Institute of Ethiopian Studies

Some Notes on the History of the Ethiopian National Flag

Author(s): S. CHOJNACKI
Source: Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2 (JULY 1963), pp. 49-63
Published by: Institute of Ethiopian Studies
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 Some Notes on the History

the National
of Ethiopian Flag

by S. CHOJNACKI

The following notes are an attempt to trace the origin and the development
of the national flag of the Ethiopians. The idea was suggested to the author
by one of the members of the University College Ethnological Society,
Mr. Gäbru Bälay, who produced an interestingessay on the national flag and
read it at a meeting of November 15, 1956. His essay was never published,
Mr. Gäbru Bälay's only source of informationwas oral tradition as it was told
to him by priests and old people; he did not consult any written material. He
recorded, therefore, a genuine legend. The following is an attempt to
confrontthis legend with the historical sources.

I have mentioned already the source of the legendary explanation. It is

oral tradition preserved by priests and so-called learned people (ďábťároč). To
check this oral tradition there is a sufficientamount of written documents,
but very few documents of other kinds. The flags themselves unfortunately
were, with one exception, not preserved.

Considering written sources, first one has to mention the authors who
dealt with the history of the Ethiopian flag. There were three of thems
Morié, Coppet and Zervos. L. J. Morié in his historyof Ethiopia1 endeavoured
to present a comprehensive story of the origin and development of the flag.
Unfortunately,his irritatingpractice of not giving any references makes his
elaborate story almost useless. I was not able to verify any of his statements
concerning the past of the flag and I doubt whether they were based on any
reliable sources. On the other hand, his informationabout the flag at the time
he wrote his book is of great interest. The second author, M. de Coppet, in
Appendix XII2 to the chronicles of Gabrá Sellasé also traced the history of
the flag. He drew his information mainly from the travellers' writings of the
18th and 19th centuries; it can be considered as the most comprehensive and
reliable essay written so far. The fact that M. de Coppet spent many years in
Ethiopia adds more weight to his statements. The third, Adrien Zervos, in his
'"L'Empire d'Ethiopie,"3 a kind of guidebook of Ethiopia, has repeated uncritically
what Morié and Coppet had writtenbefore. He added only some traditional
explanations.
de l*Ethiopie
1. L. J. Morié,Histoire (Paris,1904),II, 37-39.
2. M. de Coppet,Chronique du Regnede. Aîenelik//,Roi desRoisd Ethiopie Sellassie
parGucbre
(Paris,1931),pp. 616-619.
3. A. Zervos,EyEmpire 1936).
(Alexandrie,
d'Ethiopie,

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 It should be added that the Ethiopian scholar Blatta Mars'é-Haz'án Wälda
Qirqos has referredto the flag in his pamphlet on the historyof the Ethiopian
State emblem. He stated that "St. George is the patron of Ethiopia, and on
this acount the likeness of St. George is sometimes seen depicted on the
Ethiopian flag."4

Concerning first-handwritten information, this can be found in royal

chronicles and descriptions by travellers. My reading of royal chronicles met
with rather poor results, although of course I found here and there some
interestingindications. Much more rewarding was a study of the travellers'
descriptions from the lóth to 20th centuries. Not only did they occasionally
mention flags as the chroniclers did, but they added very precise information
on them. As there is no reason to doubt the genuineness of their descriptions
or to suspect them of any tendencies to distort facts, I have accepted what
they have said about the flags as historically true. Also, it may be pointed
out that there is no strikingdivergence between their descriptionsand, although
incomplete, they corroborate one another. Moreover, the fact they were not
specially interested in the flag and usually mentioned it only at random made
their informationmore reliable. They are incomplete indeed and several impor-
tant points remain open to discussion. Nevertheless, one fact may be deduced
with certaintyfrom travellers' writings and royal chronicles as well: the idea
of national colours and the national flag as adopted by Ethiopians in last fifty
years was not known to their forefathers.There were other symbols of sove-
-
reigntyand power which played the same role as the national flag today the
-
drums and umbrellas for example but the rôle of the flag whenever it was used
was much more modest.

Let us start with the legend. Although there are slightlydifferentversions

of it, there is a basic feature in it: the Ethiopian flag as it is now, in green,
yellow and red colours, is a very old one and used "from immemorial time".
Usually the legend starts with the Deluge, though there is a more ambitious
version which pushes the starting point as far as the days of Creation. But
whatever the time, God has especially reserved these three colours for Ethio-
pia marking his predilection for this nation. That the colours were so reserved
does not mean that the flag was created at once - each colour was added at a
differentperiod: green at the foundation of the Solomonid dynasty and red at
the time of the acceptance of Christianity.This version of the legend is more
elaborate, but there is, I was told, a simpler one: the three colours, were
incorporated into a flag in remembrance of the rainbow of the Deluge. There
are also traditional explanations of what these three colours mean. They may
represent the three main provinces of the Empire: Tegré (fed), Amhara
(yellow) and Shoa (green)5. It should be added that according to Morié the

é - HäzänWäldäQirqosYä-te'emcrtä
4. BlattaMars' tarik(AddisAbaba,1950),J 10v
mangest
5. Morié,op. cit,II, 38,

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white in the earlier version of the flag stands for Gojjam.6 The colours may
also represent the Holy Trinity:7 De Coppet has recorded another explanation:
they represent three theological virtues: Faith (red), Hope (green) and Charity
(yellow).8 Occasionally it is pointed out that for some modern authors these
colours have a very manifold significance indeed. 'In Tarikenna mesalé green
means hope, prosperity and wealth, yellow, faith (religion),flowerand fruit,and
red, love, heroism and sacriface.9 I think we are already in the field of the
internationallyknown code of the significance of colours. Blatta Mârs'é-Hazân
Waldä-Qirqos has added one more explanation. "The rainbow" ne wrote" is
sometimes regarded as a sign of grace and God's convenant, and the Ethio-
pian flag is connected in colour with the rainbow . . .".10
But whatever the differencesin detail of the legend or in the interpretation
of the colours, ordinary men accept this tradition as absolutely certain.11

Now the question arises: how can this oral tradition be corroborated by
historical proofs ?

The firstproblem which should be made clear is that of nomenclature. At

first the word alama appears: it is used in the Royal Chronicle of Sarsä
Dengel,12 and Barradas has given a detailed dercription of its meaning.13The
Portuguese translated the word as bandiera. In the 17th or at the beginning of
the 18th century a new word sändäq appeared. Dillmann stated that it was
used in recent manuscripts written in Amharic and in Ge'ez as well. It is a
loanword of Persian origin.14Bruce used this word in his Travels and transla-
ted it as "standard".15It is also used in the Royal Chronicles of the 18th and
19th centuries. Blundell explains it as "a mast surmounted by a cross and
bearing the royal banner".16 Dillmann translated it simply as signm (sign) or
vexillum (banner).17The second part of the 19th century brought a new form
of the word. It seems that this change happened ratherlate as Abbadie still put
the two words separately in his dictionary. But Gäbrä Sellasé in his chronicle

6. Morie,op. cit.,II, 38*

7. "Un savantabyssin, Hailé-Mariam pacha,décédéen 1918, prétendait, nousa-t-ondit, que
ce drapeau étaitl'emblème de la Trinité de Coppet,op. cit.,p. 619.
8. ibid,p. 619.
9.. Tarik-enna mesaléña, mäshaf (AddisAbaba,1934Eth.Cal.),p. 9.
op. cité§ 4.
10. BlattaM'drsìé-Haz'dn-W'dld'à-Qirqosì
11.See also:Comtesse de Jumilhac, EthiopieModerne (Paris,1933),p. 5.
12. C. ContiRossini:Historia regisSarsaDengel.Scriptores Aethiopici tomusIII
seriesAltera,
(Leipzig1907).
13. C. Beccari,II Tigredescritto da unmissionario delsecolo
gesuita XVII (Roma,1909),p. 49.
14. A Dillmann, Lexicon linguae aethiopicae
(Leipzig,1865),col. 374.
15. According to de Coppetthebetter is "staff"
translation - op. cit., p. 615. "Sendeq-alama,
littéralement
bâton-signal". C'est le drapeau avecun globesurmonté d'unedoublecroixque
l'on voitfigurédansl'albumdesvoyages de Bruce,"ibid,p. 245.
16. H. WeldBlundell, TheRoyalChronicle ofAbyssinia 1769-1840 (Cambridge 1922),p. 272.
17. Dillmann, op. cit.,col. p. 245.

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uses the two words combined together.18Sändäq-alama is still used and its
final meaning, as it is understood now, is identical with the "flag". It was not
always so - at first sändäq-alama stood for a banner used by the army,
consisting of three separate pennants which were not sewn together. The
flag composed of three colours sewn together was called bandirai (obviously a
loanword from Italian).

This long philological development is reflected in the changes in the form

of the flag throughout the centuries. The beginnings of the flag in a very
remote past are rather uncertain. According to Morié, the oldest flag can be
dated from the 10th century and it was blue; then the Falasha dynastyreplaced
it by yellow and the Zagwé by red. The blue colour reappeared at the time
of the restoration of the Salomonid line. As an addition the red cross was
put on it (1588); in 1Õ88 the flag was substantially modified, namely the sun
was added to the cross.20 I have not been able to confirm any of Morié's
statements,and it can be assumed that his information concerning the period
from the 10th to the 16th centuries is somewhat improbable. As far as we
know, there is hardly a possible source of this kind of informationabout this
period. As far as his statementsfor the 16th and 17th centuries are concerned,
they are not corroborated by the facts which I have gathered so far. The
fantastic addition of a sun to a cross, would be most remarkable if it were
true.

The earliest available sources do not provide any information. There is

no mention of the flag in Kebrä Nägäst and no indications in the early royal
chronicles. Moreover, it is significant that in the chronicle of the wars of
Amdä Seyon a detailed description of dresses and military equipment can be
found, but no hints about a flag. Banners first appeared in the chronicles of
the 16th and the documents of the 17th centuries, but probably they were
already known before. Even if we accept that slight changes in the form of
alama occured in the 17th century,a little of what was recorded in the 16th
may refer to previous centuries. The firstwho mentioned the use of a flag was
Francisco Alvarez; unfortunatelythe passage is not precise enough to shed
more light.21There is also a vague mention of alama in the chronicle of

18. de Coppet,op. cit., p. 245.

19. Thereis no reasonto believethatthiswordwasborrowed fromthe Portugueseas suggested
by AtoBä*emnät GäbräAmlakin his YU-and qwanqwa edgät.
20. Morié,op. citp. 37.
21. Whenthe Bahrnagas war againstthe Nubians:
proclaimed . ./made this
The Ethiopians,
proclamationwith a standard and an .
assegai . . . The Prester
Johnofthe Indies
C. F. Beckingham andG. W. B. Huntingford, translation of thePortuguese
of thenarrative
Embassy to Ethiopiain 1520,written byFather Francisco
Alvarez, 1961),I, 129.
(London,

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Gãlawdéwos22 and a little more can be found in the chronicle of Sarsä Dengel.23
In the description of the King's coronation in Aksum he stands on an elevated
place holding a banner and enumerating the names of his ancestors.24All these
passages are not very helpful in solving the problem, but they indicate clearly
that alama was not considered the essential sign of royalty, though the King
also had his own alama; the royal drums played this role and were expressly
mentioned by the chroniclers. Also the royal tent served as an indication of
where the royal person was present.

It should be mentioned that Ludolf describing the arrangement of the

royal camp stated that the official in charge, having chosen the place for the
Imperial tent, "fixes a Pole in the Earth with the Royal Banner at the Top."
Unfortunatelythere is no informationabout its colours.25

What was the use of alama ? The best answer can be found in the
chronicle of Arab Faqili.26Banners, as far as Ahmad Gran's army was concerned,
were well known and the author refers to them on several occasions. The use
of banners was identical with the confering of colours on military units
nowadays. As soon as the Imam intended to organise a new unit, he gave a
banner to his leader. The Imam, as the chronicler usually puts it, set up a
flag and gave it, to so-and-so.27 When he describes the Moslem army on the
march, lie writes, "each emir rode keeping his banner at the head of his
warriors,"28The banners were indeed of differentcolours: black, green, white,
or red are mentioned, but there were probably other colours also, or
combinations of colours, as of white and red which is especially mentioned.
The Imam himself also had his own banner, but no significance was attached
to its colour. On one occasion Arab-Faqih described it as white with a red
fringeand an inscription on it.29

This habit of having banners for military units was known also to the
Ethiopians, and Arab-Faqih, on several occasions, expressly mentions the
banners on Ethiopian side. At the battle of Badeqeze the army of the Christians

22. W.L.Conzelman, Chronique dc Galâwdewos (Claudius)(Paris,1895),p. 146.

23. "Le 11 de ce mois,un jourqu'on n'enavaitaucunsoupçon, au leverdu soleil,les Turcs
étaientarrivésprèsde l'asmäcDahäragot, car celui-ciétaitalors gouverneurdu Tigréet
bäharnagas...Alorstoutesonarmées'enfuit et se dispersa
de côtéet d'autre...les Turcs
prirentcinqpairesde nagärit, un étandard et nombrecottesde mailleset de casque."
C. ContiRossini,op. cit.,III, 145-146.
24. Ibid.,p. 91.
25. H. Ludolf, A NewHistory ofEthiopia (London,1682)p. 214.
26. E. Basset, de la conquête
Histoire parArabFaqih(Paris,1897).
de /'Abjssinie
27. Ibid.,pp.49-50,pp.85-86,p. 87 p. 160,pp. 172-176, p. 409.
28. Ibid.,p. 176.
29. Ibid..p. 90.
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was marching forward displaying its pomp and raising its banners.30on another
occasion they resisted "having their banners with them."31
During the battle of Sembra-Kuré, two royal servantskept the royal banner
over their heads.32 It is interestingto note that when at the battle of Wasal
(1531) the Ethiopian royal camp fell into the hands of Oran with all its treasures,,
royal dresses, tentsand even throne, no banners are mentioned.33The Portuguese
travellers have given us some more informationas to what kind of banners
they were. Mendez described the Imperial Guard marching with banners wide-
spread, striped in differentcolours. (1626)34 This kind of banner was also
mentioned by Ludolphus in his descriptionof Susenyos's funeral.35On another
occasion, Mendez wrote that he saw new military banners widespread on the
wind with globes surmounted by crosses painted on them.36Itmay be that this
is the source of Morié's statement that the sun was represented on the
Ethiopian flag. The most detailed description is given by Barradas who visited
Ethiopia in 1624-33. He states that in the Ethiopian army there were no
banners as in Europe. Instead, the soldiers tended to group themselves around
the thing called alama which consisted of a kind of a big golden globe,
surmounted by a cross and fixed on a stick or staff.37This type of alama
was well known to Bruce. Also, in a drawing of Bernatz, made two and a half
centuries later,38a small boy carries in the religious procession a banner which
resembles the Barradas type.
There is a certain divergence between the statement of Mendez and that
of Barradas. The first mentions clothes of various colours with globes painted
on them, set up on the staff,while the second states precisely that the alama

30. "Quandils songèrent à entrer dansla ville,l'arméedes Chrétiens, que Dieu les abaisse,
s'avançanombreuse commeun vol de sautrelles pourles en empêcher. Etalantleurpompes,
élevantleursétandards . . . ibidp. 101.
31. "(Abyssins) ils résistèrent,ayantaveceuxleursétandards", ibidp. 105.
32. "Deuxserviteurs eunuques, charges du tresor royal:1un se nommait Djaouher,1autreMcndil;
tousdeuxétaient deboutà ce combat, le drapeau du roiau dessusde leurtête;les infideles,
les comparaient au roi,Djaouherfuttué. . . ibid,p. 125.
33. Ibid.305.
34. "Ai settedi Febraiogiunsia Danzas,Corte ordinariadell'Imperatore. M'uscirono dagli
allogiamenti incontro, per due migliaincircagli' uominidi guardiaa piedie a cavallo,
giudicatida praticiin numerointorno a 17 milaarmati, con bandierespiegate,tuttevergate
di coloridiversi, e ripartitein cornette. "Alfonso Mendez,Lettera di Monsignor di
Patriarca,
Etiopiadell'anno 1626 (Roma,1628)p. 113.
35. Before theHearsetheBanners andLnsignswereborne,not reversed as amongus,pu.
uprightand "displayed, withoutany impreses or mottos,but only adornedwithvarious
colours. . . H. Ludolf, A newhistory ofEthiopia (London, 1682),p. 389.
36. ''Venutoche fui a vistaloro,tuttis'inginocchiarono; indidato fiatoalle trombe e alle
cornette,e fattaunagransalvadi archibugi; in piedimipresero
levatisi inmezzo,venendomi
allespalleil Ras coiPrincipi, perschivare in si granfollaqualchepericolo:allargaronsi
poscia
allapianura daifianchi i picchieri,mentre si vedevano perle colline andare
piacevoli scorrendo
le turmedi cavalleria. Andavanoinnanzinuove insegnemilitari sventolando, in cui si
vedevano dipinti globi dorati, con le Croci." Mendez, op. cit.,
p. 113.
37. Nell'esercitoabissino nonvi sonobandiere propriamente detteal modoeuropeo, ma in loro
vece le differenti compagnie di soldatisi adunanosottoun'insegna chiamatada essialama>
ch'éuna speciedi crocecol bracciotrasversale assaicortoe sormontata da un globodi rame
dorato,C. Beccari, op. cit.,p. 49.
38. J. H. Bernatz, Scenes in Ethiopia (Munich-London, 1852),pl. X1Ä.

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were merelystaffswith crosses and globes on top of them. Also, Pero Paez writes
about military signs instead of banners.39 Bruce seems to corroborate the
Mendez statement,writing that lions of differentcolours painted on banners
were introduced by the Portuguese, but that this kind of banner fell into
disuse before the reign of Iyoas (1753-1 768 ).40 It may be that both of them
were right and that there were two kinds of alama, one more of the European
type and the other which resembled the Roman signum. The statementof Arab
Faqih proves that the first type was already known before the coming of
the Portuguese, though Mendez writes that the banners he saw were "new".41
Nevertheless, it should be remembered that it was a period of rather marked
European influence, ranging from the art of building to new plants. So the
Portuguese who offered to Susenyos many novelties could easily suggest to
him a new kind of banner. In their town of Fremona, on solemn occasions,
the walls were decorated with banners.42So it is possible that some modifica-
tions in the form of alama occurred in this period.
The Gondarine period offers very scarce sources and few new details
about the flag. Royal chronicles of lyasu and Bakaffa,and the somewhat sus-
pect witness Poncet,43do not add anything new. Only at the end of this
period the vivid pen of Bruce sheds more light on the problem. The drawing
on plate 14 in his atlas, and the explanations in vol. IV, clearly show that the
type of standard or flag, as Bruce calls it, had not changed substantiallysince
the time of the Portuguese. We find the same globe and cross fixed on a staff
with a piece of cloth (silk) attached to it. This cloth was in the form of a
swallow tail. The flags were of different colours; for example for infantry
yellow, white, red or green painted crosswise. Writing about the battle of
Serbaraxos, Bruce mentions blue and yellow banners: probably the colours
were arranged crosswise.44The cavalry had red, green or white lions painted
on their flags. A certain kind of cavalry called the "black horse" had a red
flag with a yellow lion surmounted by a white star on it. This type of standard
was brought for lyasu II from Cairo and was lost by this king, with other
standards and colours, to the rebels,45and was later considered as the stan-
dard of the usurper Theodore.46 Also in royal chronicles of this period

39. PeroPaez,Lettera scritta al R. P. MudoViteleschi

ď Etiopia (Roma,1621)p. 154.
40. de Coppet,op, cit.,p. 616.
41. Mendez, op, cit.,p. 155.
42. GasparoPaez,Lettere annuedi Etiopiadel 1624,1625, et 1626(Roma,1628),p. 46.
43. Poncetmentions the ratherinterestingcustomof sendingto thefeudateriesheadbandsof
taffeta
"uponwhicharewritten thesewordsin goldenletters: 'Jesus,
Emperor of Ethiopia,
oftheTribeof Judah, whohasalwaysvanquish'd hisenemies,." Ch. J.Poncet,A narrative
by Ch. J. Poncet of hisjourneyfromCairointoAbyssinia andback1698- 1701(London,
1949),p. 126.
44. James Bruce,- Travels todiscovertheSourceof theNile (Edinburgh, 1790)IV, 156. This
information
byBruceis probably a sourceofMorié's
erroneous thatthesewerethe
assumption
national
colours of Ethiopia.
45. ibid,1813ed,IV, 497.
46. Ibid,1790ed. IV, 157,158,166.

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standards are mentioned on a few occasions.47 But what were the royal
colours? From Bruce's vague information it may be concluded that they
were red with golden lions. They were, in all probability,of no great impor-
tance, since this traveller's descriptions, usually so detailed, failed to record
them distinctly. Also it is significant that the Ethiopian rulers who in the
second part of the XIX century felt a necessity to have their own flags,
could not find any traditional type to which they could refer. The most
plausible explanation is that there was none. This lack of tradition cannot
be explained only by the disintegration of the Empire lasting almost one
hundred years. The Emperor of Oondar had no army and therefore no
flags were needed; on the other hand it is surprising that the de facto inde-
pendent feudal lords of the provinces had obviously lost the habit of having
them. The travellers of the first part of the XIX century never mention
militarybanners and some, like Riippell (1832-33) even explicitly state that he
never saw them.48Though banners were no longer used by the army or the
Emperor they did not disappear completely. A kind of banner vaguely resem-
bling the military ones was carried during religious processions: (1843) the
proof of which can be seen in Bernatz's drawing, already mentioned. Also
Oirard, travelling about thirtyyears later, noticed many banners on which St.
Mary and St. Michael were painted and which were carried on similar occasi-
ons.49 The independent rulers of the provinces like Shoa and Tegré, who had
large standing armies, never had any banners. Concerning Shoa this is quite
obvious from the report of Major Harris' embassy (1843). He was watching a
very imposing annual military review in Däbrä Berhan staged for King Sahlä
Sellassé, and recorded carefully everything he saw.50 Also, Bernatz made a
drawing of the same parade.51 In neither is there any trace of banners or flags
whatsoever and obviously they were not known. The same can be said about
Webé of Tegré and his army; Lefebvre,who spent several years in this province,
makes no mention of flags. Even upon the restoration of the imperial power
the Emperor Theodore - who was so anxious to renew the glories of the
past - did not create a flag, and nev«r used banners either for himself or for
his army. Rassam, describing in detail a militaryparade staged for himselfand
Blanc, does not mention anything of the kind.52The plundering of Mäqdäla,
after Theodore's death, was described by many; royal drums, tents, dresses
and treasures were recorded, but no banners.53 Stanley, the only one who

47. "EsheteKhayluwas yokedwitha bull,he was alwaystherewhere theroyalcrownwas,

andwherethestandard flew. . . . Blundell, op. cit.,p. 219.
48. E. Rüppell,Reisein Abessinien
(Frankfurt,1838-40)
49. A. Girard,Souvenirsd'unvoyage enAbyssinie(Cairo,1873).
50. W. C. Harris,TheHighlands ofAethiopia(London,1844),
I, 390.Harriswroteabout"emblazoned" shieldsand"decorated" lances.
op. cit.,pl. XXIII.
51. Bernatz,
52. H. Rassam, Narrative oftheBritishMission (London1869),I, 244-246.
to Theodore
53. F. Stumm, MeineErlebnissebei derenglischen Expeditionin Abyssinien 1868),pp.
(Frankfurt,
126-7.He mentions a big red umbrella,
especially SahläSellasse
as a signof royaldignity.
of Shoa used the saine emblenias a fignof his royalrank,as did alsotheEmperor
Yohannes of Tegré.

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claims to have seen the "imperial standard" was obviously mistaken.54The
introductionof banners and a national flag came about in the next few decades.
The formative period of the national flag sensu strictowas rather long, and
started simultaneously in the North ruled by Yohannes and in the South ruled
by Menilek. It should be pointed out that both of these had much more
contact with the outside world than their predecessors, and this fact may
account for the creation of imperial and royal banners respectively. This long
period of trials and changes»warrants the assumption that there was no reco-
gnized tradition and that the idea itself was imported.
The Emperor Yohannes introduced, or re-introduced,the habit of banners
being carried behind him on great occasions. As we have seen, in the past
royal banners were mentioned only occasionally. Now the travellers explicitly
state that the banner which they saw represented national colours. Whether
this idea was suggested by their Ethiopian informants,or whetherthe travellers
themselves concluded that the banners must represent the national colours, it
is difficultto determine. Nevertheless, the fact that the descriptions vary
enormously - in fact not one corresponds with any other - suggest rather the
second alternative. Probably the Ethiopians themselves did not make up their
minds and, as Rohlfs pointed out, the royal colour was still red and the symbol
of royalty the red umbrella.55

The earliest informationwhich 1 was able to find was that of Raffraywho,

visiting Gondar in 1873, saw a painting on which the "Eternal Father.. . was
holding in His hand a flag in the Abyssinian colours: arranged horizontally
white,red, and white."56De Cosson has added an explanation which he heard from
the Ethiopians whythese colours were preferredby them. Our Lord, the story
goes, being innocent of all sins, was clothed in white until the day of his Crucifi-
xion, when blood flowed from his wounds and stained his garments red.57But
however poetical was this explanation, the red and white flag was not that of
Yohannes himself. Winstanley, who visited the countryin 1879,saw the Imperial
banner carried on great occasions. The banner was composed of three colours
running laterally - crimson on the top, white in the centre and amethyst blue
at the bottom.58But this was not a final version: two years later, on the occasion

54. "in one of thetentswasfoundtheImperial standard -theLionrampant,

of Ethiopia of the
tribeof Judah,workedin variegated colours.In another wasfound theImperial seal,with
the samedistinctivefigure of a Lion engraved on it." HenryM. Stanley, Coomassie and
Magdala (London,1874), p. 458.
55. G. Rohlfs,MeineMission nachAbessinien 1883),p. 218.
(Leipzig,
56. A. Raffray, (Paris,1880)p. 304.
Abyssinie
57. E. A. de Cosson,TheCradleoj theBlueNile(London,1877II, 313.
58. "The nationalbannerwasa gorgeous production thecoloureddivisions
of silk,a tricolour,
running The
laterally. highest portionwas crimson,the centrewhiteand thelowestamethyst
blue.The wholewassurrounded by a richgoldfringe. On thewhiteground wasa giltand
painted of thelionof Judah,
representation witha defiant tailandcrucifixin hisrightpaw.
The staffwasblue,jointedandmounted inbrassandsurmounted by a largebrassgiltcross".
W. Winstanley,A VisittoAbyssinia (London,1881)p, 24-5.

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of the arrival of a new abuna, Simon and Raffraynoticed a banner carried
behind the Imperial host. It was composed of two red bands separated by a
yellow one, on which the Imperial lion was embroidered.59

Winstanley's description is of great help in identifyingthe flag of Yohannes

which was in exhibition at Gondar in 1955. The author has not seen the flag
itself but only a slide of it. Fortunately Mr. Stephen Wright made notes at
the time of exhibition which he kindly put at author's disposal.
The flag exhibited at Gondar is unfortunatelyin a bad state of preservation
(it is earnestly hoped that this national treasure will be eventually stored at
the Institute of Ethiopian Studies Museum in Addis Ababa) and the colours
are faded away. That is why it is difficultto accept without doubt Winstanley's
description of the colours, even provided that he was good in recordingthem;
and in fact they are not identical with the colours of the existing flag.
Nevertheless it may be accepted as certain that the middle band was white as
Winstanley saw it. The upper band, "crimson" according to Winstanley,
"purpish" to S. Wright or "dim red" on the slide, is in such a bad condition
(practically only vertical silk threads of the texture were left), that it is only a
guess what kind of "red" it was originally.In the same way Winstanley's "amethyst
blue" of lower band became the "very pale green" of Wright's and an
uncertain bluish green on the slide. Fortunately there are other elements in
Winstanley's description allowing to put identificationon a more solid basis.
The staff of "Gondar" flag is blue, it is joined and mounted in brass and on
the flag itself the lion of Judah is embroided with a defiant tail and holding
a crucifix in his right paw. All this corresponds exactly to Winstanley's
description and a "large brass gilt cross" may be reasonably accepted as the
double Lorraine cross of the "Gondar" flag, though he did not mention this
particular detail. On the whole there seem to be no doubt that the flag
Winstanley saw and the flag exhibited at Gondar are the same. So the
fact that the traveller's informationis corroboratedby the material proof shows
that in general the travellers' descriptions as far as the flag concern can be
accepted with a reasonable degree of confidence.
Menilek at the time of his reign as a King of Shoa, also created his flag,
and finally at the time of his reign as Emperor of Ethiopia the present-day
flag took shape; the development, nevertheless, was long and by no means
simple. Menilek, like his grandfather,does not seem to have had any flag in
the first years of his reign as King of Shoa. It was only in 1875 that Pierre
Arnoux, the French traveller, brought him as a gift a standard which was
supposed to be of Shoan colours, namely blue, white and red in three horizon-

lui,on portrait
59. "Derrière le drapeau composé
abyssin, de deuxbandesde soierougeséparées
par une bande jaune sur est
laquelle brochéle lionmarchant Un doublecroix
d'Ethiopie. " G. Simon,
solennités.
aux grandes
terminela hampede cet étandard, qui est réservé
(Paris,1885),p. 347.
L'Ethiopie

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tal bands.60 At the same time the other set of colours, crimson and white,
was also in use, as Arnoux noted during one of the royal changes of resi-
dence. They were in the form of two long pennons attached to a bamboo
stick.61The same colours this time in a complete set of red, white and red,
were hoisted up on the gate of Harar on the day of Menilek's conquest.62Thus
Raffray'sinformationis corroborated by the use of the same flag in the South
as in the North. Nevertheless, it was not the only type of national colours
known in Menilek's realm. Borelli saw him travelling on mule (dressed in a
black cape with a big straw hat) while the soldiers carried in front of him
his arms and a red flag fixed on short staff.63In 1884, at the time when
Soleillet received a royal decoration, the star was attached to the ribbon in
red, white, yellow and green colours.64 This combination according to Morié
formed for a certain time the flag of Ras M'ákonnen, probably as Governor
of Harar.65It was also used by the Imperial army at least until the turn of
the century.66Probably the arrangement of the colours was not always identical:
Soleillet, Morié and Ilg do not agree about it but the basic colours were the same.
Sometimes yellow was replaced by gold. The Emperor himselfhad his Imperial
banner white, with the golden lion embroidered upon it.67
Let us now follow the development of the flag in three colours - green,
yellow and red, which finally became the Ethiopian national flag. It was not
set up at once and the final process of making it lasted more than ten years.
One of the main reasons for this was that the Ethiopians themselves did not
pay any special attention to it.68The flag, as in the past, was considered as a
distinguishing sign or even a mere decoration of the military units.69 The
mystical meaning of a flag as a national emblem was added much later.
It is not possible to answer the question why these three colours were
chosen. It may be a result of coincidence or based upon some more or less
importantreasons which were not recorded for future generations. Nevertheless,
one can bear in mind that these are common colours in the Ethiopian landscape;
moreover it is easy to produce them from minerals or plants. This is probably

60. L. Lande,"Un voyageur françaisdansl'Ethiopieméridionale"Revuedes Deux Mondes , 15

December, 1878 p. 886.
61. Ibid,p. 893,
62. P. Paulitschke,
Ethnographie 1896),II, 243,
( Berlin,
Nordost-Afrikas
63. "Menelik montésursa mule,vêtud'unmanteau noirque recouvraitsonchama,il avaitsur
la têteun enormechapeaude paille,Devantlui, des soldatsportaient ses armeset des
drapeaux rougesà courtehampe", J. Borelli,
l'Ethiopie (Paris,1900)p. 167.
méridionale
64. tťAmonarrivée, M. Chefneux me remetdeuxlancesetunbouclier d Honneur garnien argent
que le roim'a faitenvoyerici ainsiqu'unedécorationayantla forme d'uneétoileen or, et
qui se porteau col avecun cordonde soieaux couleurs de l'Ethiopie(rouge,blanc,jaune
P. Soleillet,
et vert)r Voyages , Rouen,1886)p. 308.
enEthiopie
65. Morié.op. cit.,p. 38.
66. de Coppet,op. cit.,p. 618.
67. Morié,op. cit.,p. 38.
68. de Coppet,op. cit.,p. 618.
69. E. CountGleichen, WiththeMission toMenehk (London,1897),p. 203,

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the reason why these colours are dominantin several old Ethiopian manuscripts.
For example, in the manuscripts of the Oondarine period a combination of
these three colours often occurs. This was an impression of French travellers
Ferret and Galinier, who recorded more than hundred years ago that "red,
green and yellow are the main colours of manuscript illuminations."70
Also these three colours can be found in earlier times, as for example in
a Four Oospels manuscript from the XIV century. They are in the form of
four bands, green, red, yellow and green and may representa stairwayor may
be mere decoration; these instances cannot of course be considered as an
historical proof of the origin of the flag.71They show only thatthis combination
of colours was liked and used a long time before it was embodied in the
national flag. Another coincidence I found in Salt's Travels; he saw a review
of Ras Wäldä Sellasé's troops: the soldiers wore round their heads bandlets
of yellow, green or red satin, "streaming loosely as they rode".72
But whatever consideration entered into the choice of colours they made
rather modest entry into history. It happened at the time of Menilek's corona-
tion. "In the back of the Imperial throne was a small ladder," wrote Qäbrä
Sellasé, similar to that which was seen by Jacob in his dream it was
painted in red, green and yellow." And then for a few years not much was
heard about it. On September 17, 1895 when the proclamation of war was
read, Menilek ordered a display of banners in front of his residence.73Later,
in the course of military action, as soon as Maqalé was captured bajirond
Balča climbed a fort and raised up an Ethiopian flag on it.74We can assume
that it was a flag composed of three colours, but their setting and shape is
less certain. The subsequent development suggests that it was rather in the
form of three long pennons fixed separately on a long staff.This type of flag
was seen by several visitors in Ethiopia: by Vanderhaym in 1896, during
Menilek's conquest of Arussi and Wolamo75 by Prince Henri d'Orléans,76and
by Count Gleichen (both in 1897) on the occasion of official missions to the
Emperor. These triangular pennons, added Gleichen, are nailed to a long, thin
and generally crooked staff. They are for show only and do not denote
companies or units of any kind.77

70. P. V. FerretandJ. Galinier, VoyageenAbyssinie danslesprovinces , du Samenet de

du Tigre
VAmbara (Paris,1847-48),II, 390.
71. FourGospels, ms.in theNational Library, AddisAbaba,No. 29, p. 39. reproduced in the
UNESCO,Ethiopia , Illuminated (NewYork,1961)pl. IV.
manuscripts
72. Viscount Valentia,Voyages and travelsto India,Ceylon , theRed Sea, Abyssinia
andEgypt
(London,1809)III, 131.The review tookplaceon September 26, 1805.
73. C. Keller,Alfred 1918)p. 84.
Ilg (Frauenfeldi
74. de Coppet,op. cit.,p. 423.
75. "Deci delàle drapeaunational déploiesestroisflammes rougeet jaune,fixées
verte, a une
mauvaisehampede bois à peinedégrossi." J. G. Vanderhaym, Une Expédition avec le
Négous Ménélik(Paris,1896)p. 129.
76. "Ilssontprécédésparlesdeuxporte-étandard. estdetrois
La bannière flammes
longues, rougeverte
etjaune/'PrinceHenrid'Orléans, Unevisite Ménélick
à l'Empereur 1897)p. 173,illus,175.
(Paris,
77. Gleichen,op. cit.,p. 203.

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 The same kind of flag can be seen on the cover of the book "Modern
Abyssinia" by A.B. Wylde, published in 1901. A. E. Pease in 1900 saw it in
a picture representingthe battle of Adwa in one of the churches in Lekemti.78
Dr. De Castro who came to Ethiopia in the same year described the flag in
his book.79 Even as late as 1903, during the imposing review of troops before
Menilek in commemoration of the seventh anniversary of the Battle of Adwa,
this kind of pennon was used; Qäbrä Sellasé describes them in a very
picturesque manner: they seemed to be like long tongues of flame.80Moreover,
upon the final formation of the Ethiopian flag, separate pennons were still in
use in Addis Ababa on the occasion of the officialproclamations.81It is almost
impossible to argue which was primarily the order of the colours: in this
respect a complete disagreement reigned for several years. The reason of it
was that the people were arguing about differenthistorical reasons, while the
chiefs themselves did not attach any special attention or meaning to the
arrangement.82To show the confusion, let us compare the setting given by
differentauthors: Gleichen (1897): red, yellow and green; Wylde (1901): yellow,
red and green. Even Montandon who recorded in 1909 that the green, yellow
and red arrangement was generally accepted, saw in the same year a flag with
yellow on the top, which fact was attributed to the ignorance of the askaris.83
Following the example set by the coronation of Menilek, the national
colours were used as decoration on official occasions.84 In particular, during
the banquets which Menilek used to give to thousands of guests, the Imperial
canopy was made of green, yellow and red (this last colour was sometimes
brown material). Du Bourg de Bozas noted that ths golden columns supporting
the canopy were also wrapped in national colours.85 It was a period of intense
French influence - and the French themselves believe they were the firstto use
the new type of Ethiopian flag. It happened in 1897 when, according to Ch.
Michel - Côte, the Emperor Menilek ordered the sewing togetherof three pennons,
until that time used separately. This flag was given by Ilg to Michel for his
Fachoda expedition.86It is a question of conjecture whether this is really the

78. A. E. Pease,Travel& Sport in Africa(London, 1906),III, 76,

79. Un ufficiale .... si avanzaseguito da duetamburini munitidei loro timballi, e da due
con i lunghi
alfieri stendardi dallatriplice
etiopici fiamma gialla,rossae verde."Lincolnde
Castro,Nellaterra deinegus(Roma,1915)I, 211.
80. "Lesdrapeaux commedeslangues
qui étincelaient de feu. ..." de Coppet, op.cit.,p. 504.
81. Ibid.,p. 618.
82. G. Montandon, Ah PaysGhimirra (Pans,1913),p. 412.,
83. Ibid,p. 412
84. Considering thehabitof decorating withnationalcoloursthe banquethall of the palace
of Menilek, thattheImperialdas duringthe coronation
it is significant ceremony was
decorated withgreen, blue,andyellowclothand goldensilk,de Coppet,op. cit.,p. 265.
85. R. de Du Bourgde Bozas,De LaMerRouge a l Atlantique(Pans,1906),p. 200.
86. "Et lesdrapeaux auxcouleurs -Ilssontprêts,
éthiopiennes? nousditM. Ilg;venezavecmoi,vous
lesemporterez toutde suite(1) C'està l'occasionde ma demande de drapeaux éthiopiensque
l'Empereur fitcoudreensemble, pourJapremière fois,les troisflammes indépendantes rouge,
jauneet verte, qui étaientjusqu'auce jour l'emblème de l'Ethiopie.Le Négousordonna en
mêmetemps de broder sonmonogramme, le meamhara, en soieblanche et rougeau centre,
surla bandejaune."Date:6 Oct. 1897.C. Michel,VersFachoda (Paris,1898),p. 247.

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date of the birth of the Ethiopian flag as Michel and Zervos believe. Never-
theless it seems very probable: it is significantthat the flag which was found
in 1897 by the British in Rosaries in the Sudan was accompanied by the letter
of Ras Managaša to one of the sheiks stating that this is a flag of the Emperor
himself. The flag, "evidently of European make ... is not in the usual form",
so it is possible that the change happened recently.87So the most important
stage was reached and eventually the new type of flag was adopted. But again
the arrangementof colours was far from being finally accepted. The flag of
Michel had red on the top, yellow in the middle and green on the bottom.88
The Ethiopian flag hoisted in Paris on the occasion of an official Ethiopian
visit to the InternationalExhibition was composed of a red vertical band along
a staff,and green and yellow bands sewn horizontally.89Strangely enough, von
Erlanger, who visited Ethiopia in the same year, saw the flag on Ras M'ákon-
nen's palace in Harar, this time composed of green on the top, gold in the
middle, and red on the bottom.90 But even then the arrangement of colours
was not finally settled. A few years later, Jennings,entering Ethiopia by train,
noted in his diary that: "near k. 90 a strong post is perched on a rocky
height overlooking the country in all directions, and the red, yellow and green
Abyssinian flag greets us . . ."91 (Oct 29th,1903). That such was the arrangement
of colours is proved by a picture facing p. 30 in the same book, and showing
the "entrance to Ras Makonnen's palace surmounted by a flagstaff topped with
a cross." The flag is composed of three colours, the top obviously being red.
Finally, even in this matter a definite stage was reached in the first years of
the XX century. Nouveau Larousse of 1904 properly describes the Ethiopian
flag colours as green, yellow and red, the setting of colours which finally
prevailed. Three years later Baron von Kulmer saw a reception room in the
governor's palace at Harar decorated with green, yellow and red flags.92
Montandon, visiting the country in 1909, states that these are the national
colours,93and Pieck, travelling in the same year, reproduces them on the cover
of his book.94
This does not mean that all Ethiopians are agreed on the order of the
colours. The argument on historical grounds has been going on for a much
longer time, even as late as in the time of Coppet's stay in Ethiopia (1916-1923).95

87. Letterof Lord Cromerto theMarquess of Salisbury,

CairoOct. 13, 1898(FO 403/275).
This filehas beenconsulted Collegeof Addis Ababa MF Collection
in the University
(Rubenson collection).
88. Michel,op. cit.,p. 137
89. Morie,op. cit.,p. 38.
90. C. von Erlanger, durchSüd Shoa,Galla una dieSomalie
Forschungsreise Länder(Berlin).
Sonderausdruckaus derZeitschrift fürErdkunde,
derGesellschaft I, 18 (1904)
& C. Addison,
91. J. W. Jennings WiththeAbyssmians
in Somaliland(London, 1905)p. 20.
92. Fr.vonKulmer, ImReiche KaiserMeneliks
(Wien,1910),p. 54.
93. G. Montandon, op. cit.,p. 412.
94. E. G. Pick,Reisebriefe Industriellen
einesoesterreichischen aus Abessinien
, Indienund Ostasien
(Prag,1909)
95. de Coppet,op. cit.,p. 616.

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 Having traced the history of the flag, let us now return to the legend,
and make some attempt to date it. It is obvious that it must be subsequent
to, or at the earliest contemporary with, the creation of the flag itself. I was
not able to find any trace of it in writings at the beginning of this century.
Morié, who was very fond of legends, would have mentioned it if he had
known it. It is probable that Coppet knew it but he did not consider it
important enough to mention in his appendix. The Comtesse de Jumilhac
recorded it in 1933, and obviously by that time the legend had reached the
stage of being a venerable old story in Ethiopian historical tradition.96

de Jumilhac,
96. Comtesse op. cit.,p. 54.

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