṭ9. Plinius Naturalis Historia xxxi σ6.

ṣ6ṭṢ. In summer when the lake recedes harvesting is straightforward along most of the eastern shore, whereas the
marshes north of the Ye ilova are treacherous and dificult to navigate due to hidden springs and mud holes. In
Ottoman times the harvesting was a state monopoly centred on erelikoçhisar.
ṣ6ṭṣ. For an image of the region in pre-industrial times, cf. HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. ii): ṬṬṣ-ṬṭṬ. The large number of
mounds on the plain is a sign of the wealth and fertility of the region in antiquity. In local folklore the mound of
Acemhöyük is said to represent the ruins of a palace ruled by a beautiful queen. As told by a group of passengers
on the Ye ilova dolmu on the way to Acemhöyük in ṬṢṢṭ, the seven sisters of the queen lived in smaller pal-
aces visible as the smaller mounds circling Acemhöyük.
ṣ6ṭṬ. raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: τṢŞ frencH ṣ99ṭ.
ṣ6ṭṭ. HaMilton (vol. ii): ṣ86. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṣ9Ṣ-ṣ9ṭ went east and south of the lake in late April.
ṣ6ṭσ. Note e.g. oMura ṣ99σ: ṭṣ7-ṭṣ9 – Altılar (σ6τ m in diameterŞ south of the Hacıbekirözü near the Konya road)Ş
(Söğütlü, ṣ78 x Ṭṭ7 mŞ near Kulu)Ş Durupınar (ṬṬτ x ṣ7τ mŞ near Yenice in Haymana. Lot of high-quality red-
burnished pottery dated to the Colony Period)Ş Balçıkhisar I (ṣṢṢ m in diameter)Ş Balçıkhisar II (ṬṬ8 x Ṭ77 mŞ
also near Yenice in Haymana)Ş S. oMura ṣ99τa: Ṭṣ7-ṬṬ8: Kültepe-Deliler (ṭτṢ x ṣτṢ mŞ ṣσ km southwest of
Bala)Ş Sofular (Ṭ6Ṣ m x ṬṭṢ mŞ ṭṢ km south of Balâ and just beyond the Hacıbekirözü)Ş ‘alı (ṣ9σ x ṣ96 mŞ c.
ṣτ km south of Külhöyük (Haymana). Quality ceramics of the Colony Period). Note also von Der osten ṣ9Ṭ9:
ṣσṣ-ṣσṭ with ig. ṬṬṢ-ṬṬṣ – Suyugüzel Höyük (ṭτṢ x ṬτṢ and lower cityŞ a few km south of the Hacıbekirözü).
Note also Meriggi ṣ96τ: Ṭ7ṣ who visited a number of the same places.
σṢṢ
Map 23: Sites surveyed by S. Omura

and his team in 1998, cf. oMura
ṬṢṢṢb. Finds dated to the Middle
Bronze Age marked in green.(Repro-
duced with kind permission from the
author).
capital of Wahšušana (ig. 6Ṣ),ṣ6ṭτ but the city may also have been located further inland.ṣ6ṭ6
In any case, it seems that the city dominated a number of smaller settlements in the Haymana
area, including Külhöyük and Polatlı (ig. 7Ṭ). Such minor towns rarely appear in the sources
and are dificult to identify. šabua (τ.ṣ6) and Aliašša (τ.ṣσ) may be some of them.
šalatuwar was located on the copper route between Wahšušana and Purušhaddum and was
connected to both cities by bridges spanning one or more watercourses (τ.ṣτ). In addition,
Anitta s battle of Salatiwara associates the city with the Hulanna river. One can either locate
šalatuwar in the dry Cihanbeyli Plateau west of the Tuz Gölü and claim that the bridges con-
necting it to Wahšušana and šalatuwar crossed perennial brooks. Or else, it should move west
of the Sakarya River and south of the Porsuk ‘ay. A number of points argue against the irst
suggestion and favour the second.
The Cihanbeyli Yaylası is dry and desolate, and the only natural road across the plateau
west of the Salt Lake links Ankara to Konya via the town of Cihanbeyli (ig. 7ṣ). Few settle-
ments exist in the area even today, and only the northern part of the route between the towns
of Karacaören and Kulu seem to have supported any population in (mainly during the Early
Bronze Age and the Iron Age). The region was surveyed by Bahar (mostly to the south) and
ṣ6ṭτ. oMura ṣ99ṭ: ṭ68 ( Büyükkaletepe Ş only the citadel)Ş varDar ṬṢṢṭŞ MatsaMura ṬṢṣṢ. The site is discussed in
more detail in BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ. The lower riverside terraces in particular are strewn with numerous string-cut
bases (usually taken as diagnostic ware for the kārum III-II period), but the irst two seasons of excavations have
mainly identiied levels dated to the Iron Age and the Late Bronze Age (including a Hittite letter, to be published
by M. Weeden). It remains to be seen whether there are earlier levels extant on the site.
ṣ6ṭ6. forlanini ṬṢṢ9b proposes to locate Wahšušana at the site of Ballıkuyumcu on the Eski ehir road close to An-
kara (c. ṭτṢ x ṣτṢ m, ṭ9° σ6 ṬṢ N, ṭṬ° ṭṣ σ6 E, cf. appendix Ṭ.Ṭ, map σ). A visit to the site (August ṬṢṣṢ) shows
that its pottery dates mainly to the classical periods with some Iron Age and Early Bronze Age.
σṢṣ
Fig. 73: The Obruk Plateau looking west (ca. 50 km from the Kızılırmak).
Omura (mostly in the north), who seem to agree that the Cihanbeyli Plateau saw an almost
complete abandonment during the Middle Bronze Age (ig. 7ṭ, 7σ). According to Omura s
survey, the only possible exception is the site of Kırıklar Höyük just south of Tav ançalı,
where a sample dated to the Middle Bronze Age was collected. (cf. map Ṭṭ)ṣ6ṭ7 It is hard to
see it as the political centre of a centralised state that was able to challenge the power of
Anitta s army.ṣ6ṭ8
Fig. 74: The Cihanbeyli Plateau.
ṣ6ṭ7. The site measures c. ṬτṢ x ṣ7Ṣ m. Location: ṭ8° τṬ ṬṬ N, ṭṭ° ṢṬ ṢṢ E.

ṣ6ṭ8. I am indebted to Prof. H. Bahar and H. Gül (Konya) for sharing the unpublished results of their survey at Kırıklar.
σṢṬ
Fig. 75: Kepen Höyük.
In the ṣ9th century, the British traveller Hamilton wrote that all trafic between Ankara and
Konya had to cross the Sakarya, and that the road passed Sivrihisar and Bolvadin before it
turned back east to Konya.ṣ6ṭ9 Politics and demography surely played a role in such situations,
but the main route from Ankara to the south always appears to have passed through the fertile
valleys to the north instead of the marginal lands on the high plateaus. The Old Assyrian
Fig. 76: Karahöyük Konya.
ṣ6ṭ9. HaMilton ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): σṭṢff. His guides stated that there was no communication across the dry Haimaneh
(the Cihanbeyli and Obruk plateau), and they claimed that there were no villages there. Murrey s Travel Guide
(wilson ṣ89τ) also encourages the traveller to go via Bolvadin. ainswortH ṣ8σṬ (vol. i): ṣ86ff. went through
the dry region and did visit a few Kurdish and Turcoman villages and encampments. He speciically states the
great dificulty he had in inding adequate provisions. tscHiHatscHeff ṣ867 had to cross the region as a part of
his recognisance. His entry, dated June Ṭ, ṣ8σ9 reads: Der Brunnen, aus dem wir für den ganz wasserlosen Rest
der Tagereise unsere Schläuche füllten, war ṣṣ,7 m tief, da Wasser +9,8° C. bei Lufttemperatur Mittags im
Schatten bei starkem SO.-Wind Ṭ6°, in der Sonne ṭ7°.
σṢṭ
Fig. 77: Bolvadin Üçhöyük.
routes can also be explained by the merchants need for adequate roads and logistical support
for the wagon trafic. Such structures would presumably have been more dificult to maintain
in a sparsely populated region.
The fact that the Assyrian caravans had to pay tolls at a bridge before entering and leaving
the territory of šalatuwar would be dificult to reconcile with a location close to the Tuz
Gölü.ṣ6σṢ The reference to the strategic point on the Hulanna River in Anitta s annals pulls the
state to the west and into the fertile zone within the bend of the Sakarya River and south of
the Porsuk ‘ay. The area within the Sakarya bend is divided by the low Sivrihisar mountain,
whose northern slopes are green and have numerous small brooks descending towards the
Porsuk. The southern side is somewhat drier and steeper, but it always appears to have been
more densely populated. The urban centre of Pessinus was the provincial capital in antiquity,
and today the Ottoman town of Sivrihisar controls the area.
Since the prince of Salatiwara could anticipate that Anitta s attack would happen at the
Hulanna River, this was probably the location of the main crossing (τ.ṣτ). The road from
Wahšušana and the bridge presumably reached the river at this point, just south of the conlu-
ence of the Sakarya and the Porsuk. The fact that the prince seems to have abandoned his city
to in order to defend the river, and that the army of Anitta could outmanoeuvre him, suggests
that the capital of šalatuwar was located at some distance from the crossing.
The large site of Kepen Höyük south of Sivrihisar appears to be a good candidate for
šalatuwar.ṣ6σṣ The road from the Sakarya crossing passes the low Sivrihisar Dağları and de-
scends via Kepen to reach the river once more. The mound itself measures c. σṢṢ by ṬṭṢ m
and seems to have been surrounded by an extensive lower city (ig. 7τ). Like Roman Pessinus
it would have controlled the road that linked the two main routes through Anatolia from east
to west (ṭ.σ).ṣ6σṬ Von der Osten, who was the irst to describe the site, found archaic red-
ṣ6σṢ. Cf. e.g. MicHel ṬṢṢṬ (cf. Ṭ.ṭ, map Ṭ)Ş kuZuoğlu ṬṢṢ7a.
ṣ6σṣ. The site is discussed in detail in BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ.
ṣ6σṬ. raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: ṣ99, Ṭṣ6-Ṭṣ7, ṬṬṭ.
σṢσ
burnished pottery of the same type found at Boğazköy and Kül Tepe .ṣ6σṭ In spite of the
modern building activities and agriculture that have virtually destroyed the site, Colony Age
pottery is still visible on the surface.
The city of Purušhaddum was the inal destination for the two main Assyrian trade routes,
coming from Kaneš and Durhumit. Key points for the location of Purušhaddum are its func-
tion as a regional market in a transitory position between two regional networks of exchange
and the position of šalatuwar west of the Cihanbeyli Plateau. If one accepts the former prem-
ise, but not the latter, it is possible to place Purušhaddum on the Konya Plain, or perhaps to
the northeast of it. If šalatuwar moves west inside the Sakarya bend , Purušhaddum must
also move to the west.
The city-state of Ušša, which was later a province in the Hittite Lower Land, should prob-
ably be located on the Konya Plain owing to its position in the frontier description of Tarhunt-
assa (τ.ṣ6). If the western part of the Konya Plain belonged to the district of Ussa, then this
would push Parsuhanda north or west. This also agrees with the position of šalatuwar to the
north and west. Finally, the possible link between Parsuhanda and Pedassa in the Hittite texts
would take Purušhaddum out of the Konya area.
The Konya Plain appears to have been densely settled during the Old Assyrian Colony
Period, and to have had a number of large towns, including Alibeyhöyüğü, ‘omaklı and
Domuzboğazlıyan (appendix Ṭ.ṣ, Ṭ.Ṭ).ṣ6σσ The largest mound in the region is Karahöyük
Konya (appendix Ṭ.ṣ), where structures dated to the late part of the Old Assyrian trade have
been identiied (ig. 76). The location of Karahöyük on the westernmost part of the Konya
Plain suggests that an identiication with Ušša is possible.ṣ6στ
ṣ6σṭ. von Der osten ṣ9Ṭ9: ττ-τ7.

ṣ6σσ. Cf. Dinçol et al. ṬṢṢṢ: τ-6 for a summary of the largest archaeological sites dated to the Ṭnd millennium BC on
the Konya Plain.
ṣ6στ. For the Karahöyük excavations, cf. appendix Ṭ.ṣ and map ṭ. For the date of the indings, cf. BoeHMer ṣ989: ṭ9
(who dates the main layers to the Old Hittite Period based on the glyptics (omega-seals, proto-glyphs, lack of
cylinder seals)). More recently, newton & kuniHolM ṬṢṢσ produced a dendrochronological date ṣ768 BC for
the main structure, cf. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press. No lower city is visible at Karahöyük, probably
σṢτ
Fig. 78: The pass through Emirdağ north of Bolvadin.
From Kepen and Sivrihisar a southbound route crosses the Sakarya and skirts the Emirdağ
to reach the plain of Bolvadin and the Akar ‘ay (ig. 78). Here it joins the main route coming
from the east that leads to the Mediterranean via Afyon, U ak and Izmir. Several routes split
out from this point, including a major thoroughfare to Dinar and the Meander Valley.
The large number of historical battles that were either prepared or fought here, suggests the
strategic importance of the Akar Plain and the regional center at Bolvadin. The army of
Mursili II fought the army of Arzawa at the town of Walma on the Akar ‘ay,ṣ6σ6 and Alexan-
der s generals chose to set up at the river prior to the battle of Ipsus (‘ayırbağı).ṣ6σ7 In 69τ the
army of Byzantium stopped the invading Arabs at Bolvadin,ṣ6σ8 and in ṣṣṣ6 the city was the
site of a decisive battle between Byzantine and Seljuk forces.ṣ6σ9 In September ṣ6Ṣτ an Otto-
man army was defeated on the plain by rebel celalis.ṣ6τṢ Bolvadin occurs frequently in Arabic
and Ottoman itineraries as a major crossroad and stopping point for travelers between Istan-
bul and the Levant.ṣ6τṣ
due to the heavy alluviation on the plain (Ṭ-ṭ m/millennium, cf. roBerts ṣ997Ş Dinçol et al. ṬṢṢṢ: 6). Finds
dated to the Hittite Empire period have only been collected on the surface. According to S. Omura (personal
communication), who participated in the excavations at Karahöyük as a student, Mycenaean sherds were col-
lected on the surface of the mound. Note also the Minoan-type sealings found at Karahöyük in alp ṣ97Ṭ: Ṭ6ṭ-σ.
Yakar ṣ976: ṣṬσ notes how such inds strongly suggest that trade contacts involving the Aegean, especially the
Minoan Cities and Anatolian provinces with access to western ports, had developed in the kārum period .
ṣ6σ6. garstang & gurneY ṣ9τ9: 86Ş Hawkins ṣ99τa: n. ṣτṬ, ṣ8ṣŞ forlanini ṣ998: ṬṬσ.
ṣ6σ7. raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: 78, ṣσṢŞ HogartH ṣ89Ṣ: ṣτṭ.
ṣ6σ8. Brooks ṣ898: ṣ9Ṣ and n. ṣŞ Belke & MersicH ṣ99Ṣ: ṭ6ṭ.
ṣ6σ9. caHen ṣ968: 9Ṣ.
ṣ6τṢ. griswolD ṣ98ṭ: τṬ-τṭ.
ṣ6τṣ. Note e.g. the travels of al-iDrisi (vol. vii): 8ṣṣ-8ṣṬ in the ṣṬth century, and the campaigns of Selim I (ṣτṣσ),
Süleyman (ṣτṭτ, ṣτσ8), Murad IV (ṣ6ṭτ, ṣ6ṭ7), the journeys of ‘elebi (ṣ6σ8), Makarius (ṣ6τṭ) and Otter
(ṣ7σ8), and the pilgrim itinerary (manāsik ul Hadjdj) by Edib (ṣ77σ), cf. taescHner ṣ9Ṭσ: pl. 7-8. Later travelers
with important descriptions of the area include ainswortH ṣ8σṬ: σ9Ṭ-σ9σŞ HaMilton ṣ8σṬ: (vol. i): στ6-στ7Ş
HogartH ṣ89Ṣ: ṣτṬ.
σṢ6
Fig. 79: Sultan Daǧ and the town of Çay.
At the outskirts of Bolvadin lies the large mound of Üçhöyük,ṣ6τṬ which appears to be a
good candidate for the city of Purušhaddum (ig. 77). The mound was irst recorded by
Mellaart,ṣ6τṭ and appears under the name of Bolvadin in his lists of sites with pottery dated to
the Middle Bronze Age. It was re-examined by Mermerci, who noted a large amount of pot-
tery dated to the Assyrian Colony Period.ṣ6τσ Bilgen and Koçak surveyed the site for Early
Bronze Age material, but stress the importance of the site during the Middle Bronze Age.ṣ6ττ
Tahsin ›zgüç published a vessel that allegedly came from the site, which he dated to the
later phase of the Assyrian Colony Period.ṣ6τ6 Additional inds dated to the colony period are
known from the surrounding area.ṣ6τ7
The strategic location of Üçhöyük on a crucial road-knot its the role of Purušhaddum/
Parsuhanda as an interstitial trading emporium between Central Anatolia and the west (ig.
79).ṣ6τ8 Also the apparent archaeological proile of the site, which suggests that it was impor-
tant settlement in the Early and Middle Bronze Age and that it shrunk during the Hittite Em-
ṣ6τṬ. The site and its surrounding geography are discussed in detail in BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ. The site covers an extensive
area with a few points of high mounding on a level alluvial plain. The surface material dates to a number of
periods, mainly the Early and Middle Bronze Age, with some Late Bronze and Iron Age. The three mounds that
give name to the site are grouped closely together at its northern end, at app. ṭ8° σṣ ṭσ N, ṭṣ° Ṭ ṣṬ E, c. ṭ km
southwest of the modern town of Bolvadin. Surrounding the three mounds is an almost indiscernible earthen
slope that also shows up on satellite imagery and must indicate the course of an ancient wall. In the last few
decades the site has been heavily disturbed by modern activities, and intensive plowing has all but obliterated
the edges of the site and obscured the layout of the ancient settlement. Two of the three northern mounds have
had large electric pylons sunk into them, scattering large fragments of vitriied mud brick carrying impressions
of wood and wickerwork similar to the type known from Acemhöyük and Kültepe. Loose ashy patches of soil
are ploughed out of burnt strata in several areas, and signs of a huge conlagration are ubiquitous.
ṣ6τṭ. Cf. lloYD & Mellaart ṣ96Ṭ: ṣ97, no. ṣσṣŞ lloYD & Mellaart ṣ96τ: 76.
ṣ6τσ. MerMerci ṣ979: ṣ6ṭ.
ṣ6ττ. Bilgen ṬṢṢτŞ koçak & Bilgen ṬṢṢτŞ arisoY et al. ṬṢṢ7.
ṣ6τ6. T. ÖZgüç ṣ97σ: ṣτṢ-ṣτṣ.
ṣ6τ7. BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ: ṣṭ n. ṭ-τ. For other sites in the area, cf. also Mellaart ṣ9τ8Ş Meriggi ṣ969 and note the
important cemeteries dated to the Colony Period at Yanarlar and Dede Mezari (cf. appendix Ṭ.ṣ, map τ.ṭ).
ṣ6τ8. BarjaMovic ṬṢṢ8Ş BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢŞ Dercksen in press.
σṢ7
pire Period, its the changing political fortunes of the city (τ.ṣ6). In Hittite times the district
would presumably have bordered directly onto the Arzawan state of Kuwaliya, perhaps as
shown on map ṬṢ, where the Akar ‘ay and the Seydi ‘ayı have been drawn in as the fron-
tier.ṣ6τ9 This would make Parsuhanda (and perhaps also Pedassa) the western boundary of
Hatti and suggest that the city came under permanent Hittite rule fairly late. The possibility
that the ancient Anatolian name of the nearby lake of Eber Gölü was Būsuranda, as attested
in the ṣṬth century AD works of the Arabic geographer al-Idrisi,ṣ66Ṣ may be taken as further
support of the proposal.
The previous discussion has demonstrated why an identiication of Purušhaddum with the
site of Acemhöyük is untenable. The present section has argued why it has to move so far to
the west. There is quite literally no middle ground.
ṣ6τ9. For the identiication of Hittite Siyanta with the Seydi/Seyit or the Banaz (Greek Sindros) and the frontier of
Mira-Kuwaliya, cf. Hawkins ṣ998aŞ waelkens ṬṢṢṢ: σ8ṣfŞ starke ṬṢṢṬŞ MelcHert ṬṢṢṭ: τ-7 with further ref-
erences.
ṣ66Ṣ. al-iDrisi vii 8ṣṣ-8ṣṬ (Bụairat Būsuranda). The name in al-Idrisi s text may be derived from an earlier form of
the toponym:*bur(u)ssanda through metathesis. Cf. wittek ṣ9ṭτ: σ7-τṭ for numerous other examples.
σṢ8
Beyond Geography
Beyond Geography
Historical geography is a diverse topic that draws upon the methods and results of a wide
variety of disciplines: from cultural geography to comparative linguistics and from paleo-
botany to paleography. All provide potentially vital clues, and the ideal synthesis would take
the widest possible range of such relevant data into account. The present study has only been
able to draw upon a minor sample of what would have been appropriate and can scarcely
claim to be conclusive in any way.
The study has been forced to ignore several problems. Firstly, a number of texts used in the
analysis have kindly been provided by their future editors in raw transcription and prelimi-
nary readings. Improvements are bound to appear during their process of publication. Sec-
ondly, the random way in which this textual evidence became available for the study prevents
any adjustment of interpretation in relation to archival context. The preceding chapters will
have shown how important such data is when available (cf. graph Ṭ7). Thirdly, the approach
to surface sampling of archaeological remains in Turkey has only recently moved beyond the
mere accumulation of raw data. There have not been many general studies to work from. Fi-
nally, the fact that issues of paleoclimate, forest coverage, landscape and hydrography could
not be integrated in the analysis at a core level has weakened its arguments.
A study of the historical geography of Anatolia in the Old Assyrian Colony Period can only
be an interim report, and much is set to change as a growing amount of evidence becomes
available for analysis. Nevertheless, with access to the considerable number of new texts that
have become available through the collaborative effort of the Old Assyrian Text Project, and
using a stringent methodological approach, this study has challenged a number of established
models in the ield.
A simple form of statistical analysis is used to identify recurring strings of toponyms and
to assign them to geographical clusters. This approach is combined with the effort of con-
structing relational grids through the use of existing itineraries. Then clusters and grids are
assigned to a general region by relating them to the available ixed points. Finally, clusters,
grids and ixed points are oriented and located according to one another by using topographi-
cal, historical and archaeological criteria to identify the probable routes. Ideally, each ancient
toponym can be located within a particular region on the map, determined by the physical
topography of the given route and the proximity to any neighbours in the cluster. The result
is the general map of Anatolia inserted at the back of this book and table ṭ9 below.
Throughout this study, the importance of the particular background of the Old Assyrian
sources has been emphasised. It is of vital signiicance for the way in which we may use them.
Furthermore, their geographical bias as determined by the mechanics of the Assyrian trade
has been repeatedly underscored (cf. graph Ṭ8 and Ṭ9). Even if one disagrees with the indi-
vidual points of the reconstruction, it proves to what extent our understanding of the Assyrian
trade depends upon our interpretation of the historical geography.
The minimalist model, in which the entire Assyrian network of colonies covered a very
σṢ9
CHAPTER 6: BEYOND GEOGRAPHY
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Kuburnat Tegarama Zalpa The Narrow
Track
Graph 27: The archival distribution of toponyms. Three examples have been chosen to illustrate the weight
a particular archive can have in the overall analysis. More than a third of all attestations of Kuburnat come
from the archive of alim-A ur, son of Issu-arik. More than 10% of all attestations of Tegarama come from
the archive of Kuliya, son of Ali-abum. Almost 20% of the attestations of Zalpa are from the archive of Ali-
ahum, son of A ur-malik. Finally, a quarter of all attestations of the Narrow Track come from the archive
of alim-A ur, son of Issu-arik.
limited region of Central Anatolia west of the Kızılırmak, has given way to a maximalist
model that stretches the system from Amasya to Bolvadin. This forces us to re-think the As-
syrian system of trade and organisation, and the scope of involvement in the local Anatolian
trade shifts our focus from a simple export business to a more complex regional exchange of
considerable volume.
The importance of understanding the mechanics of the Assyrian trade in the study of its
geography has been illustrated by simple statistical calculations. If one relied entirely upon a
study of the itineraries, the function of the Assyrian stations in Ulama and šalatuwar would
appear indistinguishable and their location would be arbitrary. Both cities were on a route
from Wahšušana to Purušhaddum. A closer reading of the texts shows that šalatuwar occurs
almost exclusively in relation to the trade in copper, while Ulama virtually always appears in
connection with the trade in textiles and tin coming from Kaneš. This observation has funda-
mental consequences for their geographical location and for our understanding of the way in
which the trade was organised.ṣ66ṣ Earlier studies may have made sense of the itineraries, but
as one takes the trade into account, the model has to change.
ṣ66ṣ. BarjaMovic 2008.
σṣṢ
BEYOND GEOGRAPHY
Toponym Location Station or Colony Certainty

Amkuwa Ali ar Höyük S ṣ
Durhumit Plain of Merzifon (Sulu Ova) C ṭ
Hahhum Samsat or its vicinity C ṭ
Hanaknak Plain of Kadı ehri S→C Ṭ
Hattuš Boğazköy C ṣ
Hurama Plain of Elbistan, probably Karahöyük C Ṭ
Kaneš Kültepe at Kayseri C ṣ
Kapitra In the region between Boğazköy and Ali ar Höyük - τ
Karahna Sulusaray S ṣ
Kuššara North of the Plain of Elbistan S σ
Kuburnat Plain of Turhal and Zile (Kazova) or Bolus (Aktepe) S→C ṭ
Kunanamit North of the Tav an Dağ - τ
Lakimišša Boğazlıyan / Yoğunhisar - ṭ
Luhuzattiya North of the plain of Elbistan - σ
Malitta Between Kır ehir and Kaman - Ṭ
Mamma Kahramanmara S ṭ
Marithum East of Merzifon - τ
Ninašša Harmandalı or Varavan C ?
ṭ
Purušhaddum Bolvadin C ṭ
šalahšuwa In the Zamanti Plain, perhaps Limpara Höyük C τ
šalatuwar Near Sivrihisar, Kepen Höyük S→C ?
Ṭ
šamuha Near Sivas, probably at Kayalıpınar S→C Ṭ
šinahuttum Northeast of Boğazköy S ṭ
šuppiluliya Between Boğazköy and Sulusaray, perhaps Yassıhöyük S→C ṭ
Tapaggaš Ma at Höyük (Zile) - ṣ
Tawiniya West of Boğazköy C σ
Tegarama Plain of Malatya C σ
Timelkiya Near Gölba ı C Ṭ
Tišmurna Around ‘orum S τ
Tuhpiya South of Delice, perhaps Büyükkale / Küçükkale S→C→- ṭ
Unipsum Plain of Göksun - Ṭ
Ulama Acemhöyük S Ṭ
Uršu Around Gaziantep C ṭ
Ušša Plain of Konya, probably Karahöyük S Ṭ
Wahšušana Köprüköy / Büklükkale C Ṭ
Wašhaniya Around Kır ehir S→C ṭ
Zalpa Upriver from Samsat S→C ṭ
Zalpuwa Ikıztepe at Bafra - ṣ
Zimišhuna Around Gediksaray and Ayvalıpınar S Ṭ
Table ṭ9: Suggested locations of the main Anatolian toponyms attested in the Old Assyrian texts. ṣ = ixed point, Ṭ = in the immediate
vicinity or a fairly certain identiication ṭ = in the general vicinity or in the vicinity of one out of two alternatives, σ = in the general
region, τ = an educated guess. The status of each settlement in the Assyrian colonial hierarchy is also shown: S(tation)Ş C(olony)Ş -
(none or unattested).
σṣṣ
CHAPTER 6: BEYOND GEOGRAPHY
450
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
Graph 28: Frequency with which the Anatolian toponyms appear in the texts. Puru haddum, which re-
ceived its goods from Assur/Kane and Durhumit, turns up twice as often as Durhumit. alatuwar on the
copper route appears twice as often as Ulama on the route from Kane , suggesting that the texts have a
tendency to telescope journeys between Kane and Puru haddum.
The problem of distance is replaced by a problem of logistics and low of information. The
importance of having access to news regarding luctuating prices and practical impediments
is proportional to the distances travelled. It leads to the establishment of a network of agents
and trading colonies in the vicinity of major regional markets. Specialization is a strategy for
survival that leaves a noticeable impact upon the geographical horizon of the sources. Prices
alone dictate how far one can travel with a shipment if the political conditions and infrastruc-
ture allow it. The practical organisation of the trade thus dictates our reconstruction of the
geography directly and helps us to deine its physical limits. The introductory chapter exam-
ines the physical restrictions that controlled the trade and studies the level of infrastructure
needed to facilitate it. In a system where trade is organised around the nuclear family, time,
distance and wages are less important than transport-costs and inal returns on the investment.
The evidence suggests that the merchants were willing to travel far in pursuit of the right
price.
It has also been necessary to address the social organisation and size of the rural and
urban population, its capacity for consumption, and the regional political hierarchy in re-
lation to the probable dimensions of the Anatolian cities and states. It is repeatedly stressed
that the Assyrian trade could not have functioned in an infrastructural vacuum, and that
the existence of an extensive network of inns, bridges, guard posts and roads used by the
foreign traders necessitates a change in our perception of the societies that created the
infrastructure and generated the trade. Our views on ancient society affect our views on
ancient trade. Conversely, our views on trade may change our views on society. The study
of Anatolian geography in the Assyrian sources is a study of the Assyrian trade, and the
Assyrian trade can only fully be understood if the underlying geography of the system is
σṣṬ
BEYOND GEOGRAPHY
Graph. 29: Toponyms arranged in groups according to their frequency in the texts. A three-tiered hierarchy of importance is visible. A small group
ofGraph 29:
toponyms Toponyms
occur very often inarranged inmarket
the texts (the groups according
cities). to their
A second group occursfrequency in the texts.
with some frequency A stations
(the main three-tiered hierarchy
of transit). All the
of importance
remaining is the
cities fall into visible. A This
last group. small group
simple of analysis
statistical toponyms
revealsoccurs very
how focussed theoften inonthe
trade was just texts (the market cities). A
a few cities.
second group occurs with some frequency (the main stations of transit). All the remaining cities fall into the
The problem
last group. Thisofsimple
distance is replaced
statistical analysisbyreveals
a problem of logistics
how focussed andwas
the trade flowonof
justinformation.
a few cities. The
importance of having access to news regarding fluctuating prices and practical impediments is
proportionate to the distance travelled. It leads to the establishment of a network of agents and
trading colonies in the vicinity of major regional markets. Specialization is a strategy for
known. that
survival Ramsayleaveswas surely right
a noticeable impactwhenuponhethestated that topography
geographical horizon of is ourthe foundation
sources. Prices of
historydictate
alone . ṣ66Ṭ
how far one can travel with a shipment if the political conditions and
infrastructure allow it. The
The study questions the practical
way in which organisation of the trade
we traditionally thus dictates
perceive our reconstruction
the Anatolian cities and their
of the geography directly and helps us to define its physical limits.
palaces as storehouses and their elites as consumers. It draws attention to the huge volume The introductory chapter of
examines the physical restrictions that controlled the trade and
goods transported and sold by the Assyrians, and argues that the system of trade was organised studies the level of
infrastructure
in relation to needed
three mainto facilitate
markets: it. one
In ain system
Kaneš, where
one intrade is organised
Durhumit around
and one the nuclear
in Purušhaddum.
family, time, distance and wages are less important than transport-costs and final returns on
These cities were not specialised producers or major consumers, but held their particular status
the investment. The evidence suggests that the merchants were willing to travel far in pursuit
in the
of the right
tradeprice.
network due to their function as regional centres of exchange (compare to graph Ṭ9).
On aItdifferent
has also level, the new reconstruction
been necessary to address the social affects our perception
organisation of Anatolia
and size s earliest
of the rural and
history
urban and the formative
population, its capacity period of the Hittiteand
for consumption, state.
theThe changed
regional understanding
political hierarchy in ofrelation
the geog-
raphy
to has revealed
the probable particular
dimensions of theevolutionary
Anatolian cities trendsandinstates.
the Anatolian political
It is repeatedly and that
stressed economic
the
landscapetrade
Assyrian of the Oldnot
could Assyrian Period. inHow
have functioned ṣ66ṭ
it will affect interpretations
an infrastructural vacuum, and that of later Hittite his-
the existence
of anremains
tory extensive to network
be seen. of inns, bridges, guard-posts and roads used by the foreign traders
necessitates a change
The discussion is limited in our perception of thegeography
to the historical societies that of thecreated the infrastructure
Assyrian Colony Period, andbut
generated the trade. Our views on ancient society affect our views
hopefully its results will stimulate a debate of more a general character in relation to trade and on ancient trade.
Conversely, our views on trade may change our views on society. The study of Anatolian
economy in ancient societies.ṣ66σ In several ways, the material from Kültepe is unique to us in
geography in the Assyrian sources is a study of the Assyrian trade, and the Assyrian trade can
detailfully
only and beextent. But at the
understood same
if the time, thisgeography
underlying study shows of thethatsystem
the Assyrian
is known. traders werewas
Ramsay a link
in a much
surely rightlonger
when he chain of that
stated interlocking
‘topography networks of trade, and
is the foundation that the required social organi-
of history’.
sation and physical infrastructure behind the trade
The study questions the way in which we traditionally perceive suggests that the Assyrians or their
the Anatolian texts
cities
weretheir
and by no means
palaces as unique.
storehouses Long-distance tradeaswas
and their elites a global It
consumers. phenomenon.
draws attention ThetoAssyrian
the hugeex-
ample just
volume happens
of goods to be relatively
transported and sold well
by attested.
the Assyrians, and argues that the system of trade
was organised in relation to three main markets: one in Kaneš, one in Durhumit and one in
Purušhaddum. None of those three cities produced any particular commodity, and their
ṣ66Ṭ. status
special raMsaY in1890:
the 51.
trade network is due to their function as regional centres of exchange
ṣ66ṭ. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.
(graph 29).
ṣ66σ. Cf. stein 2008.
σṣṭ
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ṣ996 Western Cappadocia - Distribution of Mounds and Flat Settlements, in Çağlar Boyunca
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ṣ987 Yeniden i lenen bir Kültepe tableti (Kt. g/t 42+z/t 11), Bell. τṣ: ṣ-8.
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ṣ996 Two new tablets throwing light on the relations between Anatolian kings and Assyrian
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ṣ998 Kārum lar arasındaki mektupla malardan yeni örnekler, (CRRAI ṭσ). (Ankara): σ79-σ8τ.
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ṬṢṢṬ Kültepe den kervan güzergâhlarına ı ık tutan iki yeni metin, ArchAn: τ, 79-9ṣ.
ṬṢṢσ Two treaty texts found at Kültepe, in J. G. Dercksen (ed.) Assyria and Beyond. Studies
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ṣ999 Panaztepe II – M.Ö. 2. bine tarihlendirilen Panaztepe seramiğinin Batı Anadolu ve Ege
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ṬṢṢ7 ‘ine-Tepecik Höyüğü ṬṢṢτ yılı kaziları, KST Ṭ8/ṣ: Ṭṭṣ-Ṭσ6.
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ṣ998 Kappadokische Keilschrifttafeln aus der Karlsuniversität Prag. (Prague).
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ṣ99τ Lead Isotope Ratios of Copper, Zinc and Lead Minerals in Turkey – In Relation to the
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ṣ966a Mursilis Northwestern Campaigns – Additional Fragments of his Comprehensive Annals,
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Kashima, K. K. Hirose, M. Yamaguchi ḫ T. Fujiki

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ṬṢṢṢ Samsun – Amasya – Tokat illeri yüzey ara tırması, ArkST ṣτ: σ7-τσ.
›zbal, H., N. Pehlivan ḫ B. Earl

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ṣ99ṣ Kazova ve yakın çevresinde eski yerle meler – The Ancient Settlements of Kazova and its
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›zdoğan, M., C. Marro ḫ A. Tibet

ṣ997 Kastamonu yüzey ara tırması (ṣ99τ), AST ṣσ/Ṭ: ṭṢṭ-ṭṭṢ.
ṣ999 Kastamonu yüzey ara tırması ṣ997 yılı çalı maları, AST ṣ6/Ṭ: Ṭṣ9-Ṭσσ.
›zdoğan, A., C. Marro, A. Tibet ḫ C. Kuzucuoğlu

ṬṢṢṢ Kastamonu yüzey ara tırması ṣ998 yılı çalı maları, AST ṣ7/Ṭ: σṣ-στ.
›zgen, E., A. Greaves ḫ A. Engin

ṬṢṢτ Kilis ili ṬṢṢṭ yılı yüzey ara tırması, AST ṬṬ/Ṭ: ṣσ7-ṣτṢ.
›zgen, E., B. Hewing ḫ A. Engin

ṬṢṢṬ The Oylum Regional Project: Archaeological Prospection ṬṢṢṢ, AST ṣ9/Ṭ: Ṭṣ7-ṬṬ8.
στ6
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ṣ97σ The excavations at Korucutepe, Turkey ṣ968-ṣ97Ṣ. Preliminary Report, Part X: The Plant
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Vardar, L. E.
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σ7σ
Indices
A. Texts Cited or Discussed
This index contains all texts cited or discussed, except (for the sake of brevity) those in found
the footnotes that list all references to a given toponym at the head of each section σ.ṣ – τ.ṣ6.
References to footnotes are in italics.
Old Assyrian Texts ṣ9Ṭ 315, 840

ṣ96 639
Kt 7ṭ/k Ṭṭ6 840
σ 793
ṣṬ 1268 Kt 87/k
ṭ9 91
Kt 75/k σṢ ṭσ9, 1464
ṣ6 1489 ṣστ 1317
7ṣ 1056 ṣσ6 237, 267
8ṣ ṣ67 ṣ79 351, 726
ṣṢ7 1051 Ṭτ6 577
Ṭ66 772
Kt 78/Et Ṭ7σ σ8
ṣṢ7 σσ8 Ṭ7τ τṭ9, 273, 358, 550
Ṭ8τ 772
Kt 79/k ṭṣ6 508
ṣ 1346 ṭṣ7 577
ṣṢṣ 36 ṭσσ 1455
ṭτṭ 257
Kt 81/t ṭ7Ṣ Ṭσ, σ8
ṣτṢ ττ ṭ8ṣ σσ, 49
ṭ8σ 136
Kt 8ṭ/k ṭ87 ṭσ8, 142, 1137, 1452
ṣṣ7 1381, 1401, 1489 ṭ88 1484
ṣṬσ 27 ṭ9Ṭ 149
ṣṬ9 129, 419 ṭ9ṭ 1075
ṣṭ7 1529 σṬ6 125
ṣ6Ṭ 1403 σṭṬ σσ
ṣ7σ 1421 σṭṭ ṣṣṣ
ṣ8ṣ ṭ6 σṭ6 σσ, 1435
Ṭ6ṭ 311 σσ7 1400
Ṭ8σ ṣ79, 1447, 1455 στṬ 647
στσ Ṭσ, σ8
σ6σ σσ
Kt 84/k σ6τ 1480
ṬṬ9 151 σ7Ṣ 237
σ79 ṭ8
Kt 85/k τṣ8 871
Ṭ7 1259 τṭṬ 237
τστ 486
Kt 86/k τσ6 486
σṢ 800 τσ7 ṣσ6
98 Ṭσ, σ8 ττṣ ṣσṬ, ṣσ6, 485, 486
ṣṢṬ 785, 790 ττṬ ṭṢ9
ṣ8Ṣ 329 τ8Ṭ 510
σ77
INDICES
Kt 88/k Ṭ9Ṣ ṣṭ7, ṣτ9, 124, 358, 547

ṣṣ 966 ṭṢṣ 89
7ṣ σσ, ṭσ9 ṭṭ8 37
9Ṣ 857 ṭστ ṭ6, 886, 1392
ṣṣṬ 1489 ṭτ6 1105
Ṭ6ṭ 257, 1205 ṭ6σ 871, 1098, 1099, 1200, 1557
Ṭ9Ṣ Ṭ7Ṣ ṭ66 358, 437
τṢ7 1388 ṭ69 49
τṬτ 37 ṭ7Ṣ 639, 646, 647
6Ṭσ 735 ṭ7τ 124
6τ8 1266 ṭ9Ṣ 1018
96ṭ 369 ṭ97 80
ṣṢσ6 σσ, 1473 σṢ7 437, ṣτ9, 546
ṣṢτṢ 772 σṣ6 ṣ9ṣ, Ṭ68, 267, 592, 699, 977
σṬσ ṭ6, 1243, 1432, 1479
Kt 89/k σṭ7 ṬṬ, ṭ6, Ṭτ9, Ṭ7ṣf., Ṭ7τ, Ṭ8ṣ, 616, 871,
ṬṢ7 ṭσ8 966, 983, 1073¸ 1111, 1291, 1433
ṬṬṬ 712 στṣ 254
ṬṬ8 1340 σ66 σσ, 49
ṬṭṢ Ṭ7τ, 361, 274 σ8ṭ 89, 570, 648, 680
Ṭττ 296 σ86 89
Ṭ67 709 σ9σ 448
ṭσṬ 1352 τṣ8 772
ṭ69 1576 τṭṢ 126
ṭ7Ṣ 69 τṭ9 644, 735
ṭ87b Ṭ9σ, 1142 τσ8 1345
τσ9 σσ
Kt 90/k
ṣṣ9 332 Kt 9Ṭ/k
ṭ6Ṣ 38 ṭ ṬṬ, ṣτṣ, ṣτṬ, 434, 615, ṬṬ8, 871, 982,
983, Ṭ68, 1052, 1065, Ṭ7ṭ, 1111
Kt 91/k 9 1340
ṣ 809 96 1235
ṣṢṢ ṣṬṣ, 621 ṣṢṭ σσ, ṣṭ6, ṣ67, 92, 632, 680
ṣṢṣ 1449 ṣṢ7 ṣ68, 572, 680
ṣṢ7 1347 ṣṢ8 631, 680
ṣṢ8 395 ṣṣṣ ṭ6, 265, 568, 680
ṣṬ6 1447 ṭṢ9 27
ṣṭṢa σσ ṭṣṭ στ, 103
ṣσ8 701 ṭṣ9 στ
ṣσ9 362, 364 ṭ78 735
ṣτṬ 80 σσ9 966
ṣ67 362, 364 τṣṭ 966
ṣ7ṣ 257 τṬ6 Ṭσ, σ8, 135
ṣ76 1051 τ6σ ṭσ8
ṣ78 705 7ṣ9 735
ṣ8ṣ Ṭ66 ṣṢṭ6 ṣτ8, 385, 421, 533
ṣ9σ 804, 805
ṬṣṬ 1105 Kt 9ṭ/k
Ṭṣσ 267 τ9 319, 503
Ṭṣ6 704 6Ṣ 319, 503
Ṭṣ7 1108 6ṣ ṣσṭ
Ṭṣ9 1447, 1489 6ṭ ṭṭ7
ṬṬṬ 266, 569 67 487
ṬṬṭ 1557 68 ṣσṬ
Ṭ8ṣ 772 7τ 249
Ṭ8Ṭ 857 8ṣ 1180
σ78
A. TEXTS CITED OR DISCUSSED
8σ 435, 466, 511 σ6Ṣ 1075, 1081

9σ 1362, 1437 σ6ṭ 508
9τ 1197 σ86 1120
ṣστ 857, 1027, 1231, 1334 σ88 ṭ6, 590
ṣ7ṣ 1053 σ89 ṭσ8, 1453
ṣ79 1409 σ9Ṭ 1349
ṣ8Ṣ 89 σ9ṭ 1349
ṣ9σ 740 τṢṢ 610
Ṭṭ6 358, 1043 τṢṣ 84
Ṭṭ7 436, ṣσṬ, 468 τṢṬ 577
Ṭṭ9 87, 511, 1138, 1143, Ṭ9ṣ, 804 τṭ6 1030
Ṭ6ṭ 578 τσ7 1235
Ṭ78 1263 τττ στ, 49
Ṭ9ṣ 840 τ7ṭ ṣṭ9
ṭσṬ 1449 6Ṭ6 27, 139
σ88 1502 6Ṭ8 ṭ8
τṭṣ 1053 6ṭṬ 37
6Ṣσ στ, 375, 420, 421, 890 667 794
6σ7 1235 67Ṭ 1345
68τ 1178, 1180 67ṭ στ, 92, 722, 723, 746
69σ ṣ9ṣ, Ṭ68, 614, 647, 697, 698, 699, 976, 676 795
1052 7ṢṬ ṭσ9
7ṣ9 33, 785 7Ṣ6 296
7Ṭ8 1129, 1455 7ṭṣ Ṭσ, ṣṭ9
7ṭσ 840 7ṭ6 1228
7ṭ7 645 7τṣ 1127
776 1235, 1335, 1350 76Ṣ ṭ8, 541, 565
9τ6 1174 76ṣ 680
769 σṭ
Kt 94/k 77τ 1228
σσ 1052 8Ṣ8 1502
ṣṬτ 1238 8ṣ8 ṣσṭ, 1345
ṣτṭ στ, 243 8ṭ8 89, 9ṣ
ṣ9τ ṭṬ6 8στ 1228
Ṭ8Ṣb 1349 8σ6 886
Ṭ97 1051 886 513
ṭṣṢ 996, 1093, 1105, 1106, 1561 9Ṭṭ σṣ, 89
ṭṬσ 639 9Ṭσ ṣ7Ṭ, ṣ89f., 647, 698, 699
ṭσṢ σ9, 1140, 1143, 1386, 1401 9Ṭ6 ṭ6, 1483
ṭστ 1360 9Ṭ8 ṬṬ, ṭ6, 271, 315
ṭτṣ 89 9ṭ7 1228, 1229, 1235
ṭ68 89 9σ9 427
ṭ7ṭ 1349 9τ9 116
ṭ7τ σṭ, 124 966 131
ṭ77 890 99Ṭ 886
ṭ96 ṭ6 ṣṢṢṬ σ9, 131
σṣṣ 886 ṣṢ8ṭ 1384
σṣσ 257 ṣṣṬσ 1028
σṣ9 1264 ṣṣṬ6 ṭ8
σṬṣ 148 ṣṣṬ7 σṭ
σṬ6 1349 ṣṣṬ8 857, 1077
σṭṬ 358 ṣṣṭṣ 125
σṭσ 1264 ṣṣṭṬ 91
σσṣ σṣ, Ṭ68, 591, 978, 1040, 1072 ṣṣ6ṭ 76, 9ṣ
σσṬ 1349 ṣṬṢṢ 772
σσ7 στ ṣṬṬ6 886
σττ ṭ6, 616 ṣṬσṢ 565
σ79
INDICES
ṣṬτ8 89, 116, 738 ṣσṣṬ 1105

ṣṭṭ8 1099 ṣσṬ9 1103
ṣṭτṬ ṭ6, 9ṣ, 76
ṣṭ6σ σṣ Kt b/k
ṣṭ78 448 ṣ9 284
ṣṭ86 1044 Ṭṣ 513
ṣσṬṭ 249 ṣ98 1557
ṣστσ 1228, 1230, 1235 Ṭ6Ṣb 898
ṣσττ σṣ, 1454 Ṭ6ṣ 966
ṣσ6σ 1483 6ṣṬ 297
ṣσ7Ṭ 427 66τ Ṭσ, σ6, 92, 634
ṣσ76 Ṭσ, σ9
ṣσ9ṣ 1056 Kt c/k
ṣτṣṬ στ ṣ 1056
ṣτṣ7 886 στ 329
ṣτṣ9 ṣσṭ σ7 293
ṣτṬτ σṣ 79 735
ṣ6Ṭτ 1080 86 293
ṣ6Ṭ9 541 9σ 358
ṣ67ṭ 125, 638, 1517 99 σ9
ṣ69Ṭ 430, 611, 857 ṣṢṭ 579
ṣ7ṭ9 571, 680 ṣṢ9 89
ṣṣ9 358, 540
Kt 98/k ṣṬṬ σṬ
ṣṣ8 118, 358 ṣṬ6 ṭ6
ṣṬτ 1051 ṣṭ6 1397
ṣσσ ṭ6
Kt 00/k ṣτσ σ6
7 448, 1349, 1350 ṣ79 257
ṣṢ 251, 268, 358, 867 ṬṢṣ 1421
ṣσ 1351, 1465 ṬṢσ ṭ8
ṣ8 1345 Ṭṣṭ 466
Ṭṣ6 315, 399
Kt 01/k Ṭṣ8 573
Ṭṣ7 ṣṬṣ, ṣṬṬ, 352, 857 ṬṬ8 561, 595
ṬṭṬ 89
Kt a/k Ṭṭ6 ṭ6, 326
ṬτṬ ṭ7σ Ṭστ 561
Ṭτṭ 1266 Ṭσ7 62
ṭṣ8 1346 Ṭτσa σ6, ṭ7σ
ṭστ 421 Ṭτ7 1574
σṢṭ 448, 1051 Ṭτ8 243
σττa+b 1368 Ṭ6ṭ σ6, 89, ṭ7σ, 103, 1435
σ6ṣb 1368 Ṭ7Ṣ 808
σ6τa+b 1051 Ṭ8τ 124
σ79 284 ṭṢ9 1507
σ88a ṭṭṢ ṭṬ9 131
τṢṭ 321 ṭṭ7 325
τṣṭ 448, 1051 ṭ6τ 595, 735
τṭ7 στ ṭ9Ṭ 89
τ79b σṭ, 1382, 1394 ṭ9τ 89, 91
6ṣṣ 120 σṢ6 1421
9ττ 1097 σṢ9 254
ṣṢτṢ ṭ7σ σσṢ 552
ṣṢ66 448 σσṣ ṭ8, 115
ṣṢ7Ṣ 1281 σστ 89, ṭ7σ, 131, 1391, 1507
ṣṬτ8b 1078 στṭ 267
σ8Ṣ
στσ 329 Kt e/k

στ6 ṬṬ, 89, 9ṣ, ṣṢṢ ṭσ 871
στ8 371 σ6 σ7, 89, 9ṣ
σ7Ṣ+ 729, 746, 790, 808 τ8 84, 91, 235
σ7σ σṭ, 1039 τ9 1352
σ86 1509
σ9τ Ṭσ Kt f/k
τṣτ 1400 8ṣ σ7, 772
τṬ8 ṭ7σ ṣṬṢ σ7
τṭ8 σṭ, Ṭ7ṭ, 1042 ṣ8ṭ Ṭ66, 1201
τ6ṣ 595 ṣ86 σ7
τ9ṣ 317
τ9σ ṬṬ, ṭ6, 725, 1139 Kt g/k
6Ṣ6 327, 703 ṭτ σσ, ṣ8σ, 352
6Ṣ7 296 τṣ 790
6σṬa+b 362 ṣ8ṭ ṬτṬ
6σṭa+b 321 ṣ8τ 1337
6τ9 561 ṣ99 89, ṣṣṣ, ṣṣṭ, 248
669 1358 ṬṬṢ ṬṬ, ṣṣṣ, 220
67ṣ ṭ7σ
67ṭ 1239 Kt g/t
67τ 371 Ṭτ 378
686 124 ṭτ 136, 140, 756, 771, 830
689 371 ṭ6 875, 879, 881, 883
69ṭ 124 σṬ+ ṣ9Ṣ, ṣ9Ṭ, ṬṭṬ, 876, 879, 880, 881
7Ṣ9 Ṭσ ṣ8τ 1332
7ṣτ 150 ṣ99 89, 248
7Ṭ9 293
7ṭτ σ6 Kt h/k
7ṭ6+ 735 ṣ7 125
76Ṣ 371 ṭ8 532, 1438
766 730 7ṭ 242, 267
778a+b 362, 365, 577, 639
8Ṣτ 1083 Kt i/k
8ṬṢ 561 τ ṣ68, 1180, 1352
8σṣa+b 785 ṣṬṢ 420
8σ6a+b 33
8σ8a+b 362, 365, 573 Kt j/k
86Ṣ Ṭσ 9 857
9Ṣ8 ṭ6, 92 97 ṣτ7, 1400
9ṬṬ 466 ṣṢ7 1131
9σσ 466 ṭσṢ 1349
ṣṢ87 ṭ7σ 6Ṭτ 1576
ṣτṢṢ ṭ7σ 6τ9 ṭσ8, 1348, 1453
ṣ6ṣτ 254
ṣ6ṭ8 772 Kt k/k
σ 346, 358, 756
Kt d/k τ 296
ṣ6a+b σ7 ṣ8a+b 80, 1447
Ṭτ 772 ṭτ 772
Ṭ7b 903 τṣ ṣσṬ
Ṭ8a σ7 ττ 448
ṭσ 772 τ7 420
σ6 857 6Ṭb ṭṭṣ, 231
τ6 9ṣ 6ṭ 1142
7Ṣ 1078
76 448
σ8ṣ
INDICES
78 1349 8Ṣ ṬṬ, σ7, 9ṣ

87 Ṭ7ṭ, 1041 8σ 140
89 1235 88 1381
9ṣ τṢ ṣṬṬ 358, 1090, 1099
9σ 358 ṣṬτ 1339
98 362, 364 ṣσ8 246
ṣṢṣ 1281 ṣ66 600
ṣṢ8 1105 ṣ7ṣ σṬ
ṣṬṬ 1489 ṣ7τ 1508
ṣ87 448
Kt m/k ṣ98 702
ṭ 857 ṬṢ6 σṬ, 90
σ 888 ṬṢ8 1090, 1099
8 89 Ṭṣṣ σṢ, 1117, 1178, 1322
9 89, 237 Ṭṣ8 140
ṣṭ σσ Ṭṣ9 577
Ṭσ ṭ9, 772, 857 ṬṬσ 89, 237
Ṭτ 1116 Ṭṭσ 1129
ṭτ ṭ9, 772, 857 Ṭσ9 130
66 577 ṭṣσ 1447
67 80 ṭṭ6 1202
69 131 ṭ66 σ7
7Ṭ σṬ ṭ88 σṢ, 871, 1116
7τ 590 ṭ89 237
ṣṣṬ 80 στ7 358
ṣṣ7 1400 σ7ṭ 1235
ṣṬτ 649 σ8Ṣ 89
ṣṬ7 ṬṬ, Ṭσf., ṭ9, τṢ σ8Ṭ Ṭ8Ṣ, 1090, 1292
ṣṭṢ 1237 σ9Ṣ σ7
ṣṭṭ ṬṬ, Ṭσff., ṭ9, τṢ, 1430, 1438 σ98 140, 549, 592
ṣṭσ 639, 640 τṢσ 857
ṣṭ6 448 τṢτ 886
ṣṭ7 1401 τṣṢ 119
ṣσṢ 254 τṬṢ 1263
ṣσṣ 384 τσṣ 448
ṣσσ ṣσṬ, 467 6ṢṬ 331
ṣσ8 1053 6ττ 735
ṣσ9 89, 332 66ṣ Ṭ66
ṣτṭ ṭ7σ, 1571 696 σ7
ṣτσ τṢ 7ṣτ 448
79σ 36, 117, 1093, 1106
Kt n/k ṣṢṢ7 1105
σ 785, 793 ṣṢṬσ 642
τ 785, 787, 793 ṣṢ8τ 1508
7 80 ṣṣṢṢ 358
ṣṢ ṣṣ8, 80, 338, 793 ṣṣṭṣ 1264
ṬṢ 80 ṣṣ99 σṢ
Ṭ7b 1351 ṣṬτṣ 131
Ṭ9 1463 ṣṬτṭ 116, 358, 1406
ṭṬ ṬṣṢ, 747, 793, 857 ṣṬ9τ 639
ṭ6 Ṭ89, 616, 1130, 1145, 1178 ṣṭṢ7 ṬṬ, Ṭσ, ṭ7, 1445
ṭ7 80 ṣṭṣ6 331
6ṭ 1400 ṣṭṣ8 1555, 1572
7ṭ 772 ṣṭṭ9 1577
7σ 772 ṣṭ7σ 27, 1283, 1292
7τ 772 ṣσṢ8 1027
76 ṣσṬ, 468 ṣσṣṬ 560, 1105
σ8Ṭ
ṣσṭ8 1128, 1129 ṣ6τ σ8

ṣστṬ σṢ, 802 ṣ69 1449
ṣστ6 ṭ7σ
ṣσ6σ 131 Kt z/t
ṣσ7τ 466 ṣṭ 772
ṣσ9Ṣ 1258, 1431
ṣσ9Ṭ 1444 AAA 1
ṣτṢṣ σ7 6 1180
ṣτ8Ṭ ṬṬ, ṭṬ8, ṭṭṢ, 358, 1319, 1470, 1481, 1492
ṣ6Ṣṣ 1088, 1099, 1105, 1108 Adana
ṣ6τṭ 1094 Ṭṭ7ö 348, 1489
ṣ7ṣ6B 857
ṣ8Ṣṣ 1401 AKT 1
ṣ8ṣτ 639 ṣṢ 400
ṣ8τσ 772, 1557 ṣσ 100
ṣ8τ8 1345 ṣτ 49
ṣ88σ σ7 ṣ7 1123, 1125
ṣ888 903 Ṭ6 329, 647
ṣ9Ṭ8 ṭσ8 ṭ9b ṭ8
ṣ9τṬ 756, 1018 77b 539
78 ṭσ8, 358, 1556, 1566
Kt o/k 96 448
ττ 1346 8Ṣ Ṭσ, σ9
6Ṣ 91
ṣṬ8 799 AKT Ṭ
ṣσ 89, 9ṣ, 257, 675, 698, 700
Kt r/k Ṭσ ṭ8
ṣ ṣṬ7, ṣṬ9 ṭσ 792
ṣ6 1447
AKT ṭ
Kt s/k ṣσ 898
τσ σṢ ṭσ ṬṬ, ṭ6, 1430, ṭτṬ
σṭ 448
Kt s/t στ 358, 543, 563
9Ṭ 890, 1345 τṣ 448
τ6 358, 1016
Kt t/k τ7 1123
ṣ ṬṬ, ṭ7, σṢ, ṭσṭf., ṭσ8, ṭτṬ, σṢṢ, 1424, 6ṣ 790, 797
1489, 1492 7ṭ 358
ṣṣ 1105 7σ 358
Ṭτ ṬṬ, ṭ7, σṣ, ṭσṭf., ṭσ8, ṭτṬ, 1424, 1438, 7τ 89
1489, 1492 76 89
9Ṭ ṭ6
Kt t/t 97 σ9
8Ṭ 641 ṣṢṭ ṣṬṬ
ṣṣṬ 1121
Kt u/k
σ 1123 AKT 4
ṣ6 1349
Kt v/k Ṭ7 362, 364
τ7 137, 1483 ṭσ 735
89 358, 564 σṬ 1266
ṣṬ8 1389, 1483 τṣ 1206
ṣτṬ 772 7ṣ ṣσ6, ṣτṬ
ṣτṭ 772
ṣ6σ 1400
σ8ṭ
INDICES
AKT 5 Ṭσṭ σṣ
Ṭ Ṭ99, ṭṢ9, 624, 966, 993, 1086, 1170, 1173, Ṭ7ṭ ṬṬ, ṭ6, ṭṬτ, ṭṬ8ff., 115 617, 871, 1325
1235, 1247, 1367 Ṭ7τ Ṭ68, 980, 1048
ṭ 623, 992, 1040, 1051, 1052, 1072, 1078, ṭṢσ 886
1103, 1248 ṭṢ6 ṭ7σ
σ 1245 ṭṣṢ σṣ
τ 115, 420, 423, 995, 1463 ṭṣσ 1385
6 Ṭ77, Ṭ79, ṭṢ9, 994, 1049, 1051, 1097, ṭṣτ 981, 1048
1135, 1142, 1175, 1178, 1249, 1250 ṭṬ8 722, 736
ṣτ ṭσ9 ṭṬ9 ṣṣ6, 350, 722, 737
ṣ9 358, 554 ṭṭṢ 350
ṬṢ 1463 ṭσσ 84, 972
Ṭṣ 1463 ṭσ8 973
ṬṬ 805 ṭ6Ṭ 1127
Ṭτ 1265 ṭ6σ 1127, 1128, 1129
σṭ 420, 423 ṭ66 σṭ, 1383, 1568
τṢ 1489 ṭ7ṣ 1384
τṣ 1257, 1393 ṭ78 1206
τ6 420, 421, 422 ṭ8ṭ σṣ, 602, 612, 707
τ8 932, 1255 ṭ8σ 430, 613, ṣ77
7ṣ ṭσ8, 1450, 1463 ṭ89 στ
7σ 1248, 1463 ṭ9Ṭ 1482
7τ 115, 991, 1248 ṭ97 1483
σṬṣ 1082
AKT 6 σṭτ Ṭ69
ṣ 2 σṭ6 358, 561
σ 89, 323, 869 στṣ σṭ
9 903 στ9 στ
7ṭ 242 σ88 1045, 1048, 1055
ṣṢσ 448, 1293 σ9ṣ ṭ6, ṣστ, ṣ9Ṣ, 433, 630, 680, 886
ṣṢ9 ṭ7σ, 1546, 1555, 1570 σ9τ 639
ṣṣṢ ṭ7σ, 1570 τṣṭ 1489
ṣṣṭ 857 τṣτ 1266
ṣṬ9 886
ṣσṣ 886 AnOr 6
ṣσṬ 886 ṣ 9Ṣ
ṣσṭ 64 ṣ8 549
ṣσσ 64, 596, 1087
ṣστ 64 ATHE
ṣσ9 386, ṣστ, 647 ṣṬ 1345
ṣτṢ 534, 608, 979, Ṭ68, 1087 ṭṬ 37
ṣ6ṭ 1266 ṭ7 ṭ7σ
ṣ7σ 886 σṣ 318
ṣ7τ 886 σ6 257
ṣ76 στ, 1557, 1564¸1565 σ8 329
ṣ77 1557, 1564 6Ṭ σ9, ṣṭσ, ṣṭ9, 231, 429, ṣ7Ṭf., ṣ7τ, ṣ77,
ṣ79 1403 619¸ 647, 675, 698, 857
ṣ8ṭ 1048 6ṭ ṭṬṢ, 1198, 1323, 1597
ṣ9σ 329 66 86, 136, 857, 1338
ṣ9τ 117 67 στ
ṬṢṢ 886 7τ 772
ṬṢṭ 1266
ṬṣṢ 1051 BIN 4
Ṭṣṣ 1051 ṣ ṭ7σ
ṬṣṬ 1051 Ṭ 1492, 1494
ṬṬτ 886 τ 593
Ṭṭṣ σṣ Ṭ9 9Ṣ
σ8σ
ṭσ 131 ṭσb 9Ṣ
ṭτ 131 σṢc 466
σṭ ṭ7σ σṬa 576
στ 1108, 1400 σσ σ9
σ8 590, 595, 603, 647, 1502 σ6a+b 739
τ8 1100 τṢ 360
7Ṣ 1434
7τ 1079 CCT Ṭ
97 124 ṣ ṭ6ṭ, ṭ66
98 77 6 9Ṣ
ṣṢṭ 77 8 1555
ṣṬσ ṭ6, 245, 871 ṣṣa 868
ṣṭṢ σ6, 124 ṣṭ ṭ7σ
ṣτ7 151 ṣ8 ṣσṭ
ṣ6ṭ 871 ṣ9b ṭ8, ṭσ8, 871
ṣ66 1123 ṬṢ σṭ
ṣ69 σ6 Ṭṣb 9Ṣ
ṣ8ṣ 466 ṬṬ 840
ṣ8σ 331 Ṭṭ 358, 1016, 1122, 1123, 1124
ṣ9ṣ 1116 Ṭ9 1442
ṣ9ṭ 245 ṭṣa σ6
ṬṢṣ 790 σṢa 86
ṬṢṭ ṭ8 σṭ 545
Ṭṣ9 733 σ6a 1503
ṬṬṣ 240 σ6b 1449
Ṭṭṭ 1256 σ8 ṣσṬ, ṣτ8f., 358, 647
σ9a 840
BIN 6
Ṭṭ 1555 CCT ṭ
ṭṬ 639 ṣ σṣ, 1263
76 1100 ṬṢ 100
79 9Ṣ Ṭṣa 242
9σ σ6 Ṭ6a σṭ
ṣṢσ ṭσ8 Ṭ7b 131
ṣṣσ ṣ68, 122 ṭσb 247, 9Ṣ
ṣṬṬ ṭ8 ṭ6a 257, 258
ṣσṢ 149 σṣb σṬ
ṣ67 363, 364 σ9b σσ, 124
ṣ8σ 231
ṣ86 1449 CCT 4
ṣ9ṭ 37, 1180 σa 1557
ṬṬ6 772 σb 131
Ṭṭτ σ9 6 466
Ṭτ8 σ6 ṣṬb ṭ7σ
ṣ8a 76, 296
C ṣ9c ṣσṬ, ṣσṭ
ṣ6 ṭ8 Ṭṣa 798
ṬṢ Ṭ69 Ṭṭa 237, 241
σṣ 772 Ṭ7a 1020, 1089, 1099, 1100
σσ 257 Ṭ8b σṬ
Ṭ9a 124
CCT 1 ṭṢa 124, 131, 298
ṣb 734, 735 ṭṣa 1483
ṣτa σ6 ṭ6b 840
Ṭ9 ṭ6, ṭ8, ṣṣ6, 261 ṭ7b σṬ
ṭṣa 89, 9ṣ ṭ8a 609
ṭṭb ṭṬ6 σṣb σṬ
σ8τ
INDICES
σṬa 300 DTCFD ṭ1

σσb 791 ṣ9Ṣ 400
στb 125 ṣ9ṣ 332
σ6b 9Ṣ
σ7a σ6, 1100 EL
σ8b σṬ 8 (see TC ṣ, ṬσṢ)
ṬτṬ (see VS Ṭ6, ṣṢ9)
CCT 5
ṣb 1508, 1557 Goud.
ṭb ṭ8, 314 Ṭ 86
τb σṬ
ṣṢb 448, 1395 I (Prague)
ṣṬb 448 σṬ9 ṬṬ, Ṭσ, ṭ9, τṢ
ṣṭa 1131 σṭṢ 243
ṣτb 536, 1331 σṭ8 531, 1463
ṣ8a 1401 σσṬ σṬ
Ṭ7c ṭ6 σστ 747
Ṭ8b 1400 σ69 270
Ṭ9a 233 σ7ṣ 1123
ṭṢa ṭ6, ṬṢ7, 377, 792 σ78 309
ṭṢb 49 σ8σ ṭ7σ
ṭṬb Ṭσ, σ6, σ9 σ88 1400
ṭτc 886, 889, 1400 σ89 840
σσa 231, 331 σ9Ṣ 538
σσc ṭ6, 315, 1116 τṢ9 620
σ6b 1062 τṬ7 1557
σ8d 315 τṭ7 358
ττ8 237
CCT 6 τ7Ṭ 324
σc σ6, 49 τ7σ 1400
6b 739 τ8ṣ 84
ṣṬa 1092, 1102 τ98 1130
ṣσ 349, 363, 364, 785 τ99 136
ṣτa+ 400 6ṢṢ 237
ṣτb 299 6Ṣ7 237
ṬṬa 257, 595, 603 6ṭ7 243, 1483
ṭσa ṭṭṢ, 857, 1345, 1345, 1368 678 σṬ
ṭ7a 1575 7Ṣ9 243
σṢb ṣ68, 870 7ṭ7 1504
στc 1075 7σ9 1357, 1368
σ6b 1400 7τṭ 1349
76σ 77, 131
Chantre 766 1399
ṣṣ 363, 621 768 ṭσ9
8Ṣσ ṬṬ, 567, 629, 680
Cole
σ 1555 ICK 1
ṣ ṣṭ8, ṣτ8f.
CTMMA 1 ṭ 552
7Ṭ 621 ṣṭa 857
7τ 76, 9ṣ ṣτ ṭ9
8Ṣ 1349 ṭṣb+c 1076, 1079, 1171, 1287
ṭṭb 1075
Dalley (RSM) ṭ9 772
ṣṢ 131 6ṣ 448, 639, 674
σ86
6σ 329 KTB
8σ 258 ṭ 237
9Ṣ 237 τ 267, 1099
98 149 ṣṬ Ṭσ, τṢ
ṣṣ7 508
ṣṬ9 508 KTH
ṣ6Ṭ 557 ṣ 358
ṣ78 556, 857 ṣṭ 586
ṣ88 448 ṣσ ṭ9, ṭσ8, ṭ7σ
ṣ89 1555 ṣ6a 1489
ṣ9Ṣ 1555 ṭ6 1346
p. 6, n. Ṭ 89, 255
ICK Ṭ
στ 1099 KTK
ṣṬ7 1555 Ṭ 1447, 1490
ṣτ6 ṣṣσ, 267 σ 1447
Ṭ6ṭ Ṭσ τ 1349, 1447, 1448
Ṭ77 466 ṣṢ 136, 857, 1141, 1176, 1178, 1179, 1180
Ṭ9Ṣ 647 ṣṬ 89, 236
Ṭ9ṭ σ9, 1387 ṬṢ ṭ7σ
ṭṭ7 700, 707 6σ ṭ9, ṣσṣ, ṣσṬ, ṣ7Ṭf., 125, 428, 647, 675,
698, 699
ICK ṭ 9σ σ7
ṣṭb 346 ṣṢ6 857
Ṭṣb ṭ9, 882 ṣṢ7 ṭṢ9
στb+ 1346
KTP
JCS 14 σ ṭ9, 136, 1447, 1496
τ 1349 6 138
ṣṣ 124, 1099 ṣṢ 140, 358, ṭττ, 1484, 1489
ṣσ ṭṬτ, 1448
JCS Ṭ6 Ṭ6 ṬṬ, Ṭσ, ṭ6, τṢ, 1445
68 329 6σ 431
Ka KTS 1
ṭṬ6 1246 ṭa 49
ṭσṭ 559 ṭb σ7, 1237
ṭ67 σ7 9a σṬ
ṭ8Ṭ 124 ṣṢ 573
ṣṣṣṭ σσ ṭσa 237
ṭ6c 231
Kay ṭ7b 1075
ṭṣṬ 9ṣ ṭ8b 1400
ṣṣṣṭ 1441 σṣ 358
ṣ8ṭṢ 118, 358, 487 σ7b 234, 267
ṬṭṢṢ 857 τṢc ṭσ8, 857, 1368
τṣb 49, 482
KBo 9 τṭc ṭ9
ṭ 284, 1189 ττa 1123
Ṭ8 1173
ṭ8 242 KTS Ṭ
7 243
KBo Ṭ8 ṣṢ 9ṣ
ṣ8ṣ 1173 ṬṬ 237
Ṭ9 643
Kp ṭτ 9Ṣ
Ṣτ/ṣṬṢ 508 σṢ 1398, 1409
σ87
INDICES
σσ 237, 1400 6 338, 359, 366

σ6 σ7 8 1278
τ7 886 ṣṢ 1557
ṣṭ ṣ9Ṭ, 857, 871
KUG ṣτ 1379
ṣσ 448 ṣ7 ṭṣṭ, 1281
Ṭσ Ṭσ, ṭ7, ṣṬ7, ṣṬ8, ṣṬ9, 421 ṣ8a ṭṣṭ, 1281
Ṭ7 9ṣ Ṭṣ 423
Ṭ9 730 Ṭṭ 1120
στ σṬ ṭṬ σ7
σ9a+b 1278, 1290, 1292
LB τṢ 80
ṣṬṢ6 537, 1122 τṭ 857, 878
ṣṬṢ9b 131, 1057, 1122 τσ ṭ7, σṢ, 1322
ṣṬτṢ 9Ṣ ττ Ṭσ, σṢ, τṢ
ṣṬ8ṭ ṣ89f., ṬṬ6, 264 τ7 400
ṣṬ86 756 τ8 ṬṬ
6Ṭ 1051
Lewy 195Ṭ
Ṭ88 9Ṣ POAT
7 558
MAH 9 1235
ṣ6ṣτ8 ṭ7 ṣ7 267, ṣ68
Ṭ8 σσ
MIXON τσ 1557
ṣ8 1403, 1408
RA ṭ5
MNK ṣṬṢ 352
Ne r. Boğ. RA 58
Ṭ 379, 785, 786 ṣṭṬ 1318, 1368
ṣṭσ 1368
O (Bruxelles)
ṭ67τ 871 RA 59
ṭ68σ 1120 σṢ 315
ṣτṢ 535
OAA 1
σ 231 RA 60
ṣ8 ṬṢ7, 358, 719, 721, 866 ṣṣτ 1345
ṭ7 721 ṣṣ9 1110
τṢ 123, 1124
τ9 721 RA 81
6ṭ 713 9 636, 1044
9Ṭ 730 σ9 1396
9ṭ 721, 741 6ṣ 9Ṣ
9σ 84
ṣṣṭ 1556, 1576 RA 88
ṣṣτ 801 ṣṬṣ 1449
ṣṣ8 124
ṣṬ7 121 Sackler
ṣṭṢ 127, 254 Ṭ 384
ṣ6Ṣ 724
ṣ6ṣ 721 Sadberk
ARK ṣ6σ-9σ7Ṭ 1562
OIP Ṭ7 HK ṣṢṢ8-ττṭ7 1502
ṣ 1273, 1280
τ ṣ9Ṣff., 338, 359, 1292
σ88
SUP ṣ6ṣ 1557

7 739, 747 ṣ6Ṭ Ṭσ, τṢ, 573
ṣ6ṭ 245, 871
TC 1 ṣ6σ 89, 9ṣ, 316
7 σṭ ṣ6τ Ṭσ, ṭ7, τṢ, Ṭτṣ, ṭṣ7, ṭṬṣ, ṭṬτ, ṭṬ8, ṭṭṢ,
ṣṢ ṣστ, 481, 482, ṣτṬ ṭṭṭf., ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ66, 115, 617, 1313, 1502,
ṣ8 (see OAA ṣ, ṣ8) 1514, 1515
ṭṬ 1490 ṣ66 σṢ, 136, 946
ṭ9 1260 ṣ69 Ṭσ, τṢ
τṭ 1323, 1447 ṣ7Ṣ 49
6Ṣ 1264, 1447 ṣ8ṣ 49
6ṣ 362, 364 ṣ8τ 9Ṣ
7Ṭ 1368 ṣ9ṣ 809
8ṣ 700 ṣ97 σ8
8ṭ 254 ṬṢ8 237
87 773, 1472 ṬṢ9 1123
ṣṢ6 9Ṣ Ṭṣṣ σṢ, 253, 573
ṣṣ8 1398, 1407 Ṭṣσ 69
ṬσṢ 871 Ṭṭ7 508
Ṭτṭ 772
TC Ṭ Ṭ69 329
7 σṭ Ṭ7Ṣ 400
ṣ6 1555 Ṭ7ṣ 1384, 1404, 1449
ṣ8 σ8
Ṭτ 237
Ṭ6 626 TMH 1
Ṭ7 548, 594, 637, Ṭ69 ṣ, ṣa 1447, 1490
ṭ8 1368 ṣ, ṣb 1345
τṬ 607 ṭb 711
τ7 9Ṣ, 315, 1116 ṬṢb 448, 1078
7σ 234 Ṭṣa 362, 364
Ṭσe 574
TC ṭ Ṭ7c 334
ṭ 103, σ8
τ σ8 TPAK 1
ṣṢ 86, 1368 σ 359, 1105, 1172
ṣṭ 606 σṬ 272
ṣσ 131 σṭ 115, 1248
ṣτ σ8, τṢ τṢ Ṭσ, τṢ, ṬṢ7, 382, 399, 840
ṣ8 330 τ8 331
Ṭσ 89, 9Ṣ, 9ṣ 7Ṣ 1173
Ṭτ 1555 7σ 706
Ṭ8 σ8, τṢ 9ṣ 561
ṭ7 Ṭ68 ṣṢṢ 1347
σ7 1555 ṣṢ9 37
σ8 84, 237 ṣσṭ 89, 332
σ9 1400 ṣτσ 80
τṣ 466 ṣττ 80
6τ 804 ṣ6ṣa 538, 772
8τ ṣṬṣ ṣ8Ṭ 513
ṣṣṬ 131 ṣ98 420
ṣṣ8 333 ṬṢṢ 421
ṣṭ9 9ṣ ṬṢσ Ṭσ, σ8, τṢ
ṣσṭ ṭσ8, 1450 ṬṢτ ṭṬ6, 772
ṣτ6 ṭ7 ṬṣṬ 237, 242
ṣτ7 9Ṣ, 9ṣ Ṭṣṭ 772
ṣτ8 482
σ89
INDICES
TTC Ur III-texts
9 ṭ7 Amorites ṣṬ ṣτ
ṣṭ σ8 Amorites ṣ8 ṣτ
Ṭ8 ṭ6ṭ, 86, 1517 AnOr 7, 99 751
ṭṢ 131 AUCT ṣ, σ9σ 751
BIN ṭ, ṬṬṣ 751
UF BPOA 7,Ṭ9ṣ6 751
7,Ṭ 1120 CS σ9 15
CST ṣ9ṭ 15
VAT CTNMC ṣṣ 15
ṣṭτσ7 (see VS Ṭ6, τṭ) Ebla ṣ97τ-ṣ98τ, Ṭ67 751
7676 (see KBo 9.ṭ) Ebla ṣ97τ-ṣ98τ, Ṭ89 751
JCS 7, ṣṢσ, 6ṣ 751
VS Ṭ6 JCS τ7, Ṭ8, Ṣσ 751
9 40 MMFM ṬṢṢτ, ṬṢ, ṭ 751
ṣ7 124, 131 MVAG Ṭṣ, ṬṬ 15
ṣ8 σσ, 606 MVN ṭ, ṭ8σ 751
ṣ9 49 MVN τ, ṣṣṣ 751
ṬṬ ṣστ, 601, 635 MVN τ, ṣṣ6 751
Ṭ6 σṣ, 118, 1251 MVN ṣṭ, 7Ṣ6 15
ṭ6 1555 MVN ṣτ, ṭ6Ṣ 751
ṭ8 ṭṭṢ, 1368 MVN ṣ8, 6τ9 15
σṭ 9Ṣ, 9ṣ NATN τ67 15
σ6 1316 NRVN ṣ, ṣ87 15
τṭ 871 NYPL Ṭ7σ 751
66 1244 PDT ṣ, τ9σ 751
67 σṭ PDT Ṭ, 8ṣṣ 15
7ṣ ṭ7σ, 1123 OrSP σ7-σ9, ṣ68 15
7τ 1144, 1146 RTC ṬṭṬ 288
8ṭ 1555 SAR Ṭ, ττṣ 15
8σ 1555 SAT Ṭ, ττṣ 15
ṣṢ9 448, 639 Sum. Rec. Dreh. ṭ 751
ṣṣṬ 124 TLB ṭ, Ṭτ 751
ṣτṢ ṬṬ, 9Ṣ Umma Ṭ7 751
ṣτṣ 9ṣ, 76 UTI 6, ṭ8ṢṢ 15
ṣ9τ 511, 512 YBC 7Ṭ78 15
YOS ṣτ, ṣτ8 15
Winckenbach
7 607
Miscellaneous
Guttmann 555 Old Babylonian texts
HKṣṢṢ8-ττṭ 79Ṣ, 1502
HS Ṭ9ṭṬ 1349, 1368 A.ṣṬṣτ 339
OLZ 6Ṣ, ṣττ 577 A.ṭṭ6ṣ 289, 756
Oslo ṭṬ.σσ6 772 ABB ṣṬ 43
WAG σ8-ṣσ6τ? 1555 ARM ṣ.ṣ 756
Zabel 616 ARM ṣ.Ṭσ 754
ARM Ṭ.σṬ 574
ARM Ṭ, 78 93, 553
ARM Ṭ.ṣṭṣ 727
ARM Ṭṭ.ṭṭ9 759
Old Akkadian Texts ARM Ṭṭ.σ9σ 743
HSS ṣṢ, ṭ6 15 ARM Ṭṭ.τṬσ 757
HSS ṣṢ, ṣ69 15 ARM Ṭτ.ṣ6 758
σ9Ṣ
ARM Ṭτ.Ṭṭ 759 89 ṣσ6

ARM Ṭτ.6ṭṬ 760 ṣṢ6a 1352, 1509, 1529, 1530, 1531, 1537,
ARM Ṭ6/Ṭ.σṭṬ 152 1540
ARM Ṭ6/Ṭ.τσṬ 1485 ṣṢ6b 1530, 1540
ARM Ṭ8.6Ṣ 98 ṣṭṭ 750
CT Ṭ9, ṣṭ 742 ṭ7τ 966
Dalley et al. ṣṣṬ 83 ṭ8ṣ 518, 381, 672, 949, 1034, 1047, 1152,
Edubba 7, Ṭ6 43 1269, 1364, 1400, 1528
Edubba 7, 6ṭ 43 σṢṭ 1035
Edubba 7, 97 43 τ8τ 860
Edubba 7, ṣṣτ 43 6Ṭ6 1221
Edubba 7, ṣṬṭ 43 6σṣ 1487
Edubba 7, ṣṭṬ 43 7ṭ8 1204
FM Ṭ, 8 (M.7τṭ6) ṣṣσ, ṬṢ7ff., 726, 821
M.7ṭṬ8 761 HT Ṭ 875, 1284
M.8σṬ6+ 1178
M.ṣṭṢ96 755 IBoT
T.ṣṭτ 1522, 1554 ṣ.Ṭṭ 959
VAB τ, 8σ 744 ṭ.99 650
Vincente ṣ99ṣ, ṣτṭ 756
VS 7, τṢ (see VAB τ, 8σ) KBo
VS 9, ṣσ6 744 ṣ.ṣ 394, 395, 398, 1033
VS ṣ6, ṭṢ 91 ṣ.τ 765
ṣ.ṣṣ 340
ṭ.ṣ+ 654, 1370, 1371, 1400, 1522
ṭ.6+ 960
ṭ.ṬṬ 1474, 1522
Hittite Texts ṭ.Ṭ7 345
Groups of texts are generally quoted under their ṭ.Ṭ8 ṭ68, 1527
CTH-numbersŞ individual tablets are generally ṭ.ṭσ 670, 932, 1375, 1416, 1525
quoted according to gheir edition (e.g. CTH ṣ = ṭ.ṭ6 1412
KBo ṭ.ṬṬ) ṭ.ṭ8 652, 1148
ṭ.σ6+ 462¸666, 1148, 1417
ṬBoTU 1354 ṭ.τṭ+ 666, 1417
σ.σ 1307
ABoT σ.ṣṢ 662
σ.ṣṭ ṣ9Ṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ79, ṭ67, 520, 670, 860, 966,
τ6 773 1096, 1155, 1269, 1412, 1418, 1486
τ.8 1114, 1307
Bo 6.Ṭ 580
ṬṢṢσ/ṣ 1294 6.ṭ 580
Ṭ689 1158 6.6 580
6.Ṭ8 396, 939, 1354, ṭṬ9, ṭ68
CTH 7.ṣ7 917
ṣ ṣσσ, ṣσ8 7.ṬṢ 451
ṭ 652, 1148 8.ṣṬσ 1269
σ 1373, 1374, 1523 ṣṢ.ṣ 274, 694, 1148, 1373, 1411
6 ṣσσ ṣṢ.Ṭ 304, 680, 1148, 1374, 1410, 1412, 1414
7 464, 658, 762, 763 ṣṢ.ṣṢ 1222
8 932 ṣṢ.ṬṢ 94, 1226, 1301
9 ṣ86, 1526 ṣṢ.Ṭσ 1291
9.6 ṭ68 ṣṣ.τ 1400
ṣṭ ṣ86, ṭ67, ṭṭ8, 666, 1417 ṣṣ.ṭ6 653
ṣ9 465, 522, 1370 ṣṣ.σṢ 1252
σṣ 410, 750 ṣṣ.τṢ 1158
8ṣ ṣṢṣ, 861, 921, 924, 925, 926, 927, 929, ṣṬ.ṭ 784
964, 1114, 1163, 1164, 1271 ṣṬ.Ṭ6 998
σ9ṣ
INDICES
ṣṬ.ṭṭ 784 Ṭτ.Ṭ7 1225

ṣṬ.τṬ 876 Ṭτ.Ṭ8 1301
ṣṬ.τṭ+ Ṭσ8 Ṭτ.ṭṬ+ 520
ṣṬ.ṣṢ6+ 1036 Ṭ6.Ṭ 1371
ṣṬ.ṣṭτ 876 Ṭ6.σṭ 662, 766, 876, 1350, 1537
ṣṬ.ṣσṢ 392 Ṭ6.69 946, Ṭ66
ṣṭ.ṣσ6 1036 Ṭ6.77 966
ṣṭ.Ṭṣσ 1302 Ṭ6.8σ 1354
ṣσ.ṬṢ+ 917 Ṭ9.ṣτ+ 580
ṣσ.σṬ 1047 ṭṣ.ṭ8 932
ṣσ.τ7 1222 ṭṣ.79 520
ṣσ.ṣσṬ 1487 ṭσ.ṭṭ 917
ṣ6.ṣṭ 917 ṭ6.99 784
ṣ6.78+ 1156 ṭ6.ṣṢṣ 1412, 1415
ṣ8.Ṭσ 404 ṭ8.6 875
ṣ9.9Ṣ 666 σṢ.Ṭ 1487, 1529
ṬṬ.Ṭ 1148 σṢ.98 520
ṬṬ.6 725, 1522 σṢ.99 Ṭ9Ṣ, 1154
Ṭτ.ṣ67 1204 σṢ.ṣṢ8 1252
Ṭ6.ṣ8Ṭ 1321 σṣ.σ6 1158
Ṭ7.ṭṣ ṭτ6 σ8.ṣṬ 773
τṢ.τṣ 1150 σ8.8Ṭ 671
τṢ.ττ 1150 σ8.ṣṢτ+Ṭσ8ff., ṬτṬf., Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ66, Ṭ8ṣ, ṭṬ6, ṭṭ8,
τṢ.ṬṬṣ 1180 876, 966, 1071, 1180, 1352¸1610
τṢ.Ṭ66a 966 τṢ.ṣṢ8 1118
τṣ.Ṭ Ṭτṭ, 959
KUB τṭ.σṬ Ṭτṭ
ṣ.ṣ6+ 1147 τσ.7Ṣ 1400
6.στ 262, 396, 518, 672, 1047, 1354, 1364, ττ.τ+ 1221, 1227, 1371
1371, 1529 ττ.σṭ Ṭσ7, 932, 1272
6.σ6 262, 672 τ6.τ6 654, 673
7.τ7 1036 τ7.9τ 1487
8.69 659 τ8.ṣτ ṣτṢ, ṭτ6, 1488
ṣṢ.σ8 1371 6Ṣ.ṣṭσ ṣτṢ, 1488
ṣṢ.9ṣ 1214
ṣṣ.Ṭ8 1269 KuT
ṣσ.ṣ 1468 ṣ 661
ṣσ.ṣ6 1529 6 660
ṣτ.ṣσ 1307
ṣτ.ṣ6 452 LS
ṣτ.ṭṣ 1214, 1218 Ṭ 1300
ṣτ.ṭσ 1217 ṭ 1400
ṣ7.ṣ9 262
ṣ9.8 1047 HKM
ṣ9.ṣṭ+ 943 ṣṢ 1071
ṣ9.ṣ8 1161 ṣ8 1165
ṣ9.ṬṬ 1529 Ṭσ Ṭ9Ṣ
ṣ9.Ṭ9 1529 Ṭ6 998
ṣ9.ṭ7 957 σ6 1071
ṬṢ.86 1269 τσ Ṭτ9, Ṭ7ṭ, 1070, 1291
ṬṢ.96 1302 ττ Ṭτ9, Ṭ7ṭ, 1070, 1291
Ṭṣ.6a 1529 7ṣ 1165
ṬṬ.τṣ 1118 7Ṭ 106
ṬṬ.Ṭ6σ 404 7σ 1071
Ṭṭ.6Ṣ 767 96 Ṭ9Ṣf., 1159
Ṭṭ.7Ṭ+ 404 99 Ṭτ9, 1068, 1071
Ṭṭ.ṣṣ6 1466 ṣṢṭ Ṭτ9, Ṭ76, 1069, 1071
σ9Ṭ
NBC
ṭ8σṬ 303 Kinnamos ṬṬ 1535
Kinnamos τ8 1535
StBotB 1 1219
MSL ṣṣ 118
VBoT
68 1155, 1205, 1269 Polybius Ṭṣ.ṭ7 1477
VS Ṭ8 PRU ṭ.Ṭ6 409

ṣṬ8 1148
Rec. d Inser.gr. τσ6 863
RIMA.Ṣ.ṭṭ.σ 857
Miscellaneous Texts RIMA.Ṣ.78.ṣ 401
RIMA.Ṣ.78.Ṭ 401
Ant. It. RIMA.Ṣ.78.τ 401
ṬṢσ,ṭ Ṭ79 RIMA.Ṣ.78.9 401
ṬṢ6,σ 1617 RIMA.Ṣ.78.ṣṢ 401
RIMA.Ṣ.87.ṣ 404
Arutjunan Ṭ001 RIMA.Ṣ.87.σ 404
no. Ṭσṣ E 417 RIMA ṣ A.Ṣ.ṭṭ 47
no. Ṭτσ 840 RIMA A.Ṣ.ṣṢṬ.Ṭ 779
no. Ṭττ 840
RIME ṭ/ṣ.ṣ.7.StB 269, 728
ARAB I, Ṭ7ṭ Ḥ769 398
RS ṣ7.ṭṭ8+ 1034
Ezk. Ṭ7:ṣσ 418 RS ṣ8.ṢσṢ 458
Gen. 6:σ, ṣṢ:ṭ 418
Strabo
Hawkins Ṭ000 ṣṬ.Ṭ, ṣ 421
X.ṣṬ (TOPADA) 1579 ṣṬ.ṭ, ṭṢ 1591
ṣṬ.6 1535
Homer Il, ṣṬ.8, ṣσ 1541
ṭ 1475
8.σ7 1539
ṣσ.Ṭ8ṭ 1539
ṣτ.ṣτṣ 1539
σ9ṭ
B. Glossary
Only words or phrases commented upon in the text appear in this list. References to footnotes
are in italics.
Akkadian: lāsimum 91
aban (mātim / ekallim) 151, 1263 limmum ṣṢ
addurārum 46 lulā um Ṭ7τ
ālikum 87 maqātum ṭṣ, 140, 1484
allānum 8ṭ, Ṭ7τ, 575 masā um 46
alluārum Ṭṣṣ ma artum 111
amūtum / ašium ṣ77f., ṭṢṭf. mašāhum (mašā um) 140
bātiqum ṣ8, σṣf. maškunum 149
battum 871 mātum ṣ67, ṬṬṣ
bēl ālim ṭṬ6 mētum hamšat 616
bēl bētišu ṣσṭ muqarribum 115
bēl mātim ṣσṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, ṭṭṢ, 1345 mū ium ṣṢ6, ṭ76, 1557
bēt wabrim ṭσff. nabrītum 125, 1243
be ulātum ṣτ, 986 narkabtum 100
bušālum 49 naruqqum ṣτṢ
dātum ṭ7, 89, 9Ṣ nēbartum Ṭṭ
elā um ṣ69 nishātum ṣ7Ṭ, ṣ76, Ṭ7Ṭ, Ṭ89, ṭ7τ, 1052
elippum 101 pā um 871
ellutum 91 pazzurtum ṣ69, ṣ76
emūtum 1108 perdum ṭṭ, ṭσṬf., 1423
erābum ṣṭ, ṣ69 qadištum 539
erbum ṭṣṢ, 645, 790 qaqqadātum ṣ9Ṣ, 238
ereqqum Ṭṣ, σσff. rabi bēlātim ṭṣṣ
hahhitēn ṣṢτ rabi ha im ṭṭṢ, 1346
harrānum ṣ9, 100 rabi mahīrim ṣσṭ
hatunum ṣṢ6 rabi sikkitim ṭṭ6, 142, 1404
hazannum Ṭ8Ṭ rabi ērim ṣσṭ
hūlu ša mayyalti 100 rābi um ṭṢτ, ṭṭ6f., 980
hulukannum 100 rādium ṣ6, ṭσ, ṭ8ff., Ṭ8ṭf., ṭṣσ, ṭσ8, 1322
ikribum 9 rubā um σ, Ṭ89
ina emāri(m) 1106 saplu(m) 1266
ina qātē 788 sāridum ṣτ, 89, 9Ṣ
i urtum ṭṣτ, 467 sikkātum ṭṢff., ṣ8τ, Ṭ8ṭf., ṭṬσ, ṭṭ7, ṭσ8, 230,
išpadallum 1426 871, 1398
išrātum ṣ8σ sikkum ṣ7
kārum τ, τ6 su um ṣ9σ
karšum 83 sūqinnum 588
ka ārum ṣτ, ṣ7 ša ha im 1346
kaššum 746 ša ma arātim 110
ka unum 1046 ša titurrim Ṭṭ
kirr(āt)um Ṭ6 šakkanakkum ṭṣσ
kuppā um 125 šāpirum ṬṣṢ
kupātum 1436 šaqālum 1425
lākidum 91 šērubum 619
lammunum 1056 šikkat DINGIR 746
σ9σ
B. GLOSSARY
šinahilum ṣṢ6, 1400 *huitna-wanda 1539

šiprum ṣ8, ṭṣσ, 791 humant 903
šutebbulum 1197 kattan arha paimi ṬτṢ
ta urum 1089 KUR-e kattanda ṣṬ8
tabrītum 7 kuwanna ṣṣṬσ
takal (tikal) 15 marashanha ṭṭ8
tappā um 448 muhtema 266
taqānum 140 -mu --- kururiyahta 917
tarā um 574 para ar(a)sk 964
ērītum 1362 suppiluliya 1118
ukāpum 62
wabartum 148
Sumerian:
damgar σ
Hittite: d
kaskal.kur ṭ69, 1535, 1567
andurza 1529 mu-túm ṬṢṣf.
appan arha ṭτσ sikkum ṣ7
σ9τ
C. Individuals
[x]-ri-i -ti- i-ri 571 Anah-ili ṣṢ6

[...] iya σṢ, Ṭ8ṭ Aniš-hurpi ṣṣσ, ṬṢ9
Anišu-kiba ṣṬ7
A Anitta ṣσ8ff., Ṭṭṭ, ṭṣτ, ṭṭ7, ṭτṢ, ṭτṭf., ṭτ6,
Ababa Ṭτ7, ṭṬṣ, 1048 σṢṣ., σṢσ, 689, 784, 1147, 1179, 1278, 1280,
Abaya 792 1576
Abdi-erah ṣṣσ, ṣ97, ṬṢ8f. Antigonus the One-Eyed 1419
Abi-lamassi σ6 Anum-Hirbi ṭṭ, ṣṬṬ, ṣσ8ff., ṬṢτff., ṬṣṢ, 338,
Ab(u)-šalim Ṭ9, ṣ6ṣ, Ṭττ, ṭṣτ 352, 756, 830, 857
Abu-Tammam 1476 Aplahanda ṣṣσ, ṬṢṬ, ṬṢ9
Adada ṣṢ6, ṣṣṬ, ṣ7ṭ, ṣ76, Ṭ86 Ariarathes 863
Adada of šalahšuwa ṣ9Ṭf. Armananis ṣṭṣ
Adad-bani ṭ9, τṢ, ṣṣ9, ṣ7σ, Ṭ7σ, ṭṢ7 Arnuwanda ṣṬ8, ṭτṢ, 366, 966, 1321
Adad-bani s. of Ištar-ilišu ṣṬσ A-ru-ar ṣṢ8
Adad- ulluli σσ Asanum σ9, 88, ṣṭ6, Ṭ88
Adana σ9f. Askaliya ṣ86
Aduda Ṭ87 Asmunikal 366, 966
Ah-šalim ṣ79, Ṭ8ṭf., ṭσ6, 1116 Ašdu 351
Ahu- ab σ7 Ašiet ṭ9
Ahu-waqar 9ṣ Aššur-bel-awatim σ8, 1075
Ahu-waqar s. of Zurzur ṭ6Ṣ Aššur-bani ṣṬσ, ṣ7ṭ, ṣ9Ṭ, 486
Akiya ṣ7ṭ Aššur-emuqi 88, 9ṣ
Ak(k)uwa 1291 Aššur-emuqi s. of A[...] 96
Alla 88 Aššur-ennam ṣṬτ
Alexander ṭṣ, σṢ6 Aššur-damiq ṭṬf., ṭṢ9
Ali-abum ṭ9, ṣṭτ, ṣṭ8, ṣτ8f., ṣ7Ṭ, ṭṢτ Aššur-idi ṣ9τ
Ali-ahum σ6, ṣṣ7, ṣṬ6f., ṣṭ9, Ṭṣṣ, ṭṬ8, ṭσ7, Aššur-idi s. of Amur-Aššur ṣṣṢ
433, 1400 Aššur-imitti ṣṬṣ, Ṭ6Ṭ, Ṭ78, ṭṢṢ, 486
Ali-ahum s. of Aššur-malik ṣṬṬ, Ṭṣṣ, Ṭ6Ṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Aššur-imitti s. of šu-Nunu ṭṬ6
Ṭ86, ṭṢτ, ṭσ8, 166, 328 Aššuriš-tikal 1248
Ali-ahum s. of Manuwa ṭṭσ Aššur-malik 9ṣ, ṣṬṣ, ṣ9Ṭ, Ṭ87, ṭ77, 77, 538
Ali-ahum s. of šalim-Aššur 427 Aššur-muttabbil ṣṣ8, 166
Alulu 1368 Aššur-nada s. of Aššur-idi ṣ9τff., Ṭṣṣ, 65, 164
Aluwa σṣ, στ, ṭṭṬ Aššur-nišu ṣ9Ṭf.
Amar-Suen 15 Aššur-rabi ṣṬṣ
Amarum ṣ76 Aššur-rabi s. of Azua 88
Amarum s. of Ibni-Adad 351 Aššur-re i ṣṣ8
Ammuna 1375 Aššur-re i 9Ṭ, ṣτ8, ṭṬ6
Amriya 1094 Aššur-šad-ili ṣṣṬ
Amuna 670 Aššur-šamši ṣτ9
Amunani ṭṢ9 Aššur- ab ṣσ6f., ṭṬ8, ṭṭσ, 486, 1453
Amur-Aššur s. of Ili-ide 1075 Aššur- ab s. of Azuzaya ṣ7ṭ, ṣ7τf.
Amur-ili ṭ6Ṣ Aššur-taklaku ṣṣṢ, ṣṣṬ, ṭṢσf., ṭṬσ, 166
Amur-Ištar Ṭ77, Ṭ98 Aššur-taklaku s. of Ali-ahum 351
Amur-šamaš ṣτṭ Ašula ṭ9
σ96
C. INDIVIDUALS
Attis 1477 Erišum I ṣṢ, 1

Atru-šipti 761 Erraya, s. of σ9
Azu ṭ9, ṣṭτ, ṣσṬf., ṣ7Ṭ, 148, 468
Azutaya ṣṭ7 G
Azzi-Hayasa ṣṬ8 St. Gregory ṭ99
Gudea ṣṢṢ, ṣṢṬ, ṣṢτ
B Gu-ra-a 751
Barsames 863
Basileos I ṣṢṬ H
Battacus 1477 Habdu-malik 38
Beliya s. of Etinnum ṬṢ9 Habil-kenu 756
Belum-bani ṭṢτ Hadani 1400
Bu-du-úr 751 Hadiu 1120
al-Buhturi 1476 Hahha Ṭ87
Buitak Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ78f., Ṭ8ṣ Hamhamtum, s. of ṣ98
Bulina ṣσṭ Hammurabi 840
Bulli ṣṢσ Hanaum σṢ, Ṭ8ṭ
Bur-Aššur ṣṬσ Hanu ṭṣ9
Bu iya Ṭ7Ṣ, ṭστ Hanu son Itur-ili 99, ṣ66
Buzazu ṣ7ṭf., 400 Ha-na-na-ki-li 1069
Hanunu ṣτ8f.
C Happuwalla 1290
Caesar (Julius) 1591 Hap(p)uaššu σσ
Cnaeus 1477 Haraš-atal ṭ8
Harpatiwa 788, 857, ṭṣτ
‘ Haššim-Nawar 643
‘elebi (Evliya) 196, 1651 Haššuara ṭṣṭ
Haššui σσ
D Hattusili I ṣṢṣff., ṣṢ6f., ṣṣτ, ṣṬṬ, ṣσσff., ṣσ8,
Dadiya s. of šu-Ilabrat Ṭ7τ ṣττ, ṣ68f., ṣ86, ṣ9Ṣ, ṬṢṬ, Ṭṣ7, Ṭ89, ṭṭṢ, ṭṭ7f.,
Damqaya 99, ṣ66 ṭ67, ṭ99, 25, 27, 670, 694, 1147
Damna ṭ9 Hattusili III ṣṢṣff., ṣṬ9, ṣσṣ, ṣτσ, ṬṭṢ, Ṭστff.,
Dan-Aššur 590 Ṭτṭ, Ṭτ6, Ṭ9Ṣf., ṭṣṣ, 386, 482, 662, 966, 1047,
Dan-Aššur s. of Puzur-Aššur στ, ṣτ7, Ṭττ 1270, 1521, 1526, 1529, 1568
Daya Ṭτ7 Hazualla 2
Daya s. of Enlil-bani 1189 Hidašpa ṭṣṭ
Demetrius 1419 Hištahšu ṭ9
Duhšumati 346 Hupišnuman 898
Hura anum ṭṢṢ
E Hurmeli 788, 857, 877
Ea-malik ṣṣ9, Ṭ7σf., 1079 Huzziya 25, 653, 1147
Edib 1651 Huzziya of Hakmis 1375
Eddin-Aššur s. of Ahiyaya 1178, 1465
Elali 15, ṣṢṢ, ṣṢ6 I
Elališka τṢ Ibbi-Suen ṭττ
Elamma 166 Ibni-Adad, s. of ṭṢ9
Eniš-tarim ṣ8, σṣ Iddin-abum ṣτ6, ṣ67
Ennam-Anum s. of Abiya ṭ8 Iddin-Adad ṣ7τ, Ṭ7Ṣ
Ennam-Wer Ṭ88 Iddin-Amurrum ṣṣṣ
Enna-Suen ṭṢ, ṣṭ9, ṭṢ7 Iddin-Aššur 9ṣ, Ṭ78, ṭττ
Enna-Suen s. of Aššur-malik 96 Iddin-Aššur s. of Dadiya 9ṣ
Ennenum s. of ilulu 15 Iddin-Kubum ṣṢ6, ṣ7Ṣ, ṭṣṭ
Ennam-Aššur σṢ, σ7f., τṢ, ṣṭ7, ṣσṭ, ṣ9ṣf., Ṭ87, Iddin-Kubum s. of Aššur- ab ṣ79
ṭṢτ, ṭṢ9, 166 Iddin-Suen 99, ṣṣ8, Ṭ69
Ennam-Aššur s. of šalim-Aššur ṣṣ7, Ṭττf., Ṭ69, Iddin-Suen s. of Ibaya ṭ77
ṭṬṣ, 1087, 1384 Ihilum 15
Erišum 15, 84 Ikun-piya ṭṢ, ṭṬ, σṬ, Ṭττf., Ṭ87, ṭṢ7, ṭṣṭ
σ97
INDICES
Ikun-piya s. of Daya ṣṭ6, ṣτṬ Kurara ṭṭ6

Ikun-piya s. of Iddin-Suen ṭṭ6 Kurara s. of Aššur-malik ṣṬσ
Ikun-piya s. of Lulu ṣṣṭ Kur-bi-la-ak 751
Ikunum ṣ Ku um ṣ6ṣ
Ilaba- ulluli 15 Kuzari ṭ6ṭ
Ili-alum ṣṣṣ, ṣṬṣ Kuziziya ṭṭṬ
Ili-bani ṭṢτ
Ili-bašti 83 L
Ili-dan Ṭτ7, Ṭ69f. Labarna ṣṢσ, ṣττ, ṣ86f., 366, 25, 1147, 1148,
Ili-idi ṭ76 1523
Ili-nada ṭṭ6 Labarša 857
Ili-u ranni Ṭτ8 Lamassani 83
Ili-wedaku σσ, 400 La-qepum ṭṢσ, 1131
Ilšu-rabi s. of Puzur-Aššur Ṭ Lahrahšu ṭ8
Iltani 83 Libur-beli ṭ9f., τṢ
Ilušuma ṣṢ Lulu ṭṭ7
Imdi-ilum 56, 164 Lulum 116
Inar ṬṢ6, 788, 857 Lysimachus 1419
Inar-mei ṭ9
Innaya ṣṢ6, ṣτ8, ṣ7τ, 756 M
Irma-Aššur ṣṭ7, 166 Makarius 1651
Ir-Teššup 413 Malahum ṭṭσ
Issu-arik 9Ṭ Mallidunna Ṭ67
Išar-kit-Aššur f. of Puzur-Aššur 1078 Man-mahir ṣṭ9, Ṭτ7
Išme-Aššur ṣṭτ, ṭṢ9f. Manniya, s. of 88
Išme-Suen ṣṣṭ Mannua s. of Suen-damiq ṣṣ8
Ištar-laba s. of Puzur-Aššur 15 Mannum-ki-Adad ṣ6ṣ
Ištar-lamassi d. of Aššur-nada ṣτ7 Mannum-ki-Aššur ṣ6ṭ, ṣ8σ
Ištar-pilah 97 Maslama s. of Abd al-Malikh 418
Itur-ili ṣ66, ṭṢ9, 590 Ma i-ili 88
Merali s. of Aššur-imtti ṣṬτ
K Mithradates IV 482, 1591
Kadala ṭσṬ Miti 88
Kadušši 25 Mursili I ṣσṬ, ṣ86, ṭṣ6, ṭṭ7, ṭ68, 1, 25, 345,
Kanuli 351 1148, 1375, 1523
Kali 25 Mursili II ṣṬ7f., ṣτσ, Ṭσσff., ṬτṢf., Ṭτṭ, Ṭ66,
Kapasili σσ Ṭ8Ṭ, ṭṣ6, σṢ6, 966, 1419, 1529
Kapu-uman ṭ9 al-Mu ta im 1477
Kariya ṭ9 Murad IV 1651
Kassu 673 Muwatali II ṣṢṬ, Ṭσ6f., Ṭ69, Ṭ8Ṭ, Ṭ9Ṣf., 1269,
Kazua ṣ6Ṣf., Ṭ69, 636 1523
Kikaršan 857, 889
Kishanuil ṣ7σ N
Ki-Utu 15 Nabi-Enlil ṣ9ṣf., 689
Kudibiš 49 Nab-Suen σ6
Kudur-ili τṣ Na-na-ù 751
Kuku Ṭ9σ, 857 Nanib-Atal ṣṬṣ, 486
Kukulanum 840 Naram-Sin ṣṢτ
Kukulanum s. of Kutaya ṣ79 Nide-bani ṣṭ7
Kukusanum Ṭ6 Nunu ṣ86
Kukuwa ṣ67
Kula ṭσ7 O
Kuli[…] 932 Otter 1651
Kuliya s. of Ali-abum Ṭτ9f., Ṭ86, Ṭ99, ṭṢ7f.,
ṭ6Ṭ, 166, 423, 1097 P
Kulumaya ṣ9Ṭ Papahdilmah 1147
Kura 1075 Papala 857
σ98
C. INDIVIDUALS
Papandahe ṣṢṣ, ṣ6ṣ Ṣ

Pentipsarri f. of Puduhepa 453 illi-Adad ṣṣ6
Peruwa 1290 ilulu s. of Dakiki 15
m
Pí-en-du-um-li-is-s]a 917 ulili 15
Pilah-Ištar ṣ7Ṣ, ṣ9ṣ
Pimpirit (Pimpira) ṭṭṢ, 653, 1147
Pitakkatalli ṬτṢ šabaya (see šabanatum)
Pithana ṣσ8f, Ṭṭṭ, ṭṭ7, 689 šabanatum ṭṭṬ
Piyassili 394 šalim-Aššur ṣṬτ
Priam ṭτσ šalim-Aššur s. of Ili-bani ṣṬτ
Ptolemy 6ṭ, 1219 šalim-Aššur s. of Issu-arik 9Ṭ, ṣṬ6f., ṣ76, ṣ96,
Puduhepa ṣσṣ, 452, 453 Ṭṣṣ, Ṭττ, Ṭ6Ṭ, Ṭ66, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ8τ, ṭṢṭf., ṭṭṬ, ṭσ8,
PU-LUGAL-ma ṣ87, 653, 1147 ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ76, 49, 166, 351, 886, 980
Pušu-ken σ9, Ṭ77, ṭ6ṭ šalim-ahum ṣτṭ, ṣτ6, ṭ6ṭ
Pušu-ken s. of Suyyea 65, 164 šalim-ahum s. of Dan-Aššur? 65
Puta 77 šalim-beli σṬ
Puzur-Anna 1381 šalim-wardi Ṭ69, 1384
Puzur-Aššur στ, ṣṬṣ, ṣṭ8, ṣτ7ff., ṣ6ṣ, ṣ7ṭ, šamaš-ennam τṣ, ṣṬτ
ṣ7τf., ṣ8ṭ, Ṭ69, ṭσ6 šamaš-re i ṣṣ6
Puzur-Aššur s. of Išar-kit-Aššur 1369 šamaš-tappa i 86
Puzur-Aššur s. of Uku ṣ79 šamaš-ublam ṣṣ9, Ṭ7σ
Puzur-Ištar ṣṣṬ šamnuman 788
Puzur-Suen 15 šamši-Adad ṣṬṣ, ṬṢṣ, Ṭ9τ, Ṭ97, 1, 352
Puzur-Suen the Hahhean στ šarama 1400
Puzur-Suen, s. of 243 šarrum-Suen στ
šattiwazza ṣṬ8, ṣṭṣ, Ṭ66, 394
Q šennam ṬṢṬ
Qaqqadanum ṣṣσ šep-Ištar 1384
Qatimum ṭṢσ, ṭṬσ šešdada 15
šip i-Ba al 458
S šimnuman 98
Sargon II of Assyria ṣṭṢ šu-Belum σ8, ṣ66, ṭṢ9, 903
Sargon of Akkade 7, ṣṢṣ, ṣṢτ, ṣτ7, 725, 784, šu-Belum s. of šalim-Aššur τṢ
1400, 1521 šu-Belum s. of Zurzur ṭ6Ṣ
Sahaya ṣṭ8f., ṣτ8f. šu-Hubur 15, 1453
Sahurunuwa ṬṢṭ, 876, 1352 šu-Enlil 427
Sanda ṣ86, ṬṢṭ šu-Išhara Ṭ87
Sarduri II 840 šu-Ištar ṣṣṭ, ṣ8Ṭ
Saridum s. of Imgur-Aššur ṣṣ8 šu-Ištar s. of Aššur-bani ṣ6ṭ
Sarriqum 15 šu-Kubum 9τ, Ṭ68, 91
Seleucus I 1419 šukuku ṣṭτ
Selim I 1651 šu-Laban 97, ṭṢ9
Sennacherib ṣṭṢ šu-Nabar 346
Shalmaneser I 404 šuli 98
Shalmaneser III ṣṭṢ, ṣσṣ, ṬṢ7, 417, 818 šuluat ṭ76
Silimma ṣσ6 šumi-abiya 38, 166, 486
Sin-tiri ṣ97 šu-Nunu 99
Strabo τṭ, 6ṭ, ṭ7ṣ, 224, 421, 962, 965, 1535, šuppunahšu ṭ9, 1290
1541, 1591 šuppunuman ṭ8, 1290
Subarean, the σσf., 49 šu-Suen ṣṬσ, ṣτ8, ṣ6Ṣ
Suen-pilah ṭσσ šu-šulgi 15
Suen-re i ṭṣṭ
Sukkalliya ṭṣṭ, 1248 T
Sunassura ṣṭṣ, 750, ṬṢṭ Manden har det mundrette navn:
Suppiluliuma I ṣṬ7f., ṬτṢ, ṬτṬ, Ṭ66, Ṭ9Ṣ, 671, al-Tabari, al- Abbas s. of al-Walid σṣ8
1047, 1354, 1529 Tabarna ṣṢṣ
Süleyman I 1651 Tahašaili Ṭ86, ṭṬ8, ṭṭσ, ṭσ8
σ99
INDICES
Tahhe ṣṣ6 U ur-ša-Ištar σ7, ṣṣ7, ṭṢṢ, ṭṣṭ, ṭṭ7, ṭσ7, ṭ76,
Tamurya (Tamuriya) ṣτṬ 1027, 1295
Tarhunazi 459 U ur-ša-Ištar s. of Aššur-imitti ṭṬ
Tarikutana ṬṢ6 U ur-ša-Ištar s. of Ili-imitti 116
Tarkua ṭτσ Ušinalam (Wašunalam) ṭ76f., 1292
Tá- al-ib-ri 751 Uzua 9Ṭ
Tawananna ṣ86, 25, 1147
Tazkul 97, Ṭ78 W
Telepinu ṣσṬ, ṣτσ, ṬτṬ, ṭṭṢ, 465 Waliya σ6
Tiglath-Pileser III ṣṭṢ Waršama ṬṢτf.
Tirikuda ṭ9 Wawali σ8
Tiša(l)-tahhe 15
Tu imum ṣ78f. X
Tudhaliya 1147 Xenophon ṭṣ, τṭ, 99
Tudhaliya I/II ṣṭṣ, ṣτσ, ṬṢṭ
Tudhaliya III ṣṬ7, ṣτṭ, ṭṭṣ, ṭ97, 939 Y
Tudhaliya IV Ṭσ8, 662, 1352 Yapah-Adad ṣ97f.
Tuniya (Tunip-Teššup) ṣṢσ, ṣṣτ Yasim-sumu ṣṣσ
Tukulti-Ninurta I ṣṬ9, 403 Yatalka ṭṣ9
Tuwanuwa 898
Z
Zapru ṭṣṣ
abiya Zikur-ili Ṭτ
Zimrilim ṬṢ7, 38, 338
U Zita ṣṬ8
Uhna ṣṣ7, ṣσ9 Zukrasi 1412
Uku σ9 Zumiya ṭṢ9
Ulamil ṭṭ6 Zupa σ8
Ulumail ṭ8, 1402 Zupana 400
Urhi-Tessub 1400 Zu e 1350
Ur-Namma ṣṢτ Zuwi Ṭττ, Ṭ67
U ur-ša-Aššur σṬ
τṢṢ
D. Divinities
[…]kiššiya στ Lihsina, the Storm-god of Ṭτṣ

Anna 857 Lusiti of Nenassa Ṭτṣ, ṭṬ9
Anne 15 Marassanda River Ṭτṣ, ṭṬ9
Apara of Samuha ṭṣ6, 518 Mezulla ṭṭ8
Aranhapilanni ṭṭ8 Nenassa, the Storm-god of Ṭτṣ, ṭṬ9
Arinna, Sun-goddess of ṣṢṣf., Ṭṭ8, Ṭστ, ṭṭ8 Ninlil 15
Astarte of Anisa 863 Nippas 857
Aššur ṣṭ7, ṬṢṢ, ṭṣσ, 15, 417 Nisaba ṭṢṭ
Durmittiyas Ṭτṭ, Ṭ67 Parashunta, the Storm-god of ṭ68, 1400
Ea Ṭ7 Queen of the Night in Samhua ṣτṭ
D
GAZ.BA.IA of Hupisna Ṭτṣ Sahassara of Tuwanuwa Ṭτṣ
Gulses Ṭ67 Sanahwitta, the Storm-god of Ṭ9Ṣ
Haharwa, Mountain 1047 Sarlaimi, Mountain Ṭτṣ, 1567
Hantidassu ṣ86 Sarpa, Mountain 1567
Hatenzuwa, the tutelary deity of Ṭσ7, ṭṣṣ, 1047 Sarruma ṭ78
Heaven, the Storm-god of ṣṢṬ, ṣσ8 Storm-god (of Yazılıkaya) Ṭσ8
Hebat of Halpa ṣ87 šamaš ṣṢ
Heracles of Anisa 863 šawuška ṣσṣ
Higiša 857 šiu (God) ṣṣ7
Hulaya, River 1400 Taha, Holy mountain of ṣ87
Hunting Bag, the divine ṭṢṬ Tarhunt ṭ78
Hunting Bag, the tutelary deity of the Ṭσ7, ṭṣṣ Telipinu of Durmitta Ṭτṣf., Ṭ67
Hupisna, the Storm-god of Ṭτṣ Teššub of Halpa ṣ87
Huwassana 1567 Teššub of Samuha 518
Huwatnuwanda, Mountain ṭ86, 1400 Teteshapi ṭṢṢ, ṭṢτ
Ilaba 15 Tuwanuwa, Storm-god of Ṭτṣ
Inšušinak ṣṢ D
pihami of Sanahwitta 1153
Ishara 1487 Ussa, the Storm-god of ṭ68, 1400
Ištar bēlat ká-le-ta in Uršu ṬṢṢ Zababa of Hupisna Ṭτṣ
Ištar-of-the-ield of Samuha 518 Zapatiskuwa, the tutelary deity of Ṭσ7, ṭṣṣ
Katahha ṭṣ6 Zeus Soter of Anisa 863
Katiti ṭṭ8 Zeus Stratios at Yassıçal 1073
Kuwaliyatti Ṭτṭ Zippalanda, the Storm-god of ṣ87, ṭṢṭ
Lady of the ayakku 518 Zithariya Ṭσ7, ṭṣṣ, 959
τṢṣ
E. Toponyms
Alphabetization is adapted to the Turkish and Akkadian system: c comes before ç, i before ı,
o before ö, s before , , š, and u before ü. Abbreviations are: br. (bridge)Ş gent.: (gentilic or
similar)Ş l. (lake)Ş mt(s). (mountain)Ş ps. (pass)Ş r. (river). Alternative names are given in pa-
renthesis. References to footnotes are in italics.
Ancient toponyms Arzawa 6ṭ, ṣ86, ṭṬ9, ṭṭ7f., ṭ68, ṭ7ṣf., σṢ6, σṢ8,
694,1523, 1526, 1529
[…]issa ṭṣσ Arziya 520
[Mt. …]mitta ṬτṢ Assur (the City) ṭff., 8ff., Ṭ6, Ṭ9, ṭτf., σṣ, σṭ,
[…]pargawa Ṭσ9 τ6f., 87ff., 9τff., 99ff., ṣṢτ, ṣṣṢf., ṣṣṭf., ṣṣ9f.,
[…]puriya 767 ṣṬṣ, ṣṬσf., ṣṭσ, ṣṭ8, ṣτṢf., ṣτṭ, ṣτ6, ṣ6Ṭ, ṣ6τ,
[…]putana 1071 ṣ7Ṭ, ṣ7σ, ṣ76ff., ṣ8ṣ, ṣ8ṭ, ṣ9τf., ṣ99, ṬṢṢ, ṬṢṬ,
[…]ratta Ṭσ9 ṬṢ9, Ṭṣ6, Ṭσṣf., ṬτṬ, Ṭττf., ṭṢ9, ṭṣ9, ṭṬτ, ṭṭ9f.,
[…]tiduwa 1071 ṭσ9f., ṭτ6, ṭ6Ṣf., σṢṢ, σṣṬ, 118, 315, 313, 448,
549, 590, 616, 980, 1173, 1348
A Astarpa (r.) Ṭσ9, ṭ7Ṭ
Abitiban 245 Asihum 315, 399
Abrum ṭ7, 9Ṣ, ṣṢ8ff., 821 Astuyara (Ašturiya) 450
Abu[x]hta ṣṬṭ, 376, 388 Atalur (mt.) ṬṢ7, 779
Admum ṬṬσ Athulissa 917
Ahazum ṣ8ṣ, 567 Athurušna (Atahurušna) ṭṣ7, ṭṬṢ, ṭṬ7, ṭṭṢ, ṭτṣ,
Ahhiyawa 1070 1421
Akaliya 520 Awal 43
Alalakh 8Ṣ, 307, 338, 871 Awarna 1420
Alaiya ṣṬ9 Azzi ṣṬ8, ṣτσ, 820
Alašiya 1400
Alda (r.) ṣσṣ B
Alha ṣṬ8 Badna Ṭ9, 9Ṭ, 96ff. ṣṢṭ, ṣṢτ, ṣṢ8f., ṣṣṬf., ṣττ,
Aliassum (Aliassos) ṭṢṢ, ṭσ6f. ṣ6τf., ṬṢσ, ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ7, ṬṬσ, ṬσṬf.
Aliašša σσ, Ṭ99f., ṭσṢf., ṭσ6f., σṢṣ Balihum ṣṭṭf.
Alisa Ṭ9Ṣ, ṭṣṣ, 1269 Baniharzum Ṭσṭ, Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ67f., Ṭ7ṣf., Ṭ76, Ṭ86f.,
Alzi ṣṬ9, 401 Ṭ9Ṭ, Ṭ9σ, ṭṢ6, ṭṣ7, 914
Amadani ṣṬ9 Banišra ṣṬṭ, 376
Amkuwa (Ankuwa) ṣσ9, ṣ6τ, Ṭṭṭ, ṬσṢ, Ṭ7ṣ, Baraddum (see Buruddum)
Ṭ7τf, Ṭ79f., Ṭ86, Ṭ9Ṣ, Ṭ9Ṭf, Ṭ9τ, ṭṣṬff, ṭτ8, Barkahšiya σ8, τṣ
ṭ9ṭ, σṣṣ, 27, 656, 857, 994, 1235, 1352 Bēt Marila ṭ9f.
Amurrum (gent.) 36, 38, 840 Birtu um ṣṭṭ, ṣṭ6, ṣ6τ, ṣ8Ṣ,
Angulla Ṭ67 Bulbulhum ṣ9τ, ṣ98f., ṬṢσf., ṣṬṣf., ṬṬṬ
Anziliya ṭ8Ṭf., 671, 912, Ṭσ7, 1070, 1071 Buraddum (see Buruddum)
Apaludana ṣṬṭ, 376 Burallum ṭ6, 9Ṣ, 9Ṭ, 96, 99, ṣṢ8ff., ṣṭṭ, ṣṭ6,
Apiya ṣ6τ, ṣ8Ṣf. ṣ6τ, ṣ8Ṣ, ṭσṢ, 871
Apum 89ff., ṣṣṣ, ṣṬṭ, 91, 245, 315, 376, 1400, Burullum (see Burallum)
1420 Buruddum 89, 9ṣff., 97f., ṣṢṭ, ṣṢ8f., ṣṬ7, ṣ6τf.
Aranzah (r.) 725 ṣ88f., ṣ96, ṬσṬf., ṭτ8, 256, 376, 406
Arawanna ṣṬ8 Burundum (see Buraddum)
Arimatta ṭ69 Bu nātim, āl ṭ6, Ṭσṭ, Ṭτ8, Ṭ7ṣf., ṣ7τ, ṭσṢ, 914
Arinna ṣṢṣf., Ṭστ, Ṭσ8, ṭṢṬ, ṭṭ8, 912, 1044
Armatana ṣṬ8 C
Arme 840 Carchemish 9, ṣṣσ, ṣṬ8, ṣσṬ, ṣ97ff., ṬṢṣff.,
Aruwar (*Aruar) ṣṣτ, ṣ89, ṣ9τ, 307 ṬṢ8f., ṬṣṬ, Ṭṣ8, ṬṬṭf., ṭτ6, 1554, 1562
τṢṬ
E. TOPONYMS
D Hakmis (Hakpis) Ṭστff., ṬτṬ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ9Ṣ, 912,

Dadaniya ṭ6, σṢ, ṣṢ8f., 92, 946 1047, 1107, 1269, 1296, 1375
Dahasta Ṭ9Ṣ Halila Ṭστ
Daistipassa Ṭσ6 Haliwa (mt.) ṣṬ8
Dankuwa ṣṢṬ, Ṭσ7 Hamara ṬṢṭ
Darahna Ṭσ7 Hamizanum 89, 9Ṭ, 9τf., ṣṢ8f., ṣṭṭ, ṣṭ6, ṣ6τ,
Darkum 245 ṣ8Ṣ
Daša (Daša a, Diša) ṬṬ, Ṭσ, ṭ7, ṭσ7, 1445 Hanaknak ṭ6, σṭ, ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ9, ṣ6τ, ṣ7Ṣ, ṣ76,
Der 43 ṣ78f., Ṭσṭf., Ṭτ6ff., Ṭ67f., Ṭ7Ṣff., Ṭ76f., Ṭ79,
Dinarnu ṭτ8, ṭ6ṣ Ṭ8ṣf., Ṭ86ff., Ṭ9Ṭf., ṭṢ6, ṭṣ7, ṭσṢf., ṭ8Ṭ, σṣṣ,
Drehem 15 871, 914, 966, 1248,1275
Dudduska Ṭστ Hananak(a) Ṭ7ṭ
Duhmel ṭσṢ Hanhana Ṭσ7, ṬτṬf., Ṭ66, 912, 946, 1269, 1354
Durhumit (Durmitta) ṣσf., ṣ7, ṬṬ, Ṭσ, Ṭ8, ṭṬ, σσ, Hanigalbat 404
σ8f. 6Ṣ, 9Ṭff., ṣṢ8f., ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṭ, ṣσṭ, ṣττff., ṣ6ṣ, Hanika ṭ6, Ṭσṭ, Ṭτ8f., Ṭ7ṣff., Ṭ7τ, ṭσṢ, 914
ṣ6σff., ṣ69ff., ṣ7σff., ṣ79ff., ṣ8ṭ, ṣ88f., ṣ9ṣ, Haninkawa Ṭτ9, 1070
ṬṢσf., Ṭṣṭ, ṬṬ6f., Ṭσṣff., Ṭ67ff., Ṭ7ṣff., Ṭ76ff., Hannikuil 1291
Ṭ8Ṣff., Ṭ86ff., Ṭ9Ṭff., Ṭ98ff., ṭṢ6ff., ṭṣṬf., ṭṣ7f., *Hannikwa 1291
ṭṬṣ, ṭṬ7, ṭṬ9, ṭṭṣff., ṭσṢf., ṭσσf., ṭσ8, ṭτṢff., Hantisizzuwa 1071
ṭτ6ff., ṭ6σ, ṭ7ṭf., ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ8Ṭf., ṭ86ff., σṢτ, σṣṣff., Hapalzi Ṭσṭ, ṭṭṣf., 914
376, 448 Haqa 89, 9ṣ, ṣṢ8ff., ṣṣṣff., ṣṬṬf., ṣṬ7, ṣṭṭ, ṣτṣ,
Durmeta (Durmitta) 946 ṬṣṬf., Ṭṭṣ, Ṭσṭ, ṭτ8, 840, 914
Harabiš 358, 427
E Harana 98, ṣṣ6
Ebla 8, τ9f., ṬṢṢff., ṬṬσ, 307, 450, 728 Harana (mt.) ṣṬ8
Elme-elme 358 Hariya 1070
Eluha 871 Harranu (Harran) 98, ṣṢ8f., ṣṬṭ, ṬṬσ, 346, 376
Eluhhut 88ff., 97f., ṣṢ8ff., ṣ6τ, ṣ88, Ṭσṭ, ṭτ8, harrān Durhumit 606
84, 91, 914, 1116 harrān Malitta 1597
Emar 8 harrān sūqinnim (cf. index F s. Narrow Track )
Enišpaka ṭ6 harrān Tawiniya Ṭ98f., ṭṣṬ, ṭṬṢ, ṭṬṬ, 1597
Ešnunna 9 harrān Ulama ṭṭṭ
Harsamma Ṭστ
G Harsamna ṣṬṣf., ṣτṢ, ṬṢ6, 352, 857, 877
Gadsumisa 1071 Harsumna ṭṣσ
Gamruh (see Hiruh) Harkiuna (Harkiwuna) ṣσ9f.
Gangazuwa ṬṢṭ Harkimna Ṭṭτ
Gasur 15 Harša ṣσṭ
Gaširum 9Ṭ, ṣ6τ Harzi(w)una Ṭτṭ, 1498, 1521
Gawattaru 1071 Hassikasnuwanda 520
Gazziura Ṭσ6, ṭ8Ṭf. Haššum (Hassuwa, Hassu, Haššu) ṣṢṬ, ṣṢτ,
Gurgum ṣṭṢ, ṬṬτ ṣṣσff., ṣσṬ, ṣ86, ṬṢṣff., ṬṢ7, ṬṢ9, ṬṬσ, ṭ67, 756,
762
H Hatenzuwa Ṭσ7, ṭṣṣ, 932, 1047
Haballa ṭ7ṣ, 409, 1529, 1535 Hatikaitra ṣṭṭ, ṣτṣf. ṣτσ, ṣ8Ṣ, ṣ8ṭ, Ṭ67f., Ṭ8Ṭ
Habnuk 9Ṭ, ṣṢṢ, ṣ6τ, Ṭṣ7, 315 Hatra ṣ68
Habura 9Ṭ, ṭσṢ Hattanna 1420
Haburat σṣ, ṣṢ8f., Ṭ6ṭ, ṭṢ6, ṭṢ8, 999, 1591 Hattena Ṭσ7, ṬτṢ, Ṭτṭ, 912, 1353
Haharwa 1047 Hattian (gent.) Ṭσṣ, ṬτṬ, ṭṢτ, ṭṣ6
Hahhum (Hahhu, Hahha) ṬṬ, Ṭ8, ṭ6, 87ff., Hattum ṭ8, 9Ṭff., ṣṢṣ, ṣṢ8f., ṣṬṬf., ṣṬτff.,ṣṭṭf.,
ṣṢ7ff., ṣṣτ, ṣṣ8, ṣṬṢ, ṣṬṬ, ṣṭṢ, ṣṭṭff., ṣṭ7ff., ṣṭ7ff., ṣσṭf., ṣτσff., ṣ6σf., ṣ8Ṣff., ṣ88, ṣ9σ,
ṣσṭ, ṣττf., ṣτ9f., ṣ6σff., ṣ7Ṣff., ṣ77, ṣ8Ṣf., ṬṢσf., ṬṣṬf., ṬṬ6ff., ṬσṬff., Ṭ67f., Ṭ76, Ṭ8σ,ṭṢ9,
ṣ88f., ṣ9ṣ, ṣ9τf., ṣ99f., ṬṢṬ, ṬṢσf., ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ6ff., ṭṣ7, ṭṬṭ, ṭσṢf., ṭσṭf., Ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., ṭ9ṭ, 966,
ṬṬ9, Ṭṭṣ, Ṭσṭf., ṬτṬ, Ṭ67f., Ṭ76, Ṭ9ṭf., ṭṢ6, 1154
ṭṣ7f., ṭṬ6, ṭσṢf., ṭτ8f., σṣṣ, 34, 84, 91, 105, Hattuš (Hattusa) σṢ, τ8, ṣṢṬ, ṣṢ7ff., ṣṣ7ff., ṣσσ,
840, 914 ṣσ9, ṣτσf., ṣτ7, ṣ6σ, ṣ7Ṣ, ṣ79, ṣ86, ṬṢσ, Ṭσṭff.,
Hailawakuwa 887 Ṭσ7ff., ṬτṬ, Ṭτ9f., Ṭ67ff., Ṭ7ṣff., Ṭ7τff., Ṭ79ff.,
τṢṭ
INDICES
Ṭ86ff., Ṭ9Ṭff., Ṭ98ff., ṭṢṬf., ṭṢτff., ṭṣṣf., ṭṣσff., Iumiyarina Ṭ66

ṭṣ7f., ṭṬ7, ṭṬ9, ṭṣṭ, ṭṭ8, ṭστ, ṭ6σ, ṭ8ṭ, ṭ87ff., Iuhastila Ṭ66
ṭ9Ṭf., σṣṣ, 25, 67ṭ, 914, 966, 1070, 1400
Hauri[…] ṬτṢ K
Hayasa ṣṬ8, 820 Kakaruwa ṣṬṭ, 376
Hazka ṣṬ8 Kakatuwa 1071
Hazu ṣ6τ, ṣ68, ṬṬṬ Kalasma ṣṬ8,
Hemuwa (Himuwa) ṣ68 Kalasmitta Ṭσ9, 999
Himuš ṣ97 Kammama ṬτṢ
Hirašta ṣ9τ, ṣ98f., ṬṢσ, ṬṬṬ, 315, 840 Kammanu ṣṭṢ, 459
Hirida 9Ṭ Kaneš (Nesa) ṣ, ṭ, 6f., 9, ṣṬff., ṬṬ, Ṭσff., ṭṢf.,
Hiruh Ṭ76, Ṭ78, ṭσṢ, 1126 ṭσff., ṭ7, τṣ, τ7f., 66, 7ṣ, 87ff., 98ff., ṣṢ6f.,
Hissashapa Ṭσ7 ṣṣṢf., ṣṣ6ff., ṣṬτff., ṣṭṬ, ṣṭσff., ṣστff., ṣσ8,
Hiyasna ṭṢṬf. ṣτṣ, ṣτṭff., ṣτ6ff., ṣ6σff., ṣ7τ, ṣ88ff., ṬṢτff.,
Hudurut (Hurutta) ṭσṢ, 999, 1400 ṬṣṢff., Ṭṣτff., ṬṬ6f., ṬṬ9ff., Ṭσṣff., Ṭτṣf., Ṭτσff.,
Hulanna (r.) Ṭσ7, ṭτṭf., ṭτ6, ṭ6τf., ṭ9Ṣ, σṢṣ, Ṭτ9ff., Ṭ6σff., Ṭ7σff., Ṭ8Ṭ, Ṭ86f., Ṭ9Ṭf., Ṭ9τff.,
σṢσ, 1568 ṭṢṬf., ṭṢτ, ṭṢ7, ṭṢ9, ṭṣṣff., ṭṣ7, ṭṬσff., ṭṬ8f.,
Hulaya (r.) ṭṭτ, ṭ68, ṭ7Ṣf., 966, 1509, 1567 ṭṭṣff., ṭṭσf., ṭṭ9f., ṭστff., ṭτṣff., ṭτṭf., ṭτ6f.,
Humatum (r.) 448, 903 ṭτ9ff., ṭ66, ṭ7σf., ṭ77ff., ṭ9ṣ, ṭ9ṭ, ṭ9τff., ṭ99,
Hupigassa 1301 σṢτ, σṣṢff., 49, 353, 406, 860, 1543,
Hupisna Ṭτṣf., ṭṭṢ, ṭ67, 1421, 1529, 1567 āl Kanišī e σσ, ṣṭṭ, ṣṭ6, ṣ6τf., ṣ68, ṣ8Ṣff., Ṭṣ9,
Hura (mt.) 520 92
Hurama (Hurma) Ṭσ, ṭ6, σ6, 7ṣ, 9Ṭff., 99, ṣṢτf., Kanhar 118
ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ6, ṣṬṭ, ṣṬ6ff., ṣṭṭff., ṣσṭff., ṣτṣff., Kanzana ṬṭṬ, ṭṣσ
ṣττff., ṣ6τff., ṣ69ff., ṣ8Ṣff., ṣ8τff., ṣ88ff., ṣ9Ṣ, Kapaduwa 1071
ṣ9τ, ṬṢσ, ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣτf., Ṭṣ9, ṬṬ6ff., ṬṭṬ, Ṭṭ9, Kapitara 1180
ṬσṬff., Ṭτ6f., Ṭ67ff., Ṭ98, ṭṣτ, ṭṭ8, ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, Kapitatamna 1352
ṭτ8, ṭ8Ṣ, σṣṣ, 92, 365, 376, 1065, 1110, 1147, Kapitra Ṭ86, Ṭ9Ṭ, Ṭ9τ, ṭṣτ, σṣṣ, 1180, 1286
1526, 1527 Kapitta 876, 999, 1180, 1352
Hurna ṬτṢ, Ṭτṭ, 912 Kappusiya 1071
Hurniya 1537 Karahna σṢ, ṣṭṭ, ṣτṣf., ṣ8Ṣ, ṣ8ṭ, ṣ9Ṭ, Ṭṣṭ, ṬṬ8f.,
Hurranassa 1301 Ṭσ6, ṬτṬ, Ṭτ7f., Ṭ67f., Ṭ7ṭ, Ṭ8Ṣ, Ṭ8Ṭff., Ṭ9Ṣff.,
Hurri (gent.) ṣṬ8f., ṣṭṣ, ṣσṬ, ṣ87, ṣ9Ṣ, ṬṢṣ, Ṭ98, ṭṢṢ, ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ87, ṭ9Ṭ, σṣṣ, 520
ṬṬ6, ṭṣ6, ṭṭ7f., 38, 307, 643, 735, 860, 1523, Karasmitta Ṭ66, 999, 1269
1526 Kaska (gent.) ṣṢṬf., ṣ87, ṬṭṢ, Ṭστff., Ṭτṭf.,
Hursamma 352 Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ66, Ṭ76, Ṭ8Ṭ, Ṭ9ṣ, ṭṣṣ, ṭṬ9, ṭṭṣ, ṭ86,
Hurumaštum ṭσṢ ṭ9ṣ, ṭ97, 366, 482, 1071, 1302, 1354,
Hurumhaššum ṣṬṭ, ṣṬτ, ṣττ, ṬṢσ, ṭσṢ, 376, Katapa Ṭσ7, Ṭτṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ9Ṣ, ṭṢṬ, 185, 912, 1044,
399, 840 1302
Hurupša ṭ7 Kattimuwa 1291
Hutka σσ Karamaku ṭ6
Karna (mt.) ṣṬ8
I Kassiya (Kissiya) Ṭσ7f., Ṭτṭ, 966, 1107, 1568
Ibla 1180 Kassu (mt.) ṬτṢ
Ikakkali 762 Kastama ṬτṬ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ9Ṣ, 1269
Ikkuwaniya ṭ7Ṣ, 1400, 1537 Kašiyari (mts.) ṣṬ9
Imralla 1301 Katapa Ṭσ7, Ṭτṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ9Ṣ, ṭṢṬ, 185, 912, 1044,
Ippasana Ṭσ6, ṭṣṣ, 966 1154, 1302
Iriddu 767 Kattila Ṭτṭ, ṭṣ7
Isgamaha Ṭ9Ṣ Kazana ṬṭṬf.
Ishupitta Ṭστff., Ṭτ9, Ṭ7ṭ, Ṭ9Ṣf., 999 Kazina Ṭṭṭ
Ispisdu[…] 1071 Kibita ṬṭṬ
Istahara Ṭσ7, ṬτṢ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ9Ṣ, 671, 1269 Kipitta 867, 999, 1180, 1352
Isuwa (Išuwa) ṣṬ8ff., ṣσṣ, Ṭṣ6, Ṭ9Ṣ, 671 Kisdumisa 1071
I urātim, āl ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṭ, 376 Kismar 43
Išhianit ṭ8 Kizzuwatna ṣṭṣ, ṣσṣ, ṣτσ, ṬṢṭ, 1537
Iyaupapa Ṭ66 āl-Kubilšan Ṭσṭ, Ṭτ8, Ṭ7ṣff., ṭσṢ
τṢσ
E. TOPONYMS
Kuburnat (Kabburnanda) ṭṬ, σṭ, 9Ṭff., ṣṢ8f., ṣṬṭ, M

ṣṭṭf., ṣσṭ, ṣτṣf., ṣττ, ṣ6Ṣf., ṣ6σff., ṣ7Ṣf., ṣ76, Makkuwaliya Ṭ9Ṣ
ṣ78ff., ṣ8ṭ, ṣ88f., Ṭṣṭ, ṬṬ6ff., Ṭσṭf., Ṭττff., Malazziya 1269
Ṭ66ff., Ṭ7ṣff., Ṭ76f., Ṭ79ff., Ṭ86ff., Ṭ9Ṣ, Ṭ9Ṭ, Malimaliya 1322
ṭṢ6ff., ṭṣṬ, ṭṣ7, ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ8Ṭ, Malitta σṢ, ṭṣ7, ṭṬṢ, ṭṬṬf., ṭσṢf., ṭ9ṭ, ṭ9τ, ṭ97,
σṣṢf., 376, 448 σṣṣ, 999, 1597
Kukuwawa ṬṭṬ, ṭṣσ Mallidaskuriya Ṭσ9, 966
Kumaha 820 Magan 16
Kummanni (Kumani) ṣσṢf. Mala (r.) ṣṢṬ
Kummuhi 401 Mamma σṢ, 9Ṭff., ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ6ff., ṣṬṬff., ṣṭṢ, ṣσṭ,
Kumuhhu ṣṭṢ ṣσ8, ṣττf., ṣ8Ṣ, ṣ9τff., ṬṢσff., ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ6, Ṭṣ8,
Kumulhum 9Ṭ ṬṬσf., Ṭṭṣ, Ṭṭ9, Ṭσṭf., Ṭ87, Ṭ9Ṭ, Ṭ98, ṭṢ6, ṭṣ7,
Kunanamit ṣττ, ṣτ7, Ṭσṭf., Ṭ6ṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ8Ṣ, ṭṬ7, ṭṭṣf., ṭṭ6, ṭσṢf, ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., σṣṣ, 338
Ṭ8σff., ṭσṢ, ṭτ8f., ṭ87, σṣṣ, 131, 999, 1123 Miniya 1418
Kupitta ṣ6τ, 575 Marassanda (Marassantiya) (r.) Ṭσ6, ṬτṢf., ṭṬ9,
Kurda 91 923, 1583
Kurtalissa ṣṬ8 Mari 7ff., ṭṭ, ṭτ, 6Ṣ, 98, ṣṢτ, ṣṢ8, ṣṣσf., ṣτṢ,
Kurustama Ṭσ6f. ṣ97, ṬṢṢff., ṬṢτ, ṬṢ7, ṬṬσ, ṭτ6, 15, 38, 69, 91,
Kurušša ṣṬṭ, 376, 388 92, 256, 352, 553, 796, 871, 1178, 1522, 1554
Kuššara (Kussara) Ṭ7, ṭ6, 9Ṭ, ṣṢ8f. ṣṣ8, ṣṬṢ, Marista Ṭσ6f., Ṭ8Ṭ, 912
ṣṬṬff., ṣṭṭf., ṣṭ7ff., ṣσṭff., ṣτṣf., ṣττf., ṣτ8f., Marithum Ṭσṭf., Ṭ6ṭ, Ṭ8Ṣ, Ṭ8τf., ṭσṢf., ṭτ8, ṭ87,
ṣ6σff., ṣ7ṭ, ṣ76, ṣ8Ṣff., ṣ88f., ṣ9ṭ, ṬṢσ, ṬṣṬf., σṣṣ, 1091, 1380
Ṭṣ9, ṬṬ6f., ṬṬ9, Ṭσṭ, Ṭττ, Ṭ67f., Ṭ9τ, ṭṢṣ, ṭσṢ, Mašika Ṭṭṭ
ṭτṣ, ṭτ6, σṣṣ, 877, 1280, 1352 māt elītim 358, 540
Kutiya ṣṭṭ, ṣτṣf., Ṭ68, Ṭ8Ṭ, 520 māt apiltim 358
*Kuwalabassa 1420 mātum qerbītum ṣ6ṭf., ṭτσ, ṭ6ṣ, 358
Kuwalapassa 1420, 1529 Mazuwati 394
Kuwaliatta (mt). Ṭτṭ Maldiya 404
Kuwaliya ṭ7Ṭ, σṢ8 Malidiya 404
Kuzzi 358 Meliddu (Melida) ṣṭṢ, 459
Meliliya 887
L Milidiya 404
Lagaš τ8, ṣṢτ, ṣ98 Mira 1659
Lahha 465 Mitanni ṣṬ8, ṬṢṭ
Lakimišša (Lakimissa) ṭṣσff., ṭ9ṭ, σṣṣ, 1275 Mura 1071
Lakterissa ṭṣσ Murmuriga (Murmurik) ṣṬ8
Lakuz ṭσṢ, 125
Lalanda 1529, 1536 N
Lalga ṣ6τ, ṣ68, ṬṬṬ Nahur 7, 9Ṭ, 315
Landa ṭṭṢ, 1400 Našilan 116
libbi mātim 9Ṭ, ṣṭṭ, ṣṭ7f., ṣττf., ṣτ8ff., ṣ6Ṭff., Nawar 358
ṣ8Ṣf., 358 Ninašša (Nenassa) ṬṬ, ṭ6f., ṣ79, ṬṢσ, Ṭσṭf.,
Lissina 938 Ṭσ9ff., Ṭτσ, Ṭτ9, Ṭ9Ṭf., Ṭ98f., ṭṢ6ff., ṭṣ7ff.,
Luha σṢ, Ṭ8ṭ, 315 ṭṬ7ff., ṭṭṣff., ṭṭ7f., ṭσṢff., ṭστf., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f.,
Luhuzattiya (Lawazantiya, Luhuzantiya) ṣτ, Ṭσ, ṭ6Ṭ, Ṭ6σf., Ṭ67f., ṭ9Ṣf., ṭ9ṭ, ṭ97ff., σṣṣ, 86
Ṭ7, ṭ9, 9Ṭff., ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ8, ṣṬṢ, ṣṬṬf., ṣṬ6, ṣṭṭff., Nerik ṭṢṣ, 912, 966, 1047, 1591
ṣσṢff., ṣτṣff., ṣττf., ṣτ8ff., ṣ6σff., ṣ7Ṭf., ṣ7τ, Nihani ṣṬ9
ṣ8Ṣff., ṣ87ff., ṬṢṭ, Ṭṣṭ, Ṭṣ6, Ṭṣ9, ṬṬ6f., ṬṬ9, Nihriya (Nehriya) 9Ṭff., ṣṢσ, ṣṢ8ff., ṣṬṭ, ṣṬτ,
Ṭσṭ, Ṭττ, Ṭτ7, Ṭ67f., ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., σṣṣ, 84, ṣττ, ṣτ7, ṣ88, ṣ9τ, ṬṢσf., ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, 840
464, 1110, 1326, 1526 Nineveh 15
Luhsu 459 Nippur 11, 15, 43
Lukarma ṣṭṣ Niqqum 118
Lullû (gent.) 98 Nišilan ṬṢσ
Lusanda (see Luhuzattiya) Nakšuna ṣτṣ
Lusna ṭṭṢ, ṭ67, 1529 Nuzi 100, 735
Lwsnd (see Luhuzattiya)
τṢτ
INDICES
P Sapuha (See šamuha)

Pahatima 98, ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ6, ṣṬṭ Sarissa ṣσṬ, ṣ86, 476, 1400
Pala Ṭσ6f., Ṭτṭ, ṭ67, 409, 966 Sariya 1071
Pala[…] (mt.) 417 Sarlaimi (mt.) Ṭτṣ, ṭ77
Paliya 396 Sarpa (mt.) 1567
Palhuissa ṬτṢ Sarpunuwa 877
Parista 1418 Sasimuwa 1294, 1400
Parmana 1418 Sasipuwa 1071, 1294
Par-zu-ta ṭ78 Sawit (šawit) Ṭ6ṭ, Ṭ8τ, ṭσṢ, ṭ87, 358, 999, 1122
Pedassa ṭ7ṣf., σṢτ, σṢ8, 1509, 1537 Senda 1352
Pedin Ṭ67 Sibuha ṬṢσ, ṬṢ6f.
Piddaniyassa Ṭσ9, Ṭτṭf. Sippar 9f., ṬṢṢ, 91
Pirwassi (mt.) 1354 Siyanta (r.) 1659
Pishuru Ṭσ6 Subarean (gent.) σσf., 36, 49, 644
Pittiyariga ṣṢṬf., Ṭσ7, 520 Suhurriya 917
poculum-ti*67 ṣṭṣ Su-ki-ti 670
Purattum (r.) ṣττ, ṣ97, 322 Sukuli ṣṬṭ
Purulumzi ṣṬ9 Sukziya ṣ87, ṣ9Ṭ, ṭ67, 1375
Purušhaddum (Parsuhanda, Parashunta) ṣσf., ṬṬ, Supana ( upa, upani, Zuppa) Ṭσ, ṭ7, ṣṬṭ, ṣṬ7ff.
ṭ6f., σṭff., σ8f., τ7, 9Ṭff., ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ8, ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṭf., ṬṢṭ, Ṭṣ6, ṭσṢf.
ṣσ9, ṣττff., ṣ6Ṭf., ṣ6σff., ṣ7σ, ṣ8Ṣf., ṣ8ṭ, ṣ86, Suppiluliya (r.) 1118
ṣ9τ, ṬṢσf., Ṭσṣff., Ṭτṣf., Ṭ6Ṣff., Ṭ67ff., Ṭ76ff., Susa 9f.
Ṭ8ṣ, Ṭ8σff., Ṭ98, ṭṢτff., ṭṣṬ, ṭṣτ, ṭṣ7ff., ṭṬṭ, Suwatara Ṭσ6, Ṭτṭ, ṭṣṣ, 964
ṭṬ7f., ṭṭṢ, ṭṣṭff., ṭσṢf., ṭσσff., ṭσ8ff., ṭτ7ff.,
ṭ78, ṭ9Ṣ, ṭ97ff., σṢṢff., σṢτ, σṢ7f., σṣṢff., 58,
88, 125, 147, 150, 448, 590, 618 Ṣ
Purušhaddum (region) ṣτ6ff., ṣ6ṣf., ṭṢ9, ṭṬṭ r 458
Q
Qadeš ṣσṣ *šaba a σṭ, ṭṭṬ, 1568
Qattunanum 93 šabua ṭ77, σṢṣ, 1385
Qa ara 9, ṭ6, 89, 9ṣf., 9ṭff., 96, ṣṢ8ff., ṣṭṭ, ṣṭ6, šakukkitiya 1155
ṣ6τf., ṣ8Ṣf., ṣ88, Ṭσṭ, ṭτ8f. šalahšuwa (Salahsuwa, Sallahasuwa) ṭ6, 9Ṭff.,
Que ṣσṣ 99, ṣṢ8f., ṣṣṬ, ṣṣ8, ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṭff., ṣṭ9f., ṣσṭf.,
ṣττ, ṣ6τf., ṣ7ṣff., ṣ7τff., ṣ8Ṣff., ṣ88ff., Ṭṣṭ,
R Ṭṣ6, ṬṬ6f., ṬṭṬ, Ṭṭ9, Ṭσṭf., Ṭτ6, Ṭ67f., ṭṭ8, ṭτṣ,
Rabeans (gent.) ṬṢṣ σṣṣ, 670, 857
Ragama 254 šalatuwar (Salatiwara, šalladuwar) ṬṬ, ṭṣf, ṭ6f.,
Razama ṭṭ, ṭ6, 9Ṣ, 245, 871 σṭ, στ, ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṭf., ṣσṭ, ṣττ, ṣ6ṭ, ṣ6τf., ṣ7σ,
ṣ8Ṣ, ṣ88, ṬṢσf., Ṭσṭf., Ṭτṭ, Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ67f., Ṭ76,
S ṭṢ6f., ṭṣṣ, ṭṣ7, ṭṣ9, ṭṬ7f., ṭṭṣf., ṭṭτ, ṭσṢff.,
Saduppa ṣṢṬ, Ṭσ7 ṭσ7ff., ṭτ6ff., ṭ7Ṭff., ṭ78, ṭ9Ṣf., ṭ98, σṢṣ,
Sahiriya (Sihiriya) (r.) 1472 σṢσf., σṣṢff., 27, 358, 497
Sahuitta 1148 šalluša 1420
Sakkukitiya 1269 šamišuna ṣṬṭ
Sala ṣ68 šamuha (Samuha, Sapuha) ṣτ, ṬṬ, Ṭσ, ṭ6, ṣṢṭ,
SAL-at, āl ṭ7 ṣṭṭf., ṣṭ6f., ṣṭ9, ṣσṭff., ṣτṣff., ṣ6τ, ṣ76, ṣ8Ṣf.,
Salewanta 1071 ṣ8ṭ, Ṭṣṭ, ṬṬ6ff., Ṭṭ8, Ṭτ7, Ṭ67f., Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ7τ, Ṭ8Ṭ,
Sallapa ṭτ6 Ṭ86ff., Ṭ98, ṭṣ6, ṭσṢf., ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ96, σṣṣ, 319,
Salma 946 520, 1105, 1107
Sakaddunuwa (Sakdunuwa) (mt.) ṣσṣ, Ṭ9Ṣf., 877 šarla ṭσṢf., ṭτ8, ṭ76f., 358, 1498
Salu(w)ara (r.) 307, 338 (ša)šasama ṭṣτ, ṭτ8, 1275, 1498
Samuha (see šamuha) šehna 1420
Sanahwitta (see šinahuttum) šimala 89, 9Ṭff., ṣṢ8f., ṣṣṣf., ṣṣ6, Ṭṣ7
Sananuya 1352 šimanum 15
Sapinuwa 106, 912, 1118, 1613 šinahuttum (Sanahwitta) ṬṬ, ṣσṣ, ṣτṣ, ṣ76,
Sappa(Sappuwa) Ṭσ7, Ṭτṭ, ṭ77 Ṭσṭf., Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ67, Ṭ7Ṣff., Ṭ67f., Ṭ8Ṣf., Ṭ86ff.,
τṢ6
E. TOPONYMS
Ṭ9Ṭff., Ṭ98, ṭṢṣ, ṭṢ6, ṭṢ8, ṭṣṭ, ṭṣτ, ṭṣ7, ṭṭṣf., Ṭτ9, Ṭ66, Ṭ76, Ṭ79ff., Ṭ86ff., Ṭ9Ṭff., Ṭ97ff.,
ṭσṢf., ṭτ8, ṭ87, σṣṣ, 460, 999, 1155, 1269, ṭṢτff., ṭṣṣf., ṭṬṢ, ṭṬṬff., ṭṬ7ff., ṭṭṣf., ṭσṢf.,
1277, 1488 ṭσ7, ṭσ9, ṭτ8, ṭ9Ṭf., σṣṣ, 686, 946, 966, 1354
šinuhtu 1146 Tegarama (Tagarim(m)a/u, Takarama) ṭ6, ṭ8, 9Ṭ,
šipri 394 98, ṣṢ8ff., ṣṣ6, ṣṬṢ, ṣṬṬff., ṣṭṢ, ṣṭṭf., ṣṭ7,
širwun 9Ṭ ṣσṢ, ṣσṬff., ṣτṣ, ṣττf., ṣτ8, ṣ6τ, ṣ67, ṣ8Ṣff.,
šubari ṣṬ9 ṣ88, ṬṢσf., ṬṢ7, ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ6, Ṭṣ8, ṬṬ6, Ṭσṭ, Ṭ67f.,
šubat-Enlil 9 ṭṣ7, ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., σṣṢf., 459, 994
šubat-šamaš ṣ97f. Tenenda ṣσ9
šuppiluliya σṢ, Ṭσṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ7τ, Ṭ8Ṣ, Ṭ8ṭf., Ṭ9Ṭf., Tenizidassa Ṭσ9
Ṭ98, ṭṢṢ, ṭ87f., ṭ9Ṭ, σṣṣ, 1110 Tepunamma 1400
šuna 9Ṭ Teramega 887
šuruppak 15 Tessita 999
šurun 394 Tiburziya (Tepurzi) ṣṬṭ, ṣṬ7ff., ṣṭṬ
Tihisna ṬτṢ, 1421
T Tikukuwa ṬτṢ
Ta-a-ni-a Ṭ99f., 1195 Tikunani 6Ṭ, ṣṢσ, ṣṢ7, ṣṣτ, 840
Tabal ṣṭṢff., Ṭṭṣ, 1146 Tikurna Ṭ67
Taedizina Ṭσṭ, Ṭτ8, Ṭ7ṣ, Ṭ7ṭ, ṭσṢ, ṭ8Ṭ Til-garimmu/e (see Tegarama)
Taha (mt.) ṣ87, ṭṣ6 Til-karme (see Tegarama)
Tahara (r.) Ṭστ, ṬτṢf., Ṭτṭ, 966 Tilimra ṣσṭ, ṣσ6, ṣτṣ, ṣ8Ṣf., 482, 1591
Tahasara 1071 Tiliura 482, 1591
Tahišra ṣσ, 887 Timana ṣṬ8
Tahruwa (Tahuruwa) ṣ8Ṣ, Ṭ67ff., 358, 636 Timelkiya ṣ7, Ṭ8, ṭ6, ṭ9f., σσ, 7ṣ, 9Ṣ, 9Ṭff.,
Tahurpa 185, 1044 ṣṢτf., ṣṢ8f., ṣṣṬf., ṣṬṢ, ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṢ, ṣṭṭff., ṣσṢ,
Taišama ṣσ9f., ṬṢσff. ṣσṭf., ṣτṣ, ṣττ, ṣ6Ṣf., ṣ6σff., ṣ69ff., ṣ76,
Takkasta Ṭ7Ṣ ṣ8Ṣff., ṣ88ff., ṬṢṬ, ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ8f., ṬṬṬ, ṬṬ7, ṬṬ9,
Takkupsa (Takupta) Ṭ69, Ṭ79, 1096 Ṭṭṣ, Ṭσṭf., Ṭτ6, Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ67f., Ṭ7ṣf., Ṭ76, Ṭ9ṭf.,
Talawa 1420 ṭṣṬ, ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ7τ, σṣṣ, 92
Talhat (Tal at, Tilhat) Ṭσ, σṢ, 9Ṭ, Ṭṣṣ, ṭσṢf., Timmuhala Ṭτṭ, 946
Ṭσṭf., ṭτ8f., 1497 Timniya ṭσṢf.
Talhayum 98 Timniye, āl ṣṬṭ, ṬṢσ
Talpa Ṭσ, ṭ7, ṣṬṭ, ṣṬ7ff., ṣṭṬf. Tinipiya ṬṭṬ, 1352
Talwahšušara 887 Tipasna Ṭ9Ṭ
Tamettaya Ṭσ9 Tišmurna (Tišpurna) ṣτ, 9Ṭ, ṣττ, ṣ6τ, ṣ7τ, ṣ78f.,
Tamitta (mt.) Ṭτṭ, 999 Ṭσṭf., Ṭτ7ff., Ṭ6ṭ, Ṭ66ff., Ṭ7ṣff., Ṭ76ff., Ṭ8ṣ,
Tapapanuwa Ṭστf., Ṭτṣ, Ṭτṭ, 1291 Ṭ8τff., Ṭ9Ṭf., Ṭ98ff., ṭṢṭ, ṭṢ6ff., ṭṣṬ, ṭṣ7, ṭṭṣf.,
Tapalga ṭτ6 ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., ṭ7τ, ṭ8ṭ, ṭ9Ṭf., σṣṣ, 871
Tapaggaš (see Tapigga) Tiššuwa 1445
Tappasanda Ṭ6ṭ Titanta 1252
Tapašatta Ṭ6ṭ, 999 Titatum σṣ, ṭṢ6, ṭṢ8f., ṭτ8, 118
Tapigga (Tapaggaš) ṣṣ9, ṣσṣ, Ṭσṭ, Ṭσ6ff. Ṭτṭ, Tiwara 887, 1473
Ṭτ8f., Ṭ6ṣf., Ṭ6τ, Ṭ7Ṣff.,Ṭ76, Ṭ79, Ṭ8ṣf., Ṭ88, Tubezi Ṭṭτ
Ṭ9Ṣf., ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ87, σṣṣ, 106, 966, 1109, 1269, 1613 Tuhmiyara Ṭστ
Taptikka 1071 Tuhpilisa ṬτṢ
Tarhuntassa 6ṭ, Ṭσ6, Ṭτṭ, Ṭ9ṣ, ṭṭτ, ṭ69ff., σṢτ, Tuhpiya (Tuhuppiya) σṣ, 9Ṭ, ṣ79, ṬṢσf., Ṭσṭf.,
409, 413, 1400, 1529 Ṭτ9ff., Ṭ67f., Ṭ7Ṣf., Ṭ76ff., Ṭ86f., Ṭ9Ṭf., Ṭ98f.,
Tarimišna 887, 1421 ṭṢτff., ṭṣṬ, ṭṣ7f., ṭṬ7ff., ṭṭṣf., ṭṭσ, ṭσṢf.,
Tarmanna (r.) ṣσṣ ṭσσff., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ6σ, ṭ7σ, ṭ9ṣ, σṣṣ, 686,
Taritar (Taritarra) ṬτṢ, Ṭ6ṭ, 999 966, 1300
Tašhiniya (Tashiniya) ṣ68, 762 Tuhumutaru Ṭστ
Taštama ṬṢσ Tukriš 1400
Tataniya 946 Tukuptu (Tukupta) Ṭ67, Ṭ69
Tataša ṭ9, Ṭṭṭ Tumanna Ṭσ6ff., ṬτṢf., Ṭτṭ, 966
Tawa 1219 Tumliya (Tumeliya) Ṭṭσ, ṭṭṣf., ṭṭσ, ṭσṢf., ṭτ8,
*Tawnea ṭṢṢ 49, 886, 889, 1392
Tawiniya (Tamniya) ṣṢ8f., ṣτṣ, ṣ79, Ṭσṭf., ṬτṬ, Tupaziya Ṭ9Ṣ
τṢ7
INDICES
Tupitta 999, 1071 ṭ6Ṭf., ṭ9ṭ, ṭ9τff., σṣṣ, 86, 131, 448, 1027
Turuhanum ṭṭṣf. Wašukanni 750
Tuttul ṣṢ7, ṬṢṣ Wattarusna ṭṣσ
Tuwanuwa Ṭτṣf., Ṭ9Ṣ, ṭṬ9f., ṭ67, 898, 1529 Wazida ṭ6, Ṭσṭ, Ṭτ8, Ṭ7ṣf., Ṭ7τ, ṭσṢf.
Wilusa 1523
U Wilušna (Wulušna) ṭ6, 98, ṣṢ8f., ṣṬṭ
Uda ṭṬ9, 409, 1529 Witwitina ṭṣσ
Uetas (Uetaš) 417 Wiyanawanda ṣσṣ
Ugarit 6Ṭ, ṣσṣ, 409, 871, 1034
Uhhi(u)wa 1352 Y
Ulama (Ulamma, Ullamma, Ulma, Wulama, Yamhad 9, ṬṢṣf.
Walma, Walama) ṭ7, σṭ, σ9, ṣσ9, ṣ86, ṬṢσf., Yuhini (mt.) Ṭτṭ
Ṭσṭf., Ṭσ9, Ṭτṣ, Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ76, Ṭ79, Ṭ8τff., Ṭ98, ṭṢ6,
ṭṣ7ff., ṭṬ7ff., ṭṭṣff., ṭṭ7f.,ṭσṢff., ṭστff., ṭτṣ, Z
ṭτσ, ṭτ8ff., ṭ7Ṭ, ṭ7τ, ṭ78, ṭ9Ṣ, ṭ97, ṭ99f., Zakutan[x]riya ṭṣσ
σṣṢff., 131, 358, 448, 966, 1094, 1354, 1528 Zallara ṭṭṢ, ṭ67, 1529
Umeliya Ṭṭτ Zallul ṣ97f.
Umma 15 Zallurbi (mt.) 307
*Unipgum (see Unipsum) Zalmaqqum 98, ṣṢṭ
Unipsum (Unapse) ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ7, ṣ9τ, ṣ98f., ṬṢσf., Zalpa ṭ6, ṭ8, σṢ, 87, 89f., 9Ṭff., ṣṢσf., ṣṢ7ff.,
ṬṢ7, ṬṣṬf., ṬṬṬ, ṬṬ6, σṣṣ ṣṬṬf., ṣṬ7, ṣṭṢ, ṣṭṭf., ṣσṢ, ṣσṭ, ṣσ6ff., ṣσ9,
Upe ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, 1122 ṣττf., ṣ6σff., ṣ7τ, ṣ78, ṣ8Ṣf., ṣ86, ṣ88f., ṣ9τff.,
Upiupiya ṭṣσ ṬṢṬ, ṬṢσf., ṬṢ8f., ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ6ff., ṬṬσ, ṬṬ9ff., Ṭσṭ,
Uppasana 966 Ṭτṣ, Ṭτσ, Ṭ67, Ṭ7ṣf., Ṭ7σ, Ṭ9Ṭf., Ṭ98, ṭṢṣ, ṭṣṣ,
Uprapeans (gent.) ṬṢṣ ṭσṢf., ṭτ8f., σṣṢf., 27, 34, 92, 131, 503, 1105,
Ur 15, 43 1148
Ura ṣ8τ Zalpah ṣṢ7ff., ṣṣṭff., ṣṬṢ
Uršu (Ursa um, Ursu, Urussa, Warsuwa) 9, 9Ṭff., Zalputta Ṭ66, 946, 999
ṣṢτ, ṣṢ8ff., ṣṣσff., ṣṬ9, ṣσṬ, ṣ8Ṣf., ṣ86, ṣ9τff., Zalpuwa ṣṢ8, ṣṣσf., ṣṣ7f., ṣṬṢ, ṣσ9, Ṭ7σ, Ṭ9ṭ,
ṬṢσff., ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ8, ṬṬσ, ṭτ8, σṣṣ, 39, 125, 186 ṭṢτ, σṣṣ, 27, 653, 773, 912, 1148, 1269, 1291,
*Ussina 938 1523
Ussuna 520 Zalwar ṣṢτ, ṣṢ7ff., ṣṣṭff., ṣṬṢ, ṣṬṬ, ṬṢṭ, ṬṢ7ff.,
Ušbugattum Ṭσṭ, ṭσṢf., ṭτṣ, ṭτσf., ṭτ8f., ṭ6ṣ, 730, 756, 857, 1148
1242 Zapatiskuwa Ṭσ7, ṭṣṣ
Ušša (Ussa) ṭṭṣf., ṭṭτf., ṭτṣ, ṭτ8f., ṭ67f., ṭ7Ṣf., Zarninuwa 520
σṢτ, σṣṣ, 448, 1375, 1400, 1549 Zarniya 1509
U-tah-su-mi 1416 *Zaruar (see Aruwar)
Utišša Ṭṭτ Zazisa ṣṬ8
Uwahsuwanda 1071 Zidamriš 1508
Uwalma Ṭσ9ff., ṭṭ8 Zidaparha ṬτṢf.
Zikatta 1071
W Zikkasta (Zikkista) 1071
Wahšušana ṬṬ, Ṭσ, ṭṬf., ṭ6ff., σṭf., σ8f., 89, Ziluna ṣṬṭ, 1180
9Ṭff., 99, ṣṢ8f., ṣṣ8, ṣṬṭ, ṣṭṭf., ṣṭ7, ṣσṢ, ṣσṭ, Zimišhuna (Zapishuna, Zim/pishuna) ṣṢ8f.,
ṣτṣ, ṣττff., ṣτ9f., ṣ6ṭff., ṣ77, ṣ79ff., ṬṢσf., ṣṣ8f., ṣτṣ, ṬṢṣ, Ṭσṭf., Ṭτ8, Ṭ6Ṣf., Ṭ6τ, Ṭ76ff.,
Ṭσṣff., ṬτṬf., Ṭτ8, Ṭ6Ṣf., Ṭ67ff., Ṭ7ṣf., Ṭ76ff., Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ79, Ṭ8Ṣff., Ṭ86ff., Ṭ9ṣff., Ṭ9τ, ṭσṢf.,
Ṭ8ṣ, Ṭ8σff., Ṭ89, Ṭ98ff., ṭṢτff., ṭṣṣf., ṭṣ7ff., Ṭτ8f., ṭ87f., σṣṣ, 1066, 1269
ṭṬ7ff., ṭṭṣff., ṭṭ9ff., ṭτṢff., ṭτ7ff., ṭ6Ṣff., Zippalanda ṣ87, Ṭ9Ṣ, ṭṢṬf., 912, 1220, 1221,
ṭ78ff., ṭ96ff., σṢ8ff., 86, 857, 871, 886 ṭṣ6, 1301, 1302
Warhuanzana ṭṣσ Zippasla (mt.) ṭτṢ
Waršabama Ṭṭσ, 904 Zippašna (Zippasna) ṣṢṣf., ṣṢ7
Waršuwa (see Uršu) Zispa 1071
Wastissa ṭṣ6 Zisparna Ṭ79, 966, 1269
Wašhaniya (Washaniya) ṬṬ, Ṭσ, ṭ7, σṢ, τṣ, 9Ṭff., Zitawariš 1508
ṣṬṭ, ṣττ, ṣτ7, ṬṢσ, ṬṭṬ, ṬσṢ, Ṭσṭf., Ṭσ8, Ṭτṣ, Zithara 912, 959
Ṭτṭ, Ṭ6Ṣ, Ṭ67f., Ṭ7ṣf., Ṭ76, Ṭ86f., Ṭ9Ṭff., ṭṢτf., Zizzilippa 465
ṭṣ7ff., ṭṬ7ff., ṭṭṣff., ṭσṢf., ṭσ6f., ṭτṣf., ṭτ8f., Zuhta Ṭσṭ, ṭṣ7, ṭṬṣ, ṭṬ7f., 871
τṢ8
E. TOPONYMS
Zukua ṣṬṭ Antep (see Gaziantep)

Zuliya (r.) ṭṬ7ff., ṭσṢff., ṭστf., ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ6τ, ṭ9Ṣ, Aphrodisias (see Geyre H.)
ṭ97, 106, 877, 1478, 1613 Aquae saravenae ṭ96
Zurkišna ṭσṢ, 1421 Arabian Platform 8Ṣf., ṣṢṣ, 315, 1063
Arbid, Tall 168
Archelais, Colonia ṭσ6
Arkadiko (br.) ṣτṭ
Armenia 6ṭ, 100
Classical and Modern toponyms Aromane 815
Arslantepe 7Ṭ, ṬṬṢ, ṬṬṬ, ṬṬ6, 161, 404, 836
A Artova ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ8σ
Abamor Ṭṣ Artvin Ṭ6σ
Acalapınar 1588 Asia ṬṢ
Acemhöyük 12 Aspona ṭσ6
Acıgöl ṭ78 Assyria ṣṭ, ṭτ9, 8, 404, 1529
Acıgölü (l.) 1535 A ağı Kalaca ṬṬ9
Acıyurt ṬṬ9 Atatürk (l.) Ṭṣ6, ṬṬṭ
Adana 8Ṣ Atchana 6Ṭ, 188
Adata Ṭṣτ, 417 Athens ṭṭ
Adil Pazarı Ṭṣ6 Austria Ṭ6ṭ
Adiyaman 8Ṣ, ṬṣṬ, 836 Avanos ṭṬṣ, ṭ96, 899
Af ar ṭṢṢ, ṭσ6 Aydıncık ṭ88
Af in ṬṬ6 Aynı 818
Afyon (Afyonkarahisar) 68, 8ṭf., ṣṢ6, σṢ6, 1529 Ayvalıpınar 7σ, ṭ86f., σṣṣ
Ağıllı 1615
Ağri 77 B
Akar ‘ay (r.) 8ṭ, ṭ7Ṭ, σṢ6, σṢ8 Babylonia τ, 9f., ṣṬ, 6Ṣ, ṣṢτ, ṬṢṢ, ṬṢ7, 8, 91,
Akçadağ (mts.) Ṭṣ9 131, 153, 182, 183, 756, 840, 871
Akçaparmak ṣ9σ Bafra 78, ṣṬṢ, σṣṣ
Akdağları (mts.) ṣτṬ, Ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ8Ṣ Bahçe Ṭṣ6
Akdağmaden Ṭ79 Bakır ‘ay Ṭ6σf.
Akko an Su (r.) ṭṬ9 Bala Ṭτσ, ṭσ6, σṢṢ
Akme cit ṬσṢ Balçıkhisar 1634
Ak ehir (l.) 78 Balih (r.) ṣṢ7f., ṣṣṭ, ṣṣτf., ṣṬṢ
Ak ehir 8ṭf., ṭṭ8, ṭ7ṣ, σṢṢ, 1523 Ballıkuyumcu 7σ, 1636
Alaca Ṭṭ7, Ṭσ8, Ṭ97, ṭ88 Banaz ‘ay (Sindros) (r.) 1659
Alaca Dağ (mt.) 1535 Baretta Ṭτσ
Alaca Höyük 7Ṭ, Ṭσ8, Ṭτσ, ṭ9ṭ, 1302 Βά 965
Aleppo 8, ṬṢṭ, 852 Βά , 965
Alibeyhüyüğü 7σ, σṢτ Barsama Ṭṭσ, 863, 904
Ali ar (Alishar) Ṭṣ, τ6, 7Ṭ, ṣσσ, ṣτṬ, ṣ9Ṣ, ṣ9Ṭ, Batnae ṬṬσ
Ṭṭ7, Ṭṭ9, Ṭ8σ, ṭṣṬff., ṭ9ṣ, ṭ9ṭ, σṣṣ, 359, 423, Be tepeler Geçidi (ps.) Ṭṭ6, Ṭṭ8
857, 878, 1154, 1557, 1594, 1608 Beycesultan 7Ṭ
Almu Ṭ6σ, ṭ87, 1605 Bey ehir (l.) 78, 8ṭ, ṭ69ff., 1544
Altılar 1634 Bi a, Tell ṣṢ7
Altınyayla ṣσσ, ṬṬ9 Birecik 8ṣ, Ṭṣ7f., ṬṬṢ, ṬṬṭf., 750
Amasya 6Ṭ, 68, 79, 8Ṭ, 8σ, Ṭσ8, Ṭ7ṭ, ṭ8ṭ, ṭ86f., Birecik Dam ṬṬṢ
σṣṢ, 418, 999, 1073 Bir Göz Köprü (br.) Ṭṭ6, ṭ9τf.
Amanus ṣṢ8, ṣṣṭff., ṣṬṢ, ṣσṣ, 352 Black Sea 68, 7Ṭ, 77ff., 8σ, ṣṢ8, ṣṣτ, ṣṣ7f., ṣṬṢ,
Amorium (Amorion) 1467, 1535 ṬṬ9, Ṭσṣ, Ṭσ9, Ṭτṭ, Ṭ6Ṭff., Ṭ7σ, Ṭ9ṭ, ṭṢτ, ṭ8ṭf.,
Anazarbus 445 ṭ86f., 73, 1148
Anisa Ṭṭṣ Boğazköprü (br.) Ṭṭ7, ṭṬṣf., ṭ9τ
Andırın 780 Boğazköy (Boğazkale) Ṭṣ, τ6, τ8, 6Ṭ, 7Ṭ, ṣṢ6,
Ankara (Ancyra, Angora, Ankyra) ṣṣ, 6Ṣ, 68, 78, ṣṣ9, ṣτṬ, Ṭσ8, Ṭ7Ṭ, Ṭ9Ṭ, Ṭ9σff., Ṭ97, ṭṢṣ, ṭṢṭ,
8Ṭ, 8σ, ṭσ6f., ṭσ9, ṭ9σ, ṭ96, σṢṣ, σṢṭ, 852, 938, ṭ87, σṢτ, σṣṣ, 218, 512, 689, 784, 1147, 1248
1365, 1476, 1535, 1568, 1569 Boğazlıyan 7σ, 8σ, Ṭṭ7, ṭ9ṭ, σṣṣ, 1276
Antalya 1539 Bohemia Ṭ6ṭ
τṢ9
INDICES
Bolkar Dağ (mt.) 1544 ‘amardi 223

Bolu 79 ‘ankırı Ṭσ8, Ṭτṣ
Bolus (Aktepe) 7σ, ṭ8σ, σṣṣ ‘ar amba (r.) 8ṭ, ṭ7Ṣf.
Bolvadin σṢṭ, σṢ6f., σṣṢf., 941, 1639 ‘atalhöyük 161
Bolvadin Üçhöyük 7σ, σṢσ, σṢ7 ‘avu ağa 883
Bosnia Ṭ6ṭ ‘ay 8σ, ṭṭ8, σṢ7, 941, 1526,
Boyalı 7Ṭ ‘engeltepe 7Ṭ
Bozkır 1535, 1544 ‘ekerek ṭ88
Britain 8, 1569 ‘ekerek (r.) 78, 8Ṭ, Ṭτ9, Ṭ7ṭ, Ṭ8σ, Ṭ88, Ṭ9Ṣff.,
Brugges ṣ ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ86f., ṭ9ṭ, 999
Bulgar Maden 104 ‘e nir Köprü (br.) 899
Burdur 1529 ‘obankaradağ (mt.) 1535
Burgos 1012 ‘ok Göz Köprü (br.) Ṭṭ6f.
Bursa 68, 8σ ‘omaklı / İlmez 7σ, σṢτ
*bur(u)ssanda (l.) 1660 ‘orum τ6, 79, 8Ṭ, Ṭσ8, Ṭ9Ṭ, ṭ8ṭ, ṭ89, ṭ9ṣ, ṭ9ṭ,
Busuranda (l.) σṢ8 σṣṣ, 999, 1596
Bükluk(k)ale (Kapalıkaya) 7Ṭ, ṭ89, σṢṢ, σṣṣ ‘ubuk Deresi 1581
Bünyan ṬṬ6, Ṭṭ6f. ‘ukurçuk Su (r.) 1365
Büyükkale (Boğazköy) Ṭ97, ṭṢṣf., 1182
Büyükkale (Harmandalı) ṭ99 D
Büyükkale / Küçükkale 7σ, ṭ89, ṭ9ṣ Dadasun Ṭṭṭ
Büyükkaletepe (Büklukkale) 1635 Damascus 1420
Büyükkaya ṣṢ6 Damsa ṭṬṣ
Büyük Küllük Tepe ṭ86 Darende Ṭṣτ, ṬṬ9, 411, 853
Büyüknefes 7σ, ṭṢṣ, Ṭ97, ṭṢṣff., ṭṢτ, 930 Dede Bel (ps.) Ṭṭ9
Byzantium (Byzantine) Ṭτ, 6ṭ, ṣṢṬ, ṣ8ṭ, Ṭṣṭff., Dede mezari 7Ṭ, 1657
Ṭṣ9, ṬṬτ, ṬṬ9, ṬσṢ, Ṭτṭ, ṭṢṢff., ṭσ6, ṭτσ, ṭ9τ, Dedesin Ṭṭṭ, 882
ṭ99, σṢ6, 10, 205, 417, 938, 1109, 1330, 1535 Değirmentepe 7Ṭ
Delice ṭ8ṭ, ṭ9ṣf., σṢṢ, σṣṣ
C Delice (r.) 78, 8Ṭ, ṭ9ṭ
Cabira 1591 Delicik Tepe 1588
Cairo 10 Demirci Höyük 7Ṭ
Cappadocia 8Ṭ, ṬṬτ, Ṭṭ6, ṬσṢ, ṭṬṬ, ṭṭṢ, ṭṭτ, Deveci Dağları (mts.) Ṭτ9, Ṭ7ṭ, 1073
ṭ97, 10, 863, 1315 Develi Ṭṣτ, Ṭṭ6, Ṭṭ9
Carthage τṭ Devrez ‘ay (r.) ṬτṢf.
Castabala 445 Dinar 8σ, σṢ6, 1419
Cataonia 1523 Diyala 43
Ceyhan (r.) 451, 780 Diyarbakır 6Ṭ, 8Ṣf., 8σ, 383
Chadid, al 418 Divriği ṣṢṬ
Chagar Bazar 153, 182 Doğan ehir ṣṣṢ, Ṭṣ9
China ṬṢ Doğantepe 7σ, ṭ86f.
Choga Gavaneh 43 Domuzboğazlıyan 7σ, σṢτ
Cihanbeyli 8Ṭ, ṭ9Ṣ, σṢṣf., σṢτ, 1639 Durupınar 1634
Cilicia 8, 68, 8Ṣ, 8σ, ṣσṢf., Ṭṣτ, ṬṬτ, ṬσṢ, Ṭσ9, Dündartepe 7Ṭ, 1583
σṢṢ, 1523, 1526
Cırcır Tepe 1599 E
Comana Cappadociae ṣσσ Eber (l.) 78, 8ṭ, σṢ8
Comana Pontica 79 Egypt 1529
Cop k 399 Eğirdir (l.) 78
Cyprus ṭ7σ Eğirköy 814
Czechoslovakia ττ Elazığ 8Ṣf., 96, ṣṢṬf., ṣṬ9, ṣ9σ, ṣ96, Ṭṣṭ, Ṭṣ6,
Ṭ6Ṭ
‘ Elbistan 8Ṣf., ṣṢṬ, ṣṭṢf., ṣσṣ, ṣσσ, Ṭṣṭ, Ṭṣτf.,

‘adır 7Ṭ, ṭṣ6, 218 Ṭṣ9, ṬṬṣff., ṬṬ6, ṬṬ9, Ṭṭ9f., σṣṣ, 74, 418, 445
‘akır Dağı (mt.) ṭ87 Elif 818
‘allıgedik (ps.) ṭ9τ Emirdağ 78, 8ṭ, σṢ6
τṣṢ
E. TOPONYMS
Erbaa Ṭ6σ, ṭ87 Gümbet Ova ṭ87

Erciyes 77, 8τ, ṣσṣ, Ṭṭ6, Ṭṭ9, 232 Gürün (Gauraena) 8Ṣf., ṣṭṢ, ṣṭṬ, Ṭṣτ, ṬṬ9, 411
Ereğli 8σ, ṬτṬ, Ṭ9ṣ, ṭṭṢ, σṢṢ, 1523, 1567
Ergani (Maden) ṬṢ, 8ṣ, ṣṢτ, Ṭ6Ṭf., 223, 840 H
Erkenek (ps.) Ṭṣ9f. Hacibekirözü (r.) ṭṬ9, ṭ6τ, ṭ9Ṣ, σṢṢ, 1634
Erkilet 882 Hacibekta (see also Suluca Karahöyük) 7ṭ,
Ertuğrul Höyük ṭ97 ṭ9σf.
Erzincan 77, 79, 8σ Haciköy (Gümü haciköy) 1022
Eski ehir 68, 8σ, 98, 1636 Haci Su (r.) ṭṬ9
Eskiyapar 7Ṭ, Ṭ9Ṭ, ṭ87ff., ṭ9ṭ, 830, 1302 Cacon 102
E elı ṬσṢ Halfeti Ṭṣ6, Ṭṣ8, ṬṬσ
Etonea 1219 Halys Ṭτ, ṣṢṭ
Euphrates 7, ṣ6, ṣ9, ṬṬ, Ṭτ, ṭτ, 68, 7Ṣf., 78, 8Ṣf., Hamadan 43
87, ṣṢṢff., ṣṢ8ff., ṣṣ9f., ṣṬṬf., ṣṬτ, ṣṬ9ff., ṣṭ6, Hamrin 43
ṣσṢff., ṣτṣ, ṣτσ, ṣ6ṣ, ṣ6σ, ṣ68ff., ṣ7τ, ṣ8Ṣff., Hanana 1073
ṣ8τ, ṣ89ff., ṣ9σ, ṣ96ff., ṬṢṬf., ṬṢ9, ṬṣṬf., Canana at [...]amikhnh 273
Ṭṣτff., Ṭṣ9ff., ṬṬ7, ṬṬ9, Ṭσṭ, Ṭ6ṣf., Ṭ67f., Ṭ7σ., Hanözü 7Ṭ
Ṭ9Ṣ, 91, 98, 160, 239, 539, 946 Harmandalı 7σ, ṭ9σ, ṭ99, σṣṣ
Europe ṣf., 8, ṣ8, ṬṢf., Ṭτ, τσ, Ṭ6ṭ, ṭ7σ, 1569 Harput ṬṢ
Eusebeia pros tô Argaio 863 Hasan Dağ 77, ṭ97, σṢṢ
Hasancıklı (Hasancık, Hasancılı) ṬṢ8f., 78Ṣ
F Hatay 96
Ferzant 7Ṭ, ṭ9ṭ Hatunsaray 1523
Flanders 8 Haymana (Haimaneh) 7ṭ, 8Ṭ, σṢṢf., 1639
Fraktın (Fıraktın) ṣσṣ, ṬσṢ, 814 Hayrettin 1588
France ṣ, 8 Havza 79, 1583
Havza (ps.) ṭ8ṭ
G Hazar Gölü (l.) ṣṢṬ
Galatia 965 Hekimhan Ṭṣ9
Galli (gent.) 1477 Herakleopolis 1109
Galonitide 1591 Hermos (Gediz ‘ay) (r.) 1529
Garsaura 962 Hermonas 815
Gaziantep 7Ṭ, ṣṣ6, ṬṢṣ, ṬṬṣf., ṬṬσf., σṣṣ, 294 Hierakomê ṭ69
Gediksaray 7σ, ṭ86f., σṣṣ *Himepara (see Limpara)
Gemerek Ṭṣ9, ṬṬ9, Ṭṭ6, 863, 907 Himmetdede Ṭṭ7, ṭ96, 1597
Gerdekkaya 7σ, 850 Hirbemerdon Tepe 7Ṭ, 161
Gerger Kalesi Ṭṣ6ff. Hisarlik 7Ṭ
Germanicea ṬṬτ Hı ır ṭ89
Gesi Ṭṭṭf., ṬσṢ Hôh, yuk. ṣṢṬf.
Gevrek Ṭ6σ Holmi ṭṭ8
Geyre Höyük 7Ṭ Holmoi Ṭσ9, ṭṭ8, 419, 420
Gez Beli (ps.) Ṭṣτ, Ṭṭ9 Homat Düden ṭ69, 1535
Ghazala 418 Homat Höyük (Homat Kale) ṭ69, 1535
Giresun 87 Horoztepe Ṭτσ, 1591
Gordion 7ṭ, ṭτσ, σṢṢ, 98, 161, 218 Horum Höyük 7Ṭ, ṬṬσ
Göçebe (gent.) 1420 *Hozat Höyük ṭ69
Gök Bel (ps.) Ṭṭ9 Hulu Irmağı (r.) 1534
Gökırmak (r.) 79 Hüseyndede Ṭṣ
Gök Su (r.) 812, 823, 1534
Göksun 7σ, 8Ṣ, ṬṢ8, Ṭṣτ, Ṭṣ8f., ṬṬσff., Ṭṭ9, Ṭ6σ, I
σṣṣ Iconium (see Konya)
Gölba ı Ṭṣτ, Ṭṣ9, σṣṣ, 75, 417, 834 Ida (mt.) 1539
Gölcik ṣṢṬ Ikiztepe 7Ṭ, 79, ṣṬṢ, ṭ8σ, σṣṣ, 12, 218, 366
Gözlek ṭ8Ṭ Imamoğlu 7Ṭ
Greece ṬṢ, 98, 99, 106 Imiku ağı 7ṭ
Gritille 7Ṭ Incesu 8σ, Ṭṭ6
Gül ehir Ṭṭ6, ṭṬ9, ṭ96 Inekli 812
τṣṣ
INDICES
Ipsus (‘ayırbağı) σṢ6, 1419 Kazova σṣṣ

Iran ṣṢ, 77, 43 Keban Dam ṬṬṢ
Isaurians (gent.) 1420 Kelkit (r.) 79, ṭ87, 482
Israel 10 Kemerhisar ṬτṬ, ṭṬ9f., 1523
I ık Dağ Ṭ6σ Kenan Tepe 7ṭ
Italy ṣ, τ, 8, 10 Kenk 818
Izgin ṣṭṣ, 445 Kepen 7σ, σṢṭf., σṢ6, σṣṣ
Izmir 68, 8σ, σṢ6 Kerkenes Dağ ṭṣ6
Kesikköprü Ṭṭ, ṭṬṬ, ṭ9ṭ, ṭ9τf., ṭ99, 1321
J Kestel 223
Justinianopolis 1606 Khojan Ṭṣ6, Ṭṣ8
Khorasan 43
K Khurman (r.) Ṭṭ9, 815
Kabak Tepe (ps.) Ṭṭ9 Khurman Kale ṬṬ8, 815
Kabaliya ṭ7ṣ, 1529 Kilik Ṭṣ6
Kaçkar Dağı 78 Kinet Höyük (Issos) 7ṭ
Kadı ehri ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ8Ṭ, σṣṣ Kılıçözü ṭ9Ṣf.
Kahramanmara 8Ṣf., 96, ṣṭṢ, ṬṢ8, Ṭṣτf., Ṭṣ8, Kırıkkale ṬṢ, ṭṬ9, ṭ9Ṣf.,
ṬṬṣf., ṬṬσf., ṬσṢ, σṣṣ, 294 Kırıklar Höyük σṢṬ
Kâhta Ṭṣ8 Kırkgöz Köprü (br.) Ṭṣ9
Kaistros (Aksu) (r.) 1529 Kır ehir τ6, 7σ, 8σ, Ṭṭ7, ṭṬṬ, ṭ9Ṭ, ṭ9σff., σṣṣ,
Kaledoruğu 7ṭ 12, 205, 1321, 1365
Kalkankaya 7σ, 850 Kızılırmak Ṭṭf., 78f., 8Ṭ, 8σ, ṣτṬ, ṣτσf., ṣτ9,
Kaman 8σ, σṣṣ, 1597 ṣ6Ṭf., ṣ7Ṣ, ṬṣṢ, Ṭṣṭ, ṬṬ9f., ṬṭṬf., Ṭṭ6ff., Ṭσ8ff.,
Kaman Kalehöyük τ6, 7ṭ, Ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ9σf. Ṭτσ, Ṭτ9, Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ66, Ṭ68, Ṭ8Ṭ, Ṭ9Ṭ, Ṭ97, Ṭ99f.,
Kanber (Kamber) ṬσṢ, 98 ṭṢ8, ṭṣṣ, ṭṣτ, ṭṣ7, ṭṬṣf., ṭṬṭ, ṭṬ6, ṭṬ9, ṭṭṣ,
Kangal ṣṢṬ, Ṭṣ9 ṭṭ7, ṭσṭff., ṭσ8ff., ṭτṭ, ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ6σf., ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ89ff.,
Kapalıkaya (see Büklükkale) ṭ9ṭff., ṭ99, σṢṬ, σṣṢ, 205, 366, 971, 995, 1321,
Karababa Basin Ṭṣτf., ṬṬṭ 1330, 1583, 1591, 1596, 1597
Karaali ṬτṬ Kızılin Ṭṣ6
Kara Dağ (mts.) ṬṬσ Kızılören 98, 1544
Karagüney Dağı ṭ9ṭ Kızılözün Höyük 1608
Karakeçili 965 Ko noun io ṣτṭ9
Karamağra Ṭ79 Kolbasa 1420
Karatay ṬσṢ Konya 68, 8Ṭff., Ṭτṭ, ṭṭτ, ṭ7Ṣf., ṭ97, σṢṣ, σṢṭ,
Karahöyük (Elbistan) 7ṭ, ṣṭṣ, ṣσṣ, ṬṬṣf., ṬṬ6, σṢτ, σṣṣ, 158, 966, 1063, 1400, 1512, 1523,
ṬσṢ, σṣṣ, 445 1544, 1634
Karahöyük (Gedikli) 7ṭ Koralis 1535
Karahöyük (Konya) σṢṭ, σṢτ, 12, ṣσ, 1400, 1512 Kozan 780
*Karal(l)is Limnē (l.) 1535 Kozaklı 1597
Karaman σṢṢ, 965 Köprüköy Ṭσ, ṣṢ6, ṭ89, ṭ9ṣ, ṭ9τf., σṢṢ, σṣṣ
Karana Ṭ7ṭ, Ṭ8Ṭ, 1109 Korucutepe 7ṭ, 218
Karaoğlan 7ṭ Kötükale 99, 411
Karaören 1615 Kulu ṭṬ9, σṢṣ, 1634
Karaözü Ṭṭ, 7σ, ṬṣṢ, Ṭṭ8 Kuluncak Ṭṣ9
Karapınar 224, 1535 Kundu 482, 1591
Karasu (r.) 307 Kurban Höyük 7ṭ, ṬṬṭ, 282
kariye i-Kıŋı Ṭṭṣ Kurdish (gent.) 1639
Kastamonu 79, ṬτṢ Kurt Dağ (mt.) 779
Kayalıpınar τ6, 7ṭ, ṣτṬ, Ṭṣ9, ṬṬṣ, ṬṬ8f., Ṭ8Ṭ, Kuru Bel (ps.) Ṭṭ9
ṭ79, ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ96, σṣṣ Kuru ‘ay (ps.) Ṭṭ9f.
Kayapınar Höyüğü 7ṭ Kuruköprü ṬσṢ
Kayseri ṣ, Ṭṭ, ττ, τ8, 68, 7Ṭf., 8Ṣff., 8σ, ṬṣṬ, Kusura 7ṭ
Ṭṣτ, ṬṬṢf., ṬṬσ, ṬṬ9, ṬṭṢff., ṭ7Ṭ, ṭ9σf., σṣṣ, 75, Ku aklı 218, 476, 673
98, 780, 863, 1622 Küçük Küllük Tepe ṭ86
Kazane Höyük 7ṭ, 282, 840 Külada ṭ69, 1535
Kazarma ṣτṭ Külhöyük (Haymana) 7ṭ, ṭ98, σṢṢf., 1643
τṣṬ
E. TOPONYMS
Küllü Tepe (Akkı la/Gömürgen) 7σ, 854 N

Kültepe (Kayseri) ṣf., σf., 8ff., ṣτf., Ṭṣ, Ṭṭ, ṭτ, Nandianulus ṭ99
ττf., 6Ṣ, 66, 7Ṭf., 8Ṭ, ṣṢṢ, ṣṢτ, ṣṣ7, ṣṣ9, ṣṬṣ, Nanessos ṭ98
ṣσṭ, ṣσ9, ṣτṬf., ṣ8σ, ṣ9ṣf., ṬṢṬ, ṬṣṬ, ṬṬṢ, Naziansos ṭ98
ṬṭṢff., Ṭτσf., Ṭ6σ, Ṭ67, Ṭ7Ṭ, Ṭ7τ, Ṭ8Ṣ, Ṭ8σ, Neonassos ṭ98
Ṭ9σf., Ṭ97, ṭṣṭf., ṭṣ9, ṭṬṣ, ṭσ9, ṭ7ṭf., ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ9ṭ, Nev ehir ṭṬṣ, ṭṬṭ, ṭ78, 1400
σṣṣ, σṣṭ, 176, 239, 346, 364, 622, 854, 1348, Niğde Ṭṭ6, 223
1512, 1634, 1652 Niksar 79, ṭ87, 482
Kültepe-Deliler 1634 Nor untepe 7ṭ
Kybistra ṬτṬ Nurhak Ṭṣτ, Ṭṣ7, 417
Nyssa ṭ98f.
L
Lâdik 79, 1583 O
Lalandos 1529, 1536 Oğuz (gent.) 1420
Lâlebeli Geçidi (ps.) Ṭṭ6, Ṭṭ8f. Oluz Höyük 7ṭ, ṭ8τf.
Larissa Ṭṣ9 Oman ṭ7σ
Leilan, Tell ṣτṢ, ṬṢτ, 75, 182, 290, 756 Onhoroz Höyük 7σ, ṭ86
Levant, The 66, σṢ6 Onhoroz Pınarı ṭ86
Lidar Höyük 7ṭ, ṣṢṭ, ṬṬṭ Ordu 78
Liman Tepe 7ṭ Ortakaraviran II 7σ
Limpara Höyük 7σ, Ṭṭ8ff., σṣṣ Ortaköy (‘orum) 6Ṭ, Ṭ9Ṭ, ṭ89, 187, 966, 1109,
Lombardy ṬṢ 1118
London Ṭ Ortaköy (Aksaray) ṭ96
Lucca τ Osdara (Asdara) 450
Lycaonia ṭτ, Ṭτṭ, ṭṭτ, 965 Osiena ṭ96, 938
Lystra 1523 Ourima ṬṬσ
Ovaören 1608
M Oyaca 1600
Magna Grecia ṣσ8 Oymaağaç Höyük 7ṭ, 1591
Malatya 68, 8Ṣf., 8σ, ṣṬ9ff., Ṭṣτf., Ṭṣ8, ṬṬṢf., Oymaağaç Mh. 882
ṬṬ6f., ṬṬ9, Ṭṭ9, σṣṣ, 223, 836
Malleli 1537 P
Marmara, Sea of 77, 79, 8σ Panaztepe 7ṭ
Mara (see Kahramanmara ) Paphlagonia ṭ8τ, 1591
Mardin 8ṣ, 98, Ṭṣ7, 75, 91, 840 Paris ṣ
Maritta Düdeni ṭ69 *Parshunt ṭ69
Ma at Höyük 6Ṭ, 7ṭ, ṣσṣ, Ṭτ8f., Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ7ṭ, Ṭ8ṣf., *Pasgount ṭ69
Ṭ9Ṣf., ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ8Ṭf., σṣṣ, 966, 1291 Pasgousa ṭ69
Mazaca (Mazaka) Ṭṭṣ, Ṭṭṭ Pazarcık 417
Meander (r.) (Maiandros) 8σ, σṢ6 Pazarören ṣ9σ
Mecitözü 79, ṭ8Ṭ Peleponnese ṬṢ, Ṭτ
Mediterranean, The 68, 77, 8Ṣ, 8σ, ṬṬ9, ṭṭ8, Persian Gulf, The 43
ṭ7Ṭ, σṢ6, 366 Pessinus σṢσ, 965, 1477
Meissen Ṭ6ṭ Philomelion ṭ7ṣ
Meke Gölü (l.) 1535 Phrygia Paroreia ṭ7ṣ
Melikgazi 885 Pirot Ṭṣ6
Melitene (Melita) ṣṬ9f., 404, 421 Pisidia ṭ7ṣ, 1420, 1539
Mercimektepe 7ṭ Pisidia, Antiochean ṭ7ṣ
Merzifon 79, Ṭσ8, Ṭ6σ, ṭ8ṭf., ṭ86f., ṭ9ṣ, ṭ9ṭ, Pitnissos Ṭτσ
σṣṣ Pınarba ı 8ṣ, ṣσσ, ṬṬ6, Ṭṭ9, 75
Mesopotamia Ṭ, 7, ṣṢ, ṣṭ, ṭτ, τṭ, τ6, τ8ff., 78, Polatlı 7ṭ, 8σ, σṢṢf.
8Ṣ, ṣṢτ, ṣ98, Ṭṣṭ, ṬσṢ, 43, 159, 358 Pontus (gent. and region) 78ff., 8σ, Ṭτσ, Ṭ6ṭ,
Midas City 98 ṭ7σ, 482, 1219
Minoan (gent.) 1645 Pontus Galaticus 1219
Murat (r.) ṣṬ9 Porsuk (Zeyve) Höyük 1544
Mycenae 99, 106, 1645 Porsuk ‘ay (r.) ṭτṭf., ṭ7Ṭ, ṭ9Ṣ, σṢṣ, σṢσ
Pyramos (r.) 451
τṣṭ
INDICES
Q Spynin Ṭṣ9
Qala at šerqat σ, 75 Suba ı Ṭ6τ
Suğla (l.) 8ṭ, ṭ7Ṣ, 1544
R Sulaykurt 1600
Ras Shamra 6Ṭ, 188 Sultan Dağ 78, 8ṭ, ṭ7ṣf., σṢ7, 1544
Re adiye ṭ87 Sultanhanı (Aksaray) ṭ97
Rimah, Tell 9, ṬṢτ, 39, 7τ Sultanhanı (Kayseri) 7ṭ, ṬṬṣ, Ṭṭ8
Rome 67, 81 Sultan Sazlığı Ku Cenneti 896
Rosolodiaco ṭσ6 Suluca Karahöyük (Hacibekta ) 7ṭ, ṭ9σ
Rumkale Ṭṣ6 Suluova σṣṣ, 1589
Sulusaray ṣτṬ, ṬṬ8, Ṭτ8f., Ṭ7ṭ, Ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ79f., ṭ8Ṭ,
S σṣṣ
Sabatra 224 Sungurlu Ṭ96f., ṭṢṬ, ṭ8ṭ, ṭ9ṣff.
Sagalassos 98 Suruç 839
Sakarya (Σ ά ιο , Σά ι , Σά ι , Sangari- Susuz 963
us, āġirā) (r.) 78, 8Ṭf., ṭτṭf., ṭτ7, ṭ6ṣf., ṭ6σ, Suvermez Dağ ṭṬṬ, 1328
ṭ7Ṭ, ṭ9Ṣ, σṢṢf., σṢṭff. Suyugüzel Höyük 1634
Salat Tepe 7ṭ Süleymanhaci 7σ
Salkuma ṬσṢ Sürgü Ṭṣ9f.
Salt Lake (see Tuz Gölü) Syria τ, 7ff., ṣ6, ṭσf., ṭ7, τ6f., τ9f., 7Ṣf., 8Ṣf.,
Salur ṭṣ6 87, 89ff., 97f., ṣṢṢf., ṣṢτ, ṣṢ7f., ṣṣṭ, ṣṣ6, ṣτṢ,
Samsat (Samosata) 7ṭ, 8ṣ, 96, ṣṢṭ, ṣṣσ, Ṭṣ6f., ṣ8ṣ, ṣ87, ṣ96, ṬṢṢff., ṬṢ8, ṬṣṬ, Ṭṣτ, ṬṬṣf., Ṭ9τ,
Ṭṣ9, ṬṬṬf., σṣṣ, 7τ, 820, 840 ṭ99, 83, 91, 127, 183, 576, 802, 1116, 1420,
Samsun 68, 7ṭ, 79, ṭ8ṭ 1554
Saoatra 253
Sandıklı 1419
Saraçoğlu (gent.) 1420 anlıurfa (Urfa) 8ṣ, ṣṣ6, 294, 750
Sarımsaklı (r.) Ṭṭ7, Ṭṭ9, ṭṬ, ṭṬṭ, 901, 903 ar ṬσṢ
Sarız 7σ, 8ṣ, ṬṬ8, Ṭṭ9f. arkı la Ṭṣ9, ṬṬ9, 907
Sasima 1400 a kan Büyüktepe 282
Sazlı Höyük 1544 efaatlı 1597
Seberias 1095 erelikoçhisar ṭ99f., 1523
Sebasteia (Sabastiyya) (see Sivas)
Sebastopolis 1109 T
Selorie 307 Tadzikhistan 9
Seydi ‘ayı (Seyit) (r.) σṢ8 Taranta (see Darende)
Shemsharra 182, 871 Tarsa 98
Siboron Ṭ79 Tatar Höyük ṬṬṭ, 282
Silifke Ṭσ9, ṭṭ8 Tatvan 98
Sindros (r.) 1659 Taurla 482, 1591
Sivas τ6, 68, 7ṭ, 79, 8Ṭ, 8σ, ṣṢṬ, ṣτṬ, Ṭṣ9, ṬṬṣ, Taulara 482, 1591
ṬṬ8f., Ṭṭ7ff., ṭ8Ṣ, ṭ8ṭ, σṣṣ, 418 Taurus (mts.) ṬṢ, Ṭ8, ṭτ, τ9, 77f., 8Ṣff., 8σ, ṣṣ8,
Sivrihisar 8σ, σṢṭf., σṢ6, σṣṣ ṣṬṬ, ṣṬ6, ṣṭṢ, ṣσṢ, ṣτṢ, ṣ6τ, ṣ9σ, ṬṢτ, ṬṣṬf.,
Sivrihisar Dagları σṢσ Ṭṣτf., ṬṬṢ, Ṭσṣ, ṬτṬ, Ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ79, 784, 836, 1420,
Skleros Limnē (l.) 1535 1515, 1535, 1544
Slovenia Ṭ6ṭ Tautaendia 1477
Soanda ṭ96 Tavium Ṭ97, ṭṢṣf., ṭ96
Soatra 224, 962 Tav ançalı σṢṬ
Sofular ‘ay (r.) ṭṬ9 Tav an Dağ 79, Ṭ6σ, ṭ8ṭ, ṭ8τ, ṭ87, σṣṣ
Sofular Höyük 1634 Tekkeköy (Samsun) 7ṭ
Soğanlı 98 Telebehi (Telmessos) 1420
Sophene ṣṬ9 Telgoran 840
Sorgun τ6, 7Ṭ, 8σ, ṭ8Ṭ Termessos 1539
Söğütlü 1634 Tepecik (‘ine) 7ṭ
Spain 1012 Tepecik (Keban) 7ṭ, Ṭ6Ṭ
Sparta ṬṢ, ṣσ8 Tersakan (r.) Ṭτ9, ṭ8Ṭ
sqdrin 1535 Tigris (r.) ṭ, Ṭτ, 78, 8Ṣ, ṣṢσ, ṣṭṢ, 118, 840
τṣσ
E. TOPONYMS
Tiladir 7σ Ü
Tilbe ar 7ṭ, ṬṬσ Üçhöyük (see Bolvadin)
Tilmen Höyük 7ṭ, ṣṢ8, ṣṣ6 Ürgüp ṭṬṣ, ṭṬṭ, ṭ96, 98
Tiris Maden 1544 Ürgüp (r.) ṭṬṭ
Tishreen (Tishrin) ṬṬṭ Üyük 7σ, ṭ8Ṭ
Titri Höyük ṬṬṭ
Tlos 1420 V
Tohma ‘ay (r.) Ṭṣ9 Van (l.) 834
Tokat 6Ṭ, 68, 79, 8Ṭ, 8σ, ṬṬ8, Ṭσ6, Ṭ6ṭf., ṭ8Ṣ, Varavan 7σ, ṭ9τ, ṭ99, σṣṣ, 12
ṭ8Ṭ, 999, 1605 Venasa 1614
Tomarza Ṭṣτ, ṬṬ6, Ṭṭ9, 98 Vezirköprü 79, 1022, 1591
Tonea ṭṢṣf. Viran ehir 8ṣ
Tonosa Ṭṣ9
Topada ṭ78, 1615 Y
Topakhöyük 7σ, 1608 Yağlıbayat Ṭτṭ
Topaklı 7ṭ, Ṭṭ7, ṭ9σf. Yalak (Boz Höyük) 7σ
Topraktepe (Sivas) 7ṭ, ṬṬṣ, 850 Yalvaç ṭ7ṣ
Torgom (Tarchamah, Togarmah) ṣṭṬ, 853 Yanarlar 7ṭ, 1657
Tosun Höyük ṭ97 Yassıçal 1073
Tosya 79 Yassıdağ (Palas) 7ṭ, ṬṬṣ, Ṭṭτ, Ṭṭ8
Touqan, Tell ṬṣṢ Yassıhöyük (Gordion) 7ṭ
Trabzon Ṭ6σ Yassıhöyük (‘oğun) 7σ
Trogîtis 1535 Yassıhöyük (Kır ehir) 7σ, Ṭṭ7, ṭ9Ṭ, ṭ9σ, 1597
Tufanbeyli Ṭṣτ, Ṭṭ6 Yassıhöyük (Tanır) 7σ, ṬṬ6, 844
Tur Abdin 8ṣ, ṣṬ9, Ṭṣ6 Yassıhöyük (Yozgat) 7σ, ṭ87, σṣṣ
Turcoman (gent.) 1639 Yazılıkaya Ṭσ8, ṭṢṬ
Turhal 79, ṭ8Ṭf., σṣṣ Yedi Oluk (ps.) ṬṬ8, Ṭṭ9f.
Turk(men) Höyük σṢṢ Yenice 1634
Turna 840 Yenice Irmak (see Zamanti Su)
Tuscany ṬṢ Yenihan Ṭσ8
Tuz Gölü (l.) 78, 8Ṭff., ṣσσ, ṣ7Ṣ, Ṭσ9, ṬτṬff., Yeragöme ṭ69
ṭ6σf., ṭ9Ṣ, ṭ96, σṢṢf., σṢσ, 493, 1146, 1622 Ye ilhisar 8σ, Ṭṭ6
Tuzla Gölü (l.) Ṭṭ8 Ye ilırmak (r.) 78f., Ṭτ9, ṭ8Ṭ, σṢṢ
Tuzlaköy 1610 Ye ilköy Ṭṭ6
Türbetepe ṭ99 Ye ilova σṢṢ
Tyana ṬτṬ Yılanlı Ada 1535
Tyanitis ṬτṬ Yıldızeli ṬṬ9, ṬσṢ, ṭ8Ṭ
Yoğunhisar (Boğazlıyan) 7σ, ṭ9ṭ, σṣṣ
U Yozgat 68, 7σ, 8Ṭ, 8σ, Ṭ97, ṭ9Ṭ, 1044
Urartu ṣṬ9f., 840
Urfa (see anlıurfa) Z
U ak 8σ, σṢ6 Zamanti Su (r.) Ṭṭṭ, Ṭṭ9, σṣṣ
U aklı/Ku aklı Höyük 7σ, ṭṣ6 Zank 7ṭ, ṭ9σ
Uzbekistan 9 Zeytınlı Bahçe 7ṭ
Zile 6Ṭ, 79, ṣṣ9, Ṭσ6, Ṭσ8, Ṭτṭ, Ṭτ8, ṭ8Ṭf., ṭ88,
σṣṣ
τṣτ
F. General Index
Anatolia, gates ṣṢṣf., ṣṢ7, ṣσ6, ṬṢṭ, Ṭσ7f., ṭṢṣf., ṭṣṣ,

early script in 467 ṭṭṢ, ṭσ8, 1303
lingua franca ṣ8τf. as multi-component societies ṣṭṣf.
political institutions 6 political importance vs. commercial ṣτṭ, ṣττ,
archaeological evidence 6ṭff., 7Ṭff., ṬṬṬf. ṬṢṢf., ṬṣṢ, Ṭ9Ṭ, ṭṢ9, ṭṣτ, ṭṭ7
ethno-archaeological evidence 6τ, 214, 1420 population Ṭ, ṣṭ
evidence from surveys τṭf., 6σ, 69, 7τf., 8Ṭ, size of 12
ṬṣṬ, Ṭṣ9, ṬṬṣ, ṬṬṭ, Ṭṭ9, Ṭ97, ṭṣ6, ṭ8σ, ṭ86, walls ṭṬ6, 1348
ṭ9ṣff., ṭ99, σṢṣf., σṢ7, 891, 1535, 1539, 1544 city lords ṣ86f.
archives ṣṣf., ττff., 66, Ṭ9τ, 972 city-state
archival distribution ṣṬṬ, ṣ96, Ṭ66, Ṭ69 culture ṬṬṣ, 1545
bias Ṭσṣ, Ṭ7ṣ, 966 in Anatolia ṣṢ6, Ṭσṣ
assembly σ, ṭṬ, ṣṣ6, ṣ78, ṣ9τ, ṬṢ9, Ṭṭṣ, Ṭτ9, internal hierarchy ṣṣ7, ṣσ8f., ṣ6σ, ṬṢτ, Ṭ9τ,
Ṭ7τf., ṭṬ8f., ṭσ9f., ṭττ, ṭ7τ, 27, 448, 646, ṭṭ7
980 climate τσ, 77ff., 8ṣ, 8τ, σṢ9
clusters 67ff., 9σf., ṣṬ6, ṣṭ7, ṬṣṬf., ṭ8ṣ, σṢ9, 245
bank (river) ṭ, ṬṬ, ṭ6, σṢf., 87, ṣṢṢff., ṣṣṭf., ṣṬṢ, colony status, changes in 6, ṣṣ9, ṣτṭ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ7τ,
ṣṬτ, ṣṬ9f., ṣ6Ṭ, ṣ9σ, ṣ96ff., ṣ99, ṬṢṬf., ṬṣṬ, ṭṢ9, ṭσ8, ṭ7σ, σṣṣ, 557
Ṭṣτ, Ṭṣ7f., ṬṬσ, Ṭṭ6, Ṭσ9f., Ṭ88, ṭṢ8, ṭṣ7, ṭṬṣf., commercial networks 7
ṭṬ8ff., ṭσṬff., 315, 417, 448, 750, 1477 Anatolian Early Bronze Age Ṭ
banking ṭσ, 8 Anatolian ṣσ
blood money σṣ, ṭṢṭf., ṭṢ8f., 114, 1489 interregional ṣ
boats ṣ7, ṬṬ, Ṭσ, σṢ, ṣṢṢf., ṣṢ7, ṣṣσ, ṣτσ, ṣ97, consumption Ṭ, ṣṣ, ṭ7, ṭτṢ, ṭ6Ṣf., ṭ7ṭ, σṣṬf.
Ṭṣ8, ṭσṬff., 105, 366 monthly 57
borders copper, trade in 8ff., ṣσf., ṣ9f. ṬṬ, ṣṢτ, ṣ7σ,
iscal 87, 9Ṣ, 58, ṬṭṬ Ṭ6Ṭff., Ṭ66, Ṭ7τ, Ṭ76ff., ṭτṬ, ṭ6ṣ, ṭ6σf., ṭ7ṭff.,
mental 7Ṣ, 87, ṣṢṣ 16, 1499. See also metallurgy
political Ṭṭ, 6ṣ, 8Ṣff., 87, 9ṣ, 97f., ṣṢṢf., ṣṣṭ, copper road, the Ṭσṣ, ṭṣṬ, ṭṣ9f., ṭṬ8, ṭṭṭ, ṭτṢ,
ṣṬ8f., ṣτ9, ṣ98, ṬṢṢ, ṬṢ7, ṬṬṬ, Ṭṭṣf., Ṭσ6, Ṭτṭ, ṭ6ṣ, ṭ6σ
Ṭτ7, Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ7Ṭ, Ṭ76, Ṭ88, Ṭ9Ṣf., ṭṢτ, ṭṢ8, ṭṣṣ, couriers ṣ6f.
ṭṬ8ff., ṭṭτ, ṭσṬff., ṭστff., ṭτṬff., ṭ6ṣ, ṭ6σf., craftsmen 49
ṭ68ff., ṭ78, ṭ8Ṭ, ṭ86, ṭ9Ṣ, ṭ97, σṢτ, σṢ8, 871, crossings ṬṬff., 6σ, 69, 7ṣ, 8ṣ, 87, ṣṢṢff., ṣṣṣf.,
939, 988, 1071, 1354, 1529, 1537 ṣṬṬ, ṣṬ9f., ṣ67, ṣ96, ṣ98f., ṬṣṬ, Ṭṣτff., ṬṬσ,
bridges ṬṢff., ṭ9, τṢ, 67, 7Ṣ, 8Ṣ, ṣṭ6, ṣτṬff., ṣ8Ṣ, ṬṬ9, Ṭṭ8, Ṭτ9, ṭṬṬ, ṭσ7, ṭτṢ, ṭτṬ, ṭτσ, ṭ7Ṭ,
ṣ8ṭ, Ṭṣ9, ṬṬṭ, ṬṬ9, Ṭṭσ, Ṭṭ7, Ṭτ7, Ṭτ9, ṭṣ9, ṭ89ff., ṭ9τ, σṢṢ, σṢσ, 124, 313, 315, 720, 725,
ṭṬṣf., ṭṬ9f., ṭσṬff., ṭτṬff., ṭ6ṣf., ṭ6τ, ṭ79, ṭ9Ṣ, 966, 1591, 1599, 1622
ṭ9ṭ, ṭ96f., σṢṣ, σṢσ, σṣṬ, 99, 205, 398, 482,
730, 901, 902, 1365, 1591, 1613 deforestation
building techniques 79, 8Ṭ, ṬṬṬ, 217 see forest
distances travelled ṣ8, ṬṬ, ṭσ, ṭ6, 89f., ṭ6σ, 91,
camp ṭσ 235, 634
caravan leaders ṣτf., ṭσf. donkeys ṣ6, ṣ9, Ṭ7, 91, ṭṭff., 69
chronology τ6, 6Ṣ, ṣṬṢ, ṬṣṢ, 1, 52, 689 drink Ṭ6, ṭ8, σ6, σ8, 98, ṣṬ7, ṣ9Ṭ, 725
Cilician Gates, the 68, 8Ṣ, 8σ, Ṭṣτ, Ṭṭ6, σṢṢ embargos Ṭ9ff.
cities
τṣ6
F. GENERAL INDEX
ecology level Ib τ6
see climate, forest and landscape king, great ṭ78, 1576
emporium ṬṢṣf., σṢ7
entrepôt ṣṢ, 87, ṣṣ9, ṣ96, ṬṣṬ, 43 land 358
Lower ṣτ7, Ṭσ6, Ṭττ, ṭṬ9, ṭṭτ, ṭ68, ṭ7Ṣff., σṢṢ,
fairs, commercial ṣ, ṭṭ, Ṭ6ṭ, ṭ7σ, 418 σṢτ, 358
faunal remains τσ territory ṣ67, ṬṬṣ
ixed points 6τ, 67, 7Ṣ, ṣṬ9, ṣτṬ, ṬṣṬ, ṬṬ8f., Upper 98, ṣτσ, ṣτ7, Ṭ9Ṣf., 358
ṬṭṢf., ṬτṢ, ṬτṬ, Ṭ7ṭ, Ṭ8σ, Ṭ9Ṭ, Ṭ98, ṭṣṬ, ṭστ, landscape 69, Ṭσṣ
ṭσ7, ṭ79f., ṭ87, σṢ9, σṣṣ linguistic approach 66
forests τṭ, 8Ṣ, 8Ṭ, 8σf., 366, 421, 520, 728, 1022, literacy Ṭ, τ
1522
geography market
historical τṭff. integration Ṭ, ṭ6σ, 1389 (and see prices )
human τṭ, 6τ regional ṣṭ, ṭ7Ṭff.
minimalist and maximalist ṭ6τ, σṢ9 marriages, diplomatic ṭṣτ, ṭσ8, 453
mathematical modelling τṭ
gifts ṣ6, Ṭ6, 98, ṣṢτ, ṣṬṣ, ṣṬ8, ṬṢṬ, ṬṣṢ, Ṭ8ṭ, memoranda and measures of distance ṭṣ9, ṭṭσ,
Ṭ99, ṭṢ9f., 857, 1522 ṭσṭ, ṭ6Ṭf., ṭ8Ṭ
gift exchange ṭṢ9f. messengers
gold ṣ9ṭ, 36 see couriers
grazing ṭσf., ṭ7 metallurgy 6σf., 78, Ṭτσ, Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ6ṭff., Ṭ77, Ṭ8τ,
grids, geographical Ṭṣṣ 1089, 1544
methodology τσff., 6τff., 9σf., Ṭṣṭ
Hattian cultural tradition Ṭσṣ mining 6σ, ṣ9ṭ, Ṭ8Ṣ
heat Ṭ6ff. and see metallurgy
Hittite mules ṭτ
chronology 7Ṭ
history ṣσ8ff., ṣ86ff., Ṭ89f., Ṭ97, ṭṣτ, ṭτ6 Narrow Track, the 96, ṣṭ9, ṣσṣ, ṣστ, ṣ6ṣ, ṣ67,
language τṭ, ṭṣσ, 1178, 1352 ṣ69ff., ṣ8Ṭf., ṣ88, ṣ9ṣff., ṬṣṢ, ṬṣṬf., Ṭṣ9, ṬṬ6f.,
literature 784 ṬṬ9, Ṭṭ9, Ṭσṣff., Ṭτ6f., Ṭτ9, Ṭ6ṣ, Ṭ68, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ7ṭ,
state 7, 6ṣ Ṭ76f., Ṭ79, Ṭ8ṣf., ṭσ8, ṭ6Ṣ, σṣṢ, 367, 541
texts 6ṣff. network theory τṭ
homonyms 66, ṣṢṭ, ṣṣ8, ṣσṢ, ṣ9Ṣ, Ṭṭṭf., Ṭσ9,
Ṭτṭ, Ṭτ9, ṭṭ8, 404, 482, 840, 965, 966, 998, oil ṣṭ, ṣṢτ, ṣṣṢ, ṬṢṢ, ṭṣṢf., 756, 1266, 1267
1252, 1291, 1361, 1509 Old Akkadian period ṣ, 7, 6Ṣ, ṣṢτ, 11, 15, 784,
hydrography τσ, 1535 1522
infrastructure ṣ9ff., ṭ7, ṬṬṭ, σṣṬf. packers ṣτf., ṭσf., 9Ṣf.

inns ṬṢ, ṭσff.,8σ, ṣ8Ṣ, ṬṬṭ, Ṭ7Ṭ, Ṭ7τ, Ṭ8Ṭ, Ṭ88, paleo-botanical evidence τσ, 218
ṭṣ9ff., ṭṭσ, ṭσṬff., ṭτṭ, ṭ6ṭ, ṭ97, σṢṢ, σṣṬf., passes, mountain Ṭτ, 8Ṣ, ṣ68, ṬṢṭ, ṬṢ8f., Ṭṣτ,
91, 148, 730 Ṭṣ7ff., ṬṬσ, ṬṬ9, Ṭṭ9f., Ṭ79f., ṭ79f., ṭ8Ṭf., ṭ9τ,
insurance 8 σṢ6, 98, 417, 1622
interest rate Ṭ66, 56 Persian royal road, the ṭṬṬ, ṭ96
itineraries pistachio Ṭ7Ṭ, Ṭ7τ, 1522, 1554
actual ṣ6 plague 114
false 351, 726, 1381 population 8, ṣṭ 8Ṭ, Ṭ76, 1545
implicit 9ṭ prices ṣṭf., ṣ7ṣ, Ṭ6ṭ, ṭṭṭ, ṭσ9, ṭ6σf., ṭ7σ, σṣṬ,
panoramic 67, 98, ṣṣ6, ṣσṬ, ṬṢτ, Ṭτ8f., Ṭ7ṭ 985, 1389
telescoping 6ṣ, ṭṣ9, ṭ6Ṣ, ṭ6Ṭ, σṣṬ, 245 products, ready-made ṣṣ
proit rate 56
Kaneš
history ṬṭṢf., 857 rafts Ṭσ, 728, 1610
kanlı yol Ṭṣτ, Ṭṣ7, 417 resource areas 7Ṣ
kārum Kaneš rivers Ṭṭ, 7ṣ, 78ff.
levels IV and III σ road-knots 7Ṣ, 8ṭ, ṣ8Ṣ, ṣ8Ṭ, ṣ8σ, ṬṣṬff., ṬṬ9,
level II τ6 Ṭ6τ, ṭ79, σṢṢ, σṢ7
τṣ7
INDICES
roads ṣ9f. topography

carriageways 98 general 67, 77ff., ṣṢṢ, ṬṣṬff., Ṭσṣ, ṭṢṣ, ṭ66,
Hittite Ṭτ ṭ79, ṭ8Ṭ, σṢ9, σṣṬ, 932
Mycenaean and Greek Ṭτ language of 99, ṣṢ6, ṣ68, Ṭ88, Ṭ9σ, ṭṢṣf., ṭṣσ,
ruts Ṭṣ ṭṭτ, ṭ78, 1221
silk, the ṬṢ
tunnels for 99 toponomy
upkeep ṣ9 continuation in Anatolia 6ṣ, ṣσ9
robbers 7, Ṭ6ff. correlation with archaeology 6σ
routes 69, 77ff., 8ṭff., Ṭσṣ double toponyms 1420
ruling couples 6f., ṣσṬf., ṭṬσ, ṭ8Ṣ, 857 sufixes 999
private funds ṭṬτ variations in spelling 97, ṣṣσf., ṣσṢ, ṣ9Ṣ, ṣ98,
ṬṢṭ, Ṭ79, ṭṢṢ, 353, 424, 443, 520, 686, 756,
sacriices ṣ96, ṭṣṭ, 725 768, 886, 938, 1097, 1107, 1116, 1148, 1178,
sale on credit ṭ, Ṭσṣ 1195, 1219, 1241, 1291, 1379, 1421, 1468
salt ṣσ, ṭτ, σ6, σ9, 78, 8Ṭ, 8σ, ṣ7Ṣ, Ṭṭ8, Ṭσ9, trade
ṬτṬf., ṭṣṣ, σṢṢ, 1610 adaptation to Ṭ
seriations 67, 7Ṣ, 245 changes in ṣff., ṣ79, ṣ99, Ṭ66, ṭṢ9, ṭ7σf.
settlement Ṭ, 8ṣ, Ṭṭτ, ṬṬṬ, Ṭ97, 891 commodities missing in ṣσ
silver Ṭ, ṣṢ, ṣṭff., ṣ9σ, ṬṢṣ, Ṭσṣ, Ṭ8τ, ṭτ9ff., impact of ṬṢ, ṭ7, 6τ, ṬτṬ, σṣṭ
ṭ7ṭf., ṭ77, 1400, 1543 long-distance σ, ṣṢ, ṣσ, ṬṬ, ṭσ, σṣṭ
similarity based on sound 66, ṭṢṬ, 450 maritime 8
smuggling ṣṣṬ, ṣṭσff., ṣṭ9, ṣτṣf., ṣ67, ṣ69ff., organisation of ṭσ, 6τ, ṬτṬ, σṣṢff., 91
ṣ8τ, ṣ89, ṣ9ṣf., ṬṬ7, ṬṬ9, Ṭσṣ, ṭṣ9, ṭṭσ, ṭ6ṭ, partnerships ṭ, ṣτ9
553, 565, 1502 restraints in ṣ, 7
sinkholes 78, ṭ69, 1535 termini 9ṭ, ṣṣṣ, ṣṣṭ, ṬṬ6, Ṭσṣ, Ṭτ7, ṭτ7, ṭτ9,
slag, metal Ṭ6Ṭ, Ṭ6σf., 1544 590
standardisation Ṭ volume and scope ṣṣff., 6τ, Ṭ6Ṭ, Ṭ6σ, ṭ6Ṣ,
starvation Ṭ6 ṭ6σ, ṭ7ṭ, σṣṢ, σṣṭ
statistical gravity model 67, 9σ traders
statistics 67, 7Ṣ, 9ṭff., ṣσṭ, ṣ96, ṬṣṢ, ṬσṬ, Ṭ6ṣ, families ṭ
ṭτṢ, ṭ6ṣ, σṢ9ff. generations of ṣ
itinerant ṣσ
taxation ṣ9, 89f., ṣ78f., ṣ8ṭ, ṣ8τ, Ṭττff., Ṭτ8, non-Assyrian in Anatolia 8f.
Ṭ6Ṣ, ṣ7τ, Ṭ79, ṭṬṣ, ṭσσ, 616, 985, 1489 permanent ṣσ
duty-free ṣṢ venture ṣ
evasion 87 transhumance 1420
import 47 travel
in Purushaddum ṭ6ṣ, ṭ7τ gear for ṭσ
nishātum-tax ṣ7Ṭ, ṣ76, ṣ88, ṣ9ṣ, Ṭ7Ṭ, Ṭ89, speed of ṣ8, Ṭ7Ṭ, ṭṣ9, 1596
1052 travellers, early 69f.
adu utum-tax ṣṬσ, ṬṢ9, Ṭ86, ṭσ8, 1052 treaties 7, Ṭ6, 96f., ṣṢṢ, ṣṢ6, ṣṬ8f., ṣ68, ṣ8σ,
tents and tarpaulins ṭσ, 149 ṬṢṣf., ṬṢ6, Ṭṣ7, ṬṭṬ, Ṭτṭ, Ṭ66, ṭṬτ, ṭṭτ, ṭṭ7,
terrain 77ff. ṭσ9, ṭ7Ṣf, ṭ76f., 105, 242, 1219, 1400, 1523,
textiles, production and import 9, ṣṣff. 1530
texts
early τ9f. Ur III empire, the σf., ṣ7, τ9, ṣṢτ, 751
genre τ6, 6ṣ
late 6ṭf. villages ṭ7, 66, 7Ṣ, 8Ṭ, ṣṢṢ, ṣṭṭ, Ṭṭṣff., Ṭ97,
legal testimonies as evidence 365, 448, 966, ṭṣ6, ṭṬ6, ṭ7Ṣf., 482, 946, 966, 1639
1235, 1513
new τ8 wagons ṣ9ff., ṭṭ, ṣ8Ṭ, Ṭṣ9, Ṭ7τ, ṭστ, ṭσ8, ṭ6ṣ,
number of ττ σṢṢ, σṢσ
representativity 68, 9τ, 53 ruts for Ṭṣ, 1436
tin, trade in 43 warfare 7, Ṭ9ff., ṭṭ, ṣσ9, ṣ8τ, ṬṢ6, ṭṢσf. ṭṭ7,
annual import of ṣṣf., 55 ṭτσ, ṭ77
as a strategic resource ṣṬ between poleis ṭṭ
τṣ8
F. GENERAL INDEX
the destruction of Wahšušana ṭσ9f. wine Ṭ6, σṢ, 98, ṣṣσ, ṣṭṬ, ṣ87, ṬṢṢ, ṬṣṢf., ṭṢ9,
local revolts ṣṢ6 ṭσṬf., 421, 725
water ṭτ, 8Ṣf., ṬṬ9, Ṭṭ6, ṭ6Ṭ, ṭ79, ṭ9Ṣ, ṭ99ff., wool, trade in σf., ṣṢ, ṣσf., ṣṢ7, ṣṣ9, ṣṭṬ, ṣσṬ,
965, 1535, 1639 ṣτṭ, ṣ8τ, Ṭṣṣ, Ṭσṣ, Ṭ7Ṣ, Ṭ7σ, Ṭ76, Ṭ8Ṣ, Ṭ89,
ṭσ9, ṭτ9, ṭ76ff., 486, 1012, 1546, ṣτ69
weather Ṭ8f. written sources τσff., Ṭ8Ṣ, ṭτ9, σṣṢ, 34
weights and standardisation Ṭ, ṣ6Ṭ, 151, 1263,
1562 zones of trade 7, ṣṢ, 9Ṣ, ṣṢτ, ṣṣṭ, ṣ96, ṬṢṬ, ṬσṢ,
common standards Ṭ6σ ṭ6ṣ, 34, 58
τṣ9

A Historical Geography of Anatolia in The Old Assyrian Colony Period (Gojko Barjamovic)

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A Historical Geography of Anatolia in The Old Assyrian Colony Period (Gojko Barjamovic)

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A Historical Geography

THE CARSTEN NIEBUHR INSTITUTE OF ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

UNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN ṬṢṣṣ • MUSEUM TUSCULANUM PRESS

ISBN 978 87 6ṭτ ṭ6στ τ

Editorial board of The Carsten Niebuhr Institute Publications

This book is published with inancial support from

Published and distributed by

1.0 Infrastructure of Trade. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣ

Appendix ṣ.ṣ Selected references to guides (rādium) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṭ8

2.0 Historical Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τṭ

Appendix Ṭ.ṣ List of excavated sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7Ṭ

4.0 The Lands East of Kane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

σ.σ Luhuzattiya. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ṣṭṭ

5.0 The Lands North and West of Kane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ṭσṣ

6.0 Beyond Geography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . σṢ9

ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens. London ṣ89σ-

KST Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı. Kültür Bakanlığı Milli Kütüphane Basımevi.

TAED Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi. Ankara.

ṣ8. The regional cluster east of Kaneš.

9. BarjaMovic, Hertel & larsen in press.

Ṭṭ. For the Assyrian judicial system, see Hertel 2007.

6σ. AKT 6 nos. ṣσṭ-ṣστ with further discussion.

Object Average price (sale) Reference

Text Location of bridge, ferry or ford Price

Reference Amount of silver (in grains) Paid to Location

Table ṭ: Amounts in grains of silver paid by Assyrian traders at guard posts.

ṣṢ8. MatsaMura ṬṢṣṢŞ BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ.

Animal Daily consumption of water during the dry season

Reference Location Price and comments

Reference Location Price and comments

Kt 88/k ṣṢσ6 τ e-ri-qá-tim a e- í τ wagonloads of wood

CCT 6, σc (l. ṣ9-Ṭσ) 7 e-ri-qá-tim a tí-ib-nim τ a e- í a 7 wagonloads of straw. τ wagonloads of

Kt f/k 8ṣ (l. 8-ṣṢ) ṭ e-ri-qá-tim a ki-is-na-tim ṭ wagonloads of tree branches.

ṣ7τ. nasHef ṣ99Ṭ; Di nocera & forlanini ṣ99ṬŞ MicHel ṬṢṢṣ.

32° 34° 36° 38° 40° 42° 44°

3000 Kayseri: modern name

Konya Ni‚de su Luhasadd‰ya Diyarbakir

Ebla phrates Ekallªtum

The Old Assyrian Trade routes in Cappadocia

ṣ8Ṣ. J. westenHolZ ṣ998.

ṣ97. gallowaY ṬṢṢ6: σṬŞ MaYne ṬṢṢ8: ṣṣṣŞ BeauDrY ṬṢṢ6: 7.

ṣ99. HoDDer 1986: 7-8Ş tillY ṣ99σ: ṣṣ.

ṬṢṣ. toBler & wineBurg ṣ97ṣ.

ṬṢṭ. raMsaY ṣ89Ṣ: τṣ.

a) Study the pertinent information in ancient sources

Ṭṣṣ. starr ṣ96Ṭ: 6.

Ṭṣṭ. Cf. nur ṬṢṢṢ.

Fig. 7: View of the dry Konya Plain.

ṬṬ7. oğuZkurt ṬṢṢṣŞ BarjaMovic ṬṢṣṢ and cf. section τ.ṣ6.

ṬṭṢ. Cf. nasHef ṣ987Ş ṣ99Ṭ.

Text Packer hired between Text Packer hired between

Table 6: The use of packers (sāridum).

Text Journey Percentage Comments

Text Journey Percentage Comments

Text No. Translation and comment

Table 8: Wages of caravan packers (sāridum).

He will store Ṭ packages containing ṣ6 minas of silver belonging to Aššur-re i and ṣ

Apum ṣ Hurama 7 šimala Ṭ

Purušhaddum (7 attestations, ṭ itineraries ), and Luhuzaddiya (ṭ attestations, ṭ itineraries ),

ṬτṬ. Cf. veenHof ṬṢṢ8b.

Timelkiya Hahhum Badna

Fig. 8: The basic outlay of the Hahhum cluster.

Map 8: The two possible locations of Hahhum, and associated routes.