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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Test 13
Section 1
Instruction: Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations maintained that the baker bakes bread not out of
benevolence, but out of self-interest. No doubt, public bene ts can result when people pursue what comes
easiest: self-interest. And yet: the logic of private interest – the notion that we should just ‘let the market handle it’
– has serious limitations. Particularly in the United States, the lack of an e ective health and social policy in
response to the coronavirus disease outbreak has brought the contradictions into high relief.

Around the world, the free market rewards competing, positioning and elbowing, so these have become the most
desirable quali cations people can have. Empathy, solidarity or concern for the public good are relegated to the
family, houses of worship or activism. Meanwhile, the market and private gain don’t account for social stability,
health or happiness. As a result, from Cape Town to Washington, the market system has depleted and ravaged
the public sphere – public health, public education, public access to a healthy environment – in favour of private
gain.

COVID-19 reveals a further irrational component: the people who do essential work – taking care of the sick;
picking up our garbage; bringing us food; guaranteeing that we have access to water, electricity and WiFi – are
often the very people who earn the least, without bene ts or secure contracts. On the other hand, those who
often have few identi ably useful skills – the ponti cators and chief elbowing o cers – continue to be the
winners. Think about it: what’s the harm if the executive suites of private equity, corporate law and marketing
rms closed down during quarantine? Unless your stock portfolio directly pro ts from their activities, the answer
is likely: none. But it is those people who make millions – sometimes as much in an hour as healthcare workers or
delivery personnel make in an entire year. Simply put, a market system driven by private interests never has
protected and never will protect public health, essential kinds of freedom and communal well being.

The privately controlled corporate market has, in the precise words of the late economics writer Jonathan Rowe,
‘a fatal character aw – namely, an incapacity to stop growing. No matter how much it grew yesterday it must
continue to do so tomorrow, and then some; or else the machinery will collapse.’ To top o the items we rarely
discuss: without massive public assistance, late-stage extractive capitalism, turbocharged by private interest and
greed, would long be dead. Boeing, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Exxon – all would be bust without public
bailouts and tax breaks and subsidies. Every time the private system works itself into a crisis, public funds bail it
out – in the current crisis, to the tune of trillions of dollars. As others have noted, for more than a century, it’s a
clever machine that privatizes gains and socializes costs. When private companies are back up and running, they
don’t hold themselves accountable to the public who rescued them. As witnessed by activities since the 2008
bailouts at Wells Fargo, American Airlines and AIG, companies that have been rescued often go right back to
milking the public.

This moment of pain and collapse can serve as a wakeup call; a realisation that the public is our greatest good,
not the private. Look outside the window to see: without a vibrant and stable public, life can quickly get poor,
nasty, brutish and short

Q.1) What is the purpose of the rst paragraph?

[A] To reject the notion of “let the market handle it”.

[B] To introduce Adam smith and Wealth of nations

[C] To describe how self-interest is the benevolent driving force of market.

[D] To discuss failing health and social systems in USA in the backdrop of COVID

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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Instruction: Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations maintained that the baker bakes bread not out of
benevolence, but out of self-interest. No doubt, public bene ts can result when people pursue what comes
easiest: self-interest. And yet: the logic of private interest – the notion that we should just ‘let the market handle it’
– has serious limitations. Particularly in the United States, the lack of an e ective health and social policy in
response to the coronavirus disease outbreak has brought the contradictions into high relief.

Around the world, the free market rewards competing, positioning and elbowing, so these have become the most
desirable quali cations people can have. Empathy, solidarity or concern for the public good are relegated to the
family, houses of worship or activism. Meanwhile, the market and private gain don’t account for social stability,
health or happiness. As a result, from Cape Town to Washington, the market system has depleted and ravaged
the public sphere – public health, public education, public access to a healthy environment – in favour of private
gain.

COVID-19 reveals a further irrational component: the people who do essential work – taking care of the sick;
picking up our garbage; bringing us food; guaranteeing that we have access to water, electricity and WiFi – are
often the very people who earn the least, without bene ts or secure contracts. On the other hand, those who
often have few identi ably useful skills – the ponti cators and chief elbowing o cers – continue to be the
winners. Think about it: what’s the harm if the executive suites of private equity, corporate law and marketing
rms closed down during quarantine? Unless your stock portfolio directly pro ts from their activities, the answer
is likely: none. But it is those people who make millions – sometimes as much in an hour as healthcare workers or
delivery personnel make in an entire year. Simply put, a market system driven by private interests never has
protected and never will protect public health, essential kinds of freedom and communal well being.

The privately controlled corporate market has, in the precise words of the late economics writer Jonathan Rowe,
‘a fatal character aw – namely, an incapacity to stop growing. No matter how much it grew yesterday it must
continue to do so tomorrow, and then some; or else the machinery will collapse.’ To top o the items we rarely
discuss: without massive public assistance, late-stage extractive capitalism, turbocharged by private interest and
greed, would long be dead. Boeing, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Exxon – all would be bust without public
bailouts and tax breaks and subsidies. Every time the private system works itself into a crisis, public funds bail it
out – in the current crisis, to the tune of trillions of dollars. As others have noted, for more than a century, it’s a
clever machine that privatizes gains and socializes costs. When private companies are back up and running, they
don’t hold themselves accountable to the public who rescued them. As witnessed by activities since the 2008
bailouts at Wells Fargo, American Airlines and AIG, companies that have been rescued often go right back to
milking the public.

This moment of pain and collapse can serve as a wakeup call; a realisation that the public is our greatest good,
not the private. Look outside the window to see: without a vibrant and stable public, life can quickly get poor,
nasty, brutish and short

Q.2) Second paragraph is? Choose the all-encompassing answer?

[A] An indictment of a market system

[B] An example of changing human values

[C] How market system has corrupted the society

[D] Is in favour of public access to a healthy environment

Instruction: Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations maintained that the baker bakes bread not out of
benevolence, but out of self-interest. No doubt, public bene ts can result when people pursue what comes
easiest: self-interest. And yet: the logic of private interest – the notion that we should just ‘let the market handle it’

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 2/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

– has serious limitations. Particularly in the United States, the lack of an e ective health and social policy in
response to the coronavirus disease outbreak has brought the contradictions into high relief.

Around the world, the free market rewards competing, positioning and elbowing, so these have become the most
desirable quali cations people can have. Empathy, solidarity or concern for the public good are relegated to the
family, houses of worship or activism. Meanwhile, the market and private gain don’t account for social stability,
health or happiness. As a result, from Cape Town to Washington, the market system has depleted and ravaged
the public sphere – public health, public education, public access to a healthy environment – in favour of private
gain.

COVID-19 reveals a further irrational component: the people who do essential work – taking care of the sick;
picking up our garbage; bringing us food; guaranteeing that we have access to water, electricity and WiFi – are
often the very people who earn the least, without bene ts or secure contracts. On the other hand, those who
often have few identi ably useful skills – the ponti cators and chief elbowing o cers – continue to be the
winners. Think about it: what’s the harm if the executive suites of private equity, corporate law and marketing
rms closed down during quarantine? Unless your stock portfolio directly pro ts from their activities, the answer
is likely: none. But it is those people who make millions – sometimes as much in an hour as healthcare workers or
delivery personnel make in an entire year. Simply put, a market system driven by private interests never has
protected and never will protect public health, essential kinds of freedom and communal well being.

The privately controlled corporate market has, in the precise words of the late economics writer Jonathan Rowe,
‘a fatal character aw – namely, an incapacity to stop growing. No matter how much it grew yesterday it must
continue to do so tomorrow, and then some; or else the machinery will collapse.’ To top o the items we rarely
discuss: without massive public assistance, late-stage extractive capitalism, turbocharged by private interest and
greed, would long be dead. Boeing, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Exxon – all would be bust without public
bailouts and tax breaks and subsidies. Every time the private system works itself into a crisis, public funds bail it
out – in the current crisis, to the tune of trillions of dollars. As others have noted, for more than a century, it’s a
clever machine that privatizes gains and socializes costs. When private companies are back up and running, they
don’t hold themselves accountable to the public who rescued them. As witnessed by activities since the 2008
bailouts at Wells Fargo, American Airlines and AIG, companies that have been rescued often go right back to
milking the public.

This moment of pain and collapse can serve as a wakeup call; a realisation that the public is our greatest good,
not the private. Look outside the window to see: without a vibrant and stable public, life can quickly get poor,
nasty, brutish and short

Q.3) The main point of the passage is?

[A] A market system driven by private interests never has protected and never will protect public health, essential
kinds of freedom and communal well being.

[B] Without massive public assistance, late-stage extractive capitalism, turbocharged by private interest and
greed, would long be dead

[C] The public is our greatest good, not the private, without a vibrant and stable public, life can quickly get poor,
nasty, brutish and short

[D] The market system has depleted and ravaged the public sphere – public health, public education, public
access to a healthy environment – in favour of private gain.

Instruction: Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations maintained that the baker bakes bread not out of
benevolence, but out of self-interest. No doubt, public bene ts can result when people pursue what comes
easiest: self-interest. And yet: the logic of private interest – the notion that we should just ‘let the market handle it’

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 3/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

– has serious limitations. Particularly in the United States, the lack of an e ective health and social policy in
response to the coronavirus disease outbreak has brought the contradictions into high relief.

Around the world, the free market rewards competing, positioning and elbowing, so these have become the most
desirable quali cations people can have. Empathy, solidarity or concern for the public good are relegated to the
family, houses of worship or activism. Meanwhile, the market and private gain don’t account for social stability,
health or happiness. As a result, from Cape Town to Washington, the market system has depleted and ravaged
the public sphere – public health, public education, public access to a healthy environment – in favour of private
gain.

COVID-19 reveals a further irrational component: the people who do essential work – taking care of the sick;
picking up our garbage; bringing us food; guaranteeing that we have access to water, electricity and WiFi – are
often the very people who earn the least, without bene ts or secure contracts. On the other hand, those who
often have few identi ably useful skills – the ponti cators and chief elbowing o cers – continue to be the
winners. Think about it: what’s the harm if the executive suites of private equity, corporate law and marketing
rms closed down during quarantine? Unless your stock portfolio directly pro ts from their activities, the answer
is likely: none. But it is those people who make millions – sometimes as much in an hour as healthcare workers or
delivery personnel make in an entire year. Simply put, a market system driven by private interests never has
protected and never will protect public health, essential kinds of freedom and communal well being.

The privately controlled corporate market has, in the precise words of the late economics writer Jonathan Rowe,
‘a fatal character aw – namely, an incapacity to stop growing. No matter how much it grew yesterday it must
continue to do so tomorrow, and then some; or else the machinery will collapse.’ To top o the items we rarely
discuss: without massive public assistance, late-stage extractive capitalism, turbocharged by private interest and
greed, would long be dead. Boeing, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Exxon – all would be bust without public
bailouts and tax breaks and subsidies. Every time the private system works itself into a crisis, public funds bail it
out – in the current crisis, to the tune of trillions of dollars. As others have noted, for more than a century, it’s a
clever machine that privatizes gains and socializes costs. When private companies are back up and running, they
don’t hold themselves accountable to the public who rescued them. As witnessed by activities since the 2008
bailouts at Wells Fargo, American Airlines and AIG, companies that have been rescued often go right back to
milking the public.

This moment of pain and collapse can serve as a wakeup call; a realisation that the public is our greatest good,
not the private. Look outside the window to see: without a vibrant and stable public, life can quickly get poor,
nasty, brutish and short

Q.4) Which of the following is not an inference from the passage?

[A] Free market does not reward the right qualities.

[B] Without massive public assistance, all private giants would be bust.

[C] Essential work is being meagerly rewarded.

[D] The Wealth of Nations long back condemned free market.

Instruction: Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations maintained that the baker bakes bread not out of
benevolence, but out of self-interest. No doubt, public bene ts can result when people pursue what comes
easiest: self-interest. And yet: the logic of private interest – the notion that we should just ‘let the market handle it’
– has serious limitations. Particularly in the United States, the lack of an e ective health and social policy in
response to the coronavirus disease outbreak has brought the contradictions into high relief.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 4/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Around the world, the free market rewards competing, positioning and elbowing, so these have become the most
desirable quali cations people can have. Empathy, solidarity or concern for the public good are relegated to the
family, houses of worship or activism. Meanwhile, the market and private gain don’t account for social stability,
health or happiness. As a result, from Cape Town to Washington, the market system has depleted and ravaged
the public sphere – public health, public education, public access to a healthy environment – in favour of private
gain.

COVID-19 reveals a further irrational component: the people who do essential work – taking care of the sick;
picking up our garbage; bringing us food; guaranteeing that we have access to water, electricity and WiFi – are
often the very people who earn the least, without bene ts or secure contracts. On the other hand, those who
often have few identi ably useful skills – the ponti cators and chief elbowing o cers – continue to be the
winners. Think about it: what’s the harm if the executive suites of private equity, corporate law and marketing
rms closed down during quarantine? Unless your stock portfolio directly pro ts from their activities, the answer
is likely: none. But it is those people who make millions – sometimes as much in an hour as healthcare workers or
delivery personnel make in an entire year. Simply put, a market system driven by private interests never has
protected and never will protect public health, essential kinds of freedom and communal well being.

The privately controlled corporate market has, in the precise words of the late economics writer Jonathan Rowe,
‘a fatal character aw – namely, an incapacity to stop growing. No matter how much it grew yesterday it must
continue to do so tomorrow, and then some; or else the machinery will collapse.’ To top o the items we rarely
discuss: without massive public assistance, late-stage extractive capitalism, turbocharged by private interest and
greed, would long be dead. Boeing, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Exxon – all would be bust without public
bailouts and tax breaks and subsidies. Every time the private system works itself into a crisis, public funds bail it
out – in the current crisis, to the tune of trillions of dollars. As others have noted, for more than a century, it’s a
clever machine that privatizes gains and socializes costs. When private companies are back up and running, they
don’t hold themselves accountable to the public who rescued them. As witnessed by activities since the 2008
bailouts at Wells Fargo, American Airlines and AIG, companies that have been rescued often go right back to
milking the public.

This moment of pain and collapse can serve as a wakeup call; a realisation that the public is our greatest good,
not the private. Look outside the window to see: without a vibrant and stable public, life can quickly get poor,
nasty, brutish and short

Q.5) Which is not one of the three points in the penultimate paragraph?

[A] Corporate market is invariably tied to boom and bust cycle.

[B] Without government assistance, capitalism would long be dead

[C] Clever machine of corporate market privatizes gains and socializes costs.

[D] Once rescued private corporates get back to milking the public.

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 5/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away.

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.6) The article can be described as?

[A] An open letter written by a distressed congressman with an expectation of positive outcome

[B] An open letter written by a rebellious congressman before leaving the party

[C] An open letter written by a distressed congressman ready to take a risk of survival within the congress

[D] An open letter written by a political analyst with an expectation of positive outcome

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 6/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article.

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away.

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.7) The writer is most likely to agree with which of the following?

[A] That he should be grateful that the party permitted airing of his views in a leading newspaper

[B] In Congress there is a forum for frank exchange of ideas and counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to
get the Congress back on track.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 7/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

[C] Majority of his colleagues seem to prefer bringing about change to the more daunting challenge of self-
preservation

[D] During earlier days Congress used to be more open and democratic political party.

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article.

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away.

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.
https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 8/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Q.8) What is the assumption of the author behind mentioning a publicly listed company?

[A] There is no similarity between the functioning of a publicly listed company and a political party.

[B] There is similarity between the functioning of a publicly listed company and a political party.

[C] Whether political party or a listed company, stakeholders should respond to a debacle in a similar way.

[D] Congress has started behaving like a listed company.

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article.

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away.
https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 9/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.9) We can infer from the passage that?

[A] Continuous focus on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare, leadership development and
resuscitation starting at the grassroots used to be the USP of the Congress

[B] Crossed the Rubicon here means joined some other party or saying by-by to the congress.

[C] The article has publicly received a lot of accolades from leaders within the party for biting the bullet

[D] There is no similarity between the functioning of a publicly listed company and a political party.

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article.

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 10/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away.

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.10) Attitude of the author can be described as?

[A] Restrained but rebellious

[B] Unrestrained rebellion

[C] That of a distressed follower

[D] That of a brave critic

Instruction: The news recently has been,: The economy is tanking, the coronavirus pandemic appears to be
worsening, the country’s streets are roiling with the largest uprising in nearly 30 years, and — in case you forgot
about climate change — carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere keep climbing. So naturally, the stock market
just had its biggest 50-day rally in history.

Now, as my colleague Paul Krugman cannot stress enough, the stock market is not the economy. In fact, as a wise
person on TikTok once said, it’s more of a graph of rich people’s feelings. But that raises the question: Why are
rich people feeling so optimistic, and what does that imply about the way the economy works? Here’s what
people are saying.

As Je Sommer explains in The Times, the stock market is inherently amoral. It does not and cannot measure the
country’s health — politically, socially or even economically. Rather, as Nir Kaissar writes in Bloomberg, “its sole
function, as wonky as it may sound, is to quickly, accurately and unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus view
about the health and prospects of publicly traded companies.” That’s a good thing, too, Mr. Kaissar says, because
the market has rarely been good at accounting for anything else.

But how can investors pro t when unemployment is so high? When the coronavirus plunged the economy into
free fall back in March, the Federal Reserve declared it would do whatever it took to stabilize nancial markets.
With the help of the giant relief package Congress passed in March, the central bank gained the potential to
leverage an extraordinary $4.5 trillion in emergency corporate lending. So if the market seems to be recovering
faster than the rest of the country, it’s at least in part because of “the government’s policy of giving out free
money,” in the words of the investor Leon Cooperman.

Even though much of the market is divorced from economic reality right now, people are making bets that the
worst of the crisis is over, that a vaccine will soon arrive and that economic activity and employment will quickly
return to pre-pandemic levels.

In that optimistic spirit, corporate-earnings expectations remain high, and some investors fear missing out on a
quicker-than-expected recovery: “If the stock-market bulls end up being right about a speedy recovery and the
economy stages a strong rebound, that would leave other investors left behind a potential stock rally, missing out
on gains,” Ms. Banerji writes.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 11/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

What Linette Lopez says makes this “a perfect storm of stupid,” though, is that millions of Americans are also
stuck at home. While many of them are su ering economically, others have extra cash on hand that they’re
itching to gamble with: According to The Financial Times, some 780,000 people have created new accounts on
three of America’s top brokerage platforms since the coronavirus pandemic hit the United States. With this “herd
of newbies” charging into the market at a time of extraordinary uncertainty, she says, “people are going to get
played.”

If the stock market is indeed a party, as Mr. Mackintosh says, it’s a party that most Americans cannot
meaningfully take part in. Today, as the economy rains hail on them for the fourth month in a row, they stand
outside the market’s walls and hear the revelry growing louder from within. It is no doubt a garish spectacle, as
Robert Armstrong writes in The Financial Times, but he argues it should not be seen as merely some economic
faux pas. Rather, it is evidence of an inherent and structural tension between the owning and working classes.

“Observers are shocked by the market’s insouciance not because they misunderstand how markets work but
because they see it as a symptom of how society works,” he says. And how society works, he explains, is through
a self-reinforcing cycle of inequality:The richest 11 percent of the world population holds more than 80 percent of
its wealth. When the stock market rallies, the gains ow overwhelmingly to that wealthiest class, whose savings
have to go somewhere.But instead of spurring investment, the wealth rushes into debt markets and drives long-
term interest rates down, which makes corporate pro ts more valuable. Stock prices go up, the rich end up with
more wealth still, and the cycle repeats.

So wherever the market heads, as Paul Krugman summed it up in April, keep in mind (again) that the stock
market is not the economy: “The market’s resilience does, in fact, make some sense despite the terrible economic
news — and by the same token does nothing to make that news less terrible,” he wrote. “Pay no attention to the
Dow; keep your eyes on those disappearing jobs.”

Q.11) Why does the author use the word naturally to stock market rally?

[A] tTo highlight the point that economy, health and environment are not the parameters of stock market.

[B] To sarcastically highlight that stock market is a di erent game altogether.

[C] It is natural that when society goes down stock markets look up.

[D] To highlight the uselessness of the news about health, economy and environment

Instruction: The news recently has been,: The economy is tanking, the coronavirus pandemic appears to be
worsening, the country’s streets are roiling with the largest uprising in nearly 30 years, and — in case you forgot
about climate change — carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere keep climbing. So naturally, the stock market
just had its biggest 50-day rally in history.

Now, as my colleague Paul Krugman cannot stress enough, the stock market is not the economy. In fact, as a wise
person on TikTok once said, it’s more of a graph of rich people’s feelings. But that raises the question: Why are
rich people feeling so optimistic, and what does that imply about the way the economy works? Here’s what
people are saying.

As Je Sommer explains in The Times, the stock market is inherently amoral. It does not and cannot measure the
country’s health — politically, socially or even economically. Rather, as Nir Kaissar writes in Bloomberg, “its sole
function, as wonky as it may sound, is to quickly, accurately and unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus view
about the health and prospects of publicly traded companies.” That’s a good thing, too, Mr. Kaissar says, because
the market has rarely been good at accounting for anything else.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 12/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

But how can investors pro t when unemployment is so high? When the coronavirus plunged the economy into
free fall back in March, the Federal Reserve declared it would do whatever it took to stabilize nancial markets.
With the help of the giant relief package Congress passed in March, the central bank gained the potential to
leverage an extraordinary $4.5 trillion in emergency corporate lending. So if the market seems to be recovering
faster than the rest of the country, it’s at least in part because of “the government’s policy of giving out free
money,” in the words of the investor Leon Cooperman.

Even though much of the market is divorced from economic reality right now, people are making bets that the
worst of the crisis is over, that a vaccine will soon arrive and that economic activity and employment will quickly
return to pre-pandemic levels.

In that optimistic spirit, corporate-earnings expectations remain high, and some investors fear missing out on a
quicker-than-expected recovery: “If the stock-market bulls end up being right about a speedy recovery and the
economy stages a strong rebound, that would leave other investors left behind a potential stock rally, missing out
on gains,” Ms. Banerji writes.

What Linette Lopez says makes this “a perfect storm of stupid,” though, is that millions of Americans are also
stuck at home. While many of them are su ering economically, others have extra cash on hand that they’re
itching to gamble with: According to The Financial Times, some 780,000 people have created new accounts on
three of America’s top brokerage platforms since the coronavirus pandemic hit the United States. With this “herd
of newbies” charging into the market at a time of extraordinary uncertainty, she says, “people are going to get
played.”

If the stock market is indeed a party, as Mr. Mackintosh says, it’s a party that most Americans cannot
meaningfully take part in. Today, as the economy rains hail on them for the fourth month in a row, they stand
outside the market’s walls and hear the revelry growing louder from within. It is no doubt a garish spectacle, as
Robert Armstrong writes in The Financial Times, but he argues it should not be seen as merely some economic
faux pas. Rather, it is evidence of an inherent and structural tension between the owning and working classes.

“Observers are shocked by the market’s insouciance not because they misunderstand how markets work but
because they see it as a symptom of how society works,” he says. And how society works, he explains, is through
a self-reinforcing cycle of inequality:The richest 11 percent of the world population holds more than 80 percent of
its wealth. When the stock market rallies, the gains ow overwhelmingly to that wealthiest class, whose savings
have to go somewhere.But instead of spurring investment, the wealth rushes into debt markets and drives long-
term interest rates down, which makes corporate pro ts more valuable. Stock prices go up, the rich end up with
more wealth still, and the cycle repeats.

So wherever the market heads, as Paul Krugman summed it up in April, keep in mind (again) that the stock
market is not the economy: “The market’s resilience does, in fact, make some sense despite the terrible economic
news — and by the same token does nothing to make that news less terrible,” he wrote. “Pay no attention to the
Dow; keep your eyes on those disappearing jobs.”

Q.12) What is the assumption that prompted this article?

[A] That stock markets should re ect the present societal situation

[B] That stock market should behave in harmony with the current sentiment.

[C] That stock market is not the true barometer of the economy.

[D] That the stock market has recently started behaving out of sync with the system

Instruction: The news recently has been,: The economy is tanking, the coronavirus pandemic appears to be
worsening, the country’s streets are roiling with the largest uprising in nearly 30 years, and — in case you forgot
about climate change — carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere keep climbing. So naturally, the stock market

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 13/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

just had its biggest 50-day rally in history.

Now, as my colleague Paul Krugman cannot stress enough, the stock market is not the economy. In fact, as a wise
person on TikTok once said, it’s more of a graph of rich people’s feelings. But that raises the question: Why are
rich people feeling so optimistic, and what does that imply about the way the economy works? Here’s what
people are saying.

As Je Sommer explains in The Times, the stock market is inherently amoral. It does not and cannot measure the
country’s health — politically, socially or even economically. Rather, as Nir Kaissar writes in Bloomberg, “its sole
function, as wonky as it may sound, is to quickly, accurately and unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus view
about the health and prospects of publicly traded companies.” That’s a good thing, too, Mr. Kaissar says, because
the market has rarely been good at accounting for anything else.

But how can investors pro t when unemployment is so high? When the coronavirus plunged the economy into
free fall back in March, the Federal Reserve declared it would do whatever it took to stabilize nancial markets.
With the help of the giant relief package Congress passed in March, the central bank gained the potential to
leverage an extraordinary $4.5 trillion in emergency corporate lending. So if the market seems to be recovering
faster than the rest of the country, it’s at least in part because of “the government’s policy of giving out free
money,” in the words of the investor Leon Cooperman.

Even though much of the market is divorced from economic reality right now, people are making bets that the
worst of the crisis is over, that a vaccine will soon arrive and that economic activity and employment will quickly
return to pre-pandemic levels.

In that optimistic spirit, corporate-earnings expectations remain high, and some investors fear missing out on a
quicker-than-expected recovery: “If the stock-market bulls end up being right about a speedy recovery and the
economy stages a strong rebound, that would leave other investors left behind a potential stock rally, missing out
on gains,” Ms. Banerji writes.

What Linette Lopez says makes this “a perfect storm of stupid,” though, is that millions of Americans are also
stuck at home. While many of them are su ering economically, others have extra cash on hand that they’re
itching to gamble with: According to The Financial Times, some 780,000 people have created new accounts on
three of America’s top brokerage platforms since the coronavirus pandemic hit the United States. With this “herd
of newbies” charging into the market at a time of extraordinary uncertainty, she says, “people are going to get
played.”

If the stock market is indeed a party, as Mr. Mackintosh says, it’s a party that most Americans cannot
meaningfully take part in. Today, as the economy rains hail on them for the fourth month in a row, they stand
outside the market’s walls and hear the revelry growing louder from within. It is no doubt a garish spectacle, as
Robert Armstrong writes in The Financial Times, but he argues it should not be seen as merely some economic
faux pas. Rather, it is evidence of an inherent and structural tension between the owning and working classes.

“Observers are shocked by the market’s insouciance not because they misunderstand how markets work but
because they see it as a symptom of how society works,” he says. And how society works, he explains, is through
a self-reinforcing cycle of inequality:The richest 11 percent of the world population holds more than 80 percent of
its wealth. When the stock market rallies, the gains ow overwhelmingly to that wealthiest class, whose savings
have to go somewhere.But instead of spurring investment, the wealth rushes into debt markets and drives long-
term interest rates down, which makes corporate pro ts more valuable. Stock prices go up, the rich end up with
more wealth still, and the cycle repeats.

So wherever the market heads, as Paul Krugman summed it up in April, keep in mind (again) that the stock
market is not the economy: “The market’s resilience does, in fact, make some sense despite the terrible economic
news — and by the same token does nothing to make that news less terrible,” he wrote. “Pay no attention to the
Dow; keep your eyes on those disappearing jobs.”

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 14/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Q.13) What is the essence of the third paragraph?

[A] As Je Sommer explains in The Times, the stock market is inherently amoral. That’s a good thing, too, Mr.
Kaissar says, because the market has rarely been good at accounting for anything else.

[B] The stock market is inherently amoral its sole function, as wonky as it may sound, is to quickly, accurately and
unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus view about the health and prospects of society.

[C] The stock market is inherently moral. It quickly, accurately and unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus
view about the health and prospects of publicly traded companies

[D] Stock market is good only at quickly, accurately and unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus view about
the health and prospects of publicly traded companies, it was rarely good at judging other things

Instruction: The news recently has been,: The economy is tanking, the coronavirus pandemic appears to be
worsening, the country’s streets are roiling with the largest uprising in nearly 30 years, and — in case you forgot
about climate change — carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere keep climbing. So naturally, the stock market
just had its biggest 50-day rally in history.

Now, as my colleague Paul Krugman cannot stress enough, the stock market is not the economy. In fact, as a wise
person on TikTok once said, it’s more of a graph of rich people’s feelings. But that raises the question: Why are
rich people feeling so optimistic, and what does that imply about the way the economy works? Here’s what
people are saying.

As Je Sommer explains in The Times, the stock market is inherently amoral. It does not and cannot measure the
country’s health — politically, socially or even economically. Rather, as Nir Kaissar writes in Bloomberg, “its sole
function, as wonky as it may sound, is to quickly, accurately and unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus view
about the health and prospects of publicly traded companies.” That’s a good thing, too, Mr. Kaissar says, because
the market has rarely been good at accounting for anything else.

But how can investors pro t when unemployment is so high? When the coronavirus plunged the economy into
free fall back in March, the Federal Reserve declared it would do whatever it took to stabilize nancial markets.
With the help of the giant relief package Congress passed in March, the central bank gained the potential to
leverage an extraordinary $4.5 trillion in emergency corporate lending. So if the market seems to be recovering
faster than the rest of the country, it’s at least in part because of “the government’s policy of giving out free
money,” in the words of the investor Leon Cooperman.

Even though much of the market is divorced from economic reality right now, people are making bets that the
worst of the crisis is over, that a vaccine will soon arrive and that economic activity and employment will quickly
return to pre-pandemic levels.  In that optimistic spirit, corporate-earnings expectations remain high, and some
investors fear missing out on a quicker-than-expected recovery: “If the stock-market bulls end up being right
about a speedy recovery and the economy stages a strong rebound, that would leave other investors left behind
a potential stock rally, missing out on gains,” Ms. Banerji writes.

What Linette Lopez says makes this “a perfect storm of stupid,” though, is that millions of Americans are also
stuck at home. While many of them are su ering economically, others have extra cash on hand that they’re
itching to gamble with: According to The Financial Times, some 780,000 people have created new accounts on
three of America’s top brokerage platforms since the coronavirus pandemic hit the United States. With this “herd
of newbies” charging into the market at a time of extraordinary uncertainty, she says, “people are going to get
played.”  If the stock market is indeed a party, as Mr. Mackintosh says, it’s a party that most Americans cannot
meaningfully take part in. Today, as the economy rains hail on them for the fourth month in a row, they stand

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 15/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

outside the market’s walls and hear the revelry growing louder from within. It is no doubt a garish spectacle, as
Robert Armstrong writes in The Financial Times, but he argues it should not be seen as merely some economic
faux pas. Rather, it is evidence of an inherent and structural tension between the owning and working classes.

“Observers are shocked by the market’s insouciance not because they misunderstand how markets work but
because they see it as a symptom of how society works,” he says. And how society works, he explains, is through
a self-reinforcing cycle of inequality:The richest 11 percent of the world population holds more than 80 percent of
its wealth. When the stock market rallies, the gains ow overwhelmingly to that wealthiest class, whose savings
have to go somewhere.But instead of spurring investment, the wealth rushes into debt markets and drives long-
term interest rates down, which makes corporate pro ts more valuable. Stock prices go up, the rich end up with
more wealth still, and the cycle repeats.

So wherever the market heads, as Paul Krugman summed it up in April, keep in mind (again) that the stock
market is not the economy: “The market’s resilience does, in fact, make some sense despite the terrible economic
news — and by the same token does nothing to make that news less terrible,” he wrote. “Pay no attention to the
Dow; keep your eyes on those disappearing jobs.”

Q.14) What is the main point of the passage?

[A] Despite good stock market emotions we have to be careful about the economy of the country.

[B] Good stock market is a good indication but we should keep an eye on unemployment.

[C] Do not deviate from the truth that economy needs to be improved just because stock markets are up.

[D] Let stock market judge the situation the way it does, our focus should be on bringing the jobs back.

Instruction: The news recently has been,: The economy is tanking, the coronavirus pandemic appears to be
worsening, the country’s streets are roiling with the largest uprising in nearly 30 years, and — in case you forgot
about climate change — carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere keep climbing. So naturally, the stock market
just had its biggest 50-day rally in history.

Now, as my colleague Paul Krugman cannot stress enough, the stock market is not the economy. In fact, as a wise
person on TikTok once said, it’s more of a graph of rich people’s feelings. But that raises the question: Why are
rich people feeling so optimistic, and what does that imply about the way the economy works? Here’s what
people are saying.

As Je Sommer explains in The Times, the stock market is inherently amoral. It does not and cannot measure the
country’s health — politically, socially or even economically. Rather, as Nir Kaissar writes in Bloomberg, “its sole
function, as wonky as it may sound, is to quickly, accurately and unemotionally tabulate investors’ consensus view
about the health and prospects of publicly traded companies.” That’s a good thing, too, Mr. Kaissar says, because
the market has rarely been good at accounting for anything else.

But how can investors pro t when unemployment is so high? When the coronavirus plunged the economy into
free fall back in March, the Federal Reserve declared it would do whatever it took to stabilize nancial markets.
With the help of the giant relief package Congress passed in March, the central bank gained the potential to
leverage an extraordinary $4.5 trillion in emergency corporate lending. So if the market seems to be recovering
faster than the rest of the country, it’s at least in part because of “the government’s policy of giving out free
money,” in the words of the investor Leon Cooperman.

Even though much of the market is divorced from economic reality right now, people are making bets that the
worst of the crisis is over, that a vaccine will soon arrive and that economic activity and employment will quickly
return to pre-pandemic levels. In that optimistic spirit, corporate-earnings expectations remain high, and some

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 16/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

investors fear missing out on a quicker-than-expected recovery: “If the stock-market bulls end up being right
about a speedy recovery and the economy stages a strong rebound, that would leave other investors left behind
a potential stock rally, missing out on gains,” Ms. Banerji writes.

What Linette Lopez says makes this “a perfect storm of stupid,” though, is that millions of Americans are also
stuck at home. While many of them are su ering economically, others have extra cash on hand that they’re
itching to gamble with: According to The Financial Times, some 780,000 people have created new accounts on
three of America’s top brokerage platforms since the coronavirus pandemic hit the United States. With this “herd
of newbies” charging into the market at a time of extraordinary uncertainty, she says, “people are going to get
played.” If the stock market is indeed a party, as Mr. Mackintosh says, it’s a party that most Americans cannot
meaningfully take part in. Today, as the economy rains hail on them for the fourth month in a row, they stand
outside the market’s walls and hear the revelry growing louder from within. It is no doubt a garish spectacle, as
Robert Armstrong writes in The Financial Times, but he argues it should not be seen as merely some economic
faux pas. Rather, it is evidence of an inherent and structural tension between the owning and working classes.

“Observers are shocked by the market’s insouciance not because they misunderstand how markets work but
because they see it as a symptom of how society works,” he says. And how society works, he explains, is through
a self-reinforcing cycle of inequality:The richest 11 percent of the world population holds more than 80 percent of
its wealth. When the stock market rallies, the gains ow overwhelmingly to that wealthiest class, whose savings
have to go somewhere.But instead of spurring investment, the wealth rushes into debt markets and drives long-
term interest rates down, which makes corporate pro ts more valuable. Stock prices go up, the rich end up with
more wealth still, and the cycle repeats.

So wherever the market heads, as Paul Krugman summed it up in April, keep in mind (again) that the stock
market is not the economy: “The market’s resilience does, in fact, make some sense despite the terrible economic
news — and by the same token does nothing to make that news less terrible,” he wrote. “Pay no attention to the
Dow; keep your eyes on those disappearing jobs.”

Q.15) Why the author does calls a class of investors a perfect storm of stupid?

[A] Because they charging into the market at a time of extraordinary uncertainty

[B] Because many of their brothers are su ering economically

[C] Because they are Herd of newbies, having a zero knowledge of stock market

[D] Because they are trying to enter a party in which they are not allowed to take part in.

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article. 

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 17/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the
party up and running with any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this
perceptible listlessness. For someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and
Nehruvian outlook that de nes the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make
sense, especially given the fact that the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever
since the pandemic a ected not just hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides
jeopardising the economy. There are hard days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive
initiatives, the Congress has not created an alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it
to do so, instead of waging a social media hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of
my colleagues seem to prefer self-preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change
that is needed and is imperative. They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the
party’s woes. Problems need solutions, they can’t be wished away. 

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.16) The article can be described as?

[A] An open letter written by a distressed congressman with an expectation of positive outcome

[B] An open letter written by a rebellious congressman before leaving the party

[C] An open letter written by a distressed congressman ready to take a risk of survival within the congress

[D] An open letter written by a political analyst with an expectation of positive outcome

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 18/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article. 

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get theparty up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away. 

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.17) The writer is most likely to agree with which of the following?

[A] That he should be grateful that the party permitted airing of his views in a leading newspaper

[B] In Congress there is a forum for frank exchange of ideas and counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to
get the Congress back on track.

[C] Majority of his colleagues seem to prefer bringing about change to the more daunting challenge of self-
preservation

[D] During earlier days Congress used to be more open and democratic political party.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 19/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article. 

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away. 

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.18) What is the assumption of the author behind mentioning a publicly listed company?

[A] There is no similarity between the functioning of a publicly listed company and a political party.

[B] There is similarity between the functioning of a publicly listed company and a political party.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 20/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

[C] Whether political party or a listed company, stakeholders should respond to a debacle in a similar way.

[D] Congress has started behaving like a listed company.

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article. 

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away. 

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 21/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Q.19) We can infer from the passage that? 

[A] Continuous focus on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare, leadership development and
resuscitation starting at the grassroots used to be the USP of the Congress

[B] Crossed the Rubicon here means joined some other party or saying by-by to the congress.

[C] The article has publicly received a lot of accolades from leaders within the party for biting the bullet

[D] There is no similarity between the functioning of a publicly listed company and a political party.

Instruction: I write this while convalescing from the coronavirus infection. Home quarantine gives you
substantial time for introspection and makes things crystal clear. The last time my colleague and friend Salman
Soz and I wrote an article in TOI (How to Rejuvenate Congress, March 3, 2020) it created quite a utter within my
party. According to someone fairly senior, we had “crossed the Rubicon” as it were, in boldly asking for an
organisational transformation, revisiting ideological moorings, and sorting out the albatross round the Grand Old
Party’s neck, the future political leadership of Congress. The article received a lot of accolades from leaders within
the party for biting the bullet. But I remained acutely disappointed that very few were willing to publicly endorse
its contents (which are mostly animatedly agreed upon in private confabulations). And therein lies the problem
for the Congress. Hence, this article. 

A few days after the article appeared, a noteworthy colleague of mine in our informal group descended on me
like a ton of bricks. He was deeply perturbed at my e rontery in publicly advising Congress on what the future
roadmap and strategy should be. I was sarcastically told that I should be grateful that the party permitted airing
of my views in a leading newspaper when it would have been more apposite for me to share my views on
resurrecting Congress in “internal platforms”. Indeed, if there had been a forum for frank exchange of ideas and
counter-ideas held with a de ning purpose to get the Congress back on track, why would one risk unwarranted
disa ection from the senior leadership? The party has been at the receiving end of dreadful negativity for so long
that its inability to set the agenda and seize the narrative is creating a serious damage to its credibility. The party
deserves better. It is a false claim that there exists a robust internal democratic process that listens to individual
voices, and more importantly, is continuously focused on party renewal, political strategy, tactical warfare,
leadership development and resuscitation starting at the grassroots, the erstwhile USP of the Congress. The
much-celebrated A K Antony report submitted in 2014 has hardly been seen; most of us have only heard about
its allegedly redacted observations when it has been discussed on TV channels. Frankly, that’s ludicrous.

If a publicly listed company has even one bad quarter in corporate earnings, it is subjected to a brutal
examination from analysts, with no one spared, particularly the CEO and the board. More importantly, the
company itself redraws its short-term revival plans, medium-term strategies and long-term goals to synchronise
with business potential and market expectations. The Congress, on the other hand, has demonstrated
extraordinary lassitude, and its lackadaisical attitude towards its own political obsolescence is ba ing, to say the
least (and this despite a whopping defeat in two Lok Sabha elections and several reverses in states). I would like
to call a spade a spade here and a shovel: there has been no serious e ort to get the party up and running with
any sense of urgency. There are many in the party who cannot comprehend this perceptible listlessness. For
someone like me, for instance, permanently wedded to Gandhian philosophy and Nehruvian outlook that de nes
the Congress, it is dismaying to see its painful disintegration. It does not make sense, especially given the fact that
the current regime appears clueless in even elementary governance ever since the pandemic a ected not just
hapless individuals, but poor migrants and daily wage labour, besides jeopardising the economy. There are hard
days ahead, but barring sporadic outbursts of a few constructive initiatives, the Congress has not created an
alternative white paper on governance for India. This is the time for it to do so, instead of waging a social media
hashtag tornado. The party has outstanding talent but the majority of my colleagues seem to prefer self-
preservation to the more daunting challenge of bringing about change. Change that is needed and is imperative.
They do a disservice to a great political movement. Their silence magni es the party’s woes. Problems need
solutions, they can’t be wished away. 
https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 22/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

A few days ago, Congressmen fondly remembered their distinguished statesman-leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
on his death anniversary. I wish to remind them that Nehru once wrote a scathing advisory to himself under a
pseudonym recommending restraint on centralization of power. Instead of super cial manifestations annually on
May 27, Congress needs to emulate Nehru’s greatness. Charity, after all, begins at home.

Q.20) Attitude of the author can be described as?

[A] Restrained but rebellious

[B] Unrestrained rebellion

[C] That of a distressed follower

[D] That of a brave critic

Instruction: December 17 was a busy day for a Bollywood Twitter handle. For hours the handle lampooned one
of Indian cinema’s biggest living legends. It started with a request to tweet against the Citizen (Amendment) Act.
The idea was to humiliate a public gure into submission.

In times as polarized as these, it’s not uncommon to see people losing their sanity in a debate. Certainly not on
social media where you get rewarded for acting insane – or so some people think. One ironic result of such
behaviour is that people often display the very behaviour they claim to be ghting – intolerance, indecency, self-
righteousness, public oral lynching. 

Celebrities are bigger targets of this public lynching because their large following allows more people to watch
the public spectacle in pettiness and reward it with ‘likes’, ‘shares’ and ‘retweet’. All that’s missing is for somebody
to stand up and ask the famous Gladiator question: “Are you not entertained?” Celebrities make millions by
hawking all sorts of products, some with unproven and even dubious claims – like fairness cream. If they can use
their status for personal gain why can’t they use it to ght for social good? They surely can and they do. Like we
don’t always agree with the choice of products they endorse, we can disagree with the cause they support, or
don’t. Michael Jordan was asked to endorse a black politician at the peak of his popularity. He didn’t. Taylor Swift
and Scarlett Johansson have been trolled for saying – or not saying – things expected of them.

In India, apart from the Big B, the Khans have been called out for their silence on some issues. Priyanka Chopra
was trolled last week for supporting black rights in the US but being silent on human rights violations in India in
the past. Bigger stars have often been termed spineless in comparison to a few smaller celebrities who are more
vocal in supporting causes. That ignores the reality that ‘smaller’ stars aren’t subjected to the kind of scrutiny and
misinterpretation that bigger stars are. Besides, understanding issues, picking a side and having the courage to
be vocal is an evolutionary process that can take time. Yet people demand consistent behaviour from celebrities
and rush to call them villains on social media and attack them in a pack with cultish zeal.

One reason for such behaviour is the strange blend of private and public life social media o ers. It’s like holding a
loaded gun that’s seducing us to pull the trigger every time our emotions run high. In the endless scroll of our
smartphone screen we see people lacing views similar to ours with venom and ‘earning’ hundreds of ‘likes’. If self-
control isn’t exercised in time, your ngers on their own volition will start picking the worst words to express your
thoughts. This unique situation of being private at the time of in icting abuse and getting public acclaim for your
choice of abuses can be arousing, even addictive. It’s like getting away with murder again and again – reputational
murder that is. We start playing psychic underworld don that social media allows us to. If there’s ever a tinge of
guilt, there’s the air cover of ideology or cause to justify your conduct. 

There’s one self-correcting element to our primal behaviour on social media. It records our words for posterity. It
doesn’t allow us to erase and run away from our worst behaviour. By acting as a giant global mirror of our worst
(and best) conduct it gives us a chance to re ect and lift ourselves up. To ght with force of argument, and only

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 23/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

with that. To make a distinction between criticism and insult. As a song of the star subjected to Twitter bullying on
Dec 17 reminds us: ‘Aadmi jo kehta hai, aadmi jo sunta hai, zindagi bhar woh sadayen peecha karti hain’.
(Whatever you say, whatever you hear will stay with you all your life). On social media, even afterlife.

Q.21) What is the essence of the last paragraph?

[A] Our behaviour on social media cannot be erased so it always acts as a giant mirror that re ects our good and
bad to generation so they can think and rise to a civilised one.

[B] Our behaviour on social media is going to stay there for the posterity so it always acts as a giant mirror that
re ects our good and bad to generation so they can think and be able to make right choices..

[C] Our behaviour on social media cannot be erased so it always acts as a giant mirror that re ects our good and
bad to generation in the form of a poem so they can think and rise to a civilised one.

[D] Our behaviour good/bad is going to remain on social media so it always acts as a giant mirror so it gives a
chance to re ect and make right choices.

Instruction: December 17 was a busy day for a Bollywood Twitter handle. For hours the handle lampooned one
of Indian cinema’s biggest living legends. It started with a request to tweet against the Citizen (Amendment) Act.
The idea was to humiliate a public gure into submission.

In times as polarized as these, it’s not uncommon to see people losing their sanity in a debate. Certainly not on
social media where you get rewarded for acting insane – or so some people think. One ironic result of such
behaviour is that people often display the very behaviour they claim to be ghting – intolerance, indecency, self-
righteousness, public oral lynching. 

Celebrities are bigger targets of this public lynching because their large following allows more people to watch
the public spectacle in pettiness and reward it with ‘likes’, ‘shares’ and ‘retweet’. All that’s missing is for somebody
to stand up and ask the famous Gladiator question: “Are you not entertained?” Celebrities make millions by
hawking all sorts of products, some with unproven and even dubious claims – like fairness cream. If they can use
their status for personal gain why can’t they use it to ght for social good? They surely can and they do. Like we
don’t always agree with the choice of products they endorse, we can disagree with the cause they support, or
don’t. Michael Jordan was asked to endorse a black politician at the peak of his popularity. He didn’t. Taylor Swift
and Scarlett Johansson have been trolled for saying – or not saying – things expected of them.

In India, apart from the Big B, the Khans have been called out for their silence on some issues. Priyanka Chopra
was trolled last week for supporting black rights in the US but being silent on human rights violations in India in
the past. Bigger stars have often been termed spineless in comparison to a few smaller celebrities who are more
vocal in supporting causes. That ignores the reality that ‘smaller’ stars aren’t subjected to the kind of scrutiny and
misinterpretation that bigger stars are. Besides, understanding issues, picking a side and having the courage to
be vocal is an evolutionary process that can take time. Yet people demand consistent behaviour from celebrities
and rush to call them villains on social media and attack them in a pack with cultish zeal.

One reason for such behaviour is the strange blend of private and public life social media o ers. It’s like holding a
loaded gun that’s seducing us to pull the trigger every time our emotions run high. In the endless scroll of our
smartphone screen we see people lacing views similar to ours with venom and ‘earning’ hundreds of ‘likes’. If self-
control isn’t exercised in time, your ngers on their own volition will start picking the worst words to express your
thoughts. This unique situation of being private at the time of in icting abuse and getting public acclaim for your
choice of abuses can be arousing, even addictive. It’s like getting away with murder again and again – reputational
murder that is. We start playing psychic underworld don that social media allows us to. If there’s ever a tinge of
guilt, there’s the air cover of ideology or cause to justify your conduct. 

https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 24/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

There’s one self-correcting element to our primal behaviour on social media. It records our words for posterity. It
doesn’t allow us to erase and run away from our worst behaviour. By acting as a giant global mirror of our worst
(and best) conduct it gives us a chance to re ect and lift ourselves up. To ght with force of argument, and only
with that. To make a distinction between criticism and insult. As a song of the star subjected to Twitter bullying on
Dec 17 reminds us: ‘Aadmi jo kehta hai, aadmi jo sunta hai, zindagi bhar woh sadayen peecha karti hain’.
(Whatever you say, whatever you hear will stay with you all your life). On social media, even afterlife.

Q.22) In the second paragraph why does the author use a quote from the famous gladiator movie?

[A] Author expects one more feature added to the twitter.

[B] It’s a way of projecting the quantum of fun patricians have.

[C] As an apt addition to words like lynching, ardency, tweet share and likes.4.

[D] To depict the brutishness of our primal behaviour

Instruction: December 17 was a busy day for a Bollywood Twitter handle. For hours the handle lampooned one
of Indian cinema’s biggest living legends. It started with a request to tweet against the Citizen (Amendment) Act.
The idea was to humiliate a public gure into submission.

In times as polarized as these, it’s not uncommon to see people losing their sanity in a debate. Certainly not on
social media where you get rewarded for acting insane – or so some people think. One ironic result of such
behaviour is that people often display the very behaviour they claim to be ghting – intolerance, indecency, self-
righteousness, public oral lynching. 

Celebrities are bigger targets of this public lynching because their large following allows more people to watch
the public spectacle in pettiness and reward it with ‘likes’, ‘shares’ and ‘retweet’. All that’s missing is for somebody
to stand up and ask the famous Gladiator question: “Are you not entertained?” Celebrities make millions by
hawking all sorts of products, some with unproven and even dubious claims – like fairness cream. If they can use
their status for personal gain why can’t they use it to ght for social good? They surely can and they do. Like we
don’t always agree with the choice of products they endorse, we can disagree with the cause they support, or
don’t. Michael Jordan was asked to endorse a black politician at the peak of his popularity. He didn’t. Taylor Swift
and Scarlett Johansson have been trolled for saying – or not saying – things expected of them.

In India, apart from the Big B, the Khans have been called out for their silence on some issues. Priyanka Chopra
was trolled last week for supporting black rights in the US but being silent on human rights violations in India in
the past. Bigger stars have often been termed spineless in comparison to a few smaller celebrities who are more
vocal in supporting causes. That ignores the reality that ‘smaller’ stars aren’t subjected to the kind of scrutiny and
misinterpretation that bigger stars are. Besides, understanding issues, picking a side and having the courage to
be vocal is an evolutionary process that can take time. Yet people demand consistent behaviour from celebrities
and rush to call them villains on social media and attack them in a pack with cultish zeal.

One reason for such behaviour is the strange blend of private and public life social media o ers. It’s like holding a
loaded gun that’s seducing us to pull the trigger every time our emotions run high. In the endless scroll of our
smartphone screen we see people lacing views similar to ours with venom and ‘earning’ hundreds of ‘likes’. If self-
control isn’t exercised in time, your ngers on their own volition will start picking the worst words to express your
thoughts. This unique situation of being private at the time of in icting abuse and getting public acclaim for your
choice of abuses can be arousing, even addictive. It’s like getting away with murder again and again – reputational
murder that is. We start playing psychic underworld don that social media allows us to. If there’s ever a tinge of
guilt, there’s the air cover of ideology or cause to justify your conduct. 

There’s one self-correcting element to our primal behaviour on social media. It records our words for posterity. It
doesn’t allow us to erase and run away from our worst behaviour. By acting as a giant global mirror of our worst
(and best) conduct it gives us a chance to re ect and lift ourselves up. To ght with force of argument, and only
https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 25/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

with that. To make a distinction between criticism and insult. As a song of the star subjected to Twitter bullying on
Dec 17 reminds us: ‘Aadmi jo kehta hai, aadmi jo sunta hai, zindagi bhar woh sadayen peecha karti hain’.
(Whatever you say, whatever you hear will stay with you all your life). On social media, even afterlife.

Q.23) Paragraph three can be termed as?

[A] It continuous the topic of the second paragraph

[B] It is trying to pacify the celebrity lynchers.

[C] It advocates the side of celebrities.

[D] It holds celebrities responsible

Instruction: December 17 was a busy day for a Bollywood Twitter handle. For hours the handle lampooned one
of Indian cinema’s biggest living legends. It started with a request to tweet against the Citizen (Amendment) Act.
The idea was to humiliate a public gure into submission.

In times as polarized as these, it’s not uncommon to see people losing their sanity in a debate. Certainly not on
social media where you get rewarded for acting insane – or so some people think. One ironic result of such
behaviour is that people often display the very behaviour they claim to be ghting – intolerance, indecency, self-
righteousness, public oral lynching. 

Celebrities are bigger targets of this public lynching because their large following allows more people to watch
the public spectacle in pettiness and reward it with ‘likes’, ‘shares’ and ‘retweet’. All that’s missing is for somebody
to stand up and ask the famous Gladiator question: “Are you not entertained?” Celebrities make millions by
hawking all sorts of products, some with unproven and even dubious claims – like fairness cream. If they can use
their status for personal gain why can’t they use it to ght for social good? They surely can and they do. Like we
don’t always agree with the choice of products they endorse, we can disagree with the cause they support, or
don’t. Michael Jordan was asked to endorse a black politician at the peak of his popularity. He didn’t. Taylor Swift
and Scarlett Johansson have been trolled for saying – or not saying – things expected of them.

In India, apart from the Big B, the Khans have been called out for their silence on some issues. Priyanka Chopra
was trolled last week for supporting black rights in the US but being silent on human rights violations in India in
the past. Bigger stars have often been termed spineless in comparison to a few smaller celebrities who are more
vocal in supporting causes. That ignores the reality that ‘smaller’ stars aren’t subjected to the kind of scrutiny and
misinterpretation that bigger stars are. Besides, understanding issues, picking a side and having the courage to
be vocal is an evolutionary process that can take time. Yet people demand consistent behaviour from celebrities
and rush to call them villains on social media and attack them in a pack with cultish zeal.

One reason for such behaviour is the strange blend of private and public life social media o ers. It’s like holding a
loaded gun that’s seducing us to pull the trigger every time our emotions run high. In the endless scroll of our
smartphone screen we see people lacing views similar to ours with venom and ‘earning’ hundreds of ‘likes’. If self-
control isn’t exercised in time, your ngers on their own volition will start picking the worst words to express your
thoughts. This unique situation of being private at the time of in icting abuse and getting public acclaim for your
choice of abuses can be arousing, even addictive. It’s like getting away with murder again and again – reputational
murder that is. We start playing psychic underworld don that social media allows us to. If there’s ever a tinge of
guilt, there’s the air cover of ideology or cause to justify your conduct. 

There’s one self-correcting element to our primal behaviour on social media. It records our words for posterity. It
doesn’t allow us to erase and run away from our worst behaviour. By acting as a giant global mirror of our worst
(and best) conduct it gives us a chance to re ect and lift ourselves up. To ght with force of argument, and only
with that. To make a distinction between criticism and insult. As a song of the star subjected to Twitter bullying on
Dec 17 reminds us: ‘Aadmi jo kehta hai, aadmi jo sunta hai, zindagi bhar woh sadayen peecha karti hain’.
(Whatever you say, whatever you hear will stay with you all your life). On social media, even afterlife.
https://courses.catcorner.in/admin/products/all-questions/102557 26/34
7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Q.24) What is an inference from the passage?

[A] Whenever the world is polarized people are bound to lose their sanity in a debate.

[B] Bigger stars are spineless in comparison to smaller celebrities who are bold.

[C] Cover of ideology may be used justify ones otherwise guilty conduct.

[D] People demand consistent behaviour from celebrities

Instruction: December 17 was a busy day for a Bollywood Twitter handle. For hours the handle lampooned one
of Indian cinema’s biggest living legends. It started with a request to tweet against the Citizen (Amendment) Act.
The idea was to humiliate a public gure into submission.

In times as polarized as these, it’s not uncommon to see people losing their sanity in a debate. Certainly not on
social media where you get rewarded for acting insane – or so some people think. One ironic result of such
behaviour is that people often display the very behaviour they claim to be ghting – intolerance, indecency, self-
righteousness, public oral lynching. 

Celebrities are bigger targets of this public lynching because their large following allows more people to watch
the public spectacle in pettiness and reward it with ‘likes’, ‘shares’ and ‘retweet’. All that’s missing is for somebody
to stand up and ask the famous Gladiator question: “Are you not entertained?” Celebrities make millions by
hawking all sorts of products, some with unproven and even dubious claims – like fairness cream. If they can use
their status for personal gain why can’t they use it to ght for social good? They surely can and they do. Like we
don’t always agree with the choice of products they endorse, we can disagree with the cause they support, or
don’t. Michael Jordan was asked to endorse a black politician at the peak of his popularity. He didn’t. Taylor Swift
and Scarlett Johansson have been trolled for saying – or not saying – things expected of them.

In India, apart from the Big B, the Khans have been called out for their silence on some issues. Priyanka Chopra
was trolled last week for supporting black rights in the US but being silent on human rights violations in India in
the past. Bigger stars have often been termed spineless in comparison to a few smaller celebrities who are more
vocal in supporting causes. That ignores the reality that ‘smaller’ stars aren’t subjected to the kind of scrutiny and
misinterpretation that bigger stars are. Besides, understanding issues, picking a side and having the courage to
be vocal is an evolutionary process that can take time. Yet people demand consistent behaviour from celebrities
and rush to call them villains on social media and attack them in a pack with cultish zeal.

One reason for such behaviour is the strange blend of private and public life social media o ers. It’s like holding a
loaded gun that’s seducing us to pull the trigger every time our emotions run high. In the endless scroll of our
smartphone screen we see people lacing views similar to ours with venom and ‘earning’ hundreds of ‘likes’. If self-
control isn’t exercised in time, your ngers on their own volition will start picking the worst words to express your
thoughts. This unique situation of being private at the time of in icting abuse and getting public acclaim for your
choice of abuses can be arousing, even addictive. It’s like getting away with murder again and again – reputational
murder that is. We start playing psychic underworld don that social media allows us to. If there’s ever a tinge of
guilt, there’s the air cover of ideology or cause to justify your conduct. 

There’s one self-correcting element to our primal behaviour on social media. It records our words for posterity. It
doesn’t allow us to erase and run away from our worst behaviour. By acting as a giant global mirror of our worst
(and best) conduct it gives us a chance to re ect and lift ourselves up. To ght with force of argument, and only
with that. To make a distinction between criticism and insult. As a song of the star subjected to Twitter bullying on
Dec 17 reminds us: ‘Aadmi jo kehta hai, aadmi jo sunta hai, zindagi bhar woh sadayen peecha karti hain’.
(Whatever you say, whatever you hear will stay with you all your life). On social media, even afterlife.

Q.25) “We start playing psychic ------- media allows us to”. How it allows us, choose the exception? 

[A] Unique situation of being private at the time of in icting abuse

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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

[B] By recording our words for posterity.

[C] Getting public acclaim for our choice of abuses

[D] Freedom of picking the worst words to express our thoughts

Instruction: The sentences (labeled 1, 2, 3…….) given below, when properly sequenced would yield a coherent
paragraph. Decide on the proper sequence of the order of the sentences and key in the sequence of the numbers
as your answer.

Q.26) 1. New Yorkers, ordered by Governor Cuomo last week to cover their faces in public, are repurposing
bandannas and boxer shorts.
2. But one group has special mask-making powers: cosplayers, the super fans who specialize in making and
wearing costumes.
3. Hoarders are hoarding them. Governors are bartering for them. Hospital workers desperately need them.
4. In Rosie the Riveter fashion, Americans with crafting skills—among them quilters, Broadway seamstresses,
sportswear manufacturers,        origami artists, and grandmothers— have sprung into action.
5. In the pandemic economy, face masks are like bars of gold.

Answer: _________________

Instruction: The sentences (labeled 1, 2, 3…….) given below, when properly sequenced would yield a coherent
paragraph. Decide on the proper sequence of the order of the sentences and key in the sequence of the numbers
as your answer.

Q.27) 1. Another idea: Face Time a focus group, to test the concept. “I lmed my dad making some food,” Alexa
Bottura, who is twenty-three,      said   recently. 

2. Lo and behold, her light-bulb moment: a cooking show for the quarantined, by the quarantined.

3. Scene: Italy, COVID-19 lockdown, Night One. A family outside Modena wonders what to do for dinner. 

4. How to do it? Whom to pitch? Net ix, Apple, Disney+?

5. Mom stares into fridge. Dad scarfs down pistachios. Son nukes something in microwave. Daughter looks up
from phone, shakes head.

Answer: _________________

Instruction: The sentences (labeled 1, 2, 3…….) given below, when properly sequenced would yield a coherent
paragraph. Decide on the proper sequence of the order of the sentences and key in the sequence of the numbers
as your answer.

Q.28) 1. Still, most people were reluctant to leave without their I.D.s, which were locked in the camp’s
administrative o ces.
2. For many of the refugees, who’d come to the camp seeking asylum from the regime, this was as distressing as
the Turkish o ensive.
3. The Kurds were said to have turned in desperation to the Assad regime, which was now sending
reinforcements to AinIssa.
4. In Nashat Khairi’s section, a troubling rumor had begun to circulate.

Answer: _________________

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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Instruction: The sentences (labeled 1, 2, 3………) given below, when properly sequenced would yield a coherent
paragraph. Decide on the proper sequence of the order of the sentences and key in the sequence of the numbers
as your answer.

Q.29) 1. She recalled visiting an amusement park with some of her mother’s relatives and having the gate to a
ride closed before she could pass through—it hadn’t occurred to the attendant that she might be part of a group
of white people.
2. “I just couldn’t believe someone would slaughter a goat because they hated someone so much,” she said.
3. Athens was a di cult place to be queer, mixed race, and, after her sister’s death, in mourning.
4. Once, someone slashed the tires of her father’s car and threw a bloodied goat head in the back.
5. She didn’t learn about the incident until she was fourteen, when her mother told her about it.

Answer: _________________

Instruction: The -sentences (labeled 1, 2, 3….) given below, when properly sequenced would yield a coherent
paragraph. Decide on the proper sequence of the order of the sentences and key in the sequence of the numbers
as your answer.

Q.30) 1. In “Wilmington’s Lie” (Atlantic Monthly), a judicious and riveting new history of the coup, David Zucchino,
who won a Pulitzer Prize for his    reporting from apartheid-era South Africa, estimates the number of deaths at
more than sixty.
2. A mob of white people burned down the o ce of an African- American newspaper and killed an unknown
number of black townspeople.
3. On November 10, 1898, just after Election Day, white supremacists overthrew the city government of
Wilmington, North Carolina, forcing   the resignation of the mayor, the aldermen, and the chief of police.
5. An eyewitness believed that more than a hundred died, and a state guardsman recalled, “I nearly stepped on
negroes lying in the street   dead.”

Answer: _________________

Instruction: Five sentences related to a topic are given below in a jumbled order. Four of them form a coherent
and uni ed paragraph. Identify the odd sentence that does not go with the four. Key in the number of the option
that you choose.

Q.31) 1. The truth is that the UK remains compromised by its excessive economic dependence on China. 

2.Faced with internal party revolt, Mr Johnson is rushing to recalibrate the UK’s relations with China.

3.  The state-owned China General Nuclear Power Group is funding 33.5 per cent of the Hinkley Point C nuclear
plant under construction in    Somerset.

4. And China’s sovereign wealth fund owns a 10 per cent stake in Heathrow airport.

5. Only last November, on Mr Johnson’s watch, British Steel was sold to the Chinese rm Jingye for the paltry sum
of £50m.

Answer: _________________

Instruction: Five sentences related to a topic are given below in a jumbled order. Four of them form a coherent
and uni ed paragraph. Identify the odd sentence that does not go with the four. Key in the number of the option
that you choose.

Q.32) 1. That doesn’t mean I don’t think about marriage. 


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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

2. The peculiarities of the present moment mean I am contemplating marriage, and its absence, more than ever.

3. I’ve likely thought about it with greater care and scrutiny since I’ve turned away from the idea than I ever did
when I blithely assumed I’d    end up doing it. 

4. I’m aware, though, that I’ll remain ignorant about one of life’s most fundamental experiences.

5. I don’t want to get married myself.

Answer: _________________

Instruction: Five sentences related to a topic are given below in a jumbled order. Four of them form a coherent
and uni ed paragraph. Identify the odd sentence that does not go with the four. Key in the number of the option
that you choose.

Q.33) 1. but when the school year ended, my pal and I fell out of touch.

2. Frequent correspondence by mail is fairly new to me. 

3. When I was in fth grade, we had a pen-pals program with a class in Australia, 

4. A Postal Service survey suggested younger people were more likely to want to send cards and letters during
this time.

5. Anytime I travel afar, I try to write to my family;

Answer: _________________

Instruction: Five sentences related to a topic are given below in a jumbled order. Four of them form a coherent
and uni ed paragraph. Identify the odd sentence that does not go with the four. Key in the number of the option
that you choose.

Q.34) 1. It is early February, a week and some since Wuhan was put under lockdown.

2. She quotes passages from the Bible and shares prayer verses from her church.

3. My mother believes that God and the Chinese Communist Party will defeat the novel coronavirus.

4. “Pray for Wuhan. Pray for China,” she urges me, referring to the capital of Hubei Province, where the outbreak
started.

5. My mother lives in our hometown in a neighboring province, and like most places in China, her city has enacted
quarantine measures.

Answer: _________________

Test 13
Answers

Section 1

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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Q.1)A Q.2)A Q.3)A Q.4)A Q.5)A Q.6)A Q.7)A Q.8)A Q.9)A Q.10)A Q.11)A Q.12)A Q.13)A

Q.14)A Q.15)A Q.16)A Q.17)D Q.18)C Q.19)D Q.20)C Q.21)D Q.22)C Q.23)C Q.24)C

Q.25)B Q.26)53142 Q.27)35241 Q.28)4321 Q.29)34251 Q.30)22222 Q.31)2 Q.32)2 Q.33)4

Q.34)2

Test 13
Explanations

Section 1

Q.1) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.2) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.3) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.4) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.5) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.6) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.7) Explanation:

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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.8) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.9) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.10) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.11) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.12) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.13) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.14) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.15) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.16) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

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7/13/2020 Test 13-complete-test

Q.17) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.18) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.19) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.20) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.21) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.22) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.23) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.24) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.25) Explanation:

Multiple Choice Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.26) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **


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Q.27) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.28) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.29) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.30) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.31) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.32) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.33) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

Q.34) Explanation:

Numerical Type Question: ** Explanation Not Available **

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