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?Prefaceby
Zahi Hawass
DECORATED B u R I A L CHAMBERS
OF THE O L D K I N G D O M
DECORATED B u R I A L CHAMBERS
Naguib Kanawati
Preface by
Z a h i Hawass
W i t h a chapter by S. W i l l o u g h b y - W i n l a w ,
photographic contributions by E. Alexakis
and line drawings b y S. Shafik
First English Edition 2010
© Supreme Council o f Antiquities
All rights reserved. N o part o f this publication may be produced, stored, o r
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic o r mechanical, i n c l u d i n g
photocopy, recording, o r any other information storage and retrieval system,
without prior permission i n w r i t i n g from the publisher.
Front Cover: East w a l l o f Remni?s Burial Chamber - Saqqara.

Title Page: A sailing ship i n Remni?s B u r i a l Chamber - Saqqara
Back Cover: __ Interior o f Inumin?s Sarcophagus - Saqqara
Dar al Kuttub Registration No.: 24437/2009
LS.B.N: 978-977- 479-793 -5
DECORATED B U R I A L CHAMBERS
CONTENTS
L i s t OF FiGuRES viii
PREFACE Zahi Hawass ix
INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1
CHAPTER I THE B u r i A L CHAMBER

I t s SIGNIFICANCE AND PREPARATION 5
C u a p T e r IT ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENT
Sophie Willoughby-Winlaw 25
CuaptTer IIT =
=DEVELOPMENT OF DECORATION 43
CHAPTER I V SELECTED E X A M P L E S OF DECORATED B U R I A L C H A M B E R S 57
CONCLUSION 75
BIBLIOGRAPHY 77
INDEX 80
PHOTOGRAPHS 83
vii
L I s T OF FIGURES
10. T y p e 3. K a w a b (G71 1 0 - 7 1 2 0
. Khnum fashioning the body and Ka. ). Eastern Fietg
Giza.
Hatshepsut, Thebes, Dynasty 18.
A f t e r . B r u n n e r - T r a u t , M a r c h e n , 81. After: Simpson, Kawa, fig. 6
I f . Type 4. Mersyankh III (G '
_
The Ba descending the burial chamber. Papyrus Field, Giza. (67530-7540). Eastery
of Nebged. After: Dunham and Si
A f t e r : Z a b k e r , The B a ,p l s . plan F. mpsin, Mersyani m
The Ba hovers over the mummy. Papyrus Any,
_
12. Type 6. K h u f u k h a f I (G7130-

Dynasty 19. Field, Giza. 7140).Eastern
After: Faulkner, Book o f the Dead, pl. 17.
After: Simpson, Kawab, fig, 20,
Section o f the tomb o f Hemmin, showing the
_
. Type 5. I t y (G6030). Western Field, Giza

chapel and the two burial chambers at different
After: www.gizapyramids.o
.org/fu
levels. Akhmim, Dynasty 6. EG016309.jpg WRIVEGOL6/
A f t e r : K a n a w a t i , E L - H a w a w i s h 5, fig. 2.
14. Type 9. Sendjemib/Inti
_
Section and plan o f Mereruka?s burial chamber. ore ij i (G2370). WesternField,
Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
A f t e r : F i r t h and G u n n , 7eti Pyr. Cem. |, fig. 19. After: Brovarski, Senedjemib I, fig. 70.
15. Depiction o f a boat on the east wa ll of i?

Sections of the shaft and burial chamber o f
burial chamber. Saqqara, Dynasty 6 . Remni?s
Inumin, before and after the addition o f m u d
brick lining to reduce the shaft?s size. Saqqara, After: Kanawati, Teti Cemetery 9, pl. 52
16. The same signs drawn by different hands on
Dynasty 6.
After: Kanawati et al., Jeti Cemetery 8, pl. 37. the south and north walls. Mereruka?s burial
_
The empty chair in the burial chamber o f chamber, Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
Ankhmahor. Saqqara, Dynasty 6. 17. Scenes o f granaries and piles o f food on
After: Faulkner, Book o f the Dead, pl. 17. the east wall o f Mereruka?s burial chamber
.
Type 1. Wepemnefert (G1201). Western Field, Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
Giza. . Offering list depicted on the south wall o f
After: www.gizapyramids.org/full/EGO15/ Mereruka?s burial chamber. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
EG015109.jpg. . A n example o f a burial chamber in the Pepy II
.
Type 2. Sneferuseneb (G4240). Western Field, Cemetery. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
Giza. After: Jéquier, Zombeaux de particuliers, fig.
After: www.gizapyramids.org/full/EGO15/ 73.
EG01587 jpg.
viii
PREFACE
This great book is written by Naguib Kanawati and is published by the Supreme Council
of Antiquities. Naguib Kanawati is one of the foremost experts in Old Kingdom tombs.
His numerous publications on the tombs at Giza, Saqqara, and various provincial cemetery
sites in Upper Egypt display his outstanding scholarship. Furthermore, he has rerecorded a
number o f previously published tombs in order to examine them in greater detail, propose new
interpretations o f the evidence, and to provide color photographs.
The tombs o f the O l d K i n g d o m are, i n themselves, unique and contain some o f the most
beautiful w a l l reliefs f r o m ancient Egypt. This book communicates the magnificence o f the
scenes found in the burial chamber, as well as their significance. Kanawati also elaborates on
the development o f the program o f w a l l decoration throughout the O l d K i n g d o m .
Kanawati, for example, examines the tomb o f Kaiemankh at Giza, previously published b y
Herman Junker w i t h simple b l a c k and white line drawings. This publication offers the reader
the opportunity to look upon a series o f beautiful photos o f daily life scenes, w h i c h were never
mentioned b y Junker. Kanawati also explores the tomb o f Kaikherptah at Giza, the t o m b o f
Henenit f r o m Sheikh Said, the tomb o f Mereruka at Saqqara, and many other tombs w i t h
exquisitely decorated burial chambers. This book adds much to the study o f O l d K i n g d o m
tombs and is a great resource for scholars, students, tour guides, as w e l l as everyone w i t h an
interest in Egyptology.
Kanawati always amazes me w i t h his dedication to his w o r k and to Egyptology. I am pleased

to see h i m w r i t i n g so m a n y interesting books, which are published by the S C A press, and I
always l o o k f o r w a r d to Kanawati?s v i s i t to Egypt every year, as he always arrives w i t h a new
publication i n his hand. I also look forward to the A r a b i c translation o f this manuscript.
Zahi Hawass
INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
While the chapels o f numerous tombs, both mastabas and rock-cut, are accessible
to the scholar and the layperson alike, for practical reasons visits to burial chambers are
usually excluded. The majority o f Old Kingdom burial chambers are positioned at the bottom
o f vertical shafts which vary in depth, sometimes exceeding twenty metres. Other burial
chambers are reached via long sloping passages which are equally difficult to descend. With
little or no likelihood o f future visits to such subterranean chambers, and for the conservation
o f the recorded information in them as well as for the safety o f visitors to the sites, excavators
have traditionally refilled the shafts following their clearance and the recording o f their
architectural features as well as the scenes and inscriptions found in the burial chambers,
should these be decorated.
Numerous burial chambers have been excavated and published, but such information is
scattered in a large number o f technical monographs, usually consulted only by the specialists
and not readily available for the interested layperson. Moreover, as most o f the excavations
of Old Kingdom sites were conducted in the first half o f the Twentieth Century the excavation
reports relied mostly on line drawings, with occasional photographs, almost always in black
and white. Yet some scenes and inscriptions in the burial chambers are particularly colourful
and being protected from the elements, the colours have, in some instances, retained their
freshness.
The burial chamber is not a subsidiary part o f the tomb. In fact, it m a y be argued
that it constitutes the most essential part, the place w h i c h w i l l house the deceased?s b o d y for
eternity and the place where a l l his different entities w o u l d be reunited and rest. T h u s the
burial chamber, decorated o r undecorated, is practically the tomb, w h i l e the chapel is the
place f o r the f u n e r a r y rituals to be maintained and for the offerings to be presented. Yet, as a
result o f the l a c k o f accessibility to burial chambers, when we t h i n k o f tombs we f r e q u e n t l y

t h i n k o n l y o f chapels.
Throughout my fieldwork in different Old Kingdom sites, and with the purpose o f
preparing new and complete publications o f the tombs in these sites, I was very fortunate to
rerecord some o f the most spectacular burial chambers o f the period. Foremost among these
is that o f Mereruka, the vizier and son-in-law of King Teti, founder o f the Sixth Dynasty.
His burial chamber has appeared in earlier publications, but mostly in black and white
photographs. Yet the scenes on the east wall o f this chamber have retained an extraordinary
amount o f their colours, much more so than what is found for example in the chapel o f the
same tomb. With the increasing emphasis on the study o f Egyptian colour conventions, such
a room provides an important source o f information on the subject. Scenes on the other walls
o f the chamber were left, perhaps deliberately, in mere outlines, both the initial red outlines
and the finished lines in black paint. Accordingly, these scenes provide us with a useful record
of the processes followed by the Egyptian painter in planning and executing his decoration.
Mereruka?s burial chamber is o f particular importance anda full publication o f its scenes and
inscriptions w i l l follow.
INTRODUCTION A N D A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
One of the most unusual burial chambers o f theO l d Kingdom is that o f Kai emankh at
Giza which, in addition tooffering bearers and an offering list, contains scenes tra d i t i o n a l l y
found in chapels, such as playingm u s i c and dancing, agricultural pursuits, pulling the papyrus
ceremony and travelling by ships. It is i m p o r t atnot discuss the significance o f suchd e p i c t i o n s
o f animate figures inb u r i a l chambers and their later elimination. Ankhmahor o f Saqgara
represented an offering table and a chair in his chamber, but the chair was left un Occupied.
M a n y burial chambers had to be re-cleared b e f o r e w e were able to rerecord their

scenes and inscriptions. The most r e w a r d i n g a m o n g t h e m were those o f P e p y a n k h - h e r y i b
and his w i f e Hewetiaah o f Meir. Both shafts were p r e s u m a b l y r e - f i l l e d w i t h pure sand after
their initial recording b y A y l w a r d B l a c k m a n , and apparently never opened since 1921
M a n y newspaper cuttings and other dated objects f o u n d i n the t w o shafts support such a
deduction. As a result, the decoration o f the t w o chambers p r o v e d to be in an astonishingly

good condition, w i t h no missing sections since the t i m e they were f i r s t recorded b y Blackman
and w i t h their colours m a i n t a i n i n g most o f their freshness. Surprisingly, the decorationo f t h e
wife?s chamber is more elaborate and better executed than that o f her husband, the tomb owner,
| am as yet unable to trace her background, but her b u r i a l chamber, as well as her prominent
representations in the chapel, m a y reflect her v e r y special status. C o l o u r photographs o f the
scenes and inscriptions in the t w o chambers appear here f o r the first time.
In the course o f m y excavations in the Teti Cemetery, t w o tombs w h i c h possessed

decorated burial chambers were discovered. T h e y belong to I n u m i n , w h o served as a vizier
at the beginning o f Pepy I?s reign, and R e m n i , an o f f i c i a l i n charge o f different departments
related to the personal service o f the k i n g , p r o b a b l y Teti. R e m n i was the only possessor
of a decorated burial c h a m b e r in the Teti Cemetery w h o d i d n o t h o l d the vizierate, yet his
distinction appears to have been due to his marriage to t w o w o m e n p r o b a b l y w i t h a royal
background. Scenes and inscriptions o f the tombs f r o m the reign o f Pepy I I were inaccessible
and the images included i n this v o l u m e are r e d r a w n f r o m earlier excavation reports.
This monograph aims at drawing the attention to the significance o f the burial chamber
and the role it played within the Egyptian funerary architecture and beliefs. As most o f these
chambers are inaccessible, particularly to the interested general reader, I hope that the book
will complement the readily available information on tomb chapels, both on sites and in
published form. The decoration of the burial chambers however requires further analysis and
for this, more detailed studies w i l l follow.
Introducing this monograph, w e benefitted f r o m earlier p u b l i c a t i o n s w h i c h are

acknowledged in the appropiate places. We also benefitted f r o m the open source hieroglyphic
editor, JSesh f r o m w h i c h w e acquired all ideograms f o u n d w i t h i n the f o l l o w i n g text.
As usual it is a great pleasure to acknowledge the help we received throughout many

seasons of fieldwork which led to the production o f this book. I particularly wish to thank
Professor Dr. Zahi Hawass, Secretary General o f the Supreme Council o f Antiquities, f o r
h i s continuous support and encouragement and for including this monograph among the
publications of the SCA. Thanks are also due to Mrs. A m a l Safwat El-Alfy, DirectorGeneral
o f thePrinteries o f the SCA and her staff for the care they put in the production o f the book.
The materials included in this book were gathered over many years and from different sites.
INTRODUCTION AND A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
D u r i n g that time I received every help from the SCA staff of various inspectorates, and |
would like to take this opportunity to express my thanks and appreciation to everyone o f
them.
In a publication where the photographs and drawings constitute most significant

sections, it is a pleasure to acknowledge the tireless work o f Ms. Effy Alexakis in
photographing the burial chambers o f Mereruka, Remni, Inumin and the two chambers at
Meir, and o f Dr. Sameh Shafik who produced all the intricate drawings included here. I
would also like to thank Dr. Sophie Winlaw for writing the chapter on the chronological
development o f burial chambers. Special thanks are also due to Ms. Anna-Latifa Mourad
and Mrs Elizabeth Thompson for editing the text, Mrs Leonie Donovan for redrawing the
plans and Mrs. Donovan and Ms. Mourad for the preparation o f the final text and images for
publication. I thank them all for their contributions.
Naguib Kanawati
Macquarie University
Sydney, A u s t r a l i a
CHAPTER I
T H E B u r t A L CHAMBER
I t s SIGNIFICANCE AND PREPARATION
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BurRtAL CHAMBER
The Egyptian tomb was not considered simply as a grave for burying the corpse
o f a dead person, but rather as a house o f eternity in which the deceased will spend his/
her future and hopefully everlasting life. In the instructions o f Prince Hardjedef to his son,
presumably from the Fifth Dynasty, he tells him ?make good your dwelling in the graveyard,
make worthy your station in the West?, and clearly concludes that the ?house o f death is for
life?.' The tomb consisted o f two main parts: the burial chamber located underground and the
chapel at ground level or hewn in the face o f rock cliffs. Both parts of the tomb are essential
and they complement each other, but in order to examine the role and importance o f each
o f the two parts, we should understand the concept o f death itself according to the ancient
Egyptian beliefs.
To the E g y p t i a n , a person consisted o f a n u m b e r o f d i f f e r e n t entities, all independent

y e t f o r m i n g one being. Some o f these entities were created at birth, w h i l e others are t h o u g h t
to have existed o n l y after death, although this is debatable. The most essential elements o f a
person were his/her b o d y and Ka, the latter m a y be translated as ?life-force?, ?personality?,
?power?, etc. In scenes o f royal births f r o m the N e w K i n g d o m , we see the creator g o d K h n u m
at the potter?s wheel, fashioning t w o identical figures o f a child: the body and the K a ( F i g u r e
1).? T h e b o d y h a d all the person?s organs as w e l l as his recognizable features. It is also the
permanent d w e l l i n g f o r the K a t h r o u g h o u t the individual?s life and continued to act as an
abode f o r the Ka, although less closely bound, after death.
Figure 1. Khnum fashioning the body and Ka. Hatshepsut, Thebes, Dynasty 18.
' Lichtheim, Literature 1, 58.

2 Brunner-Traut, Marchen, 81.
SIGNIFICANCE. A N D PREPARATION
For this reason it was important to preserve the body in a good, lifelike condition
hence the constant attempts by the Egyptian to perfect the art o f mummification and his
efforts to restore the original appearance o f the deceased by introducing resin or even mud
under the skin to compensate for the effect o f shrinkage through dehydration, or by adding
artificial eyes.
The Ka existed in life and in the hereafter, and in both was considered responsible for
all the person?s activities. From the Instructions of Ptahhotep to his son, for example, we
learn that the Ka was responsible for all one?s actions, from his behaviour when he is eating
food, to dealing with his superiors, or enjoying the various pleasures o f life and even for
producing his offspring.? Thus the Ka was the person himself, while the body was its physical
vehicle to carry out all activities and achievements. Death was probably seen as a temporary
interruption to the union between the body and the Ka, which was overcome by mummification
and the performance o f the rite o f ?the Opening of the Mouth?, which restored to the deceased
all his faculties. Thus ?going/returning to one?s Ka? in Egyptian language was a synonym for
?dying? or perhaps to the reunion o f the Ka and the body after the completion o f all funerary
rites. When Pepyseneb of El-Hawawish completed the tomb o f his father, Memi, after the
latter?s death, he left an inscription saying: ?It was I who decorated this tomb for my father
when he had gone to his Ka?.? But the reference in some tombs to the ?bringing o f the choice
food for Ka every day?,? or the indication that fishing in the marshlands® and music and
dancing? are for the entertainment o f the Ka should not automatically be taken to refer only
to posthumous activities, for food and all other pleasures were enjoyed by the Ka during life
and afterwards. Yet the depiction o f such scenes in tombs, together with the frequent writing
o f the K a placed on a standard ?_,
which is usually reserved f o r divinities, m a y suggest a

funerary context. It was perhaps the hope o f the tomb owner that these pleasurable activities
w h i c h he enjoyed during his lifetime would continue after his death, o r that such scenes
w o u l d bring memories o f his years among the living, or even remind the future generations
o f his importance and achievements.
Other entities o f an individual include the Ba, the Akh, the name and even the shadow.
W h i l e the last appears to represent a state o f power w h i c h manifests i t s e l f in different shapes,
the name formed an essential element i n one?s identity and was important to k n o w in order
to wish h i m well. For this reason the name was w r i t t e n many times o n the false door, above
scenes o f different activities and on statues. Erasing name f r o m the tomb was a punishment,
a
since it w o u l d condemn all entities o f the owner to a nameless existence in the hereafter.
U s u a l l y associated w i t h death and rarely met in literature referring to the l i v i n g , the Ba,
translated as ?spirit?, ?soul?, ?power?, etc., is one o f the forms i n w h i c h the deceased continued
to live after death. It is represented as a bird, a j a b i r u stork, w h i c h f r o m the N e w K i n g d o m
was shown w i t h the human head o f the deceased. Asa b i r d it had more freedom o f movement
than the Ka, w h i c h m o s t l y resided in the tomb. I t was able to travel t h r o u g h the w o r l d o f the
l i v i n g as w e l l as i n the re a l m o f the dead and wander on earth, in the sky o r theN e t h e r w o r l d .
I t left the tomb by day to perform any physical activity. B u t the B a had to return every night
L i c h t h e i m , L i t e r a t u r e 1, 61f f .
K a n a w a t i , E l - H a w a w i s h 7, 21, fig. 11.
I b i d 4, figs. 9, 16; v o l . 5, f i g . 8.
Ibid 4, fig. 12.
Ibid 5, fig. 8.
SIGNIFICANCE AND PREPARATION
and be reunited with the mummy in the burial chamber (Figure 2). This reunion was essential
for its survival and accordingly the risk o f it losing its way or being somehow prevented from
returning was an ever present worry for the deceased.
T h e A k h is a state o f ?blessedness? w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l reaches not s i m p l y b y d y i n g ,

but after successfully passing a great deal o f physical and ritual practices w h i c h renders h i m
an effective i m m o r t a l . A s an A k h the deceased was able to deal w i t h other gods as w e l l as
w i t h the l i v i n g . T h u s A n k h m a h o r o f Saqqara warns the passerby w h o enters his t o m b w i t h o u t
p u r i f y i n g h i m s e l f saying: ?I w i l l seize his neck like a b i r d when the fear o f me is cast in h i m ,
so that the A k h s and those w h o are upon earth m a y see it and m a y fear an excellent Akh?.®
A s an A k h , the person possessed powers and could influence the dead and the l i v i n g . T h i s is
evident i n a g r o u p o f documents k n o w n as ?Letters to the Dead?, w h i c h were w r i t t e n f r o m
the O l d K i n g d o m onwards o n pottery b o w l s , but also o n papyrus o r linen, and left in tombs,
p o s s i b l y on o f f e r i n g platforms together w i t h the food and drink. Such letters a l w a y s called o n
the dead, as A k h s , w i t h the power they possess, to intervene on the writer?s b e h a l f in earthly
matters.° L i k e the Ba, the A k h was w r i t t e n w i t h the h i e r o g l y p h o fa bird, the crested ibis.
Figure 2, The Ba descending the burial chamber. Papyrus o f Nebged.
The i n d i v i d u a l was therefore composed o f m a n y entities, all f o r m i n g one b e i n g and

all necessary f o r his continued existence after death. T h e l a r g e l y held b e l i e f that the Egyptian
8
K a n a w a t i et al., J e t i C e m e t e r y 2, 28, pl. 3 5 .
° ? G a r d i n e r a n d Sethe, L e t t e r s to t h e D e a d , passim.
SIGNIFICANCE A N D PREPARATION
was able to substitute one thing with another seems questionable. I f a statue, for example,
could simply replace the body should the latter decay, why would the Egyptian persist with his
endeavour to perfect the techniques o f mummification? And why would he take the trouble to
secure the mummy in a burial chamber, excavated in the rock deep underground? And why
provide, in many cases, massive stone sarcophagi with enormous lids for further security?
Although the Ka can temporarily dwell in a statue, the latter was not a replacement for the
body. Moreover, while the body was hidden in the burial chamber, the statue(s) were placed
in a special room, the serdab, in the chapel and with a slit for viewing or indeed were placed
in niches in the chapel itself, or cut as engaged statues in the walls o f rock-cut chapels. Also,
while the body was wrapped in bandages and never clothed, the statues were fully dressed
and adored. It seems that the statues? purpose was as a dwelling for the Ka during the day
in order to enjoy the light and to view or be physically viewed by the visitors. Placing the Ka
statue o f the vizier Mereruka in a niche high up in the wall and providing it with an offering
table and a flight o f steps'° suggest that inhabited by the Ka, not only could the statue receive
offerings, but it could descend from its niche and wander in the different rooms of the chapel
and perhaps outside the tomb. Nothing suggests that this was possible for the actual mummy
and indeed its heavy wrapping does not suggest that it was planned for the mummy to leave
its resting place at any time.
The main purpose o f the burial chamber was therefore to conceal and protect the body,
b e i n g an essential and irreplaceable entity o f the individual. The body does not o n l y provide
the exterior f o r m o f the person, but more importantly contains all his vital organs, w h i c h
a l l o w h i m to f u n c t i o n as a human being. It includes also the heart, the seat o f intelligence,
according to Egyptian beliefs. These organs were preserved in the canopic jars and placed
w i t h the b o d y in the burial chamber, or even replaced inside the body after m u m m i f i c a t i o n
according to the techniques in different periods o f Egyptian history. A t times even the waste
materials resulting f r o m m u m m i f i c a t i o n were collected and buried w i t h the deceased. We
have no reason to t h i n k that the Egyptian believed that his body could be substituted by a
stone or wooden statue, even though the K a could temporarily inhabit these objects, as it
could indeed inhabit its owner?s many sculptured or painted figures on the different walls o f
the chapel.
The individual possessed one body, but he was able to acquire as many statues as he
wished or could afford. While damage or robbery frequently make it impossible to know the
number o f statues originally included in a tomb, the number o f engaged statues in rock-cut
chapels could be gauged with certainty. Thus Irukaptah o f Saqqara has 14 statues,'' Queen
Mersyankh III o f Giza has 20 statues o f herself and others,'* Memi o f El-Hawawish has 24
statues!? and Kaikherptah, also o f Giza, has 29 statues.'* The body was tightly wrapped in
numerous layers of bandages and placed in a sleeping position on its back or side inside a
wooden coffin or a stone sarcophagus. Frequently the coffin was enclosed inside a massive
sarcophagus. This is not the image o f a ?body? ready to periodically go out o f the burial
chamber to receive offerings in the chapel, or to enjoy the light and be entertained by the visits
o f family members and retainers. On the other hand, the statues as well as the tomb owners?
0 D u e l l , M e r e r u k a , pls. 123, 148; K a n a w a t i , M e r e r u k a a n d K i n g Teti, fig. 114.
M c F a r l a n e , U n i s C e m e t e r y 1, 6 0 f f , pls. 4, 8, 13, 2 4 - 3 7 .
2 Dunham and Simpson, Mersyankh III, pis. 6, 8, 9a-b, 11b-c.
3 Kanawati, El-Hawawish 5, 40-41, pls. 7a, 8a, fig. 11.
4 Kendall, Studies Dunham, 104-114.
images o n the chapel w a l l s were not only f u l l y dressed, but also shown as active, w i t h one
leg stepping forward, even i f the Egyptian art preferred to represent the main figures in the
t o m b in a dignified, but rather s t i f f posture. In the early periods the body was m o s t l y buried in
the foetal position in anticipation o f rebirth, w h i c h was not the case w i t h statues, and we are
uncertain whether b u r y i n g the body f u l l y extended represented a change in funerary beliefs
o r a d e v e l o p m e n t in t o m b architecture and the introduction o f burials in coffins.
The Egyptian firmly believed that the deceased needed continuous nourishment, but
he equally believed that it was the Ka which enjoyed the food and drink. This might explain
the reason for specifically inscribing above the representations o f offering tables or offering
bearers in some tombs that the food was for the Ka o f the tomb owners. As the ?life-force? of
an individual, the Ka was probably considered to be a nonphysical entity and was rendered
touchable, or perhaps even visible, only through its union with its body, statue or images on
the walls. Being a nonphysical entity the Ka was able to go out o f a wooden coffin although
the cover was closed with dowels, or exit from a stone sarcophagus with its massive lid
sealed with gypsum. It was also able to ascend from a deep underground burial chamber and
through closed portcullises, metres o f rock or a compactly filled shaft to receive offerings or
to spend the day in the chapel. We have no reason to believe that the Egyptian thought that
this was also possible for the ?body?. This may be deduced from Egyptian literature, although
from later periods. In the ?Dispute between a man and his Ba?, the Ba clearly tells the man:
?you w i l l not go up to see the sun?.'* In one o f the songs speaking o f the dead, the lyrics say:
?no one returns from there, that he may tell o f their state, that he may tell o f their needs, that
he may calm our hearts until we go where they have g o n e ? . From the Ptolemaic Period
the stela o f Taimhotep mentions that ?the West, it is a land o f sleep, darkness weighs on the
dwelling-place, those who are there sleep in their mummy-forms?."?
Figure 3. The Ba hovers over the mummy. Papyrus Any, Dynasty 19.
While the Akh is sometimes shown in pictures as a mummy, the exact relationship
between the two is not clear, and we are not certain i f the Akh, being mainly a state o f
blessedness in the Netherworld returns daily to rest in the body. On the other hand we know
'S L i c h t h e i m , L i t e r a t u r e 1, 165.
'6 I b i d , 196.
7 I b i d 3, 6 3 .
that the Ba as a bird was able to travel through the worldof t h e living as well as in the realm
o f the dead. It left the tomb by day, but every night had to return and be reunited with its
mummy in the burial chamber and this reunion was essential for its survival. From later
periods we sce on the Papyrus o f Nebged the Ba o f the deceased descending the shaft on
its way to be reunited with its body in the burial chamber, and Papyrus Any depicts the Ba
hovering over the mummy (Figure 3).
The purpose o f the burial chamber was therefore to permanently conceal and protect
the deceased?s b o d y so that it remained as a receptacle o r a d w e l l i n g for his different entities
? the Ka, the B a and perhaps the A k h . The survival o f these entities and their w e l l b e i n g
depended on the continuing existence o f the body, w h i c h was irreplaceable. The burial
chamber was arguably the most important part o f the t o m b and was the centre in w h i c h all the
d i f f e r e n t entities o f the deceased gathered, at least at certain parts o f the day o r the night. For
this reason the t o m b i n the Predynastic Periods was i n most cases m e r e l y a grave containing
the b o d y despite the fact that the funerary beliefs then m i g h t not have been t o t a l l y different
f r o m those o f later periods. A n unusually large number o f O l d K i n g d o m tombs possess an
undecorated chapel. For example, out o f more than 880 rock-cut tombs excavated and/or
surveyed at E l - H a w a w i s h , approximately 60 have decorated chapels. Bearing in m i n d that
a l i m i t e d n u m b e r o f the undecorated tombs had inscribed stelae associated w i t h their shafts,
the greater m a j o r i t y o f these tombs appear to have been left totally undecorated.'* Some o f
these chapels are large and well cut, some even have their walls plastered, but t o t a l l y void
o f any decoration. The explanation that the apparently important owners o f all these tombs
d i e d prematurely and also had n o one to record even their names on the walls seems h i g h l y
improbable. I t is more l i k e l y that the decoration i t s e l f was not as paramount as we t h i n k it
was. O n the other hand every t o m b has a burial chamber for the body o f the tomb owner and
f r e q u e n t l y others for members o f his family. W hi l e the chapel, decorated or undecorated,
represented the house o f the Ka, the space in w h i c h it spends the day, the burial chamber, also
decorated o r undecorated, was the area in w h i c h all the entities o f the deceased are reunited in
the b o d y every night. It is therefore the most central and integral part o f the tomb.
The early burials in Egypt were formed o f graves containing the deceased?s body,
some vessels containing food and some ornaments and personal possessions. There were
n o chapels, scenes o r inscriptions, yet the early inhabitants o f the N i l e V a l l e y most probably
believed in an afterlife and their beliefs m i g h t not have been t o t a l l y different f r o m those o f
the better understood ones o f later periods. We also k n o w little about burials o f the poorer
classes o f all periods, but they were certainly placed in a grave, n o matter h o w p o o r its
contents were. We should not t h i n k that these classes d i d not aspire toa l i f e i n the hereafter,
even i f w e have no i n f o r m a t i o n on it. Everyone possessed a burial chamber o r a grave w h i c h
was the centre for the reunion o f his/her d i f f e r e n t entities. A decorated burial chamber, a
decorated one-room o r m u l t i p l e - r o o m e d chapel was certainly a better house o f eternity and

the literature indeed contains m u c h advice f o r the preparation o f one?s resting place. Thus
Prince H a r d j e d e f f r o m the O l d K i n g d o m says: ?Make g o o d y o u r d w e l l i n g i n the graveyard,
make w o r t h y y o u r station i n the West?.'® T h i s is echoed again i n the Instructions addressed to
K i n g M e r i k a r e o f the First Intermediate Period, w h i c h reminds h i m that ?life o n earth passes,
it is not long? and that ?happy is he w h o is remembered?. The Instructions then say: ?Make
© Kanawati, E/-Hawawish, 10 vols; Kanawati and McFarlane, Akhmim, passim.

19 Lichtheim, Literature 1, 58, 100, 106.
worthy your house o f the West, make firm your station in the graveyard?, but emphasizes that
this should be built on righteousness: ?By being upright, by doing justice, upon which men?s
hearts rely?. The theme continues in the New Kingdom where the wise Any writes: ?Furnish
your station in the valley, the grave that shall conceal your corpse. Set it before you as your
concern, a thing that matters in your eyes. Emulate the great departed, who are at rest within
their tombs?.°°
As people belonged to different classes and enjoyed different standards o f l i v i n g , so d i d

their tombs generally reflect their social places and administrative positions. B u t that s h o u l d
not lead us into t h i n k i n g that the richness o f a tomb influenced its owner?s status and fate in the
hereafter. B o t h M e r e r u k a and Hesi were viziers buried in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara. T h e y
were close to each other in t i m e and their tombs are w i t h i n a f e w metres f r o m one another. Yet
Mereruka?s chapel contains 31 rooms, i n c l u d i n g large pillared halls,?! w h i l e Hesi?s chapel
is f o r m e d o f a single r o o m . ? Hesi presumably noticed the clear discrepancy between their
t w o n e i g h b o u r i n g tombs and a c c o r d i n g l y left an inscription on the chapel entrance saying: ?I
caused one room to be b u i l t in this t o m b in order that invocation offerings m a y come forth
f o r me in it, ( a l t h o u g h ) I was empowered to b u i l d it o f numerous rooms?.?? S i m i l a r l y w h i l e
M e r e r u k a owned a large and magnificently decorated burial chamber, Hesi had an average-
sized, undecorated chamber. Yet, f o r him this was presumably sufficient to protect his b o d y
and to act as the permanent d w e l l i n g f o r his various entities, i.e., as his eternal resting place.
The m a i n a i m o f the burial chamber was the protection o f its owner?s most i m p o r t a n t entity,
his body. Thus w h i l e Mereruka had his magnificent burial chamber reached t h r o u g h a shaft
14.50 metres deep, the more practical v i z i e r Hesi cut his m u c h smaller, undecorated chamber
at the depth o f 20.27 metres, for greater security.
* Thid 2, 138.
Duell, Mereruka, passim; Kanawati, Mereruka a n d King Teti, passim.

** Kanawati et al., Zeti Cemetery 5, passim.
3 Ibid, 38, pl. 59a.
SIGMHICANCE AND PREPARATION
PREPARATION OF THE B u R I A L C H A M B E R
Egyptian tombs can be d i v i d e d into t w o main types: mastabas and rock-cut tombs.
The f o r m e r was constructed o f stone o r mud b r i c k and was more suitable for plateaus and
a c c o r d i n g l y w a s the dominant type in all the cemeteries o f the capital Memphis. Rock-cut
tombs were characteristic o f the provincial cemeteries o f Upper Egypt, where the valley
was bordered on both sides b y r o c k cliffs into w h i c h the Egyptians were able to hew their
tombs. W h e n e v e r the geographical features in a province did not allow the cutting o f rock
tombs, as w a s the case for example at Dendera and Edfu, mastabas were constructed o f mud
b r i c k since appropriate stone was also scarce in these regions. W h i l e both types o f tombs are
formed o f the same t w o basic elements ? the chapel and the burial chamber, the development
and designs o f each type differed considerably. However, consistent to both types was the
fact that all underground and aboveground parts o f a tomb lay w i t h i n the parameter o f the
land allocated to the t o m b owner. Each i n d i v i d u a l was assigned a defined piece o f land for
the construction o f his tomb, and Iri o f Saqqara clearly states that ?as for this t o m b w h i c h I
made in the necropolis, it was the king w h o granted its place for me?.*4 N o part o f the tomb,
i n c l u d i n g the burial chamber, was a l l o w e d to protrude outside the allocated boundaries o f the
tomb. As the cemetery was planned like a city, w i t h tombs adjacent to each other and w i t h
space i n various streets used f o r shafts belonging to f a m i l y members, retainers, o r succeeding
generations, burial chambers projecting outside the external limits o f the tomb risked being
b r o k e n into d u r i n g the excavation o f later shafts.
A l t h o u g h no architectural plans o f tombs have survived, it is almost certain that some

o f the c o m p l e x mastabas must have been planned before being executed on the ground. The
intricate mastabas o f Saqqara, dating from the end o f the Fifth Dynasty and the early Sixth
D y n a s t y are excellent examples o f the ingenuity o f the Old K i n g d o m architects. Mastabas
such as those o f Tjy,?> Ptahhotep and Akhethotep,?* Ankhmahor,?? Kagemni,?* K h e n t i k a ? and
M e r e r u k a ® are o b v i o u s testimonies to the Egyptian abilities in both art and architecture. One
o f the remarkable achievements o f the builders o f these tombs was their a b i l i t y to accurately
p o s i t i o n the burial chamber, o r rather the sarcophagus, i m m e d i a t e l y beneath the false door
placed in the o f f e r i n g r o o m o f the chapel. The purpose o f such a design was perhaps to
facilitate the K a and the Ba to find their w a y between the burial chamber and the chapel, o r
perhaps more precisely between the sarcophagus and the false door. But in a c o m p l e x chapel,
like Mereruka?s f o r example, and being separated by more than 14 metres o f rock, the correct
r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the t w o objects necessitated a great deal o f technical skill and experience.
F o l l o w i n g the preparation o f the t o m b plan, this was presumably indicated o n the

g r o u n d before the excavation o f the shaft(s) and burial chamber(s) began. That the cutting
o f the u n d e r g r o u n d sections w a s undertaken p r i o r to the construction o f the chapel is
suggested b y the fact that most large mastabas contain huge sarcophagi w h i c h w o u l d have
been impossible to introduce into the shaft and the burial chamber once the chapel walls
24 Kanawati et al., Excavations at Saqqara 2, 9-10, pl. 3.

5 Epron and Daumas, 77, fasc. 1, pl. 1.
*%
Davies, Ptahhetep | , pl. }.
27 Kanawati et al., Jeti Cemetery 2, pl. 31.
28 Harpur and Scremin, Kagemni, 3.
James, K h e n t i k a , pl. 3.
30 D u e l l , M e r e r u k a , pl. 1.
12
were built. Furthermore, for efficient use o f space in some tomb chapels, the large mouth of
the main shaft was partly covered by a massive stone beam above which one o f the chapel
walls was constructed. This reduced the size o f the shaft mouth and made it too small for
the introduction o f the stone sarcophagus. The main shafts in the mastabas o f Mereruka,?'
Nikauisesi* and Inumin? in the Teti Cemetery were so designed. In this last tomb and after
placing the sarcophagus in the burial chamber, two sides o f the shaft were lined with mud
brick, reducing the shaft itself to half its original size.
While shafts and burial chambers were excavated before the superstructure o f the
mastaba was built, this was not possible in the case o f rock tombs, where the chapel had to be
hewn first before internal shafts or sloping passages could be cut into the floor o f the chapel.
Most o f the provincial rock-cut tombs are o f such a design, as are for example the tombs o f
Ibi and Djau at Deir el-Gebrawi,** and those o f Pepyankh-heryib, Niankhpepy and Pepyankh-
henykem o f M e i r . On the other hand provincial administrators rarely positioned their shafts
or sloping passages outside the chapel as is the case in most shafts at Tehna®* and the sloping
passage o f Hemmin at El-Hawawish.?? The design o f most rock-cut tombs did not therefore
allow for the inclusion o f stone sarcophagi and wooden coffins were used instead, or a burial
pit was cut into the floor o f the burial chamber, occasionally with a stone lid provided.
U n l i k e the mastabas, rock-cut tombs were excavated into the face o f the c l i f f , w i t h
n o p o s s i b i l i t y o f future use o f the area behind the tomb. A c c o r d i n g l y , there was n o apparent
restriction on protrusion outside the t o m b area and into the mountain. Thus w h i l e I b i o f
Deir e l - G e b r a w i cut the m o u t h o f his main sloping passage into the floor o f his chapel, the
descending passage i t s e l f extends m u c h further into the mountain and outside the chapel
boundaries. This in turn astonishingly resulted in his burial pit b e i n g at a distance f r o m his
chapel and false door.*® O n the other hand, H e m m i n o f E l - H a w a w i s h w h o started his s l o p i n g
passage outside the chapel was able to position his burial chamber beneath his false d o o r in
the m i d d l e o f the chapel.?
The security o f the body in the burial chamber was certainly o f utmost importance, and
the frequent inclusion o f valuable personal possessions increased the risk o f violation. The
depth o f the shaft was probably thought to have provided the best protection, since emptying
it in order to reach the burial chamber would have required many days o f digging and resulted
in the likelihood o f the robbers being caught. Thus in the Teti Cemetery, for example, his
viziers placed their burials at great depths: Neferseshemre excavated his burial chamber at
the depth o f 21 metres,?° Ankhmahor at approximately the same depth*! and even Hesi, who
had a chapel o f only one room, positioned his burial chamber 20.27 metres beneath it. On the
other hand Mereruka, who possessed the richest and probably most elaborate chapel, had his
3! F i r t h a n d G u n n , J e t i Pyr. Cem. 1, 2 3 .
3 K a n a w a t i et al., J e t i C e m e t e r y 6, 3 2 , pls. 3 9 , 4 2 .
3 I b i d 8, 2 3 , p l s . 3 5 , 3 7 - 3 8 .
4 Davies, D e i r el-Gebrdwi 1, pls. 2, 2A; vol. 2, pl. 2.
3$ Blackman, M e i r 4, pls. 1-2; vol. 5, pls. 1-3.
%6
Personal examination.
37
K a n a w a t i , E l - H a w a w i s h 5, figs. 1-2.
38
D a v i e s , D e i r e l - G e b r a w i 1, p l . 2.
39
K a n a w a t i , E / - H a w a w i s h 5, figs. 1-2.
40
K a n a w a t i et al., J e t i C e m e t e r y 3, 2 2 , p l . 4 0 .
41 Ibid 2, pl. 32.
13
SIGNIEICANCE AND PREPARATION
unusually large and magnificent burial chamber at only 14.50 metres beneath it.42 This did
not however represent a reduction in security precautions, for he compensated for the depth
by the use of'a massive portcullis blocking the entrance to his burial chamber.* In fact, royal
burials, with all the possible riches they contained, relied on portcullises for their protection,
Yet neither deep shafts nor portcullises succeeded in discouraging robbers from reaching
their targets and it is seldom that a burial chamber is found undisturbed. As most tombs found
intact are actually very poor, a fact which was probably only known to contemporaries,?
we may assume that most o f the thefts occurred shortly after the burial. This is supported
by the fact that skeletal remains are sometimes found even in disturbed tombs in the correct
anatomical position, which suggests that their violation took place while the soft tissues were
still holding them together and preventing them from being scattered in various directions
by robbers. The skeleton o f Nedjetempet, the mother of Mereruka, is a good example o f this
phenomenon.** The Egyptian, even as early as the Old Kingdom, must have been aware of
the dangers threatening his eternal resting place and thus he tried to make it as difficult as he
could for the robbers to reach their goal. In certain instances he was very inventive.
A n impressive design o f the burial apartment was used b y three dignitaries at E l -

H a w a w i s h , the cemetery o f A k h m i m in Upper E g y p t and m a y have been the w o r k o f the
same architect. These belonged to men named Memi,** Hesymin*? and H e m m i n . * A l l three
tombs were v e r y close to each other in time and were amongst the earliest constructed in
t h i s cemetery, p r o b a b l y dating f r o m the end o f the Fifth Dynasty. The three tombs are also
located near each other in a well chosen site on the mountain, in a bend facing south and w e l l
protected f r o m the p r e d o m i n a n t north wind. The owners held h i g h titles w h i c h indicate their
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the administration o f the important province o f A k h m i m and as such their
tombs are certainly among the largest and most r i c h l y decorated in the cemetery, even t h o u g h
they are n o w p o o r l y preserved. A s rich tombs were understandably particularly tempting for
robbers, an ingenious and rather misleading design for their burial apartments was w o r k e d
out. T h e design starts w i t h a sloping passage w h i c h opens into the floor o f the chapel and
leads to an upper burial chamber. A vertical shaft then opens into the floor o f this chamber
and leads to a second burial chamber positioned beneath the first one. A f t e r the burial t o o k
place in the l o w e r chamber the vertical shaft was filled in and its m o u t h concealed. The
sloping passage was then blocked (Figure 4).
The design presumably aimed at misleading prospective robbers. After clearing the
sloping passage and gaining access to the upper chamber, robbers would discover that it
is empty and would hopefully assume that others had preceded them to it, therefore they
would abandon the tomb and miss the actual burial in the lower chamber. The last o f the
abovementioned officials, Hemmin, owner o f the largest chapel at El-Hawawish, added a
slight, but significant modification to the design, probably with the aim o f rendering it more
effective. The mouth o f his sloping passage, which descends 10 metres, was positioned in
the forecourt outside the chapel, the only such layout in the cemetery. As chapels were fitted
4 F i r t h a n d G u n n , Teri Pyr. Cem. | , 2 3 , a n d p e r s o n a l e x a m i n a t i o n .

4 Duell, Mereruka, p|. 200b; Kanawati, Mereruka a n d K i n g Teti, figs. 126, 131.
?4 Kanawati, The Tomb a n d Beyond, 14-15.
?4 Kanawati et al, J e t i C e m e t e r y 1, 2 5 f f . , pls. 8-9.
? Kanawati, E/-Hawawish 5, fig. 14.
?? Ibid 4, fig. 3.
4%
Ibid 5, fig. 4.
S I G N I F I C A N C E AND PREPARATION
with solid wooden doors for more protection, placing the mouth o f the passage outside the
chapel would obviously make it an easier target for robbers. But this may well have been
intentionally deceptive. Furthermore, unlike the burial chambers o f his two contemporary
officials, which were empty, that o f Hemmin actually contains a sarcophagus. With no good
quality stone available from nearby quarries, officials at Akhmim were satisfied with being
buried in wooden coffins,? although a few cut a burial pit into the floor o f the chamber in
which they were buried or where the coffin was placed and occasionally secured with a stone
lid. Instead o f this, Hemmin cut a burial pit, 45cm. below the floor level, with a perimeter
upstand, 50cm. high in the native rock as he was excavating his chamber. Thus he created
what looks like a rock-cut sarcophagus 2.15cm. x 90cm. x 95cm. deep.? This probably aimed
at leaving no doubt that this was the actual burial chamber. Yet the body was laid to rest in
the lower chamber ina similar, but slightly shallower sarcophagus. During our clearance o f
this tomb the sloping passage was found full of polluted debris, containing the usual lime
chips and powder resulting from the original hewing o f the shaft and burial chamber, but
mixed with a great deal o f impurities in the form of sand, dark soil and more importantly
pottery shards o f later periods. It was apparent to us that the passage had been tampered with,
perhaps more than once and as expected the upper burial chamber was empty.
?
G I O I T L E P L EEL.
VLLLE LIALI L E 2
Z y
4
Zz 4Z
Zz
Q I P T O T TI T TEE T eP
Figure 4. Section o f the tomb o f Hemmin, showing the chapel and the two burial
chambers at different levels. A k h m i m , Dynasty 6.
A comparison with the design o f the burial apartments o f the two neighbouring tombs
o f Memi and Hesymin anda slight crack in the floor o f the north-east corner o f the chamber
led us to the discovery o f a well concealed mouth o f a vertical shaft, which was closed with
?© These wooden coffins are now found in a number o f museums around the world. See for example the
coffins o f Nebet-itef and Henit in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (ibid 5, pls.12-13); the coffin o f Minemre-
permin in Rijksmuseum, Leiden; the coffin o f Hetepit in Merseyside County Museum, Liverpool and the
coffin o f Bawi/Baefmin in the Ashmolean Museum, O x f o r d (ibid 9, pls. 8-9).
0 Ibid 5, 15.
i)
SIGNITICANCE AND PREPARATION
a plug cut trom the local stone and plastered around so that it appears as part o f the floor.
Removing the plug, it was clear that the shaft was filled with pure, white limestone chips and
powder and it became obvious that the original burial had not been tampered with. At the
depth o f 10 metres the entrance to the burial chamber was found sealed with stone blocks and
plaster. Yet astonishingly when access to the chamber was gained, it was found completely
plundered. It contained a great deal o f scattered mummy wrappings, but no human remains,
personal possessions or funcrary furniture o f any kind.5!
The presence o f the ripped apart wrapping materials clearly indicates that the tomb
owner was actually interred in this chamber. However, the absence o f the owner?s remains,
together with the fact that the shaft was found completely sealed strongly suggest that the
violation took place on the day o f the burial itself. After probably a long day, during which the
mummy was transported up the mountain and all ceremonies performed, the corpse was laid
to rest in the lower burial chamber which was sealed with blocking stones. It was probably
during this night that robbers, perhaps in agreement with the guards o f the cemetery i f the
latter were not the robbers themselves, were able to remove these stones, enter the chamber
and disturb the burial then seal the chamber once more. The next day(s) the shaft was filled
and sealed and remained so until it was cleared recently. Such a scenario can also explain
the total absence o f any skeletal remains, not even some of the deceased?s small bones o f
the fingers or toes. As mummification was still not well perfected at this period and certainly
not commonly practiced in the provinces, the total absence o f bones may well indicate that
the unwrapping and the removal o f the mummy took place while the soft tissues were still
holding the skeleton together. This is the same conclusion reached by examining the human
remains o f Nedjetempet in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara (see above). However, we do not
k n o w what truly happened to Hemmin?s corpse. Perhaps, after unwrapping it in search for
precious ornaments, the thieves feared the revenge o f this powerful man and consequently
took his whole body out, somehow completely destroying it.
I t is curious that the abovementioned intricate design o f the burial apartment

was not used again i n a n y later t o m b at E l - H a w a w i s h , nor was another c o m p l e x design
introduced. S i m i l a r l y , b u r i a l apartments in the other provinces as w e l l as those in the capital
cemeteries, such as Giza and Saqqara, lack such sophistication and relied m a i n l y on depth
and o c c a s i o n a l l y the a d d i t i o n o f portcullises for protection. It is possible that during the early
use o f the cemetery i n the F i f t h Dynasty, it was felt that more security was needed, but w i t h
the dramatic increase in the n u m b e r o f tombs cut o n the mountain in the Sixth Dynasty, a
false sense o f security m a y have existed. In the latter period the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f A k h m i m ,
as w e l l as i n other provinces, became m u c h more c o m p l e x and bureaucracy was greatly
increased. Hundreds o f tombs were then hewn at E l - H a w a w i s h , and w i t h regular visits to
the dead b y f a m i l y members, friends and retainers, the cemetery was p r o b a b l y m u c h more
frequented. I n fact, the cemetery also became better organized as we see in the title hq3 Art-
ntr administrator o f the necropolis?? held b y Sesi, son o f the o f f i c i a l H e s y m i n . * It m a y b e
that for the same reasons no sophisticated designs o f b u r i a l apartments were felt necessary in
the capital cemeteries i n the O l d K i n g d o m . In later periods and n o doubt w i t h the Egyptians
| K a n a w a t i , The Tomb a n d B e y o n d , 6 2 .
2 Jones, I n d e x , 6 8 3 [ 2 4 9 7 ] .
° K a n a w a t i , E l - H a w a w i s h 6 , 7, 12-13 n. 7, fig. 3.
witnessing the frequent desecration o f their ancestors? tombs, v e r y intricate and ingenious
designs were created.?
The final obstacle that the Egyptian was able to put before any possible intruders o n
his burial chamber w a s the sarcophagus itself. M o s t large sarcophagi were shapcd o f a single
piece o f l i m e s t o n e * w i t h a separate piece f o r m i n g the lid. In order to produce the intended
result o f preventing any future t o m b robbers w h o succeed in reaching the burial chamber
f r o m being able to violate the corpse itself, the l i d had to be massive. Some o f Mereruka?s
contemporaries, w h o were also buried in the Teti Cemetery, left inscriptions on the lids o f
their sarcophagi g i v i n g instructions to the necropolis workers w h o w o u l d be in charge o f
closing their sarcophagi after the burial. The instructions in the tombs o f both K h e n t i k a and
Kaaper say: ?O lector priest and men o f the embalming chamber, embalmers and the 80 men
o f the necropolis, w h o shall g o down to this place, do y o u w a n t the K i n g to f a v o u r you and
y o u r honour to be fine before the Great God, L o r d o f burial in the necropolis? Then should
y o u place for me this l i d upon its mother (i.e., the chest itself), efficiently, because I am
K h e n t i k a w h o possesses love. I shall be y o u r backer?.5* In fact the lids were so heavy that
they presumably needed such a large n u m b e r o f men to move them, perhaps m a n o e u v r i n g
t h e m w i t h ropes f r o m the burial chambers as w e l l as f r o m above. Pieces o f unusually t h i c k
ropes were found in some burial chambers and were perhaps used for that purpose. I t was
certainly d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible for the robbers to remove the l i d o f a sarcophagus, b u t
they soon discovered a much easier w a y to gain access to its contents. T h i s was b y b r e a k i n g
through one o f its r e l a t i v e l y weaker/thinner sides, usually the eastern one, as the western side
either abutted on o r was too close to the west wall f o r the robbers to w o r k on it. T h i s is h o w
m o s t sarcophagi were violated.
A further security measure introduced by Mereruka, or by his architect, probably aimed

at increasing the effectiveness o f the sarcophagus itself for the protection o f his corpse. The
sarcophagus was positioned directly against the west and south walls o f the burial chamber
and the space between its north side and the north wall o f the chamber was filled with solid
stone masonry. Three sides o f the sarcophagus were therefore inaccessible. The eastern/front
side was then strengthened by building a double masonry wall in front o f it, which was in
turn protected by a ramp leading from the floor o f the room to the top o f the sarcophagus.
There is clear evidence that the thieves tried to reach the contents o f this sarcophagus from
the eastern side. Some stone blocks were removed from the first masonry wall in front o f
it and tunnelling began in the second wall, but was not completed.? However, the original
excavators report that ?the lid o f the sarcophagus had been shifted forwards and the body o f
Mereruka had been broken up and scattered. There were no traces o f an inner wooden coffin,
but part o f an eye o f alabaster for inlaying in wood would seem to show that one must have
existed. It may, however have been possible to raise the sarcophagus lid by means o f wedges
driven between it and the sarcophagus, and to slide it o f f on rollers. The body o f Mereruka
54
Spencer, D e a t h i n A n c i e n t E g y p t , 1 0 6 f f .
55
A rare example o f a sarcophagus with its sides made o f different pieces o f stone is known from Saqqara
(Kanawati, G M 201 [2004], 49-55, fig. 3, pl. 1). The sides are all marked so that no side would be placed
instead o f another. Another rare instance is known from Giza, where the sides o f a wooden coffin are so
marked (Junker, Giza 8, 140-51).
56
James, Khentika, 65, pl. 39; Kanawati et al, Teti Cemetery 1, 48-49, pl. 55. See also Sethe, Urkunden 1,
205.
37
Personal e x a m i n a t i o n .
had been cut to pieces, the arm bones showing cuts from the knives which had been used to
remove the flesh and linen to get at the bracelets.?** The skeletal remains o f Mereruka, or at
least most o f them, were found in the sarcophagus and are now at Kasr el-Aini Hospital o f
the Faculty o f Medicine, University o f Cairo. He appears, according to Dr. D. Derry, to have
died as a man o f middle age (Figure 5).°
LCL AILLLLILE L G L L L L S L I L L ML
I A E L L E 9,
44,
?a
; C r T T L
? ATED i
Z NCE 4
4 - ?
iZ 4
n Y
T mr4
ALE y
A o y
4
Zz EL EPILLTA GELS ELEEE
/ pe
Sir
WADE A I L T L
Figure 5. Section and plan o f Mereruka?s burial chamber. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
The innovation in Mereruka?s burial chamber was further developed in the Teti
Cemetery in the tomb o f Inumin, who held the office o f ?overseer o f Upper Egypt?,although
he was promoted to the vizierate towards the end o f his career,? and that o f Hesi, who also
held the vizierate at the end o f Teti?s reign or slightly later.*' After introducing the sarcophagi
in Inumin?s burial chamber, the lower parts o f the chamber as well as o f the shaft were filled
58
F i r t h a n d G u n n , Teti Pyr. C e m . 1, 2 4 .
39°
I b i d , 26.
60 K a n a w a t i et al, Teti C e m e t e r y 8 , 2 4 , p l . 3 7 .
61 Tbid 5, 2 0 .
18
SIGNIFICANCE A N D PREPARATION
with debris up to the top o f the sarcophagi then covered w i t h stone pavement, thus creating
new, higher floors for them. T h i s ?embedded? sarcophagus looked in fact like a burial pit w i t h
a massive stone lid. It seems l i k e l y that the burial chamber o f Nikauisesi, another overseer
o f Upper E g y p t buried i n the Teti Cemetery, had the same design, although the condition
o f the chamber does not allow certainty. Despite their innovative design, both sarcophagi
were robbed. In the case o f Nikauisesi?s, the thieves removed part o f the debris and made
a small hole in the top section o f the eastern face o f the sarcophagus." T h e y succeeded
in stealing most, but not all, o f the ornaments w o r n by the tomb owner. The rest o f the
ornaments as w e l l as the skeletal remains o f Nikauisesi were recently uncovered.? It appears
as i f the thieves had learnt from their relative failure in this instance, for they violated the
sarcophagus o f I n u m i n , possibly Nikauisesi?s immediate successor as ?overseer o f U p p e r
Egypt?, by b r e a k i n g a large section o f the l i d in its south-west corner.? T h e sarcophagus w a s
found c o m p l e t e l y empty, although the robbers missed some stone and c o p p e r vessels in the
room.® It seems that the b o d y o f Inumin, the strong v i z i e r o f Saqqara, like that o f H e m m i n
o f E l - H a w a w i s h , was taken out o f the tomb and c o m p l e t e l y destroyed to prevent his possible
revenge. T h i s w a s perhaps unnecessary in the case o f a lady like Nedjetempet, m o t h e r o f
the v i z i e r M e r e r u k a , and perhaps more d i f f i c u l t i n the case o f Mereruka h i m s e l f because o f
the protective w a l l s constructed against his sarcophagus and the d i f f i c u l t y o f extracting the
entire m u m m y , hence c u t t i n g i t into pieces i n situ. The design used b y N i k a u i s e s i and I n u m i n
was p r e s u m a b l y inspired by the more f r e q u e n t l y used burial pits excavated into the f l o o r o f
the burial chambers, w i t h o n l y stone lids p r o v i d e d . The difference is that u n l i k e the pits
w h i c h w e r e excavated i n usually p o o r f o r m a t i o n o f rock, ?embedded? sarcophagi used p e r f e c t
b l o c k s o f T u r a l i m e s t o n e appropriate f o r h o l d i n g the bodies o f the highest d i g n i t a r i e s o f the
c o u n t r y ( F i g u r e 6).
We should bear in mind that the sarcophagus was arguably the most important piece
o f funerary furniture. It was specifically a sarcophagus that the well known official Weni
requested as a favour from King Pepy I, although in addition to this the king granted him
a false door, a libation table and some stone elements for the entrance o f his tomb.? It is
also noticeable that Weni referred to the sarcophagus he cut and brought back for King
Merenre from the quarries o f Ibhat as ?chest o f the l i v i n g ? , which might indicate the special
significance o f this piece o f funerary furniture.
Lowering a massive sarcophagus into a burial chamber must have been am a j o r

undertaking which required a great deal o f skill. We are not sure how this was achieved, but
it has been suggested that following the cutting o f the shaft and burial chamber, they were
filled w i t h sand, above which the sarcophagus was placed on its head side. By emptying the
sand, the sarcophagus gradually descended into the shaft and from it into the burial chamber.
The entrance to the burial chamber was usually wide and high enough to allow manoeuvring
the sarcophagus through it and into place. However, following the introduction o f the
& Ibid 6, 33.

8 Ibid, pl. 2c-e.
4 Ibid 8, pls. 32, 34b.
6° Ibid, pls. 60-63.
* A s f o r example in the tombs o f Tjetetu and Tjetji (Kanawati et al, Excavations at Sagqqara 1, pl. 13, 20)
and those o f Mehi and Ishfi ( I b i d 2, pls. 5, 15) in the Teti Cemetery.
Lichtheim, L i t e r a t u r e 1, 19.
8 Ibid, 21.
sarcophagus, the entrance was frequently reduced to a smaller size through the building of
a stone wall in the centre o f which a small door was l e f t . After the burial, this door was
blocked before the shaft was finally filled. Mereruka instead reduced the entrance to his
burial chamber by building a solid wall o f double layers o f masonry, leaving a small entrance
locked by a portcullis.?
S O N O M A
Yy
Figure 6. Sections o f the shaft and burial chamber o f Inumin, before and after the addition
o f mud b r i c k lining to reduce the shaft?s size. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
See f o r e x a m p l e t h e e n t r a n c e s t o t h e b u r i a l c h a m b e r s o f A n k h m a h o r , N e f e r s e s h e m r e , K a g e m n i and
M e r e r u k a ( F i r t h a n d G u n n , Teri Pyr. Cem. 1, 1 6 - 2 5 ) .

7 I b i d , 2 3 - 2 5 ; K a n a w a t i , M e r e r u k a a n d K i n g Teti, f i g s . 1 2 6 , 131.
20
One o f the perplexing questions is what was the purpose o f the decoration in the
burial chamber? We know that the written words and the drawn figures would, according to
the Egyptian beliefs and through magic, assist the deceased in obtaining his needs after death.
Yet, i f the Ka o f the deceased receives the offering it needs during the day in the chapel,
why decorate the completely dark burial chamber? Furthermore, the tomb owner is regularly
depicted at the offering table in the chapel, whether on the false door panel or in the usually
full size representations on both sides o f the false door, where he appears receiving offerings
from members o f his family and retainers.?' On the other hand, offering table scenes are
not among the themes included in the decoration o f the burial chambers, and in the unique
instance in which an offering table was depicted in the burial chamber o f Ankhmahor at
Saqqara, the chair next to the table was left empty (Figure 7).?
[nde m A
T a Say
== a f s
Cc
K e o i (Fa é
6.
qi?
br
E
IH oF a
Figure 7. The empty chair in the burial chamber o f Ankhmahor. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
During the earlier part o f the Old Kingdom the walls o f the burial chambers were
completely void o f any decoration, although a limited number o f coffins and sarcophagi bore some
inscriptions indicating the names and titles o f their owners and frequently some traditional offering
formulae. From the end o f the Fifth Dynasty some burial chambers began to be decorated,? first
with animate themes,? then with scenes o f food items ? slaughtered animals, cuts o f meat, fruits
and vegetables and many jars o f different drinks, but no living creatures. Frequently included
were also granaries, offering lists and some decorative motifs such as palace facades.?5
See f o r e x a m p l e , H a r p u r a n d S c r e m i n , K a g e m n i , 5 1 5 - 1 6 ; i d e m , P t a h h o t e p , 3 5 5 , 365; A l t e n m i i l l e r , M e h u ,
pls. 5 6 , 6 4 , 8 1 , 8 6 .
? Firth and Gunn, Jeti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 6A; Kanawati et al, Teti Cemetery 2, pls. 28, 68.
This may have coincided with the appearance o f Pyramid Texts in the royal burial chambers (Dawood, in:
Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 107ff).
4 T h e best e x a m p l e is that o f K a i e m a n k h . See J u n k e r , G i z a 4, pls. 2 - 1 7 ; K a n a w a t i , G i z a 1, pls. 1-2, 12-17,
34-37.
% See, for example, Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers, passim.
SIGS ANCE AND PREPARATION
It is curious however that the decorated burial chambers are very few in number in
comparison with the undecorated ones. I f the decoration in the burial chambers aimed at
further guarantecing food and drink in case the chapel decoration is damaged and/or future
generations stopped presenting actual offerings, one would expect such a precautionary
measure to be far more common, for everyone would have insisted on it. The division into
decorated and undecorated burial chambers would also be understood i f it were linked to
the status and wealth o f the tomb owner, but the variation is observed among tombs o f
individuals o f equal status and similar dates. Thus in the Wenis Cemetery, for example, both
lynefert and Mehu held the office o f vizier, yet the burial chamber o f the former was left
blank while that o f the latter was decorated.?® The same is found in the Teti Cemetery where
the burial chambers o f four viziers ? Ankhmahor, Kagemni, Mereruka and Inumin ? were
decorated,? while those o f two others ? Neferseshemre and Hesi ? were not.? The problem
is compounded when we realize that many o f the important officials who built and decorated
some o f the most magnificent chapels left their burial chambers blank. Examples of these
are the overseer o f Upper Egypt, Nikauisesi? and Teti?s own son-in-law, Neferseshemptah,®
both o f whom are buried in the Teti Cemetery. As the preparation o f the burial chamber most
probably preceded that o f the chapel, attributing the blank condition o f the burial chambers
to the possible premature death o f these tomb owners seems an unsatisfactory explanation.
More astonishing perhaps is the infrequency o f decorated burial chambers in the

provinces. It should be expected that the apparently growing wealth and power of the Sixth
Dynasty provincial governors, as seen in their chapels, would be paralleled by an increase
in the number o f decorated burial chambers. Yet the opposite seems to be true. O f the well
documented provinces, none of the tombs at El-Hawawish,*' El-Hammamiya,® Deir el-
Gebrawi,® or Deshasha? has a decorated burial chamber, however one tomb at Sheikh Said
does have such a chamber, and it curiously belongs to a woman named Henenit. Her husband?s
burial chamber has not been cleared and so we are not sure i f it was decorated, yet his
false door, where the name Meru may be read, is astonishingly smaller than hers.* At Meir,
Pepyankh-heryib beautifully decorated both his and his wife Hewetiaah?s burial chambers,*°
but here too it is noticed that the wife?s chamber is more elaborately decorated than that o f
her husband. However, Pepyankh-heryib?s son, Niankhpepy, and his grandson, Pepyankh-
henykem, left their burial chambers uninscribed, although their chapels, particularly that of
the latter, were extensively decorated.?
_
%®
Kanawati et al, Unis Cemetery 2, 15; Altenmilller, Mehu, pls. 98, 99, respectively.
7? Firth and Gunn, Jeti Pyr. Cem. 2, pls. 6 (Ankhmahor), 5 (Kagemni), 2-4 (Mereruka); Kanawati, Teti
Cemetery 8, pls. 30-34 (Inumin).
% Ibid 3, 21; vol. 5, 20, repectively.
? Sbid 6, 32-33.
? Information kindly given to me by the late Dr. A l i el-Khouli, who excavated the shaft and burial chamber
o f Neferseshemptah.
81 Kanawati, El-Hawawish, 10 vols, passim.
® El-Khouli and Kanawati, E/-Hammamiya, passim.
8 Davies, D e i r e l - G e b r d w i , 2 vols, passim; K a n a w a t i , D e i r e l - G e b r a w i , 2 vols, passim.
K a n a w a t i and M c F a r l a n e , D e s h a s h a , passim.
8 Davies, Sheikh Said, 30-31, pls. 22, 25, 26.
% B l a c k m a n , M e i r 4 , pls. 18-21.
Ibid 5, passim.
22
Surely at least the viziers and the provincial governors, i f n o t many others o f the higher
officials, were in a position to decorate their burial chambers i f this was essential for their
wellbeing in the afterlife. The conclusion we reach is that such decoration was at best optional.
We are no closer to understanding why the greater majority o f tomb owners left their burial
chambers undecorated. Perhaps those who decorated them did it as an extra precautionary
measure in case their chapels did not survive. But nourishment, whether freshly presented by
family members and retainers or magically obtained through depicted scenes, was supposed
to be consumed in the chapel, the house o f the Ka. It was at an offering platform in front
o f the false door in the chapel that food was placed for the deceased. Evidence suggests
that this was actually done, as we repeatedly notice significant deterioration in the centre o f
these platforms, probably the result o f a chemical reaction o f the limestone with certain food
items, including cuts o f meat.* It is also near this platform that the tomb owner?s image at an
offering table is usually represented. Addresses to the living and the passerby asking them
to give offerings from what they have in their hands, or even to invoke offerings, are written
at the entrances o f many tombs. An example o f such addresses is that o f Kaaper o f Saqqara
who wrote on the facade o f his tomb: ?Beloved o f the king and beloved o f Anubis, who is on
his hill, is any person or a Ka-servant who shall pass by this road in travelling downstream
or upstream. Pour water for me and give bread and beer to me from that which is in your
possession. I f there are no bread, beer and water in your possession, then shall you say with
your mouth and make offering with your hand:* a thousand o f bread and beer, a thousand o f
r-geese, a thousand o f trp-geese, a thousand o f zt-geese, a thousand o f sr-geese, a thousand
o f pigeons, a thousand o f oryxes, a thousand o f oxen and pure incense for the overseer o f the
work place, the royal chamberlain, the overseer o f the great court, the honoured one before
the king, before Anubis who is on his hill, and before the great god lord o f the west.??' Surely
these offerings were expected to be received in the chapels and not in the burial chambers,
and it is on the fagade o f the tomb that the owner is occasionally depicted addressing the
passerby and inviting them to visit his tomb and present him with offerings.?
The Egyptian belief that the deceased will ascend from the burial chamber to the
chapel to receive food may also be concluded from a body o f texts known as ?Letters to the
Dead?.? These represent letters written on different materials, such as linen or papyrus, but
mostly on a pottery bowl containing food and left on the offering platform for the deceased
to read when he/she consumes the food. Believing in the power the dead possesses, these
letters usually request the intervention o f the deceased in earthly matters, including disputes
or the treatment o f diseases, and would have been meaningless unless it was f i r m l y believed
that he/she would read it.
*8 Examples o f offering platforms made o f perfect pieces o f stone with deterioration o n l y in the centre, where
it was supposed to be the most obvious and perhaps most perfect part o f the stone, are observed inm a n y
tombs, as for example in the tombs o f Nikauisesi (Kanawati et al., Teti Cemetery 6, 27) and Ptahhotep |
(personal examination).
89
For example in the tombs o f Mereruka (Duell, Mereruka, pls. 57-66); Meryteti (Kanawati et al, Mereruka
a n d His Family 1, pls. 49-50; Waatetkhethor (ibid 2, pl. 67); Kagemni (Harpur and Scremin, Kagemni,
513-17, drawings 30-34).
90
This probably means that the spoken words should be accompanied by the appropriate gesture o f offering
( L l o y d et al, Saggdra Tombs 2, 38 n. 3).
91
K a n a w a t i et al, Teti C e m e t e r y 1, 4 4 , pl. 4 9 .
% Ibid, pl. 49; vol. 2, pls. 34-35; vol. 8, pls. 40-41; Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 7; James, Khentika,
pls. 5-6.
93
G a r d i n e r , L e t t e r s to t h e D e a d , passim.
23
SIGNUICANCE A N D PREPARATION
The unique representation o f an offering table w i t h an e m p t y chair before it in th

burial chamber o f Ankhmahor? at Saqqara is very curious and might indicate his belief th e
it will only be used in the unlikely event of the future destruction o f his chapel. This mi ht
also be the aim o f the represented food in the relatively few decorated burial cham ® t
However, with the advance o f the Sixth Dynasty, particularly during the reign of Pepy IL
more burial chambers were decorated;?* and while at the beginning o f the same dynast ,
such a privilege was almost exclusive to the viziers,? at the end o f the dynasty the same
practice was followed by officials o f lower ranks.? These same men possessed chapelsb u i l t
o f mud brick and contained very little decoration. As this period coincides with some interna]
problems which ultimately resulted in the collapse o f the Old Kingdom, the shifto f emphasis
in decoration from the chapel to the burial chamber may be connected to the feeling of
insecurity. Astonishingly however the same trend is not observed in the provinces; Perhaps
the nobles there had a false sense o f security in the smaller areas under their control. Yet with
the collapse o f the central regime, the power o f the provincial governors also crumbled.%
* Firth and Gunn, Jeti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 6A.

°° ? Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers, passim.
*° With the exception o f Remni, w h o was presumably related to the royal f a m i l y by marriage (Kanawati, Teti
Cemetery 9, passim).
*? For example a number o f officials whose highest title was that o f estate manager and who were buried in
Pepy II?s cemetery owned decorated burial chambers. See Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers, 53, 60-61,
71-74, 78-80.
9%
Kanawati and McFarlane, A k h m i m , 147ff.
24
CuHapter II
ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENT
The purpose o f this chapter is to discuss the architectural designs (types) o f burial
chambers that are associated w i t h the mastabas and rock-cut tombs w h i c h were constructed
in the capital and the provinces. The t i m e frame w h i c h w i l l be considered is the O l d K i n g d o m ,
that is f r o m the b e g i n n i n g o f the T h i r d D y n a s t y until the end o f the Sixth Dynasty (2613-2181
B C ) . Earlier tombs w i l l be mentioned i n order to establish the probable sources o f i n s p i r a t i o n
f o r the designs o f the burial chambers under consideration. F e w scholarly studies have
examined the c h r o n o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f O l d K i n g d o m burial chamber types, p a r t i c u l a r l y
those that are associated w i t h tombs constructed in the capital and the provinces d u r i n g the
Fifth and S i x t h Dynasties. The o n l y k n o w n typologies for classifying burial chambers were
developed by the A m e r i c a n archaeologist G.A. Reisner i n the 1930s ? 1940s but they o n l y
examine chambers f r o m the First to the Fourth dynasties i n any depth.? However, these
typologies d o p r o v i d e categories to describe the burial chamber types that are c o m m o n l y
utilised throughout the entire O l d K i n g d o m , consequently they have been used to classify and
compare all o f the chambers that are examined in this chapter.
The ensuing study incorporates burial chambers w h i c h are affiliated w i t h mastaba

and r o c k - c u t tombs i n the ma j o r M e m p h i t e Cemeteries, n a m e l y Saqqara, Giza and the f e w
that have been excavated and published at Abusir. I t also considers the chambers that are
associated w i t h rock-cut tombs in the provincial cemeteries o f E l - H a m m a m i y a , Tehna, EIl-
H a w a w i s h , Deshasha, D e i r el-Gebrawi, Quseir e l - A m a r n a and Meir. Discussion o f these
chambers w i l l a l l o w us to determine the main characteristics o f b u r i a l chambers d a t i n g
f r o m the T h i r d , Fourth, F i f t h and Sixth Dynasties. C o n c l u s i o n s w i l l be made concerming
the c h r o n o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f burial chambers over the course o f the O l d K i n g d o m . The
tombs under investigation belong to the male and female descendants o f the royal f a m i l y ;
men w h o were given h i g h positions w i t h i n the administration system as w e l l as i n d i v i d u a l s
w h o were in the personal service o f the king.
Reisner?s examination o f the architectural design o f mastabas in Tomb Development

documents the features which define the earliest burial chamber types that are used from the
First through to the Third Dynasty (3100-2686 BC). His study determined that these mastabas,
including the ones belonging to the kings o f the First and Second dynasties who are interred
at Abydos, characteristically have very long staircases or ramps carved out o f the bedrock
below the tombs which lead into burial chambers.'° This arrangement was also employed
for the substructure o f the Step Pyramid at Saqqara which was constructed by Djoser, the
second king o f the Third Dynasty, as well as the majority o f pyramids that were built during
the Fourth Dynasty.'°! The long staircase or ramp-style approach into the burial chamber is
also utilised in the Third Dynasty mastabas within the provincial cemeteries o f Mahasna, Bet
Khallaf, Reqaqnah and Naga ed-Dér.'? Due to the lack o f inscriptional evidence within the
chapel areas, little is known about the owners o f these early tombs. This type of evidence can
*® ? Reisner, Development o f Egyptian Tomb, passim; Reisner, Giza Necropolis | , passim.

'0 Reisner, Development o f Egyptian Tomb,, 57-64, 123-128, 147, 154, figs. 41-42, 44.
?01 Lehner, Complete Pyramids, fig. on 16.
'2 Reisner, Development o f Egyptian Tomb, 172-182, figs. 79-86; idem, A Provincial Cemetery, 217-229.
25
ARCHETCTURAL DEVELOPMENT
be instrumental in d e t e r m i n i n g a more precise date for the construction and occu

pation Of t h e
tomb. It also a l l o w s us to c o m m e n t in greater depth on the c h r o n o l o g i c a l develo
Pment o f the
architectural features o f the tombs.
Some o f the larger private tombs o f the later T h i r d D y n a s t y seem to have bee N
inspired
by this early burial c h a m b e r type. H o w e v e r , its f o r m has n o w been m o d i f i e d to i
Corporate
a staircase leading to a subterranean u p p e r chamber w h i c h i n turn gives accesst
O a Vertical
shaft that descends into the b u r i a l chamber. This type o f substructure is utilised
f o r Mastaba
T at G i z a and the t o m b o f H e s y - R a at Saqqara.'® Associated w i t h the above-
mentionedT h i r d
D y n a s t y Step P y r a m i d are t w o smaller o r s u b s i d i a r y b u r i a l apartments w h i c
h are accessed via
shafts that are c u t v e r t i c a l l y into the b e d r o c k b e l o w the p y r a m i d . ' ? Furth
er to this, Reisner
reports on a n u m b e r o f late T h i r d and early F o u r t h D y n a s t y private mastaba: Ss
at Saqqara which
s i m i l a r l y c o n t a i n v e r t i c a l shafts leading to their burial c h a m b e r s . ' 5 These early examples o f
the v e r t i c a l shaft m a r k the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f this architectural feature w h i c h became the m a i n
shaft t y p e f o r p r i v a t e mastabas and r o c k - c u t tombs f r o m the Fourth D y n a s t y onwards.
When Khufu, the second king o f the Fourth Dynasty, came to power (2589-2566 BC)
he chose to build his funerary monument, the Great Pyramid, on the Giza Plateau. Healso
laid out mastaba fields to the east and west o f his pyramid for the internment o f his family
members and the individuals who were in his service. The survival o f these tombs, as well as
the mastabas and rock-cut tombs constructed by the descendants o f Khafre andMenkaure,
allow us to gain insight into the chronological developments o f burial chambers over the
course o f the Fourth Dynasty.
Figure 8. Type 1. Wepemnefert (G1201). Western Field, Giza.
?9 Reisner, Development o f Egyptian Tomb, 154 -156, 158-159, 186 (type I VB [I}), figs. 73, 75.
?4 Firth and Quibell, Step Pyramid 2, pls. 10 (1), 20, 47.
"05 Reisner, Development o f Egyptian Tomb, 167-169, 186.
26
The earliest mastabas at Giza were constructed in the western field at the beginning
o f Khufu?s reign. There are fourteen such mastabas in this field that contain burial chambers
which have been classified by Reisner?s typology as examples o f type one. ' This type is
defined as one which is located on the southern side o f a vertical shaft. A t the base o f the
shaft a long horizontal passage leads to an entrance which opens at, or near, the eastern end o f
the burial chamber?s north wall. This type is o f large proportions and is lined with fine white
limestone.'?? A number o f the owners of these burial chambers, namely Khentka (G2130),
Yunu (G4150), Hemyunu (G4000), Kaemah (G1223) and Wepemnefert (G1201 ? Figure 8)
all hold titles which indicate that they are the sons o f the king. One o f the female owners o f
this chamber type, Nefertyabt (G1225) is the daughter o f the king. Seshat-Sekhentiu (G2120)
is a chief lector priest; Merhetepef (G4360) holds titles such as judge and boundary official and
Kanefer (G1203) is the director of bowmen and the overseer of commissions.'* The expense
associated with lining these chambers with white limestone, an undertaking which was only
employed for type one chambers, implies that their owners were greatly favoured by the king.
In the latter part o f Khufu?s long reign, use o f the type one burial chamber at Giza was
quickly superseded by type two. The definition o f this type is a chamber that is similar to type
one except that it has a shorter horizontal passage which leads to a ramp or staircase (sloping)
that terminates at the floor level o f the chamber. This short sloping entrance into the burial
chamber w a s p r o b a b l y inspired b y the p r e v i o u s l y mentioned royal and private prototypes o f
earlier dynasties.
? ? _ ? ? _ > N
T T Y
11.4m
Section A-B
Figure 9. Type 2. Sneferuseneb (G4240). Western Field, Giza.
'%6 Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1,91, 101, 109.

?7 For a description o f burial chamber types 1-9 and Reisner?s suggestions f o r their time frame o f use see
Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, passim.
108
Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography III: 2, passim. See www.gizapyramids.org/ for plans and sections o f
the individual shafts and burial chambers.
27
ARCHITECTURAL DUVELOPMENT
In almost all examples of the type t w o chamber the process o f l i n i n g had begun but
had been left in an i n c o m p l e t e state. A n u m b e r o f the type t w o burial chambers are found
in association w i t h mastabas o f the western field, more specifically in the nucleus cemetery
G 4 0 0 0 . There is one c x a m p l e of t h i s type w i t h i n the castern mastaba field, namely G7510; and
there are also those w h i c h are cut into the chapel f l o o r o f the rock-cut tombs L G 92 and L G 86
w i t h i n the central field near Khafre?s p y r a m i d . ' ? L i k e m a n y o f the tombs that have type one
burial chambers, these tombs are also f o r the most part left c o m p l e t e l y uninscribed. However,
o f the f e w that do contain details o f their owners w i t h i n the chapels, it is evident that most
are referred to as the c h i l d r e n o f the king. T h i s is the case for Sneferuseneb ( G 4 2 4 0 ? Figure
9), Meretites ( G 4 1 4 0 ) , A n k h - h a f ( G 7 5 1 0 ) , Y u n m i n ( L G 92) and Nebemakhet ( L G 86)."'9
T h e o n l y exception is A k h i ( G 4 7 5 0 ) w h o holds some o f the highest administrative positions
i n c l u d i n g the ?overseer o f all w o r k s o f the king? and the ?overseer o f the t w o granaries?.
Type three is similar to type one in that it is a large and tall chamber positioned on
the south side o f the adjoining shaft but it is also like the type two chamber as it is unlined.
Reisner suggests that type three is utilised for the tombs that were constructed towards the
end o f Khufu?s reign, at which time it became the most frequently used type in the eastern
field. ''' The earliest tombs to be constructed in the eastern field are designed as twin mastabas
w i t h two chapel areas, each with its own burial chamber. In this type o f tomb the shaft leading
to the main burial chamber is usually located at the southern end o f the mastaba. It is cut
vertically down through the superstructure behind the southern false door within the chapel
which is generally inscribed for a male tomb owner.'"? The shaft leading to the subsidiary
burial chamber is usually located at the northern end o f the mastaba to be close to the false
door which is inscribed for a female who can usually be identified as the wife o f the tomb
owner.
Mastabas o f this type, that is those that are designed w i t h t w o o r more shafts, became
the n o r m t o w a r d s the end o f the Fourth Dynasty. Throughout the O l d K i n g d o m it is generally
the m a i n burial chamber that is designed according to the newest architectural type, w h i l s t
the subsidiary chambers usually c o n f o r m to older styles and conventions. H o w e v e r this does
not appear to be the case f o r many o f the above-mentioned t w i n mastabas, where both the
main and subsidiary burial chambers are designed according to the latest type, type three. The
mastaba b e l o n g i n g to K a w a b and his w i f e Hetepheres ( G 7 1 1 0 - 7 1 2 0 - Figure 10) demonstrates
this point. W i t h i n Kawab?s chapel the inscriptions state that he is the eldest son o f K h u f u and
therefore an individual o f great importance.'?
Type three is also occasionally utilised in nucleus cemeteries G4000 and G2100 o f the
western field within the tombs which were constructed after those with type two chambers.
O f the five examples o f chamber type three that are found within these nucleus cemeteries,
the identity o f only two o f the owners can be determined from chapel inscriptions. Labtet
(G4650) is the daughter o f the king and Merhetep (G4630), is a judge and boundary official.'"
19 ? w w w . g i z a p y r a m i d s . o r g / ; Hassan, G i z a 7, figs. 8, 13; v o l . 4, figs. 72, 104.

N° Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography Ill: 2, passim; Strudwick, Administration, 55 (1); 77 (34).
'! www.gizapyramids.org/; Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, 115-120, 14.
"2 Janosi in A r O r 70 (Aug. 2002), 338-340.
"3 Simpson, Kawab, 3, figs. 6, 7, 13.
4 Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography Ml: 2, 133, 135; Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, 110-1 l l .
28
T o e |
Section f r o m S - N looking W
Mastaba
Plan N /
F i g u r e 10. T y p e 3. K a w a b ( G 7 1 1 0 - 7 ! 2 0 ) . Eastern F i e l d , G i z a .
Type four is like the type three burial chamber, although its height is only as tall as
the horizontal passage which connects the base o f the shaft and the chamber. The connecting
passage associated with this type is always greater than half a metre in length. Reisner
suggests that the type four burial chamber is a modified and cheaper version o f type three
which appears during the reign o f Khafre.'!* In the latter part of the Fourth Dynasty this type
is extensively used at Giza in the eastern and western fields and occasionally in the central
field. The owners o f the eastern and central field tombs that have this chamber type include
Mersyankh III (G7530-7540 ? Figure 11), Minkhaf (G7430-7440), Nefermaat (G7060) and
Nebemakhet (LG 86), all o f whom appear to be directly related to the king.''® The last two
"3 Ibid, 101, 145, 149,

"6 Strudwick, Administration, 110 (85), 122 (103); Dunham and Simpson, Mersyankh III, plan E; Hassan,
Giza 4, 125 (8-9).
29
listed tomb owners also hold the highest administrative title o f vizier. In the western field, the
type four chamber is used for the burial o f Weneshet (G4840) who is a daughter o f the king,
It is also used within the tomb o f Nefer (G2110) who holds the title ?overseer of the house of
weapons? which implies that he was greatly trusted by the king.'?
Figure 11. Type 4. Mersyankh III (G7530-7540). Eastern Field, Giza.
T h e t y p e six burial chamber is generally one w h i c h is smaller than the types described
above and differs f r o m them in that it opens directly f r o m the base o f the shaft w i t h o u t a
connecting passage. O n l y t w o Fourth Dynasty examples o f this type can be identified w h i c h

suggests that it was used v e r y infrequently at this time f o r subsidiary burials. These examples
are associated w i t h the eastern field tombs o f Duaenhor (G7550) and K h u f u k h a f I ( G 7 1 3 0 -
7140 ? Figure 12) both o f w h o m hold titles which indicate that they are the sons o f the
king.''® Reisner suggests that the type six chamber was introduced during the reign o f K h a f r e
and the examination o f the inscriptional evidence f r o m both o f these tombs seems to agree
w i t h this d a t e . "
Hence the analysis thus far indicates that tombs built i n the earlier part o f the Fourth
D y n a s t y were designed w i t h burial chambers o f either type one or two. Progressively types
three and four seem to have superseded these earlier types to become the characteristic burial
chamber f o rm s for the greater portion o f the Fourth Dynasty.
Towards the end of the Fourth Dynasty, the royal cemetery was permanently moved
away from Giza as the kings o f subsequent dynasties chose to build their pyramid complexes
at either Saqqara or Abusir. The emergence o f the official class at this time is evident from
the vast number o f individuals who built their tombs in the cemeteries surrounding these
pyramids. Inscriptions within these private tombs provide us with the titles held by these men
and in some cases the name o f the kings they served, which helps us narrow down a date for
their construction and allows them to be put into a relative sequence. The presence of a king?s
cartouche is a particularly common phenomenon within tombs at Saqqara, however many of
these tombs have only been recorded superficially by early excavators such as Mariette, who
did not report on the associated burial chambers. Unfortunately, relatively few Fifth Dynasty
"7 Strudwick, Administration, 109 (84).

118 www.gizapyramids.org/; Simpson, Kawab, 20, fig. 20; Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography M1:2, 200.
19 Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, 150; Strudwick, Administration, 122 (104), Porter and Moss, Topographical
Bibliography Ml: 2, 200.
30
ARCHUTECTCRAL DEVELOPMENT
tombs at Abusir have been fully explored and published.'?? These factors dramatically reduce
the number o f tombs from these two sites which can be included in the present discussion.
This w i l l obviously impact upon our ability to determine the characteristic forms o f burial
chambers that are utilised at these sites. However, during the Fifth Dynasty, the Giza Plateau
was still being used by the descendants o f the individuals interred at this site in the previous
dynasty as well as those who served the posthumous cults o f Khufu, Khafre and Menkaure.'?!
Many o f these Giza tombs have been recorded in great depth and w i l l therefore contribute
much to our discussion o f Fifth Dynasty burial chamber types.
| Pp
9.92 m
Section A-B
c _ ~ 7
A B
Pian t i Z ;
Figure 12. Type 6b. K h u f u k h a f ] (G7130-7140). Eastern Field.
The type three burial chamber which, as above-mentioned, was introduced during the
Fourth Dynasty, continues to be used at Giza during the early part o f the Fifth Dynasty for a
small number o f main and subsidiary burial chambers.'? These chambers are associated with
the western field mastabas which belong to Babaf (G5230/LG 40), Mer-ib (G2100 annexe),
Seshathetep (G5150/LG36) and Seshemnefer I (G4940/LG45) who hold some o f the highest
positions within the administration system.'? The type three chamber also occasionally
appears in tombs which are considered to date to the later Fifth Dynasty, for example those
o f Seshemnefer I] (G4940/LG45) and his son Seshemnefer III (G4940/LG45). Members
120 These tombs are recorded in Mariette, Mastabas, passim.

121
Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, 364, 370-371.
22 Ibid, 101.
"3 Thid, 343.
ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENI
f a m i l y have been interred in this cemetery since the ¢:
o f the Seshemneter
ble that the plots on which these tombs stand a Fourth Dyng
It is therefore poss! tabas were built much earlier than the execution of e t e Sty, la
frameworks o f the mas their ,
their occupation. This would certainly accountf o r the unexpected mi d i o l decoration ,
ber type which was popular in the previous dynasty ne Fifth Dynegy
use of a burial cham
Type four is th e favoured form o f burial chambers during the Fifth D

an be found at Giza as well as some at Saqqara. At b an 288 vay
number of examples c
nly used as the main burial chamber type, part of t Steg oth
type four is most commo ed cular] ?
« i d to later Fifth Dynasty. 125 This is apparent from the tombs that belong to Rewe, ite NB the
5279)
Kaiemankh*!?° (G4561), Ity (G6030) and his son Neferbauptah (G6010)o f the w
Giza; K h u f u k h a f I] ( G 7 1 5 0 ) o f the eastern field; and those o f Kahai, Kaiemheset x fieldat
and Kaiemsenu w h i c h are located on the western side o f Teti?s pyramid at S a n t e Unesut
RyThe
professional titles held by this group o f t o m b owners v a r y considerably, qqara,
The type four burial chamber is also occasionally used in the first half of the F;
Dynasty at the provincial cemetery o f El-Hammamiya which is located in the tenth . Fifth
o f Upper Egypt. One o f the earliest rock-cut tombs to be built at this site belongs tokeine
(A2) and it is designed with main and subsidiary burial chambersof t y p e four.'* Themidf e n
Dynasty tomb o f another Kaikhent (C6), also o f El-Hammamiya, has a main burial cha ih
which can also be classified as type four.'° A t the Tehna Cemetery, which is locatedwith
the sixteenth Upper Egyptian province, the foundations o f the tomb belonging toNikaank
Il abut and overlap those o f Nikaankh I which suggests that the latter tomb was constructe4
first. Both o f these tombs have main burial chambers which can be classified as type four.»
The cartouche of Userkaf, the first king o f the Fifth Dynasty, is inscribed within Nikaankh Ts
that he served this king and probably constructed his tomb during this
chapel which implies
reign or slightly later,'3! The type four chamber is also used for a few of the late Fifth Dynasty
rock-cut tombs o f the El-Hawawish Cemetery within the ninth Upper Egyptian province of
Akhmim.'2? The tombs o f Ankhu (M21), Minankh (G84) and M29, which Kanawati dates to
the reign of Djedkare, the penultimate ruler o f the Fifth Dynasty or later, all have type four
main burial chambers. Ankhu also has a subsidiary chamber o f this type.'??
Reisner defines the type five burial chamber as one which has a connecting horizontal
e that is less than half a metre in length and thus shorter than the passage associated with
passag
at Khafre, however there
type four. He suggests that this type a ppears Giza during the reign of
he tombs he uses to illustrate this point should bedated
is no evidence which indicates that t
at Saqqara
as early as the Fourth Dynasty. There is little evidence for the use 0 f type five
bs at Giza suggests
during the Fifth Dynasty, although its utilisation within contemporary tom
24 Tbid, passim.
125 Ibid, 101, 171. j
26 * Indicates a decorated burial chamber - information derived from lists provided in Kanawati in StudiesA l t
? Radwan, 55-69; Dawood in Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 107-127.

i SeeWilloughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, passim.
. El-Khouli and Kanawati, E/-Hammamiya, 16, 34, pl. 34.
no Ibid, 16, 77, pl. 75 (Section Plan D-D).
. The plans o f these burial chambers were drawn by Mr. A. el-Lathy.
Fraser, ASAE 3, (1902), 126.
: Kanawati, El-Hawawish 1, 5.
Ibid, vol. 5, 58, 60-61, fig. 23; vol. 1, 9-10, fig. 3; vol. 4, 44-46, fig. 2 (respectively).
32
that it was intermittently used throughout this dynasty for subsidiary burials. These burials
are associated with the mastabas o f Messa (G1020), Shepseskafankh (G6040), Ity (G6030
? Figure 13), Sendjemib/Inti (G2370) o f the western field and Mersuankh o f the central
field.'* In the later part o f the Fifth Dynasty it is also briefly used at Giza for a number o f
main burial chambers, including those o f Kaidua o f the central field, and Rewer II (G5470),
Akhtimerunesut (G2184), Nefer I (G4761) and Neferked (G1151) o f the western f i e l d . "
Reisner notes that type five was the favoured type in the capital during the Fifth Dynasty,
however at this time it seems to appear less frequently than those o f type four and, as we shall
see, type six.'°°
Section
Plan
Figure 13. Type 5. Ity (G6030). Western Field, Giza.
A t the provincial cemetery of El-Hammamiya, the early Fifth Dynasty tombs o f

Kaikhent (A3) and Djefaided (A1) both have type five main burial chambers.'2? The tomb o f
Duamin (L6) at El-Hawawish, which has been dated to the reign o f Djedkare, also contains
a type five main burial chamber and that o f the contemporary tomb o f Ankhu (M21) has a
subsidiary chamber o f this type.'*
T h r o u g h o u t the Fifth D y n a s t y the t y p e six burial chamber is occasionally used at

Giza for subsidiary burials. Examples o f this type can be found w i t h i n the western field
tombs o f Thenti (G4920), Akhethotep (G1208), R e w e r I I ( G 5 4 7 0 ) , A k h t i m e r u n e s u t ( G 2 1 8 4 ) ,
A n k h - h a f (G1234), N e f e r k e d (G1151), the central field t o m b o f Inkaf; as w e l l as those o f
Kahai, Sehetepu I I and Kaiemsenu o f Saqqara.'® L i k e the type five burial chamber, type six
4 Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, 343-344.

"5 Ibid, passim.
136
Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, 147; Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, 343-344.
137
El-Khouli and Kanawati, E/-Hammamiya, 24, 58, pls. 27 (Section Plan G-G), 55 (Section Plan G-G).
38 Kanawati, E/-Hawawish 6, 16-17, fig. 4; vol. 5, 58, 60-61, fig. 23.
?8 Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, passim.
33
is also briefly utilised for main chambers in the later Fifth Dynasty, The Giza tombs which
have main chamberso f t h i s type include Ankh-haf (G1234), Mersuankh o f the central field
as well as those o f Schetepu II, Ptahhotep | (D 62) and Ihy at Saqqara. The tomb belonging
to Ihy is located in the cemetery which was established by Wenis, the ultimate king o f the
Fifth Dynasty. This tomb was reallocated to a princess named Idut* who is thought to be the
daughter o f King Teti, the founder o f the Sixth Dynasty.'*° Given that it would be difficult
to prepare an underground burial chamber with a shaft that leads to the roof o f the mastaba
once the entire tomb was constructed, it seems highly likely that the burial chamber was built
for Ihy during the Fifth Dynasty. This chamber should therefore be mentioned along with the
other examples from this dynasty.
The type six burial chamber is also utilised in the first h a l f o f the Fifth Dynasty at El-
H a m m a m i y a . O n e o f the relevant tombs at this site belongs to Kaiemnefert (C4) and its main
and subsidiary burial chambers can both be classified as examples o f type six.'*! This type is
utilised f o r the subsidiary burial chambers o f three other tombs at E l - H a m m a m i y a , namely
those o f K a i k h e n t ( A 3 ) , Djefaided ( A l ) and K a i k h e n t ( C 6 ) . ' It is also used by N i k a a n k h II
o f Tehna f o r the subsidiary burial chamber. The later Fifth Dynasty tombs at E l - H a w a w i s h
t h a t b e l o n g to D u a m i n , M i n a n k h , A n k h u and M 2 9 all have subsidiary burial chambers w h i c h
can b e classified as type s i x . ?
Reisner suggests that no precise chronological order can be established for the use o f
b u r i a l chamber types four, five and six as they are all used in the capital throughout the Fifth
D y n a s t y . ' * W h i l s t this is an accurate statement it can be qualified further by p o i n t i n g out
that t y p e f o u r chambers are more c o m m o n l y utilised in the early to mid Fifth Dynasty and
those o f type five and six appear more frequently in the second h a l f o f this d y n a s t y . ? The
tombs constructed in the few provincial cemeteries w h i c h are in use during the Fifth D y n a s t y
indicate that there is an erratic pattern o f use for all three o f these types o f burial chambers in
the early and later part o f the dynasty. The owners o f all o f these burial chambers hold titles
w h i c h reflect their membership to various professional classes.
T y p e nine is defined by Reisner as having a s l o p i n g passage instead o f a vertical shaft

that descends in a northerly o r easterly direction into a large burial chamber w h i c h is oriented
north-south. In most cases, the m o u t h o f the passage is located outside o f the retaining w a l l
o f the mastaba, but in some examples it is sunk into the f l o o r o f the chapel o r the pillared
hall. In m a n y respects the s l o p i n g passages that lead into burial chambers o f this type are like
those w h i c h g i v e access to the subterranean apartments beneath the T h i r d and F i f t h Dynasty
p y r a m i d s and a n u m b e r o f the T h i r d D y n a s t y mastabas f r o m p r o v i n c i a l c e m e t e r i e s . ' *
a
40 Kanawati et al., Unis Cemetery 2, 36-37.
41 EL-Khouli and Kanawati, El-Hammamiya, 16 (dated between the early and mid Fifth Dynasty), 70, pl. 72
(1 C4, 114).
12 Thid, 16 (for the dates o f these three tombs), 23-24, 58, 77, pls. 27 (Section Plan F-F), 55 (Section Plan F-F), 75
(Section Plan C-C).
138 Kanawati, El-Hawawish 6, 16-17, fig. 4; vol. 1, 9-10, fig. 3; vol. 5, 58, 60-61, fig. 23; vol. 4, 44-46, fig. 2
(respectively).
'44 R e i s n e r , G i z a N e c r o p o l i s 1, 145.
45 Willoughby-Winlaw, F i f t h Dynasty Mastabas, passim, especially 343-344.
'4@ Lehner, Complete Pyramids, fig. on 16.
34
The location o f some o f the tombs that contain type nine burial chambers and the
inscriptional evidence within other tombs o f this group allow us, rather uniqucly, to draw
conclusions about the date o f introduction o f this chamber type at the three major Memphite
Cemeteries.? This has important implications for the dating o f tombs which have this
chamber type. A t Giza the type nine burial chamber appears to have been briefly utilised
at the start o f the Fifth Dynasty. This is evident from three well-appointed rock-cut tombs
located in the central field. This cemetery was initially laid out by Khafre in the later Fourth
Dynasty to accommodate the tombs o f his descendants and those in his service. The tombs
in question belong to Nikauhor (LG 91), Nefer (LG 99) and Niankhra.'** The tomb owned
by Niankhra is the only one listed which has not sustained considerable damage. Two o f his
noteworthy titles have survived in the chapel, the first is ?son o f the king? and the second is
?overseer o f all works of the king?, both o f which signify his importance.'?? The date o f the
tomb of Niankhra has been studied by Strudwick who suggests that it was completed in the
early part o f the Fifth D y n a s t y . '
A f t e r the i n i t i a l use o f the type nine burial chamber at Giza, it seems that it does
not reappear at this site until the later part o f the Fifth Dynasty. T h i s time frame has been
established f r o m its usage in the tombs o f S e n d j e m i b / I n t i * (G2370 ? F i g u r e 14), his son
S e n d j e m i b / M e h i (G2378), Seshemnefer I V * ( L G 53) and Rewer I I I * ( L G 94).'*! W i t h i n the
chapel o f Sendjemib/Inti there are funerary estates inscribed on the chapel w a l l s w h i c h bear
the names o f Fifth D y n a s t y kings d o w n to Djedkare. Copies o f t w o letters that S e n d j e m i b /
Inti received f r o m Djedkare are also inscribed on the entrance o f his tomb. In these letters the
tomb o w n e r is addressed as vizier, w h i c h suggests that he held this position d u r i n g Djedkare?s
reign. A n o t h e r text f r o m the tomb?s entrance records the titles held by S e n d j e m i b / M e h i , the
acknowledged son o f the t o m b owner, and his i n v o l v e m e n t in the preparation o f Inti?s tomb.
M e h i states that the construction of, or at least the completion o f his father?s t o m b , was made
possible b y the financial backing o f K i n g Wenis, the u l t i m a t e k i n g o f the F i f t h Dynasty. The
four later Fifth D y n a s t y t o m b owners listed w h o have type nine chambers all b u i l t elaborate
mastabas and almost all o f them hold h i g h bureaucratic positions. The o n l y e x c e p t i o n is
Seshemnefer I V whose chapel has been so badly damaged that most o f his titles cannot be
recognised.
The earliest example o f the type nine burial chamber at Abusir comes from the
tomb o f Weserkafankh. This tomb is located immediately to the east o f King Niuserre?s
pyramid complex and north o f the latter?s mortuary temple, both o f which were in place by
the mid Fifth Dynasty.'*? However, Weserkafankh?s tomb seems to have been built before
this mortuary temple as it obstructs the alignment o f Niuserre?s complex. A t Abusir, type
nine is also utilised for the main burial chambers o f Ptahshepses and Tepemankh. ' * Both
o f these tombs are located in close proximity to the above-mentioned pyramid complex o f
?47 Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, passim.

?8 Hassan, G i z a 3, 2 0 0 f f , fig. 177; v o l . 4, 1 5 1 f f , 1 8 9 f f , figs. 112, 135.
?9 I b i d , v o l . 4, 151 (1, 7).
30 Strudwick, A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 102-103 (71).
?51 For a discussion o f the architecture o f these tombs and the inscriptional evidence they contain see
Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, passim.
?52 This tomb is discussed in Borchardt, Ne-user-re, 25-26, 109, pl. 2.
'3 I b i d , 3 0 - 3 2 , 1 2 6 - 1 2 9 ; V e r n e r , P t a h s h e p s e s , 36 ( I n s c r i p t i o n 3 2 ) , pl. 16.
35
Niuserre. Inscriptions within the tomb o f Ptahshepses indicate that he was married to princess
Khameremebty who can most probably be identified as Niuserre?s daughter.
A t Saqqara the type nine burial chamber is found in the tombs o f Tjy (No. 60, D
22), Ptahhotep I (D 62), his son Ahkethotep, and Niankhba*. The tomb built by Niankhba is
located within the cemetery that was established by King Wenis which provides us with some
indication o f when it was constructed.'? Tjy holds titles which reflect his service to various
Fifth Dynasty kings including Sahure, Neferirkare and Niuserre.'® The inscriptional evidence
within the other Saqqara tombs which have the type nine burial chamber indicate that they
were constructed after Tjy?s and therefore after Niuserre?s reign. For example Ptahhotep I
and his son Akhethotep inscribe funerary estates in their chapels which bear the names o f
kings down to Djedkare.'*
S e c t i o n A-B
Figure 14. Type 9. Sendjemib/Inti (G2370). Western Field.
Examination o f the burial chambers associated with Sixth Dynasty mastabas

constructed in Memphite Cemeteries reveals that type four continues to be used at this time
but only very occasionally. It has been utilised for the main burial chambers o f Mereruka*
and Kagemni* (LS 10) who built their tombs at Saqqara within the cemetery laid out by King
Teti, the founder o f the Sixth Dynasty. Both o f these late examples o f the type four burial
chamber exhibit unusual features. Mereruka?s massive sarcophagus has a solid masonry
ramp built against it which inclines to meet the top o f the sarcophagus chest, a feature which
154 Hassan, Saggara 2, 48-49, 52, pls. 40, 44.

155 Epron and Wild, 7i, pls. 149, 156, 164, 183-185.
'86 Hassan, Saggara 2, 50, 54-55, pl. 39 (B), 40, 44-45.
36
js not found in other private tombs.'*? Kagemni?s chamber has a very deep alcove set into its
west wall to a c c o m m o d a t e the sarcophagus. A l c o v e s o f this depth are also found at Giza in
the later Fifth D y n a s t y b u r i a l chambers o f Neferbauptah ( G 6 0 1 0 ) , Sendjemib/Inti ( G 2 3 7 0 ) ,
Sendjemib/Mehi ( G 2 3 7 8 ) , Seshemnefer I V and that o f Ptahshepses at A b u s i r . ' * W i t h the
exception o f Neferbauptah?s chamber, all o f these examples can be classified as examples
o f type nine and in each case they represent the main burial chamber. L i k e M e r e r u k a and
Kagemni, m a n y o f the owners o f these chambers hold the highest a d m i n i s t r a t i v e titles. The
location o f Mereruka?s and Kagemni?s tombs w i t h i n the cemetery, their architectural design
and decoration as w e l l as the inscriptional evidence found w i t h i n their chapels indicate that
they were completed d u r i n g Teti?s reign.'*?
The only other Sixth Dynasty example of the type four burial chamber comes from
the tomb o f Ishti which is located near the Step Pyramid at Saqqara.'® [shti holds titles which
reflect his service at the pyramids o f Pepy I and Pepy II o f the Sixth Dynasty and thus his
tomb must have been constructed during these reigns, i f not later. This tomb seems to contain
the latest Old Kingdom example o f the type four burial chamber to appear in the capital. The
type four is used for one o f the subsidiary burial chambers associated with the tomb o f Iteti/
Shedu which is located in the cemetery o f Deshasha within the Upper Egyptian province
number twenty. Kanawati?s examination o f the architecture and decorative elements o f this
tomb has led him to suggest that it was completed during Teti?s reign.'©!
D u r i n g the Sixth D y n a s t y type s i x burial chambers seem to be the most c o m m o n l y

utilised type. This is evident f r o m the vast n u m b e r o f examples that appear in the Teti Cemetery.
W i t h i n numerous tombs this type is used f o r the m a i n and the subsidiary burial chambers, f o r
example those o f A n k h m a h o r * , I n u m i n * , Nedjetempet, Tjetetu, and M e h i / M e h n e s . ' ® A l o n g
w i t h m a n y others, it is also the type used for either the main or the subsidiary burial c h a m b e r
in the tombs o f R e m n i * , K h e n t i k a * , Waatetkhethor, who is thought to be K i n g Teti?s eldest
daughter,'® h e r son M e r y t e t i , Iri/Tetiseneb and W e r n u . ' * The type six m a i n b u r i a l chambers
associated w i t h the tombs o f Neferseshemre and Nikauisesi are s i m i l a r to Kagemni?s i n t h a t
they have d e e p l y recessed alcoves w h i c h are j u s t w i d e enough to accommodate sarcophagi.
Neferseshemre was a v i z i e r w h i l e Nikauisesi was ?overseer o f Upper Egypt?. '® Beyond
the confines o f the Teti Cemetery there are other examples o f this chamber type at Saqqara
such as the main chamber o f Hemetre, the king?s daughter, w h o is affiliated w i t h the cults
o f t w o successive kings, n a m e l y Wenis and Teti. T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n provides us w i t h s o m e
indication as to when h e r t o m b was finished.'® A n e i g h b o u r i n g t o m b b e l o n g i n g to M e r e r i * ,
the vizier, also has a main burial chamber o f this type. Mereri?s t o m b can be dated b y its l i n k
57 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem.1, 1, 21, figs. 15, 19.
158
Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas 2, figs. IV.7, 1V.15, 1V.126, IV.204.
59 Kanawati, Conspiracies, 101, 87 (respectively).
?60 Drioton and Lauer, ASAE 55 (1958), 207-251, pl. 2.
?61 Kanawati and McFarlane, Deshasha, 42-44, 47 (d), pl. 42 (Section Plan H-H).
?2 Kanawati et al., Jeti Cemetery 2, pl. 32; vol. 8, pls. 36-37; vol. I, pls. 37-38; Kanawati et. al., Excavations
at Saqqara | , pl. 13; vol. 2, pl. 5.
?3 Kanawati et al., Mereruka and his F a m i l y 2, 11 (4), 14.
K a n a w a t i et al., J e t i C e m e t e r y 9, pl. 4 1 ; James, K h e n t i k a , pl. 4; K a n a w a t i , et al., M e r e r u k a a n d his F a m i l y
2, pl. 54 ( S e c t i o n s B d - B d , B c - B c ) ; K a n a w a t i et al., M e r e r u k a a n d H i s F a m i l y |, pl. 4 3 ; K a n a w a t i et a l ,
Excavations at Saggara 2, pl. 2 (Section Plan A - A ) ; Davies et al., Sagqdra Tomb 1, pl. 22.
6S Kanawati et al, Teti Cemetery 3, 12 (17), pl. 39 (b); vol. 6, 11 (4), 31-32, pl. 42.
'6 Hassan, Saggara 3, 1-2 (4-7), 27, 34, figs. 3, 12
37
to an abutting t o m b and inscriptional evidence found w i t h i n his o w n chapel. His tomb is built
against that o f Ptahhotep I, a structure w h i c h can be dated w i t h some certainty to the reign of
Djedkare.'*? Mereri?s chapel contains a p a v i n g stone that is inscribed w i t h Teti?s cartouche
w h i c h suggests that his t o m b was being b u i l t d u r i n g this king?s reign.
The cemetery at Saqqara w h i c h was established by Pepy II, the second last k i n gof t h e
Sixth Dynasty, contains a n u m b e r o f tombs w h i c h have m u l t i p l e type six burial c h a m b e r|s ,
These burial chambers are m u c h s m a l l e r in d i m e n s i o n s than their earlier counterparts which
are located throughout the greater Saqqara cemetery. Sixth D y n a s t y examples o f the type gi
b u r i a l c h a m b e r are also f o u n d at Giza, w i t h i n the eastern field t o m b o f Idu (G7102) a n the
western field tombs o f Ptahhotep, Sennefer and M e n i . ' ® W i t h i n m a n y o f these tombs the type
s i x is u t i l i s e d f o r both the main and the s u b s i d i a r y b u r i a l chambers. The above-mentioned
e x a m p l e s w i t h i n the western cemetery are a l l s m a l l chambers w h i c h are similar to those
w i t h i n Pepy II?s cemetery. T h i s m a y a l l o w us to suggest the t i m e f r a m e in w h i c h they were
constructed. Idu holdsa t i t l e w h i c h reflects his service at the p y r a m i d t o w n o f Pepy | ang
thus p r o v i d e s us w i t h some i n d i c a t i o n as to w h e n his t o m b was b u i l t , h o w e v e r the restOf the
t o m b s o f t h i s g r o u p can o n l y b r o a d l y be dated to the S i x t h Dynasty.
In the S i x t h D y n a s t y the u t i l i s a t i o n o f type six burial c h a m b e r s w i t h i n the rock tombs

constructed in the p r o v i n c i a l cemeteries replicate the pattern o f use o f this type in the capital,
F o r e x a m p l e , at the cemetery o f D e i r e l - G e b r a w i w i t h i n U p p e r E g y p t i a n p r o v i n c e twelve, the
successively b u i l t tombs o f Henqu I ( N 3 9 ) , H e m r e / I s i 1
( N 72), H e n q u IT ( N 67), Hemre/Isi I]
( N 4 6 ) and D j a u a l l use t y p e s i x f o r t h e i r main b u r i a l c h a m b e r s and, where there is more than
one c h a m b e r a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the t o m b , the s u b s i d i a r y b u r i a l chambers are also o f this t y p e , '
The b i o g r a p h i c a l i n s c r i p t i o n carved w i t h i n the t o m b o f D j a u indicates that he served under
Pepy II.'7! Based on the i n s c r i p t i o n a l e v i d e n c e and o n s t y l i s t i c g r o u n d s K a n a w a t i has dated
the other t o m b s that are listed above f r o m the end o f the r e i g n o f Teti to the end o f Pepy I.!?
The floor o f the vertical shaft which leads directly into the burial chamber o f Pepyankh
the Elder at Quseir el-Amarna, in the fourteenth Upper Egyptian province, hasa slight slope.
173 This may be considered to be a modification o f the ramps that appear at the end o f the
connecting passages that are associated w i t h type two burial chambers. However, as there
is no passage connecting the base o f the shaft and the entrance o f Pepyankh?s chamber, it
should be classified as type six. The chest o f Pepyankh?s sarcophagus has been sunk into
the chamber floor creating a pit into which the body would have been placed. Examination
o f the tomb o f Pepyankh the Elder and its contents has enabled Kanawati to suggest that it
was completed by the beginning o f Pepy II?s reign.'? A t the cemetery o f Meir, within Upper
Egyptian province number fourteen, the tomb belonging to Pepyankh-heryib contains main*
and subsidiary* burial chambers which can be classified as examples o f type six. This tomb
?7 Willoughby-Winlaw, Fifth Dynasty Mastabas, 287-288.

168 Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers, figs. 23, 33, 45, 109.
1 Simpson, Q a r and Idu, 29, 31, figs. 13, 14; Junker, Giza, 7, fig. 83; vol. 9, figs. 58, 65, 70.
' Kanawati, Deir el-Gebrawi 1, pls. 36, 42, 52, 58 (respectively); Kanawati, BACE 17 (2006), 70-71, 75;
Djau - unpublished ACE architectural plan.
"1 Sethe, Urkunden 1, 142f f , 145ff.
2 Kanawati, D e i r e l - G e b r a w i 1, 11-20.
3 E l - K h o u l i and Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, 30, pl. 25.
4 Ibid, 11-25.
38
has been dated to the period Merenre to early Pepy II. Both o f these chambers have burial
pits like that o f Pepyankh the Elder at Quseir el-Amama. This type o f pit also appears in
the above-mentioned main burial chambers o f Hemre/Isi I and Henqu II at Deir el-Gebrawi
whose tombs were probably completed by Pepy I?s reign.
The main and two o f the six subsidiary burial chambers associated with the
aforementioned early Sixth Dynasty tomb o f Iteti/Shedu o f Deshasha can be classified as type
six.'?S The early Sixth Dynasty tomb o f Hemmin (M43), which is located at El-Hawawish,
has six subsidiary burial chambers that bear the characteristic features o f type s i x . ' A l l o f
the burial chambers associated with the early Sixth Dynasty tomb o f Mereru (F12), also o f
El-Hawawish, are examples o f type six.'?? The main chamber o f this tomb has a deep burial
pit cut into its floor. Many o f the other tombs at El-Hawawish date from the reign o f Pepy I to
the end o f Pepy II and have one or more subsidiary burial chambers which can be classified as
type six. These chambers are associated with the tombs o f Webenu (Q4), Bawi (K5), Kaihep/
Tjetiiker (H26), Shepsipumin/Kheni (H24) and Tjeti/Kaihep (M8).'?
During the Sixth Dynasty there are also examples o f the type nine chamber at
Saqqara that are associated with the tomb o f Mehu* in the Wenis cemetery; as well as those
of Khabaukhnum and a man called Teti*, the son o f the king, who are both interred in the
cemetery surrounding Pepy II?s pyramid.'? Inscriptional evidence within Mehu?s tomb
suggests that he served as vizier during the reign o f Pepy I and the location o f the tombs
of the two other men who are listed above indicates that they held this position under Pepy
II. At Giza there are three Sixth Dynasty tombs which have type nine burial chambers.
These belong to Khnumenti (G2374), the son o f the aforementioned Sendjemib/Inti, and
Kaikherptah/Fetekti* (G5560), both o f whom had tombs in the western field, and Ptahhotep
who built his tomb against that o f Seshemnefer IV (his father) in cemetery GIS. Khnumenti
is the only one o f this group to hold the title o f vizier; Kaikherptah/Fetekti, whose tomb is
badly damaged, appears to have heldat i t l e relating to the overseeing o f the granary which
Strudwick believes reflects his importance. '*° Few o f Ptahhotep?s titles have survived but
he is related to the aforementioned Seshemnefer family o f Giza who held top administrative
positions. Inscriptional evidence found in the tombs built by the fathers o f both Ptahhotep
and Khnumenti suggest that they were completed in the final two reigns o f the Fifth Dynasty.
Khnumenti inscribes in his chapel funerary estates which bear the names o f Kings Wenis and
Teti. These pieces o f evidence suggest that Khnumenti?s tomb was built in the early part o f
the Sixth Dynasty.
There are a n u m b e r o f Sixth Dynasty r o c k tombs at E l - H a w a w i s h that have main

burial chambers w h i c h bear m a n y o f the characteristic features o f t y p e nine. T h i s group
o f tombs include those b e l o n g i n g to Webenu (Q4), S h e p s i p u m i n / K h e n i ( H 2 4 ) , B a w i ( K 5 ) ,
K a i h e p / T j e t i i k e r ( H 2 6 ) , T j e t i / K a t h e p ( M 8 ) , Q a r ( L 3 1 ) and W e n u m i n ( G 7 9 ) . The t i m e frame
in w h i c h these tombs were constructed ranges f r o m the reign o f Pepy I to the end o f the Sixth
"5 Kanawati and McFarlane, Deshasha, 46-47, pls. 41, 42 (c, f).
"6 Kanawati, E l - H a w a w i s h 5, fig. 2 (Section Plans E-E, F-F, G - G , H - H , 1-1, J-J).
'7 Ibid, vol. 9, 15-16, fig. 5.
"8 I b i d , 10 v o l s , passim.
9 Altenmiiller, Mehu, 36 (45), Plan A-C; Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers, 65, 70, figs. 65-66, 69.
?899
Brovarski, Senedjemib 1, 30, 75, 122-123, fig. 42; Junker, Giza 8, 111 (9), fig. 48; vol. 11, 98, 137, figs. 49,
59; Strudwick, Administration, 154 (150).
39
Dynasty. '*' A l l o f these chambers are oriented north-south and are accessed via lon
f a i r l y steeply s l o p i n g passages w h i c h are c u t into the floors o f the chapels. H o w e v e r the h
not s t r i c t l y adhere to Reisner?s above-mentioned definition o f type nine w h i c h statest h a t t h e
passage slopes in a n o r t h e r l y o r easterly direction, as m a n y o f the E l - H a w a w i s h examples
descend southwards. ?
The chambers belonging to Kaihep/Tjetiiker and Shepsipumin/Kheni both have the

added feature ofa deep burial pit which appears to be o f the correct proportions to accommodate
a coffin or a sarcophagus. Kanawati?s analysis o f these two tombs suggests that they were
built during Pepy II?s reign.'® The arrangement o f Tjeti/Kaihep?s burial apartment is unusual
in that the sloping passage leads directly into a large north-south oriented antechamber which
in turn gives access to a smaller burial chamber that has a burial pit occupying much o f its
floor space. This tomb was probably completed in Merenre?s reign or in the early part of Pepy
II?s rule.'® Apart from Bawi, all o f these tomb owners hold titles which reflect their service
to M i n , the local fertility god. The three tomb owners mentioned above, Kaihep/Tjetiiker,
Shepsipumin/Kheni and Tjeti/Kaihep, who have larger and better appointed burial chambers
than the other individuals o f this site, hold a number o f titles which reflect their importance.
For example all three o f these men have the title ?Great overlord o f Akhmim?.
D u r i n g the Sixth D y n a s t y there are a f e w tombs at E l - H a w a w i s h w h i c h have been

c o n s t r u c t e d w i t h b u r i a l chambers that seem to be designed as m o d i f i e d forms o f Reisner?s type
nine. T h e f i r s t sub-type has a shaft m o u t h w h i c h opens i n the floor o f the chapel and descends
a short distance v i a a s l o p i n g passage. This passage leads d i r e c t l y into a small chamber
w h i c h is u s u a l l y used f o r a subsidiary burial. The side o f the passage that is furthest away
f r o m the entrance to this b u r i a l chamber is usually rounded. The f l o o r level o f the passage is
sloped so t h a t the c o f f i n o r sarcophagus can b e pushed into the c h a m b e r w i t h greater ease.
T h e c h a m b e r i t s e l f can be oriented east-west o r north-south. T h i s t y p e o f c h a m b e r has been
u t i l i s e d f o r the s u b s i d i a r y burials w i t h i n the tombs o f W e b e n u and Qar, b o t h o f w h o m were
m e n t i o n e d above as h a v i n g t y p e n i n e m a i n b u r i a l chambers. These tombs have been dated to
the reign o f Pepy I and between Merenre and Pepy I I respectively.'?
The second sub-type is entered via a gently sloping passage cut into the floor of
the chapel. The passage levels out into a long or very long horizontal corridor which leads
directly into a chamber o f either north-south or east-west orientation. This sub-type is used
for both main and subsidiary burial chambers. A t El-Hawawish, this second sub-type is found
in the tombs o f Nebet (H27), Hesymin (F1), Ti (N20) and Bawi (G126), all o f which date
from the time o f Pepy I to Pepy II.'** W i t h i n Nebet?s tomb both o f the burial chambers can be
classified as examples o f this second sub-type. Her main burial chamber is similar to those of
Kaihep/Tjetiiker and Shepsipumin/Kheni in that it has a deep burial p i t sunk into its floor. It
m a y be significant that all three o f these tombs were constructed or at least completed during
Pepy II?s reign.'®* This sub-type is also used for the main and the subsidiary burial chambers
18
Kanawati, E l - H a w a w i s h , 10 vols, passim.
182 Ibid 1, 14; vol. 2, 14.
183
[bid 3, 10-14, 17, fig. 4.
184 [bid 6, 34-35, 41. 1,
9, 29-30, fig. 14 (1
18 h i d 3, 37-38, figs. 24, 25 (main burial chamber); vol. 6, 8-10, figs. 1, 23 (a. II), 52; vo
G126).
18 [bid 3, 37-38. See also footnote n. 117.
40
o f Ibi w h o built his t o m b at D e i r e l - G e b r a w i . The biographical inscription w i t h i n Ibi?s t o m b

suggests that he was a boy d u r i n g Pepy I?s reign and reached the pinnacle o f his career b y
attaining the position o f ?overseer o f U p p e r Egypt? under Pepy II.'*? Ibi?s main chamber also
has a burial pit s u n k into its floor.
Based on the examination o f burial chambers carried out in this chapter the following
conclusions can be made regarding the chronological development o f types over the course
of the fourth through to the Sixth Dynasty.
Burial
Chamber Suggested Period o f Use d u r i n g the O l d K i n g d o m
Dynasty 4: K h u f u (capital only)
2 Dynasty 4: Late K h u f u (capital only)
3 Dynasty 4: Late Khufu ~ early Dynasty 5 (capital only)
Dynasty 4 ? Dynasty 6: Khafre ? approx. Pepy II (capital)

Dynasty 5 ? Dynasty 6: early Dynasty 5 ? approx. Teti (provinces)
5 Dynasty 5 (capital)
Dynasty 5: early Dynasty 5 ? approx. Djedkare (provinces)
Dynasty 4 ? Dynasty 6: Khafre ? approx. Pepy II (capital) Dynasty 6

Dynasty 5 ? Dynasty 6: first half o f Dynasty 5 ? approx. Pepy II (provinces)
Dynasty 5 ? Dynasty 6: early Dynasty 5 ? approx. Pepy II (capital)

Dynasty 6: Pepy I ? late Dynasty 6 (provinces ? modified sub-types)
The table indicates that types one, t w o and three are the characteristic f o r m s o f the
Fourth Dynasty, after w h i c h t h e y d o not appear to have been utilised, a l t h o u g h type three is
used on the o d d occasion at the b e g i n n i n g o f the F i f t h D y n a s t y before it falls o u t o f favour.
Types f o u r and s i x both begin to appear in the capital d u r i n g the later part o f the F o u r t h
D y n a s t y and continue to be c o m m o n types w i t h i n M e m p h i t e and p r o v i n c i a l cemeteries
during the t w o subsequent dynasties. However, type f o u r does seem to be d i s c o n t i n u e d i n
the provinces earlier i n the S i x t h D y n a s t y than type six. The use o f type 5 in all regions o f
Egypt seems to be restricted s o l e l y to the F i f t h Dynasty. T y p e nine b u r i a l chambers appear
i n the capital early i n the Fifth D y n a s t y and continue to be used t h r o u g h o u t the f o l l o w i n g
dynasty, w h i l s t i n the p r o v i n c e s this type o n l y appears i n a m o d i f i e d f o r m i n the later S i x t h
Dynasty. A s was expected, the analysis shows that burial chamber types four, five, six and
nine appear in p r o v i n c i a l cemeteries s l i g h t l y later than the t i m e at w h i c h t h e y are i n t r o d u c e d
i n the capital.
Where the architectural types o f decorated burial chambers have been m e n t i o n e d

throughout this chapter t h e y are m a r k e d w i t h asterisks. C o n s e q u e n t l y it can be stated that the
m a j o r i t y o f b u r i a l chambers that are decorated appear to have been designed as either type s i x
o r type nine. Decorated b u r i a l chambers began to appear towards the end o f the F i f t h D y n a s t y
but most o f t h e m date to the subsequent dynasty when types six and nine chambers are, f o r
the most part, the o n l y ones that continue to be used. The o n l y exceptions to this rule are the
'87 Kanawati, D e i r el-Gebrawi 2, 11 (8), 19.
41
type four burial chambers within the tombs o f Mereruka and Kagemni which were built ; n t h e
early part o f the Sixth Dynasty. There is one other decorated chamber which can be clasS i f i e d
as type four, namely that o f Kaiemankh who built his tomb at Giza in the later Fifth Dy
Nasty,
42
Cuapter III
DEVELOPMENT OF DECORATION
Until very late in the Fifth Dynasty, burial chambers were void o f any decoration and
in fact, the majority o f the chambers were irregularly shaped and roughly cut.'** Even the
rare examples o f Fourth Dynasty chambers lined with dressed limestone remained totally
undecorated. Stone sarcophagi and wooden coffins o f this period were also not decorated
with scenes, although some belonging to important individuals, had geometrical designs
representing the palace facade and/or bore some inscriptions, usually giving the name and
titles of the owner and occasionally an offering formula mentioning the king and Anubis, but
not yet Osiris.'*°
Suddenly, towards the end o f the Fifth Dynasty, decoration began to appear on the
walls o f some burial chambers. It is assumed that this practice is connected to the inscription
o f royal burial chambers with the Pyramid Texts. As the first king to record such texts was
Wenis, the dating o f any decorated burial chamber of a private individual to a period prior to
Wenis? reign was generally ruled o u t . ' Such a conclusion is by no means impossible, in fact
it is even likely, but not certain, and we should perhaps keep an open mind on the problem
until more excavations are undertaken around the pyramid o f Wenis? predecessor, Djedkare/
Isesi and more is known about his reign. That the decoration of burial chambers adhered to
the same ideological and religious principals attested in the Pyramid Texts!? is likely. In fact
there seems to be common ground between the Pyramid Texts and the design and decoration
of the chapel.'? Yet, although the Pyramid Texts were recorded for the first time in Wenis?
Pyramid, they almost certainly refer to practices which go back to much earlier periods. I f
the introduction o f the Pyramid Texts represents a development in religious ideology, which
is possible, we may ask when this development took place.
There does not seem to bea clear ideological d i v i s i o n between Djedkare, Wenis and
later Teti. M a n y o f the top officials o f the last k i n g were proud to record in their tombs
the fact that they served under Djedkare and Wenis before they were p r o m o t e d b y Teti,!%
w h i c h m i g h t hint at s i m i l a r policies f o l l o w e d by the three kings. Even M e r e r u k a , the most
p o w e r f u l v i z i e r o f Teti and husband o f his eldest daughter, was the n e p h e w o f Djedkare?s
v i z i e r Seshemnefer I I I . ' * I f there was an ideological d i v i s i o n during the F i f t h Dynasty, it
was p r o b a b l y not initiated b y Wenis, but b y Djedkare, i f not b y M e n k a u h o r before him.!%
?8 See Junker, Giza 4, 43ff.; Reisner, Development of Egyptian Tomb, passim.

'® A s for example on the sarcophagi o f Kawab and Mersyankh HI (Simpson, Kawab, fig.8; Dunham and
Simpson, Mersyankh III, fig. 14).
For a recent discussion o f the subject see Dawood, in: Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 107ff.
"1 Thid, 109.
'? Vischak has studied this point with regard to the tomb o f Ankhmahor at Saqqara (Vischak, in: J A R C E 40
[2003], 133ff.). The principal may have applied to other tombs.
193
See for example the viziers Kagemni and Hesi (Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 7; Kanawati et al., Jeti
Cemetery 5, pl. 59). The overseer o f Upper Egypt Nikauisesi, whose mastaba lies exactly between those o f
Kagemni and Hesi, may w e l l have also belonged to the same generation and served under the same kings
(ibid 6, passim).
194
Kanawati, Mereruka and King Teti, 47ff.
195
Although the name o f the Sun-temple built by Menkauhor is known from records, its remains have noty e t
43
DEVELOPMENT OF DEcorRATION
W e k n o w that Djedkare built his pyramid at Saqqara and not at A b u s i r as dj

ree idan
h i s Fifth Dynasty predecessors. He was also the first to stop the
b u i l d i n g o f a Sunteme of
m i g h t not be a mere coincidence that during his reign, Osiris ap Ple, I
o f f e r i n g formulae in tomb inscriptions, perhaps to counterbalan eared for the first tim
n e e the 8 t o w i n g no . e
and its priesthood. Osiris also occurs on a fragment from the
Ortuary temple oD
f ied, Re
the earliest example o f this god on a royal monument.'% ate,
Dawood is certainly correct in saying that ?the decoration in burial ch

tombs is predominantly iconic (figurative) and differs from the royal count a Mbers of
4
».:
its setting and appearance, although it m a y have been the result o f thes a m e ide r t , Particularly i
a n d adhered to the same rules?.'?? This is true particularly in the earliestshe Ological rationale
when animate figures were included. Such figures were totally excluded i n ast th Of decoratg n
W h i l e similar ideological philosophy might have influenced the compositio ? p a l tombs
T e x t s and the decoration o f individual burial chambers and indeed chapels ; Of the Pyramig
bear in m i n d that there are also fundamental differences between the twotypes. i n g WE must
Furthermore, the reason for the start o f sucha tradition is not clear to us, but s t v a t i o n
seem to be a complete departure from earlier beliefs. The PyramidTexts contain, It does not
suggest their ancient origins and the majority o f decoration in burial chambers d i e t t
drink, a requirement w h i c h the Egyptian had since Predynastic times. The reason f "od an
to now physically inscribe these on the walls o f burial chambers might not havebe ne nee
religious and might have included some political motives. A growing sense of insecurin Purely
have playeda role in the introduction o f this tradition, but did this affect royal nd meh
individuals to the same degree and at exactly the same time? We have seen that man ae i t
top officials, including viziers, have opted not to follow. With the closeness o f thed a t e f
beginning o f the decoration o f burial chambers o f both kings and their officials, it istemptin m
link the two, b u t the differences are so great that conclusions cannot yet be reached. B®
I. T u e EARLIEST PHASE
One o f the earliest examples o f decorated burial chambers, which may be dated with
reasonable precision, is that o f the vizier Sendjemib/Inti. His burial chamber is irregular and
was probably left unfinished. The section o f the east wall north o f the entrance was plastered
and painted i n black w i t h an offering list.!98 A s the decoration on this wall is very fragmentary,
it is n o t k n o w n i f it once contained the seated figure o f the tomb owner, as for instance in the
case o f Kaikherptah, but this seems possible (see below).
The date o f Inti is fundamental for any discussion on the beginning of the tradition of
decorating burial chambers o f private individuals. Brovarski?s recent analysis of thepossible
date and family relationships o f this vizier has thrown important new light on the career of this
influential family. Inti served as vizier under King Djedkare/Isesi, whose reign inaugurated a
new era i n the history o f the Old Kingdom. Three letters received from this king arerecorded
i n Inti?s mastaba at Giza. Inti most probably died before the end o f Djedkare?s reign and his
o N
been found. A l s o he apparently did not b u i l d a p y r a m i d at Abusir, b u t its location,presumablya t Sam
iesGriffiths, 7 °
is disputed. See f o r example B e r l a n d i n i , in: Rev. d?Eg. 31 ( 1 9 7 9 ) , 3ff-; Malek, in: Studi
1% Baer, R a n k a n d Title, 297.

197 D a w o o d , in: Néferkaré aux M o n t o u h o t e p , 109.
198 B r o v a r s k i , Senedjemib I, 79-81, figs. 70-71.
D e v e r o r s e n t of DECORATION
son, S e n d j e m i b / M c h i who, at some stage, f o l l o w e d in the vizicrate, built o r completed the

tomb for his father in an a s t o n i s h i n g l y short period o f fifteen months. He also requested and
received f r o m an unnamed king the granting o f a limestone sarcophagus for the burial o f his
father. Some believe that this occurred under Wenis, but B r o v a r s k i correctly draws attention
to the fact that the cargo ship w h i c h transported the sarcophagus from the quarrics o f Tura
was named ?Isesi is great o f strength? and that it seems u n l i k e l y for such a name to have
continued into his successor?s reign.'®
Considering Sendjemib/Inti?s position, his possible old age, his expertise in

construction and responsibility for royal buildings, it is hard to think that he did not at least
start the preparation o f his resting place. Yet, as the sarcophagus had to be introduced in
the burial chamber prior to the construction o f the chapel, and since this was obtained for
Inti by his son Sendjemib/Mehi, the latter must have done most o f the work on the tomb.
Within this short period, it is hard to say which part was completed under Isesi and which
under Wenis. The subterranean work, the first to be carried out with the placement o f the
sarcophagus and perhaps the inscription of the offering list on the east wall, was certainly
the first to be undertaken and may have been done under the former king. But even i f these
lasted into Wenis? reign, it would have been completed at its very beginning and probably
before his Pyramid Texts were inscribed. It should also be born in mind that the last king
mentioned in Inti?s funerary estates is Djedkare/Isesi and that the cartouche o f Wenis appears
in inscriptions related to the son, Sendjemib/Mehi.
One o f the most astonishingly decorated burial chambers is that o f K a i e m a n k h at

Giza. There, animate figures i n c l u d i n g those o f the t o m b owner, o f f e r i n g bearers, w o r k e r s and
live animals c o v e r all four walls o f the chamber. The date o f Kaiemankh is disputed, but is
crucial for the understanding o f the beginning o f this phenomenon and the time span it lasted.
Der M a n u e l i a n states that Kaiemankh?s burial chamber is one o f the earliest to be decorated
w i t h p a i n t i n g s . ? C h e r p i o n dates the t o m b to the m i d d l e o f the F i f t h Dynasty, * ' S o u r d i v e
places it at the beginning o f the reign o f Isesi,?? while Junker suggests a date in the S i x t h
D y n a s t y , ? w h i c h most scholars a c c e p t . ? M o s t recently, and based m a i n l y o n the t y p e o f
granaries represented, D a w o o d suggested that a date f r o m late F i f t h to early S i x t h D y n a s t y
would be plausible, but he preferred a date in the early Sixth Dynasty, perhaps c o n t e m p o r a r y
w i t h o r later than the tombs o f Mereruka and K a g e m n i in the Teti Cemetery.?® It is true that a
similar type o f granaries appears i n the burial chambers o f Kagemni, M e r e r u k a , A n k h m a h o r
and K h e n t i k a o f the Teti C e m e t e r y , ? but apart f r o m inscribed o f f e r i n g lists and depictions o f
the t o m b owners at o f f e r i n g tables, w e have no extensively decorated burial chambers f r o m
earlier periods w i t h w h i c h to compare. The t o m b o f K a i e m a n k h remains a u n i q u e e x a m p l e o f
its genre, even f o r later O l d K i n g d o m .
19 I b i d , 2 3 f f . See a l s o Baer, R a n k a n d Title, 1 2 6 - 2 7 [ 4 5 5 , 4 5 6 ] ; S t r u d w i c k , A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 1 3 2 - 3 4 [ 1 2 0 , 1 2 1 ] ;

D a w o o d , in: N é f e r k a r é a u x M o n t o u h o t e p , 109-110.
200
D e r M a n u e l i a n , i n : E g y p t i a n A r t , 146.
201 _N.Cherpion, in: G. Castel et al., Le mastaba de Khentika: Balat 5, 120, n. 3.
202 Sourdive, La Main, 139 (028).
203 Junker, Giza 4, 1-4.
204 F o r e x a m p l e Baer, R a n k a n d Title, 141 [ 5 2 0 ] ; S t u d w i c k , A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 154; H a r p u r , D e c o r a t i o n , 2 7 0
[ 2 5 5 ] ; Bolshakov, M a n a n d h i s D o u b l e , 119-20
205
D a w o o d , in: N é f e r k a r é a u x M o n t o u h o t e p , 1 1 4 - 1 5 .
206
F i r t h and G u n n , Teti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 5 A ; D u e l l , M e r e r u k a , pl. 2 0 8 ; K a n a w a t i et al., Teti C e m e t e r y 2, p l . 6 3 ;
James, K h e n t i k a , pl. 3 4 ; A l t e n m i l l e r , M e h u , pl. 98:3, r e s p e c t i v e l y .
45
DEVELOPMENT o r DECORATION
I n a republication o f the t o m b o f K a i e m a n k h , | have considered some architectur,

artistic evidence for dating this t o m b and have suggested a date in the reign o D f i e d k e and
A l t h o u g h each piece o f evidence on its o w n is p r o b a b l y inconclusive, put together the evide..,
presents a reasonably cohcrent date. O n c o f the strongest argument for a date prior to We v e
the type o f false doors used in the tomb. Kaiemankh?s t o m b is certainly rather modest i n s :
but b e a u t i f u l l y designed and e x c e l l e n t l y built w i t h g o o d quality stone. Its decoration inclun?
a v a r i e t y o f themes and shows refined w o r k m a n s h i p and a great deal o f originality, It a
h i g h l y u n l i k e l y that this same t o m b o w n e r o r his artist w o u l d use a type o f false door Whiee
w e n t out o f fashion b y the t i m e o f Wenis and certainly by that o f Teti. Ich
The name o f K a i e m a n k h is v e r y rare,2°* but is attested as a Ka-servant, with no kinsh;

recorded, i n the t o m b o f Raemkai at Saqqara. The latter was an eldest son o f the kingof h j
body, and has a n u m b e r o f funerary estates, one o f w h i c h incorporates the name o f ses
w r i t t e n w i t h o u t a c a r t o u c h e . ? Baer suggests a date in his period V B, before the accession of
Djedkare,2!° and H a r p u r dates it to the reign o f Niuserre o r M e n k a u h o r . " ' I f we are dealin
w i t h the same K a i e m a n k h , and bearing i n m i n d the weakness o f using names as dating
indicators, then K a i e m a n k h could have b u i l t his t o m b around the m i d d l e o f Djedkare?sreign

i w i w e r ( o r W e r k h e w e w ) , who appears as an adult in
Kaiemankh?s eldest son is called K h e w !
his father?s t o m b and is designated as ?scribe o f the treasury?. The extremely rare name of
son2"? the a b in the K h a f r e Cemetery, who
the coincides with that o f owner of rock-cut tom
held many scribal titles, although not that o f ?scribe o f the treasury?.?!? Similarities with the
decoration o f Kaiemankh, although not in the burial chamber, may be seen in the scenes of
the pilgrimage voyage by ships, the depiction of the ?pulling the papyrus ceremony? and the
representation o f the tomb owner on a chair with high sides.?'* Khewiwiwer is listed in the
Abusir Papyri, from the reign of Djedkare, holding a priesthood o f Neferirkare, as he does
in his tomb. Baer?s date for this tomb is to the period mid-Djedkare to mid-Wenis.? The
evidence suggests that Kaiemankh constructed his tomb no later than Djedkare?s reign.
Another burial chamber with an inscribed offering list and an animate figure of the
owner at an offering table belongs to Kaikherptah/Fetekti o f Giza.*!° His mastaba is dated
by Harpur between the reigns o f Teti and Merenre,?'? by Strudwick to the early to middle
o f the Sixth Dynasty,?'* and by Baer to the very end o f the Sixth Dynasty.?!? Neither the
architectural features o f the tomb, nor the owner?s title o f ?overseer o f the new towns of
Djedkare?s pyramid? support such late dates. However, Brovarski reasonably suggests that he
may be the son o f the vizier Sendjemib/Inti, who appears in the latter?s tomb as a mature aged
man, with the partly preserved name Fetek(ti). As Brovarski points out, the two tombs are not
207 K a n a w a t i , G i z a 1, 15- 21.

208 ~Ranke, P e r s o n e n n a m e n |, 3 3 9 : 1 7 .
29 Mariette, Mastabas, 178-81 (D3).
210 Baer, Rank a n d Title, 99, 292 (303).
21 Harpur, Decoration, 275 (453).
212, Ranke, Personennamen | , 266:4.
213. Hassan, G i z a 5, 2 3 7 - 5 6 .
214 Thid, figs. 104, 106; K a n a w a t i , G i z a 1, p i s . 16, 3 3 , 3 6 .
215. Baer, R a n k a n d Title, 6 8 , 2 8 9 ( 1 1 8 ) .
216 J u n k e r , G i z a 8, 108-22.
217 Harpur, Decoration, 271(279].
28 Strudwick, Administration, 154 [150].
219 Baer, Rank a n d Title, 148, 295 [544].
46
far from each other, both have inscribed offering lists in their burial chambers and both have
ing passages leading to their burial chambers.?° A man named Kaikherptah, with the title
e e eaeet of scribes of the judiciary?, the main title inscribed for Kaikherptah in his tomb,
sppeats also in the tomb o f the vizier Akhethotep,?! dated by Strudwick to early Wenis.222
N o t far f r o m the t o m b o f K a i k h e r p t a h is the t o m b o f a man named M e r u k a , w h o held

the titles ?acquaintance o f the king?, ?elder o f the court?a n d ?priest o f Khufu?, but his titles
are far from being completely preserved. A l t h o u g h small, his t o m b is situated in an i m p o r t a n t
location directly to the south o f the large mastaba G i z a 2000, and is distinguished b y the
rare feature o f its portico w i t h three pillars and an a r c h i t r a v e . ? O n this architrave, M e r u k a
identifies h i m s e l f as ?the acquaintance o f the k i n g , the elder o f the court, Kaikherptah, his
son, the acquaintance o f the k i n g , the elder o f the court, Meruka?.?4 Such emphasis on his
paternal descent presumably indicates Meruka?s pride in the importance o f his father and/or
his family, w h i c h w o u l d be t o t a l l y understandable i f his father K a i k h e r p t a h was the son o f the
vizier Sendjemib/Inti and a c c o r d i n g l y the brother o f S e n d j e m i b / M e h i , w h o succeeded to the
vizierate around the m i d d l e o f Wenis? reign.?*5
I t has already been suggested that M e r u k a was most p r o b a b l y the father o f the v i z i e r
Mereruka o f K i n g Teti,**° and that the latter?s mother, Nedjetempet, was the d a u g h t e r o f
Seshemnefer I I and the sister o f the v i z i e r Seshemnefer III o f Giza. T h u s Mereruka, w h o
married the eldest daughter o f K i n g Teti, was not a self-made man, f o r his maternal uncle
was a vizier.??? H o w e v e r , it now appears that he was more than that; f o r his great-grandfather,
Sendjemib/Inti, and his great-uncle, Sendjemib/ M e h i , were also viziers. I t is a d d i t i o n a l l y
interesting that both Seshemnefer I I I and S e n d j e m i b / I n t i served u n d e r Djedkare, w h i l e
Sendjemib/Mehi served under Wenis, w h i c h demonstrates the probable c o n t i n u i t y o f policies
under Djedkare, Wenis and Teti. The study o f the genealogy o f this most i m p o r t a n t f a m i l y
can shed new light on the d a t i n g o f these individuals. As the l i k e l y son o f S e n d j e m i b / I n t i
and grandfather o f M e r e r u k a , K a i k h e r p t a h could not have b u i l t his t o m b m u c h later than the
beginning o f Wenis? reign, w h i c h is consistent w i t h his title ?overseer o f the n e w towns o f
Djedkare?s Pyramid?.
The last burial c h a m b e r to be considered here is that o f Henenit at S h e i k h Said. O n

the northern side o f the east wall is an offering list and the representation o f the o w n e r b e f o r e
an offering table. H e r hands are not extended to the loaves on the table, but are k e p t close
to her chest.??8 The clearance o f the deeper shaft o f her husband has n o t been c o m p l e t e d and
therefore we do not k n o w i f his burial chamber was e q u a l l y decorated, although this seems
l i k e l y . ? | have discussed this t o m b elsewhere and suggested the period early to m i d d l e o f
Pepy II?s reign f o r its date. The representation o f a l i v i n g i n d i v i d u a l in the b u r i a l c h a m b e r
20 Brovarski, Senedjemib \, 24-25.

221
Davies, P t a h h e t e p 2, pl. 2 0 .
222
Strudwick, Administration, 55-56 [2].
223
Junker, Gizg 9, 69-83.
4 Ibid, fig. 32.
225 Strudwick, Administration, 133-34 [121].
226
Fischer, M I O 7 (1950), 310-12; Harpur, Decoration, 14.
227
K a n a w a t i , M e r e r u k a a n d K i n g Teti, 4 7 - 4 8 .
228
Davies, S h e i k h S a i d , 3 0 - 3 1 , pl. 2 6 .
229
Compare with the burial chambers o f Pepyankh-heryib and his wife Hewetiaah at Meir.
47
DrVeLormMene o r DEcoRATiON
has been noted and attributed to the possible unfamiliarity of the proving;
traditions ofdecoration o f the burial chambers.?*° Based on the present sth artis wit
highly unlikely.Unfortunately the tomb offers very limited evidence for day this q sea?
the order Meru (Tomb 18), Wiu/Iiu (Tomb 19), Meru/Bebi(Tomb 20) may n M8, butPerky.
This would mean that the name Meru alternated bygenerations in the family.b e prem,
other provinces.?" I f Wiu was the first holder of the title ?great overlord of t h e , 'S Attesteg i
he could be dated to the beginning o f Teti?s reign, when this office was inttoa Provingy
preceded him, perhaps as his father, he could have served under Wenis, Uced, If Men
Other burial chambers w i t h animate figures include that o f Rewer IT, whi
to Queen Khentkaues, whose tomb lies in the vicinity, The , which Selim
Hassan compares . . ff i d d drink d . : Painted §
in Rewer?s chamber include items of food and drink and an offering list, buta lso Cees
a c i n g bearers and figures 0 f butchers at work.?? Reisner dates the tomb to late é Yhags of
or Dynasty 5,23 Baer, presumably following Junker, dates it to Dynasty 6,254 while Stra
dates it to late Dynasty 5 ? early Dynasty 6 , ? and Harpur to the reign of Wenis oF l k
There is little evidence for dating the tomb, but considering its location, size,external o e
large serdab and the use o f a sloping passage, a Fifth Dynasty date is preferable, Perha ve
end o f the dynasty is the most likely. The design o f Rewer?s burial apartment jgs i m i l e
that o f Seshemnefer IV, where an offering list was also inscribed.? The mastaba ig dated by
Harpur to the reign o f Wenis or Teti.?*
The burial chamber o f Kairer remains the only known example with animate figures
from Saqqgara durin g the Old Kingdom. In addition to clothing chests, oil jars,
heaps of
bearers. Furthermore, like the

offerings and ano f f e r i n g list, it contains figures o f offering
chamber o f Rewer Ill, it depicts butchery scenes, but interestingly, these were painted over
by heaps o f offerings.2? While Malek dates the tomb to the reign of Wenis or Dynasty 6 2
Harpur prefers a date in the reign o f Pepy I , ? and Dawood, who is preparingaf u l l publication
of the tomb, suggests the reign o f Pepy I-Merenre.? The reasons for placing Kairer under
Pepy I or even Merenre are not specified, and indeed thegiven details of decoration in the
chapel may favour an earlier date. For instance the composite fishing and fowling scene,
although rarely attested in the capital during Teti?s reign, is more familiar during late Dynasty
528 Until the full publication o f this tomb is consulted, the date of Kairer should remain
tentative. To the north of Wenis? causeway is the mastaba o f the vizier Niankhba,? dated
o e
20 ~Kanawati and McFarlane, Akhmim, 123-23, 279, 300.
2! See for example the names Kaihep and Shepsipumin at A k h m i m (Ibid, passim).
22 Hassan, Giza 5, 297.
23 Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, 152.
234 Baer, R a n k a n d Title, 98 ( 2 9 9 ) ; Junker, G i z a 8, 7.
35 S t r u d w i c k , A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 114-15 ( 9 2 ) .
236 Harpur, D e c o r a t i o n , 2 6 8 (154).
27 Junker, Giza 11, fig. 53.
238 Harpur, Decoration, 270 (235).
29 Dawood, in: Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 113.
*40 Malek, in: Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography Ul:2 , 631.
241 Harpur, D e c o r a t i o n , 197-98, 2 7 6 ( 5 2 0 ) .
er
.. Dawood, in: Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 116. that this feature appears at lat
See examples collected by Harpur, Decoration, 355ff., feature 3. Note
periods in the provinces.
4 Hassan, S a q g a r a 3, 45-48, pls. 2 6 - 3 0 .
48
to the m i d d l e o f Wenis? r e i g n . * The burial c h a m b e r contains scenes o f o f f e r i n g s and stored

items, but n o animate figures.
Khentika?s decoration o f his burial chamber at Balat is unusual. Nadine Cherpion

compares it to that o f Kaiemankh, but rightly draws the attention to the fact that unlike
Kaiemankh, who is depicted in small size in his burial chamber, Khentika appears at least
four times in his chamber in a large f o r m a t . There is however some similarity between the
themes represented in the two chambers. Like Kaiemankh, Khentika depicts offering bearers,
agricultural activities and transportation by boats. Cherpion and Castel suggest that the
unusual decoration was planned for the chapel, but was transferred to the walls o f the burial
chamber, being the only part completed before the tomb owner?s death. The human remains
of Khentika demonstrate that he died young at the age o f 25-30 years, and his chapel which
started in stone was completed in brick and was never decorated. Cherpion also examined
the evidence for dating this governor o f the oasis and proposed, based on indirect evidence,
that he probably belongs to the beginning o f Pepy II?s reign.?*? The unusually late date for the
appearance o f such decoration in burial chambers has already been noticed by Cherpion, but
may be attributed to his untimely death.
The burial chamber o f the vizier Qar o f Abusir presents another interesting case. As
a priest o f both Wenis? and Teti?s pyramids, Qar could not have been earlier than the reign o f
Teti. Yet the walls o f his burial chamber are decorated with animate scenes o f men dragging
a sledge with large oil jars, and possibly o f offering bearers.?* While Qar is securely dated to
Teti?s reign, none of the other known viziers o f this king had animate figures in their burial
chambers. As Qar built his tomb at Abusir, rather than in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara, it
seems possible that at least his burial chamber was prepared before the accession o f Teti. This
may be supported by the fact that the tomb was built in two successive stages, with the first
being considerably smaller. Perhaps this stage started under Wenis, when Qar was a lesser
official. The name o f Teti appears only in the second and later chapel.? The use o f a sloping
passage to reach his burial chamber was certainly common under Wenis,?? but not under Teti,
and Qar?s own descendents used vertical shafts instead. Barta also noticed that Qar?s offering
lists ?conform to the late Fifth Dynasty traditions (Unas) and not the Sixth Dynasty, as one
would expect?.**' After considering the architectural and inscriptional evidence from Qar?s
tomb, Barta reasonably suggested ?that his career must be dated first to the reign of Unas and,
later, to King Teti, during whose reign he became appointed to the office o fvizier? 252
CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES
The exact date o f tombs is frequently uncertain and the dates suggested here m a y change
as a result o f future studies. However, we should strive to refine these dates since they affect o u r
245
S t r u d w i c k , A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 102 ( 7 0 ) .
246
Cherpion, in: G. Castel et al., Le mastaba de Khentika: Balat 5, 120-21, figs. 76-88, 165.
47 Tbid, 121.
?8 Barta, in: Barta (ed.), The O l d Kingdom A r t and Archaeology, 47ff. See now Barta et al., Qar, 114-15.
2 Barta et al., Oar, figs. 5.3.6, 5.3.8.
* See f o r example the tombs o f Nebkauhor (Hassan, Saqgara 1, 56, fig. 23), Niankhba (Ibid 3, 45), Ptahhotep
I (Ibid 2, 56) and Sendjemib/Mehi (Brovarski, Senedjemib I, fig. 130a).
251 Barta et al., Qar, 97.
252 Tbid, 3 1 4 .
49
o p i n i o n b e t w e o r t h e Sey O O o f v a r i o u s aspects o f t h e E g y p t i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n . D i f f
d a t e should s c h o l a r s on d a t i n g issues 1S e x p e c t e d at t h i s stage o f o u r k n o w l e d erence of
should b e a c c e p t e d w i t h o u t q u e s t i o n . F o r t h i s reason the d i f f e r e n t suggest 4. BE, and no
at l e a s t to d r a w t h e reader?s a t t e n t i o n to t h e p r o b l e m , €d
dates for the
same t o m b are given,
. T h e earliest |!phase o f decoration seems to have started under Djedk:

?
i
u n t i l the end o f Wenis? reign. I f K a i r e r o f Saqqara actually belonged to ther e i g n o f Pelasteg

p y [or
M e r e n r e a n d K h e n t i k a o f B a l a t b e l o n g e d t o P e p y I I , t h e y w o u l d p r e s e n t us w i t h very j
i n b u r i a l c h a m b e r s d u r i n g t h e S i x t h D y n a s t y , atlh o u g h o w !
e x a m p l e s o f animate decoration
?
such
b e r s a n d o?ea n s a r c o p h a g i i n. t h e H e r a k l e o pp oo ll ii t a n Per
figures reappear i n burial cham ssibility o f an official continuing his cater a e s ,
H o w e v e r , w e s h o u l d also consider the po
for his later years appearing only in thechapel
decorated his b u r i a l chamber, w i t h evidence
The present w r i t e r does not see the absolute necessity to l i n k the decorationo f bur
c h a m b e r s o f p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s to the i n s c r i p t i o n o f the P y r a m i d Texts f r o m Wenis x Dural

even t h o u g h their appearance close to one other i n t i m e makes such an association t e m a
W h i l e both types o f d e c o r a t i o n a i m at h e l p i n g the deceased i n the afterlife, the scen e e

p r i v a t e t o m b s are m a i n l y items o f food a n d d r i n k as w e l l as other objects physically need a
ncantations aiming at the resurrection and
b y the tomb owner, but the Pyramid Texts are i e
burial chamber o f Kaiemankh, which are
well-being o f the deceased king. The scenes in th
unique in their content, are more difficult to explain, but may well belong to one theme, the
?pulling o f papyrus?. It has recently been suggested that this ceremony for the Goddess Hathor
was performed in the Delta prior to the final stages in the preparation o f one?s tomb, where
the statues and sarcophagus were put in place. The ceremony required the travelling by boats
to and from the Delta and was accompanied b y music and dancing.?** While the ceremony
w i t h all its associated activities is usually depicted in the chapel, Kaiemankh represented it
in his burial chamber around his sarcophagus, perhaps as it was the last ceremony before the
sarcophagus was lowered into the chamber.
ts humans and animals as we see them in daily
The burial chamber o f Kaiemankh depic ts
men as offering bearers and butchers, and
l i f e activities in the chapel. Rewer I I I represen utchers by piles o f offerings.Perhaps
he covered the figures o f b
K a i r e r d i d the same b e f o r e
these appeared too threatening with the knives they usually hold. No one but Kaikherptah (of
Balat) and Henenit showed themselves at offering tables in their burial chambers. The offering
lists inscribed in the chambers o f Sendjemib/Inti and Seshemnefer IV are fragmentaryand
one cannot be certain if, like Kaikherptah, they included the figure o f the tomb owner at the
offering table. Even i f offering bearers are not represented, human determinatives in the
offering list o f this period are not eliminated, nor truncated. See, for example, the kneeling
figures in the items ?Jibation water? and ?sitting down? in the offering list of Seshemnefer
[V25 Equally, none o f the harmful reptiles, mainly snakes and vipers, are mutilated inthe
hieroglyphs o f theo f f e r i n g list and Anubis is writtenw i t h the determinative of the reclining
the sarcophagus o f Kaiemankh.
jackal/dog as for instance on
_253
_ Dawood, in: Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 116; Fischer, Tomb o f Ip, 33-35; pl. 7.
254 Lashien, in: B A C E 20 (2009), forthcoming.
255 Junker, Giza I I , fig. 53.
50
D E V E L O P M E N T OF DECORATION
Il. THE MIDDLE PHASE
It should be stated that our division o f the decoration into three phases must be
considered with some flexibility, as characteristic features common in one phase might be
found sporadically in tombs which may be dated to earlier or later periods, but perhaps not by
much. Thus, while animate figures were included in certain tombs during the earliest phase,
other tomb owners decided not to depict them and accordingly would appear as belonging to
the middle phase.
The d a t i n g o f the n u m b e r o f tombs w h i c h w e w i l l consider in this phase is reasonably

secure. Ihy was presumably the last v i z i e r o f Wenis. I f t w o viziers shared the responsibilities
for Upper and L o w e r Egypt at this time, as seems likely, then I h y held o f f i c e c o n c u r r e n t l y
w i t h Akhethotep/Hemi.**° Both viziers appear to have been punished and their tombs were
reallocated to royal children, Ihy?s t o m b to Princess Idut and Akhethotep?s t o m b to Prince
Nebkauhor.?*? O n l y I h y had a decorated burial chamber, f o r although the w a l l s o f Akhethotep?s
chamber were coated w i t h a layer o f plaster, it remained uninscribed.?* W h i l e the p u n i s h m e n t
and the reallocation o f the tombs p r o b a b l y occurred under Teti, the decoration o f Ihy?s t o m b
and burial chamber most l i k e l y t o o k place towards the end o f Wenis? reign. A l t h o u g h the
inscriptions on the sarcophagus were l i g h t l y erased and the name o f I d u t w a s added, there
is no evidence i n the r e m a i n i n g sections o f w a l l decoration o f the chamber o f alterations i n
order to suit the n e w owner.
The four walls o f the chamber, but not those o f the sarcophagus recess, were coated
with a thin layer o f gypsum plaster and decorated in painting. This technique was used in
previously decorated chambers, such as that of Kaiemankh and Kaikherptah o f Giza. However,
the rock formation in this section o f the Wenis Cemetery is so poor that it was impossible
for the plaster to adhere to it, which resulted in the loss o f a large part o f the scenes and
inscriptions. Presumably the same condition led to the construction in the burial chamber
of a pillar made o f stone blocks rather than cutting it in the native r o c k . The problem was
handled differently in the adjacent tomb o f Mehu. There are no scenes o f living humans
or animals in the chamber, but the offering list is too damaged to verify whether human
determinatives were used in certain items. On the other hand harmful reptiles are certainly
not mutilated in the inscriptions.
The mastaba o f the v i z i e r M e h u lies i m m e d i a t e l y to the east o f Ihy?s, but at a l o w e r

level due to the topography o f the cemetery. Its exact date is d i f f i c u l t to j u d g e w i t h c e r t a i n t y ?
Because o f his priesthood in the p y r a m i d o f M e r y r e / P e p y I, he must have lived until his reign.
This priesthood is h o w e v e r recorded o n l y on the portico p i l l a r s o f the internal open court.
Inside the chapel M e h u h e l d a priesthood i n Teti?s P y r a m i d and the last king?s name i n his
funerary estates is that o f Teti, w i t h t w o estates named after ?the king?s mother, Seshseshet?,
Presumably the mother o f Teti. A r o o m i n the chapel was used for the cult o f another v i z i e r
a e
256 Strudwick, Administration, 56-57 (3), 63 (150); Baud, Famille royale, 565 (202); Kanawati et al., Unis
Cemetery 2, 12-13, 36-37.
257
K a n a w a t i , Conspiracies, 25-27, 3 3 - 3 5 , 148ff.
258
Hassan, Saqgara 1, 57-58. A s is the case o f other tombs in the Wenis cemetery, the poor quality o f rock did
not allow the plaster to adhere to the w a l l surface and accordingly it peeled off.
259
M a c r a m a l l a h , / d o u t , pls. 2 1 - 2 6 ; K a n a w a t i et al., U n i s C e m e t e r y 2, 4 0 - 4 1 , p l s . 3 - 4 , 2 8 , 7 2 - 7 4 .
See discussion in Altenmiiller, Mehu, 82ff.
31
D E V E L O P M E N T OF D E C O R A T I O N
named Meryreankh, whose relationship to M e h u is uncertain, but w h o could have been a son
or brother w h o adopted the name Meryreankh on the accession o f Pepy I. That the two men
a
were related could not only be deduced f r o m sharing the same mastaba, but also from the
fact that Meryreankh had the d o o r w a y to his room in the chapel unusually low, presumably
in order to avoid damaging the figures o f M e h u and his w i f e o n the wall above it.
Mehu was married to two women, Neferkaues?*' and Nebet.?? The former appears
twice with him, once designated as ?king?s daughter o f his body?. Nebet is shown only in the
fowling scene without such a designation. However, this should not necessarily indicate that
she had no royal ancestry, since Neferkaues? royal parentage is not indicated in the opposite
spear fishing scene. The name Nebet coincides with that o f Wenis? wife; could both wives o f
Mehu be daughters o f this king? The location o f Mehu?s mastaba in the Wenis Cemetery and
close to the tombs o f this king?s queens suggests that he started building his mastaba under
Wenis, decorated it under Teti and lived in the reign o f Pepy I, since he held priesthood in
his pyramid.? As Mehu?s mastaba was built against that o f Ihy, it must have been somewhat
later and thus could not have started until late in Wenis? reign at the earliest.
Evidence f r o m Mehu?s b u r i a l chamber suggests that the builders learnt f r o m the

problems encountered in the decoration o f Ihy?s chamber. Rather than coating the v e r y f l a k y
surface o f the w a l l s w i t h g y p s u m plaster, w h i c h perhaps p r o v e d in Ihy?s case to be unstable
even before the chamber was actually used and sealed, they decided to line the w a l l s w i t h
m u d brick, upon w h i c h the plaster and decoration were added. The p a i n t e d scenes c o n t a i n
v e r y fine details, but the s u r v i v i n g sections show no l i v i n g humans or animals. T h e o f f e r i n g
list is too damaged to check i f human determinatives were drawn i n certain items, h o w e v e r
the h i e r o g l y p h i c sign o f the snake > ) was not mutilated.2*
The Teti Cemetery provides some o f the securely dated and well preserved examples
o f decorated burial chambers and they all belong to this decoration phase. With one exception,
all the tombs possessing decorated burial chambers in this cemetery belong to viziers. They
are Mereruka,?* Kagemni,?* Ankhmahor,?*? Khentika?®* and Inumin.2® The exception is
Remni, who appears to have been married to two royal women, presumably the daughters of
Wenis and Teti.?? The chronology o f the first three viziers has been discussed by Strudwick,
who places them within the reign o f Teti, with Khentika?s office extended into that o f Pepy
1.7?! Inumin was overseer o f Upper Egypt and became vizier at the end o f his career; the title
is inscribed only on the inner east wall o f his sarcophagus. He held a priesthood i n the pyramid
o f Pepy I, but in an inscription in his chapel, this monarch?s name was changed from Nefersahor
to Meryre,?? suggesting that the decoration o f the tomb took place early in Pepy I?s reign
6 Tbid, pls. 13, 53. In one instance the name was first written as Khentkaues, then corrected.
22 Thid, pl. 11.
26 Agreeing w i t h Altemiiller. Ibid, 83.
264 See ibid, pl. 98:5.
65 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 2, pls. 2-4; Duell, Mereruka, pls. 200-211; personal examination.
* Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 5.
267 Ibid, pl. 6; Kanawati et al., Teti Cemetery 2, pls. 25-29, 63-70.
26 James, Khentika, pls. 34-40.
26° Kanawati et al., Jeti Cemetery 8, pls. 30-34, 53-56.
270 Ibid 9, 13-18.
n?' Strudwick, Administration, 100-101 (68), 154-55 (151), 75 (30), 125-26 (109), respectively.
72 Kanawati et al., Teti Cemetery 8, pl. 7a.
52
when he adopted the new name. I n u m i n m i g h t have been a c o n t e m p o r a r y o f Khentika, being

responsible for U p p e r E g y p t , w h i l e Khentika, w h o was not an overseer o f Upper Egypt, was
in charge o f the Delta. Remni constructed his mastaba in the north-west corner o f the Teti
Cemetery, an area used b y officials w h o served at the end o f Teti?s reign, to w h i c h period
Remni seems to belong, w i t h the next and final r o w o f tombs to the north used b y officials o f
Pepy 1 . 2 Remni?s b u r i a l chamber does not represent any figures o f humans, even the depicted
sailing boats have n o sailors on board. However, each o f the four boats w i t h sails d o w n has a
live c a l f aboard. Perhaps the t o m b owner d i d not see a possible threat in his inclusion o f such
an animal. As in other tombs o f this phase, the v i p e r in h i e r o g l y p h s » ? was w r i t t e n i n full.
This phase appears to extend f r o m the end o f Wenis? reign to the end o f that o f Pepy
I. O f f e r i n g lists are r e g u l a r l y inscribed, and scenes focus o n the representation o f piles o f
food and drink. H u m a n figures are absent f r o m the scenes,?? and in the unique case where an
offering table and a chair were illustrated i n Ankhmahor?s chamber, the chair was empty,
although its future occupant was not in doubt, since the name and titles o f A n k h m a h o r were
w r i t t e n above it. U n l i k e the previous phase, human figures used as determinatives i n names,
titles, o r o f f e r i n g lists, were g r a d u a l l y eliminated o r truncated. Thus the w o r d ?old age? i n the
offering f o r m u l a ?...that he m a y be buried at a v e r y good o l d age?, as o n Mehu?s sarcophagus
and i n Kagemni?s b u r i a l chamber,??> was w r i t t e n w i t h the ideogram| 1,

w h i c h was avoided in
other tombs and m o s t l y replaced by ?that he/she be buried i n the necropolis?.??° W h i l e
K a g e m n i also w r i t e s ?Osiris? o n his a R jars in the epithet ?the honoured one b e f o r e

Osiris?, w i t h the seated god determinative he avoided the name o f Osiris i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s
MU,
on the w a l l s o f his chamber, referring to h i m instead by his epithet ?he w h o is f o r e m o s t o f

Busiris?.???
Both Neferseshemre and K a g e m n i , early under Teti, w r i t e their t i t l e o f ?overseer o f
all works o f the king? with the determinative o f a man steadying a basket on his head 24).
Kagemni also writes the title o f ?overseer o f the two workshops? with the determinative o f a
man receiving purification {4.7 Ankhmahor wrote the title ?overseer o f all the works o f the
king? using the basket without the man as a determinative.?? Mereruka avoided writing this
title in his burial chamber, yet wrote that o f ?overseer o f the two sides o f the boat o f physicians
o f the palace? with the determinative o f three seated men £ 4 .?8° While human determinatives
in offering lists were fully drawn during the first phase,?*' they were either eliminated or
truncated in the second phase. Thus the men in the items for ?libation water?, ?sitting down?
and ?shenes-bread for serving? for example were reduced to just an arm holding the jar, the
273
See ibid 9, passim.
274
The cases o f Kairer o f Saqqara and Khentika o f Balat need to be examined.
75 Altenmiiller, Mehu, pl. 79; Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 1, 120.
6 Kanawati et al., Jeti Cemetery 1, pl. 43; Kanawati, G M 201 (2004), 53, fig. 3.
77 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 1, 118.
28 Ibid 2, pls. 58:5, 60:2, respectively.
2 hid, pl. 58:1-2.
2 Ibid, pl. 60:3.
381 See Brovarski, Senedjemib 1, fig.71; Junker, Giza 11, fig. 53; Kanawati, Giza 1, pl. 34.
53
l o w e r h a l f o f t h e f i g u r e o r a man?s h e a d a n d arms.?*? I d u II o f G i z a r e d
uced
d e t e r m i n a t i v e i n h i s o w n n a m e t o the h e a d a n d arms.?** €VEN the Chilg
H a r m f u l animals q u i c k l y disappeared o r were mutilated. Thus Anubis wag .
phonetically w r i t t e n w i t h o u t the determinative. It is interesting that after insoninn te
related to the cult o f A n u b i s using the usual recumbent figure o f the jackal Ido Tibing tithes
w a l l o f Mereruka?s burial chamber and on his sarcophagus, it was chiselled out x nine
replaced by the phonetic w r i t i n g o f the god?s name. In the offering formulae the MSteag
A n u b i s was f r e q u e n t l y eliminated and replaced b y one o r more o f his wel]k n o w n name
?he w h o is i n the e m b a l m i n g place?, ?he w h o is o n his hill?, ?lord o f the sacred land? C h a t s ,
o f the d i v i n e booth?, ?lord o f the burial?.?** A n k h m a h o r also described h i m s e l af s ?the poremos
one before h i m w h o is on his h i l l , lord o f the sacred land?.**° Sobekhotep o f Saqgara i n
use the crocodile sign f o r his o w n name and instead w r o t e it phonetically.2# Howeve, Rot
standing j a c k a l for ?judge? continued to be used in the title ?he o f the curtain, j u d . the
vizier?. Perhaps t o m b owners were so proud o f this most elevated title that they were ore and
to take a risk. Yet M e r e r i , p r o b a b l ya v i z i e r o f Pepy I, w h o has a p o o r l y preserved offer; i a t
inscribed i n his burial chamber, used the standing j a c k a l sign in the chapel andc u t i eusly
replaced it with _in the burial chamber.?*?
W h i l e human figures and dangerous animals, like the j a c k a l / d o g o f Anubis and the
c r o c o d i l e o f Sobek, were e l i m i n a t e d , truncated o r w r i t t e n phonetically, dangerous reptiles
were not m u t i l a t e d d u r i n g this phase. T h u s the snake and the viper were written in full.
A m o s t unusual representation o f f o u r calves aboard f o u r ships is found i n Remni?s bur; al
chamber. C o n s i d e r i n g that human figures were t o t a l l y absent, i n c l u d i n g the sailors who were
supposed to navigate these ships, i t seems that the t o m b o w n e r o r his artist did not think
that such a c a l f w o u l d present a n y threat. It must also be m e n t i o n e d that this general trend is
o c c a s i o n a l l y overlooked. We have seen Mereruka?s scribe/artist f o r example initially write
A n u b i s w i t h the r e c u m b e n t j a c k a l / d o g , and then correcting it. Scribal slips m a y also be found
elsewhere.7°8
I . T u e LATE PHASE
The tomb o f Pepyankh-heryib at M e i r is o f special importance as it contains two

well decorated and preserved burial chambers, one for the tomb owner and the second
for his wife, Hewetiaah. In a detailed examination o f the dating o f provincial officials |
suggested the period Merenre to early Pepy I! for Pepyankh-heryib.? Our current fieldwork
282 See for instance the offering lists o f Mereruka and Inumin.
283 Junker, Giza 8, figs. 41-46.
284 Altenmiiller, Mehu, pl. 79; Firth and Gunn, Jeti Pyr. Cem. 1, 117ff.; Kanawati et al., Jeti CemeteryI , pl.
43. In the last example, Osiris is also not mentioned by name and instead is referred to by his epithet lord
o f Busiris?.
285 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 58:2. See also Kagemni (Ibid, pl.60: 1-2).
28 ~Kanawati, i n G M 201 ( 2 0 0 4 ) , 5 3 , f i g . 3.
287 Hassan, Saqgara 3, 36-37; Kanawati, in: Studies A l i R a d w a n 2, 62-63. ;
i n of
288 For example, the human determinative f o r the item ?libation water? is written in full on the co
Semdenti in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara (Lloyd et al., Sagqdra Tombs 2, pl. 18.).
289 ~Kanawati and McFarlane, Akhmim, 300, passim.
54
D E V E L O P M E N T OF D E C O R A T I O N
and study o f the cemetery o f M e i r seems to further confirm that Pepyankh-heryib?s tenure
o f his provincial office was from the early to middle o f Pepy II?s reign. It also throws new
light on the importance o f this noble and suggests that he had some royal heritage.2? It is
therefore surprising to find out that his w i f e not only appears prominently in the chapel,
but also possesses a more beautifully decorated burial chamber than his own. We have no
information on Hewetiaah?s background, but she may well also have had very noble origin.
Evidence also suggests that while the hewing o f Pepyankh-heryib?s shaft and burial
chamber might have started first, the decoration o f his wife?s chamber was completed before
his. After excavating the burial chamber, including a burial pit for placing his wooden coffin,
the pit was abandoned as a major fissure in the mountain passes through it and a second p i t
was cut further west. In the wife?s chamber excavators appear to have avoided the problem
by positioning the p i t to the extreme west in the first instance. As in the previous phase,
human figures were eliminated or truncated in the offering list, thus the determinatives in the
items ?libation water?, ?sitting d o w n ? ! and ?shenes-bread for serving? were all truncated.
Also, like the previous phase, hieroglyphic signs representing dangerous reptiles were written
in full. Yet after the completion o f the offering list, it was decided to mutilate such figures
wherever they exist. Thus the viper had its head cut off, using a chisel, six times in the
offering list on the east wall and once in the offering formulae on the west wall, w h i l e the
snake had its head cut o f f seven times in the offering list. Curiously, the viper was
overlooked once on the south wall. N o offering list was inscribed in Pepyankh-heryib?s
chamber, but the viper in the offering formula on the west wall is written w i t h a completely
missing head.
The tomb o f Pepyankh-heryib, w i t h its two burial chambers, should represent the
transition from the middle to the late stage, which appears to have taken place early in the
reign o f Pepy II. With no other decorated burial chambers from this reign in the provinces,
all the evidence f o r this phase comes from the cemetery o f Pepy II at Saqqara. Examples o f
this phase are the tombs o f Penu, Shy and Seni. Many others are found in Jéquier?s reports
on this cemetery.??
This phase covers the reign o f Pepy II. During his reign, human and animal figures
were completely avoided in the scenes o f the burial chambers. Determinatives o f human
figures were either eliminated or truncated. U n l i k e earlier phases, dangerous reptiles, namely
the snake and the viper, were mutilated. In a few instances from the tombs i n the cemetery o f
Pepy II, the heads o f these reptiles are drawn in full.?*? We are not sure i f this represents the
negligence o f ancient scribes, or mistakes by the modern epigrapher, or even relaxation o f
the rules at the time. The original scenes and inscription could not be checked. However, we
should remember that animate figures reappeared in the Herakleopolitan Period.??
290
See Kanawati, ?Chronology o f the Old Kingdom nobles o f El-Qusiya revisited?, in: Festschrift E. Brovarski,
SCA, forthcoming.
291
This is identical w i t h the same determinative i n Mereruka?s burial chamber. The influence o f Mereruka?s
t o m b is noticeable in this section o f the M e i r cemetery.
292
M o s t l y in Jéquier, Tombeaux de p a r t i c u l i e r s , passim.
3 Ibid, 73, 81, 103, pl. 7.
4 Dawood, in: Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 116ff.
CuaPTER I V
SELECTED EXAMPLES OF DECORATED B u R I A L CHAMBERS
[. EARLIEST PHASE OF DECORATION
The main characteristic feature o f the earliest attested decorated burial chambers is the use o f
animate figures o f the t o m b o w n e r h i m s e l f a n d / o r those o f o f f e r i n g bearers, boatmen, farmers,
men in workshops and even musicians and dancers. A n i m a l s were also included, whether as
beasts for sacrifice o r being e m p l o y e d i n f i e l d w o r k . The n u m b e r o f tombs containing such
decoration is l i m i t e d , w i t h o n l y eight c u r r e n t l y k n o w n f r o m the O l d K i n g d o m and f o u n d at
Giza, Abusir, Saqqara, Sheikh Said and Balat.?*> Some o f these burial chambers are either
inaccessible o r contain scenes and/or inscriptions i n a v e r y p o o r state o f preservation. The best
and most complete representative example o f this phase is the burial chamber o f K a i e m a n k h
at Giza,?* w h i c h possesses f o u r decorated walls, but the burial chambers o f K a i k h e r p t a h , also
at Giza,??? and Henenit at Sheikh S a i d " have one decorated w a l l each.
1. B u r i a l CHAMBER OF KAIEMANKH (Giza, end o f Dynasty 5)
Photographs I-15.
Toms Owner: Privy to the secret o f the king?s treasure, inspector o f custodians o f property o f
the treasury, inspector of priests.
CuamBerR: Despite the fact that Kaiemankh?s wife appears in the decoration o f the chapel
almost in equal size to her husband and ownsa separate false d o o r , the mastaba possesses
a single shaft leading to the burial chamber of the tomb owner himself. The shaft opens into
the chapel?s floor, with a mouth 1.30m. square and descends vertically to a depth o f 5.10m.
A doorway cut into the west wall o f the shaft gives access to the burial chamber which lies
beneath the offering alcove o f the chapel where the false door o f Kaiemankh is positioned.
The burial chamber is irregular in shape, measuring 3.35m. on the east wall, 2.60m. on the
south wall, 3.90m. on the west wall and 3.50m. on the north wall. The height is uneven, but is
1.55m. near the entrance. Traces o f white gypsum on parts o f the floor suggest that this was
plastered. A limestone sarcophagus occupies the centre o f the room, with the chest measuring
2.10m. long x .90m. wide x .75m. high. The curved lid, which has the same length and width,
is .25m. high at the centre.
A l l f o u r w a l l s o f the burial chamber were coated w i t h plaster and decorated i n paint.

The east (entrance) w a l l depicts men, and one w o m a n , b r i n g i n g offerings, i n c l u d i n g live
animals, jars, rolled cloth, a ewer i n a basin and loaves o f bread. N e x t to them is an o f f e r i n g
e S
5 Information on seven o f these tombs has been collected and studied by Dawood, in: Néferkaré aux
Montouhotep, 107ff. To these may be added the publication by Barta et al., Qar. o f the tomb o f Qar at
Abusir.
Junker, Giza 4, passim.
27 I b i d 8,p l . 2 .
78 Davies, Sheikh Said, pl. 26.
Junker, Giza 4, figs. 9, 11; Kanawati, Giza 1, pl.32.
57
SELECTED EXAMPLES
l i s t ? and men performing the offering ceremony. The first o f them is said to be ?givin
i n v o c a t i o n offerings f o r Kaiemankh?, the second ?giving cool water f o r Kaiemankh?a n ?
the third ?censing for Kaiemankh?. The right section o f the w a l l is p o o r l y preserved, but
represents men performing the ?glorification? ceremony, where a lector priest reads from a
papyrus scroll and another man extends his hand in a f a m i l i a r ?offering gesture? position,
The south w a l l curiously depicts musici ans and 'dancers, the only representation
,
is composed o f players of
known to me o f such themes in a burial chamber. The music band
ba
wind instruments, harps and probably singers. Above the musicians are dancers and thythmic
clappers. Three dancers are performing a commonly depicted dance genre, where they
raise their hands above their heads, resembling cow horns. As a result, the dance has been
as recently been designated as
but has
301
described as the ?Cow-dance? o r the ?Hathoric-dance?,
the ?Diamond-dance? because o f the diamond-shaped arm position o f the d a n c e r s . 3A m o n
the group is a rare figure o f a young nude female dancer. The frontal view o f the girl?s body
prominently shows her pubic triangle and breasts,w h i c h probably aimed at emphasizing
female fertility.°° Similar figures are rarely attested in O l d K i n g d o m tombs, and they
usually appear in a funerary context as we clearly see in the tomb o f Tjeti/Kaihep at Ey}.
Hawawish, where the dance presumably takes place in front o f the tomb at the arrival of the
coffin on a sledge dragged by oxen.?
In addition to seven jars, probably containing the seven traditional sacred oils, the
upper part o f the wall shows a number o f wooden furniture and other objects, chests, a chair,
headrests, a sofa, a fly whisk and a man making a bed. To the right o f these are two men
making bread, while the left portion o f the wall is devoted to an offering scene. A Ka-servant
raises an empty hand and is said to be making the ?gesture o f offering?. The rest o f the wall
is occupied by food and drink, mainly loaves o f bread, fruit and vegetables, cuts o f meat,
a
goose and many jars o f different shapes. The bottom register depicts three groups o f butchers
engaged in cutting the forelegs o f bound animals.
The left side o f the west wall is reserved for two themes in t w o registers. The lower
register shows agricultural activities: a man pulling up flax w h i l e two men are using sickles
to harvest grain, farmhands are ploughing the field while one is measuring the grain under the
supervision o f two overseers. The top register depicts animal husbandry:a bull sniffing a cow
from behind, a farmhand milking a cow in the presence o f her c a l f and a c o w giving birth to
a calf, assisted by a farmhand under the supervision o f a master herdsman.
The right section o f the wall, which lies immediately opposite the entrance to the
room, is largely occupied by granaries and storerooms, but curiously by a miniature scene
o f the tomb owner ?pulling the papyrus? as well. This ceremony, w h i c h was dedicated to the
goddess Hathor, was practiced in the Delta and here, as in similar representations, we see the
300
For the reading of the items included in this list see under the tomb o f Mereruka, where the completely
preserved offering list recorded in his burial chamber is translated.
301 Anderson, in: Civilizations 4, 2563; L e x o v a Dances, 23; Watterson, Gods, 113.
302 Kinney, Dance, 9.
303 Ibid, 88-90.
34 For some examples see ibid, 88-89.
305 Kanawati, E / - H a w a w i s h 3, fig. 12.
58
SELECTED EXAMPLES
b owner in a papyrus boat in them a r s h l a n d s p u l l i n g papyrus s t e m s . Birds and butterflies

tom - a b o v e the papyrus plants. The p o s i t i o n i n g o f the ?pulling o f papyrus? c e r e m o n y next to
hove ricultural activities and a n i m a l husbandry is c o m m o n in m a n y t o m b s , ? and it is l i k e l y
the chactivities also t o o k place in the Delta. I t is b e l i e v e d that the herds spenta part o f the
i erazing in the Delta, where m a n y calves were born, as we see on this w a l l .
In addition to scenes o f the preparation o f bread and beer and the storage o f the
jatter in large vessels, the northw a l l shows various species o f geese and pigeons as well as
men preparing the birds for cooking/consumption, then roasting or boiling them. The wall is
however dominated by a scene o f travelling ships. Three wooden sailing ships, one o f which
has a papytiform shape, have the sails up, presumably indicating their southerly direction
using the north wind. The tomb owner appears in each o f the three boats. Travelling in the
opposite direction are two boats with sails down, probably going north with the current.
Each boat carries, in addition to the boatmen,ac a l f . I f these boats represent the forward trip
to the location where the ?pulling o f papyrus? took place, then the calves may have been for
consumption during the voyage. Accompanying the boats on land are two men leading two
oxen o f the same hornless and black-spotted type shown in the boats which too may have
served the same purpose. As would be expected, no calves or oxen appear in the return trip.
While ships with sails up or down are usually associated with travelling to the
South/Upper Egypt or returning to Memphis, it appears now more plausible that these were
travelling south and north within the Delta itself. The sailing ships are therefore likely to be
returning from the Delta after performing the ?pulling o f papyrus? ceremony and perhaps also
the inspection o f land, animals and workshops belonging to the tomb owner?s estates.**
2. BurIAL CHAMBER OF KAIKHERPTAH (Giza, end o f Dynasty 5)
Photograph 16.
Toms Owner: Overseer o f the Memphite nome and Letopolis, overseer o f the new settlements
o f Djedkare?s pyramid, overseer o f scribes o f the judiciary.? He describes himself as ?I am
an excellent scribe, possessor o f love?, probably to reinforce his qualities.*'
Cuamper: Kaikherptah?s main burial chamber is reached through a sloping passage 8.50m.
long. The chamber is irregular, but measures approximately 7.00m. long x 3.00m. wide x
2.20m. high. It has a sarcophagus recess in its west wall, 3.20m.long x 1.30m. wide x 2.00m.
high. The only decorated surface is on the east wall, thus facing the sarcophagus.*"!
While the burial chamber o f Kaiemankh contains scenes o f the tomb owner ?pulling
the papyrus? or returning by boats after performing this ceremony, he does not appear there
at an offering table. This was presumably an activity reserved for the chapel and indeed an
306
For this ceremony see Vandier, Manuel 4, 738ff.; Harpur, G M 38 (1980), 53ff.
307
os F o r some e x a m p l e s see L a s h i e n , in: B A C E 20 ( 2 0 0 9 ) , f o r t h c o m i n g .
Ibid.
°° Junker, Giza 8, 111.

310
See Baud, Famille royale 1,264-65, n. 325.
3
Junker, Giza 8, 109ff., pl. 21.
59
SELECTED EXAMPLES
o f f e r i n g table scene is depicted i n the chapel alcove i m m e d i a t e l y next to the fa]

door
suggesting that c o m i n g out o f the burial chamber through the false door, the d nen
w o u l d receive the required m e a l . " I t is therefore surprising to find that the d e c o r ed?s K
burial chambers o f both K a i k h e r p t a h at Giza and Henenit at Sheikh Said is conte ON i n the
o f f e r i n g table scene accompanied b y an o f f e r i n g list. In each case the owner o f t h N e d t o an
€ Chamber
sits before a table laden w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l bread loaves, w i t h Kaikherptah ext
One
hand t o w a r d s the table w h i l e Henenit places both arms close to her chest.3"4 . ending
3, B u r i A L CHAMBER OF H e n e n i t ( S h e i k h Said, D y n a s t y 5/6)
P h o t o g r a p h 17.
T o m s O w n e r : Sole ornamented one o f the k i n g , priestess o f Hathor.*!5
Cuamper: The large rock-cut tomb o f Meru(?) and presumably his wife Henenit contaj
original shafts. The shaft o f the husband has been cleared to the depth of 14.50m w i t h
reaching the burial chamber. That o f Henenit is 2.70m. deep, leading to a burial cha
approximately 2.80m. long x 1.40m. wide. Decoration is found only on the east wall 6T i e
Kaikherptah, Henenit?s decoration is limited to an inscribed offering list,>"? accompanied by
her representation before an offering table. However, unlike Kaikherptah?s figure, that or
Henenit does not extend her hand towards the loaves o f bread on the table, but instead keeps
both hands close to h e r chest.
II. M u p p L e PHASE oF DECORATION
Characteristic o f the middle phase o f decoration is the disappearance o f animate figures,

humans and animals, from the scenes in the burial chambers. The depiction o f live calves in
the burial chamber o f Remni is an exception. Hieroglyphic signs representing human figures
were either eliminated or truncated. Signs representing harmful creatures, like the jackal,
were mostly avoided whereas those o f potentially harmful reptiles, such as the horned viper
a n d the snake __,
r e m a i n e d unaffected.
4. B u r i a L CHAMBER OF REmnI (Saqqara, beginning o f Dynasty 6)
Photographs 18-19.
Toms Owner: The only title repeatedly inscribed in the burial chamber is that o f overseer of
the department o f palace guards. However, in his chapel Remni holds other titles related to
the personal service o f the king, such as: overseer o f the t w o cool chambers o f thepalace,
312 Junker, Giza 4, figs. 6-7; Kanawati, Giza 1, 29-30.

33 See Vischak, in J A R C E 40 (2003), 133ff.
314 For the reading o f the offering l i s t consult the complete one i n Mereruka?s burial chamber.
33 Davies, Sheikh Said, 30.
316 Tbid, 30-31, pls. 22, 25-26.
317 For the reading of the items in the list see the complete list in Mereruka?s burial chamber.
60
SELECTED EXAMPLES
overseer o f the king?s repast, overseer o f the august places and privy to the secret o f the king
in all his places.*"*
Cuamser: The burial c h a m b e r is reached t h r o u g h a vertical shaft w i t h a m o u t h 1.60m. square

and 9.60m. deep. The chamberi t s e l f is small, 3.15m. north-south x 1.87m. east-west x 1.15m.
high. The walls are rather r o u g h l y cut, w i t h t w o w a l l s being covered w i t h a thin layer o f
g y p s u m plaster and decorated in painting. A l t h o u g h the plaster has separated f r o m the r o c k
and collapsed i n m a n y places, the colours o f the r e m a i n i n g scenes are b e a u t i f u l l y preserved.
The east w a i l depicts a scene o f transportation on the river, w i t h f o u r boats s h o w n i n each o f
the top t w o registers. Positioned on the east w a l l , the represented boats are c l e a r l y directed
t o w a r d s the actual south and north, w i t h the ones facing south h a v i n g their sails up. T h e same
was achieved i n Mereruka?s chapel b y p l a c i n g the boats o n the west w a l l and d i r e c t i n g the
boats t o w a r d s the l e f t . ? !
Astonishingly, despite the fact that these boats are shown in motion, no human figures
are manoeuvring the sails (Figure 15). Similarly, no rowers or helmsmen are represented
despite the presence o f steering oars. Moreover, unlike the similar trip in Kaiemankh?s burial
chamber, where the tomb owner appears aboard every sailing b o a t , ° Remni?s figure is
eliminated, although his association with the voyage is assured by the writing o f his name
and title above every boat. This is clearly an attempt to avoid the depiction o f living humans
in burial chambers. However, the representation of live calves aboard the boats faring north
is curious and is reminiscent o f a similar scene in the burial chamber o f Kaiemankh.*?!
Figure 15. Depiction o f a boat on the east w a l l o f Remni?s burial chamber.

Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
The bottom register o f the east wall and all the surviving sections o f the south wall
depict items o f food and drink. These are arranged in a symmetrical way, alternating on
the east wall between those placed on tables made o f ebony and others on trays place upon
stands, in each case separated from the next one by three jars o f drink. The food items include
318 Kanawati et al., Teti Cemetery 9, 11-12.

319 Duell, Mereruka, pls. 139-46. The same applies to Hesi in the Teti Cemetery (Kanawati et al., Teti Cemetery
5, pl. 56).
320 Junker, Giza 4, pl. 7.
321 Tbid, pl. 6.
61
SeLtectep EXAMPLES
plucked geese, loaves o f bread, cuts o f meat, vegetables and perhaps fruit. The so
also contains slaughtered animals. uth waly
5. B u r i a t C u a m e e r oF I n y (Saqqara, end o f D y n a s t y 5)
Photographs 20-29.
Toms Owner: The tomb was originally decorated for the vizier Ihy, most probably at th
o f Wenis? reign. Ihy held high titles including those o f hereditary prince, overseer o f the and
treasuries, overseer o f the scribes o f the king?s documents and overseer o f all works o r e
king.>? The tomb was later reassigned to Princess Idut, probably a daughter o f King Tet; me
Cuameer: Apart from poorly erasing the inscriptions belonging to Ihy on the sarcophagus
alterations to the scenes and inscriptions on the walls o f the burial chamber appears to have
been done to accommodate the new female owner. c
The mouth o f the shaft is 2.80m. square and it descends toa total depth o f 13.30m
The burial chamber is very large, measuring 10.45m, N-S x 4.55m. E-W x 3.50m.high, It
has one pillar constructed o f pieces o f stone mortared together. As the rock formation in the
area is o f particularly poor quality, the crumbling surfaces o f the chamber were covered with
a layer o f thin gypsum plaster and decorated in paint only, but o f superb quality. The plaster.
however, did not adhere well to the flaky rock surface and has mostly fallen away.T h e
problem was handled differently in the adjacent tomb o f Mehu, where the walls o f the burial
chamber were lined with mud brick on which the plaster was applied.?
A l l four walls o f the chamber itself were decorated, but not those o f the recess for
the sarcophagus lid which were left blank.**° The bottom register on most walls contains
slaughtered animals, which appear in all recognisable instances to be oxen. Items o f food and
drink are depicted with two offering lists inscribed on the east and north walls. The larger
part o f the west wall, left o f the recess, is occupied by elaborate motifs o f palace facades. The
scenes do not contain living creatures, but the hieroglyphic signs are not mutilated.
6. B u r i a t CHAMBER OF Menu (Saqqara, Dynasty 6)
Photographs 30-42.
Toms Owner: Mehu held the vizierate as well as many other important titles, such as those
o f hereditary prince, overseer o f the two treasuries, overseer o f the six great courts, overseer
o f the scribes o f royal documents, overseer o f Upper Egypt, overseer o f the granaries and
overseer o f the two houses o f gold. Although he built his tomb in the Wenis Cemetery, he held
priesthoods in the pyramids o f Teti and Pepy I. He was married to a princess, perhaps related
322 Macramallah, Idout, passim; Kanawati et al., Unis Cemetery 2, 33ff., pls. 3-4, 28.
323 See Kanawati, Conspiracies, 28-31.
324 Altenmiiller, Mehu, pls. 98-99.
325 Kanawati et al, Unis Cemetery 2, 3-4, 72-73.
62
SFLECED E x a m r t e s
to Wenis. hence the construction o f his tomb in this cemetery. But he certainly survived into
the reigns o f Teti and Pepy | as shown by his priesthoods. That o f the latter king appears only
in his open court, probably the last to be decorated.* The tomb shows many alterations to
its plans, including two external casings to its walls, perhaps to cover certain undesirable
inscriptions at politically unsettled times during the carly part o f Dynasty 6.
Cuamper: Three individuals are buried in this mastaba, with the main burial belonging to
Mehu. The chamber is reached via a sloping passage, 12.00m. in length. The burial chamber
measures 7.30m. long x 1.90m. wide x 2.75m. high, with a large sarcophagus recess 3.88m.x
3.31m. All walls o f the chamber, but not o f the recess, were lined with mud brick, then
plastered and decorated in painting. This unusual technique for decorating a burial chamber
was presumably the result o f lessons learnt from the decoration o f Ihy?s chamber, where the
plaster did not adhere well to the flaky rock surface. I f so, then the decoration of the two
chambers was probably not far removed from one another in time.
The bottom register o f the east wall depicts slaughtered animals, above which are
various items o f food and drink, but also an offering list. The south wall shows different
chests, the west contains jars on stands and the north wall granaries and heaps o f fruits.22?
While no human figures survive in the inscriptions, harmful reptiles are not mutilated.
7. B u r i a t CHAMBER OF MeRERuKa (Saqqara, Dynasty 6)
Photographs 43-83.
Toms Owner: Mereruka was probably one o f the most important and powerful non-royal
figures o f the Old Kingdom. His unusual position was presumably due to his wife, the eldest
daughter o f King Teti, and their son, Meryteti, who apparently acted as heir apparent before
Teti produced his son Pepy I.*8 Mereruka held a higher number o f titles than any official
o f this period, 84 in total, which included honorific, administrative and religious titles. In
addition to the vizierate, he was hereditary prince, foster child o f the king, overseer o f the
scribes o f royal documents, overseer o f the protection o f every royal palace and priest o f both
Re and P t a h . ?
CHAMBER: The mastaba has three burial chambers, one for each o f Mereruka, his wife,
Waatetkhethor, and their son, Meryteti, but only that o f Mereruka himself is decorated. His
shaft has a mouth 3.00m. square and descends to the depth o f 14.50m. The burial chamber is
very large, 10.00m. E-W x 4.50m. N-S and over 3.00m. high. Its walls are completely cased
with excellently fitted and smoothed blocks o f limestone and decorated in painting only. The
design o f the room with an ascending ramp leading to the top o f the sarcophagus gives the
room a majestic appearance and, like royal burials and a few other important individuals, the
room is also closed by a huge portcullis.*°Only the decoration on the east wall, immediately
326 Altenmilller, Mehu, passim.

327 Ibid, pls. 98-99.
328 See Kanawati, Mereruka and K i n g Teti, passim.
39 Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyr. Cem. 1, 131-36.
330 Ibid, 23-26.
63
SELECTED EXAMPLES
facing the tomb owner lying in the sarcophagus on his left side, head north, was
finishea :
n was executed in black paint. The red guideline ed in

colour. All the remaining decoratio
d drink are clearly visible, revealing the ding and
outlines o f the drawn items of food an
hniques o f the period. That the decorations.?
stages o f drawing the figures and the artistic tec as
tion may be gathered from the fact that the hierogly p h i c S i g n s
deliberately l e f t in this condi
but were filled with black paint,. indicating tha t ho
were not merely drawn in outline,
p a r t s o f scenes w e r e d e l i b e r a t e l y l e f t u n f i n i s h e a ®
w o r k w a s intended on t h e m . * ! Frequently, In
perstitious reasons since once finish e d , t h e t o m b
otherwise completed tombs, perhaps f o r su
t.332
w o u l d theoretically be ready for its occupan
The decoration of Mereruka?s large burial chamber and indeed that of his unusuay
complex chapel must have required t h e e m p l o y m eonftal a r g e number ofartists. An examinatio,
o f the scenes and inscriptions in the burial chamber clearly reveals the participation ofm o n
than one hand. For instance, a comparison o f the tree determinative used in the items ?nebes.
fruit? and ?nebes-bread? (Register III, Nos 23, 24) in the offering lists o f both the north and
south walls, shows the use of details for the branches and leaves of the tree on the north wall
On the other hand, the tree on the south wall was solidly filled with black paint. The quail
chick (for w) was either drawn with feathers extending from its back or without suchdetail
on the same wall. The different rendering of these signs and others may suggest the use of
more than one painter for the decoration o f the same wall (Figure 16).
Figure 16. The same signs drawn by different hands on the south and north
walls. Mereruka?s burial chamber, Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
31 Duell, Mereruka, pls. 200-211. e onlyunfinished

332 A good example for this may be seen in the chapel o f Nikauisesi. It is interesting that th n s(Kanawat
scene at this tomb is on the thickness o f the doorway leading to the room in which the shaft ope
et al., Teti Cemetery 6, 53, pl. 34a; Kanawati, The Tomb and Beyond, 122, pl. 65).
SELECTED EXAMPLES
rvidence supports the logical conclusion that the decoration started after the
hagus an d its lid werep l a c e d in their position, with the lid stil] opened prior to the
sarcoP Where heavy lids were used, it was customary to place these on shelves or in recesses
buria ?wes t of the sarcophagi chests. After placing the body in the chest, this was closed by
behin the lid forward. In Mereruka?s case no shelf or recess existed behind the sarcophagus
pa lid was placed on the thick wall protecting the sarcophagus from the east side in
thus of the ascending ramp. Following the burial, the lid was pushed forward to covert h e
fron That the decoration took place when the lid was still opened may be gleaned from the
chest. rt o f the south wall which was hidden by the opened lid was left blank, while
t that the pa
nN
part that it hides n o w w a s decorated.
s l L o RHR
b e lo e
J U L I E MA A D D o p S i Cah
PRE
\ ,
oy
[ p 7 8
be = => i
a <a . ro
= a E S
KX
S O M e
«Gre
= oes H e SS
e
J E E E g e ( |
XS?
\
i
Figure 17. Scenes o f granaries and piles o f food on the east w a l l o f Mereruka?s burial
chamber. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
__
The east w a l l contains scenes o f slaughtered animals, granaries, piles o f different

fruits and other items o f f o o d and d r i n k ( F i g u r e 17). The west w a l l , above the sarcophagus,
shows jars o f oils and chests o f l o n g - l a s t i n g items, like linen and incense. In f r o n t o f the
Sarcophagus, on both sides o f the ascending ramp, as w e l l as the western ends o f both north
ne e o walls, above the head a n d f o o t o f the sarcophagus, are intricate designs o f palace
agades,
65
SeLtectep EXAMPLES
The north and south walls are identically decorated cach with food items and
offering list. As the latter is completely preserved, a translation o f thelisted items wil) be
given as an example for similar ones in other tombs. The list, w h i c h 18 divided into three
registers, is o f the type common in Dynasty 6 . Each item is written in a compartment
followed by a determinative and the number requiredof t h e item. The latter will be Riven in
parentheses (Figure 18).
Recisrer I: 1. libation water (1); 2. lighted incense (1); 3. sefji-heb-oil (1); 4. hekenu-oj
(1); 5. sefetj-oil (1); 6. nekhenem-oil (1); 7. tewawet-oil (1); 8. best cedar o i (1);
9. best Libyan oil (1); 10. bag o f green eye paint (2); I I . bag o f black eye paint
(2); 12. cloth strips (2); 13. lighted incense (1); 14. libation water and two balls of
natron (2); 15. offering table (1); 16. royal offerings (2); 17. royal offerings from
the weskhet-hall (2); 18. sitting down (1); 19. shenes-bread for the meal (1); 29. jug
for the meal (1); 21. wet-bread (1); 22. reteh-bread (1); 23. jugo f djesret-beverage
(1); 24. jug o f khenmes-beverage (1); 25. shenes-breadf o r serving (1); 26. bowl for
serving (1); 27. shenes-bread for main meal (1); 28. jug for main meal (1); 29. piece
o f meat (1); 30. bowl o f water (2); 31. natron (2); 32. shenes-bread for the meal (1);
33. j u g for the meal (1).
Reaister I I : 1. (w)et-bread (1); 2. reteh-bread (1); 3. hewetja-bread (2); 4. neheru-bread (2);

5. deptu-bread (4); 6. pezenu-bread (4); 7. shenes-bread (4); 8. imy-ta-bread (4); 9,
khenfu-bread (4); 10. hebnenut-bread (4); 11. kemhu-kema-bread (4); 12. idat-hak.
bread (4); 13. p a w e t - b r e a d (4); 14. asher-bread (4); 15. o n i o n (4); 16. foreleg (1);
17. thigh (1); 18. k i d n e y (1); 19. piece o f meat (1); 20. r i b - c u t (1); 21. roasted piece
o f meat (1); 22. l i v e r (1); 23. spleen (1); 24. piece o f m e a t (1); 25. fillet?* (1); 26,
r - g o o s e (1); 27. f e r e p - g o o s e (1); 28. zet-duck (1); 29. s-goose (1); 30. pigeon (1);
31. zif-bread (1); 32. s h a a t - b r e a d (2); 33. n e p a w - b r e a d (2).
R e i s e r I I ] : 1. mezwet-bread (2); 2. djesret-beverage (2); 3. m i l k y beverage*? (2); 4. beer

(2); 5. khenmes-beer (2); 6. sekhpet-beverage (2); 7. pekha-beverage (2); 8. jug of
sesher-beverage (2); 9. figs (2); 10. wine (2); 11. ebesh-wine (2); 12. imti-wine (2);
13. senu-wine (2); 14. hamu-wine (2); 15. khenfu-bread (2); 16. hebnenut-bread (2);
17. ished-fruit (2); 18. white sekhet-fruit (2); 19. green sekhet-fruit (2); 20. special
preparation o f wheat (2); 21. special preparation o f barley (2); 22. babawet-fruit (2);
23. nebes-fruit (2); 24. nebes-bread (2); 25. carob beans (2); 26. every sweet thing
(1); 27. all the year-offerings (1); 28. all henket-offerings (1); 29. half-loaves (1); 30.
pekher-offerings (1); 31. pedju-offerings (1); 32. the choice things (1); 33. the best
o f the offering table (1).
All depicted animals and birds were shown as dead, with each animal?s foreleg and
heart placed above its body. Hieroglyphic signs representing human figures were avoided and
when used were truncated. An interesting example o f this may be seen in the determinative
for the item ?sitting down? in both offering lists (Register I, No 18), where the upper half
of the kneeling man is missing. All other hieroglyphic signs were left intact, including the
e e
333 See Barta, Opferliste, 47ff., 83ff.
334 For this item see Montet, Vie privée, 170ff.
35 Davies et al., Saqqdra Tombs | , 18, no. 66.
66
SELECTED EXAMPLES
( ?
Sfafracar fatfais'o [
ones te
aga { S e t e S e
B e 7 e s s e s TEI =
loseON 3d L\=
=i
SSFi snn e s
Iter
poz(aq=
i ,ONY | ==
ao e e
a ?4
I n a
R i d e a i c
S i d e B ES i AJ
De fol
feng ( E E S
= S i o m t |
l =
{14
S ?eSera s
f t
74 S e e e S Slelec [Fle
ISS lao P S
ir - ? S e e s 1 0 }
Isoi?_ CO
fsolseg4 [ =
[jo l S l S a n r o&r [ A =
o l y C o l s d e s i t S| S
G l=
67
SELECTED EXAMPLES
p o t e n t i a l l y h a r m f u l snake and viper. O n the other hand, the d e t e r m i n a t i v e for A n u b is (the

r e c l i n i n g j a c k a l / d o g ) w a s r e m o v e d after it w a s w r i t t e n m a n y times and w a s replaced
b y the
p h o n e t i c w r i t i n g o f the god?s name ?Inpu?. Yet the j a c k a l d e t e r m i n a t i v e f o r the w o r d
Judge?
i n Mereruka?s title ?chief j u s t i c e and vizier? remained.
8. B u r i a L CHAMBER OF INuMIN (Saqqara, D y n a s t y 6)
Photographs 84-96.
Toms Owner: The most important position held by Inumin when he first constructeg hi
mastaba was that o f overseer o f Upper Egypt. But apparently late in his life he was promoted
to the vizierate, a title which is recorded only on the inner east side o f his sarcophagus, Hew
also hereditary prince, p r i v y to the secret o f the k i n g i n a l l his places and, like Mereruka Was
overseer o f the p r o t e c t i o n o f every royal palace. He p r o b a b l y succeeded Nikauisesi asoverseer

o f U p p e r E g y p t t o w a r d s the end o f Teti?s reign a n d became v i z i e r early under Pepy| , thus
c o n t e m p o r a r y to the probable t u r m o i l d u r i n g the transitional p e r i o d Teti-Weserkare-Pepy 1.3%
CuaMBER: The mastaba contains one shaft, w i t h a second intrusive one most Probably
excavated during the Late Period. The mouth o f the main shaft was originally excavated into
the floor o f roomVo f the chapel, with a mouth measuring 2.10m. square anda total depth of
13.90m. A t 1.00m. below the floor level o f roomV o f the chapel is the ceiling o f a secondary
chamber cut w i t h the full width o f the shaft?s south wall. The chamber measures 1.50m. N-S
x 2.10m. E - W x 1.35m. high. Whether this chamber acted as a serdab or for the burial of
another family member is uncertain.>*? To create the main burial chamber at the bottom of
the shaft an area o f 4.20m. N-S x 3.10m. E - W was excavated to the west. After the limestone
sarcophagus was placed in position, the floor o f both the shaft and the burial chamber was
filled w i t h rubble. Limestone paving, .15m. thick, then provided a new floor level 1.20m.
above the original floor. This, in effect, created a burial pit for the chest o f the sarcophagus
and resulted in a finished shaft depth o f 12.70m. The walls o f the chamber were then lined
w i t h dressed limestone blocks, which were given a thin coat o f gypsum plaster and decorated.
The dimensions o f the completed and lined burial chamber are 3.67m. N-S x 2.65m. E-W
w i t h a varying height o f 1.80m. to 1.55m. In the centre o f the south wall is a niche for holding
the canopic jars. Following the completion o f the burial chamber, the north and west wallso f
the shaft were lined w i t h mud bricks extending up to the floor o f the chapel and producing a
final mouth o f 1.05m. square (Figure 6).°*
The decoration was executed in shallow incised outline w i t h painted details. The east
wall depicts an offering list on one side o f the entrance to the chamber and items o f food and
drink on the other. The south wall is devoted to slaughtered animals, cuts of meat and two
geese. The centre o f the west wall is occupied by a beautifully painted, but badly effaced
palace facade. The position o f the palace facade is immediately beneath the falsedoor 18
room III o f the chapel, thus delineating the deceased?s passage between his chapel and buria
336 ~Kanawati et al., Jeti Cemetery 8, 11-17.

o Pepy I?s reign(Kanawal
3 3 7 A similar phenomenon is found in t w o tombs at D e i r el-Gebrawi, also dating t
D e i r e l - G e b r a w i | , pls. 36, 52).
338 Kanawati et al., Teti Cemetery 8, 22ff., and passim.
68
SELECTED EXAMPLES
chamber. On both sides o f the palace facade the wall is occupied by w o o d e n chests o f d i f f e r e n t
sizes, some made o f c b o n y as indicated by the fact that they were painted black w i t h y e l l o w
wood-grain. Also represented are oil jars, granaries, heaps o f fruits and collars terminating at
either end in a uracus. The north wall is f u l l y occupied b y food and drink, consisting o f cuts
o f meat, vegetables and fruits, loaves o f bread as w e l l as jars o f various beverages.
The sarcophagus is decorated on t w o sides, east and north, o f its i n n e r w a l l s . In addition

to the t o m b owner?s titles and name on both sides, the east side depicts the wedjat-eyes. It is
o n l y i n the sarcophagus inscriptions that I n u m i n is given the title o f vizier, p r e s u m a b l y a late
p r o m o t i o n w h i c h he obtained after c o m p l e t i n g the decoration o f his tomb.
The colours are well preserved only on the east wall, where all items o f food and drink
have retained most o f the original painting, as does the offering list with all the signs painted
blue. In fact the execution o f the scenes and inscriptions on this wall is far more superior to that
on all other walls. Being opposite the deceased?s view through the wedjat-eyes, special attention
was given to the decoration o f this wall. A similar phenomenon is observed in Mereruka?s burial
chamber. Determinatives o f human figures used in the offering list are truncated, but snakes
and vipers were left intact.
Ath :
A G H tdi R aN
N eRe eG RES SEO

B WE E E
R EURENN
RRR SE ECN UR R I E SS
Figure 19. A n example o f a burial chamber o f the Late Phase in the

Pepy II Cemetery. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.
69
SELECTED EXAMPLES
II. LATE PHASE oF DECORATION
During the late phase o f decoration live human and animal figures continued to b
from scenes and were either truncated or completely avoided in inscriptions. The n © absen,
ew fe
in this period is the mutilation o f the figures o f harmful creatures, such as snakes anq ?alte
These either have the heads drawn as severed or completely missing. Vinerg NA
9. BURIAL CHAMBERS OF PEPYANKH-HERYIB AND HIS WIFE HEWwETIAAH (Meir,Dynasty 6)
Photographs 97-116.
Toms Owner: Pepyankh-heryib was the son of Sobekhotep, buried at Saqqara, and grang
o f Pepyankh the Elder, buried at Quseir el-Amama.?? He was the first to build his tomb
the cemetery at Meir, most probably in the earlier part o f Pepy II?s r e i g n ? He helq m In
important positions including those of chief justice and vizier, hereditary prince, overseer ¢
U p p e r E g y p t i n the m i d d l e provinces, overseer o f the granaries, i n addition to a number of
religious offices in the cults o f Hathor, Isis, H o r u s , Seth and Nut.*"!
Hewetiaah?s name is unattested elsewhere, thus w e are unable to trace her origin. She
held the titles o f acquaintance o f the king, n o b l e w o m a n o f the king and priestess o f Hathor
lady o f Cusae. ,
CHAMBER OF PEPYANKH: The t o m b possesses t w o shafts leading to burial chambers, one for
the t o m b o w n e r and the other f o r his w i f e . ? T h e m o u t h o f Pepyankh?s shaft opens into the
northern part o f the chapel and measures 1.45m. square. The shaft descends to the depth
o f 9.50m., at the b o t t o m o f w h i c h , o n the west side, lies an irregularly cut burial chamber.
I t measures a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4.65m. N - S x 2.20m. E - W . A recess was excavated to the west
measuring 2.65m. N-S x 1.40m. E-W. A huge fissure i n the r o c k cuts through this tomb,
affecting both the chapel and the burial chambers. A f t e r excavating a burial pit, measuring
2.40m. x 1.05m. x .50m. deep, in the m a i n r o o m w i t h a surrounding ledge at its top for
receivingal i d , the p i t was abandoned as the fissure passes t h r o u g h i t . ? A n o t h e r similar sized
p i t was then excavated into the floor o f the recess, w i t h a depth o f about .90m. A wooden
c o f f i n was placed into this pit.
Decoration is l i m i t e d to the three sides o f the recess. The scenes are moderately
executed, but b r i l l i a n t l y coloured and are in a r e m a r k a b l y good state o f preservation. The
south wall depicts some granaries and piles o f different fruits. The west wall shows intricate
palace facades, a n u m b e r o f ornaments on stands, a chest, packages o f various cloths anda
headrest. O n the north w a l l is a variety o f food and d r i n ko f f e r i n g s . ?
e T
39 Kanawati, in: G M 201 (2004), 49ff.
340 Kanawati and McFarlane, Akhmim, 300.
341 Blackman, M e i r 4, 1-3.
32 Thid, 46-52, pl. 2.
43 Contrary to Blackman?s suggestion that this p i t was meant to hold the canopic box, wooden models and the
like (ibid, 46).

44 Ibid, 46-49, pls. 18-21.
70
SELECTED EXAMPLES
CHAMBER OF HEWETIAAH: T h e m o u t h o f Hewetiaah?s shaft opens into the f l o o r o f the southern

part o f the chapel and measures 1.25m. square. A t the depth o f 8.50m., the shaft opens into
an irregularly shaped burial chamber. I t r o u g h l y measures 4.00m. N - S x 1.5m. E-W, w i t h a
recess to the west 2 . 7 5 m . N - S x 1.80m. E-W. The abovementioned fissure passes t h r o u g h
the centre o f the chamber, and there is no attempt at excavating a pit in the m i d d l e o f the
chamber. This suggests that Hewetiaah?s burial was prepared after that o f her husband, since
the m o d i f i c a t i o n o f design w i t h regard to the location o f the pit, w h i c h was introduced in his
chamber, had been applied i n hers. H o w e v e r , i t is curious that the decoration o f the wife?s
chamber is not o n l y m o r e extensive, but also better executed than that o f the husband. In
fact Hewetiaah?s b u r i a l chamber is the best decorated chamber b e l o n g i n g to a w o m a n in the
O l d K i n g d o m . I t is unfortunate that w e d o n o t have any i n f o r m a t i o n o n her b a c k g r o u n d , b u t
Hewetiaah must have belonged to a v e r y i m p o r t a n t family.
The east wall depicts three registers o f offerings, including slaughtered animals. The
rest o f the decoration consists o f an offering list, all written in black hieroglyphs. Like the
decoration in the northern chamber, that on the south wall o f Hewetiaah consists o f granaries
as well as piles o f either grain or fruits. On the west wall we see palace facades, packages o f
cloths, ornaments and closed chests, while on the north wall is an array o f food and drink,
with no accompanying text.*45
S i m i l a r i t i e s between this o f f e r i n g list and those f o u n d in Mereruka?s c h a m b e r are

noticeable. In b o t h t o m b s the h i e r o g l y p h i c signs are f i l l e d w i t h b l a c k paint and those o f
human figures are truncated. The determinative o f the kneeling figure in the item ?sitting
down? is r e m a r k a b l y s i m i l a r to that i n Mereruka?s lists, s h o w i n g o n l y the l o w e r h a l f o f the
man. A s i n Mereruka?s chamber the h a r m f u l snakes and vipers were f u l l y drawn, y e t the
heads were later c u t o f f b y systematically scratching the paint near the head w h e r e v e r the
signs existed. T h i s apparently escaped the attention o f the ?scribe(?)? i n one instance, o n the
south w a l l . I t is curious that i n the offering f o r m u l a w r i t t e n on the west w a l l the viper?s head
was c u t o f f after it was d r a w n , y e t i t was never drawn in the s i m i l a r i n s c r i p t i o n i n Pepyankh?s
chamber. C o u l d that indicate that the scribes have learnt f r o m their mistake and a v o i d e d i t i n
his chamber? I f so it was her chamber and not his w h i c h was decorated first. I t seems l i k e l y
that the architectural m o d i f i c a t i o n to his burial pit led to the start o f the decoration i n her
chamber first. These alterations to the signs m a y w e l l indicatea t r a n s i t i o n a l stage and suggest
that the burial chambers o f Pepyankh and Hewetiaah are among the earliest t o s h o w the late
phase o f decoration.
10. B u r t a L CHAMBER oF P e n u (Saqqara, D y n a s t y 6)
P h o t o g r a p h s 117-122.
Toms O w n e r : Estate manager, sealer o f the king o f L o w e r Egypt, sole c o m p a n i o n , royal

chamberlain, lector priest.
~~
4 Ibid, 50-52, pls. 18-21.
71
SeLcectep EXAMPLES
Cuamper: The mastaba lies to the west o f that o f Seni and is o f larger dimensions tha
l a t t e r . ? It has a n u m b e r o f burial chambers presumably b e l o n g i n g to members o f one fan the
The easternmost burial chamber, p r o b a b l y the most important, belongs to Penu himself Li .
m a n y o f the burial chambers in Pepy II's cemetery, that o f Penu is constructed at theb o t ?
o af pit, i n this instance a p p r o x i m a t c l y 5.00m. deep. The chamber is well builto f good bI om
o f limestone and measures a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4 . 2 0 m . N - S x 1.80m. E-W.*"? It is roofedw i t h n s
stone slabs, above w h i c h a vault was constructed o f m u d b r i c k to relieve the pressure oni e
roof. A stone sarcophagus was implanted into the floor, o c c u p y i n g almost the entire area ?
the room. In addition, a square niche w a s cut into the east w a l l f o r h o l d i n g thec a n o p i c j a r .
W h i l e the h i e r o g l y p h i c signs o n the entrance are well executed, the scenes and
i n s c r i p t i o n s o n all three w a l l s inside the r o o m are less c a r e f u l l y rendered and the colours wer
never applied. A space w a s l e f t p r e s u m a b l y f o r a palace facade, but this remained blank.The
east w a l l o f the chamber is occupied b y a c r o w d e d scene o f various items o f food and drink
i n c l u d i n g an unusual n u m b e r o f cuts o f meat, but also geese, vegetables and numerous jars,
A f t e r the e m p t y space, p r e s u m a b l y left f o r the d e p i c t i o n o f a palace facade, some libation
vessels are s h o w n f o l l o w e d b y an o f f e r i n g list. The west w a l l contains the pictures o f jewelry
and o i l vessels, f o l l o w e d b y an e m p t y space p r o b a b l y f o r a palace facade then outlines of
some chests, balls o f incense, f o l d e d cloth, mirrors, headrests and w r i t i n g palettes. The inner
w a l l , opposite the entrance, depicts granaries w i t h steps leading to the roof.
Penu?s o f f e r i n g l i s t presents a n u m b e r o f interesting points. L i k e others o f this period

the heads o f the h a r m f u l snakes and vipers are missing, but determinatives o f humans show a
c o n t r a d i c t i o n . W h i l e the d e t e r m i n a t i v e f o r the item ?sitting down? is truncated and reduced to
the man?s head and arms, the k n e e l i n g f i g u r e w a s h i n g his hands i n the item ?libation water? is
f u l l y d r a w n . T h i s is u n l i k e the same d e t e r m i n a t i v e in c o n t e m p o r a r y lists, where only the pot
and w a t e r are s h o w n b u t w i t h the man e l i m i n a t e d , o r i n some cases o n l y his arms depicted,
A n o t h e r p e c u l i a r i t y o f this l i s t is that each i t e m o f o f f e r i n g is f o l l o w e d b y the dedication
?to the Osiris, Penu?. This is one o f the earliest examples o f describing the deceased as ?the
Osiris? with the meaning ?the l a t e ? .
11. B u r t a L C u a m p e r o r S u y (Saqqara, D y n a s t y 6)
Photographs 123-126.
Toms Owner: Estate manager, sole companion, royal chamberlain, overseer of the
administration.
Cuameer: The superstructure o f this tomb is completely destroyed, yet its burial chamber
represents, according to the excavator, the most remarkable example o f this type.? Like many
other tombs in this area, usually named tombs ?en four?, the burial chamber was constructed
o e
34 Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers, 40-47.
No measurements were specified in the publication and the figures given here are obtained from
347
the plan
(ibid, fig. 45).

348 For a study of this phenomenon in the Old Kingdom, see Fischer, ZAS 90 (1963), 35-41; Lapp, Opferformel,
219 § 379.
49 Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers, 58-62, pl. 6.
72
SELECTED EXAMPLES
o f blocks o f limestone at the b o t t o m o f a pit. A b o v e the roof, w h i c h is f o r m e d o f slabs o f

limestone, a vault o f m u d b r i c k was constructed to protect the c e i l i n g f r o m the pressure o f
the f i l l i n g materials o f the shaft ( F i g u r e 19). The chamber is small, measuring a p p r o x i m a t e l y
2.80m. N-S x 1.25m. E-W.?*" No sarcophagus was implanted into the f l o o r o f the chamber,
as f o r instance in the case o f Penu, and the tomb owner?s skeletal remains were found on the
floor o f the chamber.
The interior is remarkable in its composition with the firm and precise lines o f its
drawings and its extraordinary freshness o f colours, although the depicted themes did not
depart from the traditional ones. Like many Old Kingdom tombs the ceiling was painted
with red and black spots to imitate granite. The entrance was inscribed with the offering
formula and the name and titles o f the deceased. The palace facades on both east and west
walls are beautifully and meticulously drawn. The offerings on the east wall show good taste,
particularly in the opposition between the groups o f red and black vases and the arrangement
o f the tables and trays. The details o f the texture o f the oil jars on the west wall as well as
those o f ornaments and wooden objects are noticeable. The inner wall, like that o f Penu, was
reserved for the depiction of granaries, but here heaps o f grain and fruits are also represented.
Human figures are generally avoided and the heads o f snakes and vipers are missing.
12. B u r t a c C u a m s e r oF Seni (Saqqgara, D y n a s t y 6)
Photographs 127-130.
TomB OwneER: T h e t o m b was o r i g i n a l l y b u i l t f o r a man w h o s e name is lost and w h o h e l d the

r e l a t i v e l y m o d e s t p o s i t i o n s o f estate manager, sole c o m p a n i o n and lector priest. The t o m b
was usurped o r reallocated to a more i m p o r t a n t man w i t h the ranks o f hereditary prince, c o u n t
and sole c o m p a n i o n . In the o n l y inscription added by Seni beneath the o f f e r i n g list, w e also
learn that he was the overseer o f the army. The excavator suggests that the usurpation m u s t
have taken place s h o r t l y after the preparation o f the tomb, since this type o f t o m b e x c l u s i v e l y
belongs to the end o f the Sixth Dynasty. He even wonders i f Seni u t i l i z e d a t o m b w h i c h f o r
one reason o r a n o t h e r remained unused.**!
CHAMBER: Seni?s mastaba lies to the east o f that o f Penu, but is smaller than the latter. Built
o f mud brick, the mastaba has two burial apartments, one for Seni and the other for a woman
called Nesti, who may have been his wife. The two burial chambers have the same dimensions
and are built at the bottom o f two neighbouring pits o f equal depth, approximately 4.50m.
These are constructed o f large blocks o f limestone, roofed with stone slabs covered with a mud
brick vault to protect the ceiling from the pressure o f the filling materials. N o sarcophagus
was implanted into the floor o f the chamber.
Seni?s b u r i a l c h a m b e r is a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 . 9 0 m . N - S x 1.15m. E - W x 1.30m. h i g h

a n d is m o r e c o m p l e t e and better executed.**? T h e i n s c r i p t i o n s at the entrance are incised a n d
c o l o u r e d in blue. The i n t e r i o r w a l l s are e q u a l l y incised and p a i n t e d w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l scenes.
*0 Measurements were not given by Jéquier and are obtained from the plan (ibid, fig, 67).
351 Ibid, 38-40.
352 Ibid, 33, 37-40, pl. 3.
73
CONCLUSION
The Egyptian believed that a person consisted o f a number o f different entitics, all
independent, yet forming one being. The most important o f these entities were the Ka, the
Ba, the Akh and the body, which were all important for his continued existence after death.
The main purpose o f the burial chamber was to protect the body and its vital organs, even i f
they were placed in canopic jars. The body remained as a perpetual receptacle for the other
entities and was therefore irreplaceable. Statues were probably meant only to house the Ka
during the day in the chapel in order to give it a physical existence.
The t o m b consisted o f t w o main parts, a burial chamber and a chapel; the f o r m e r was
excavated f i r s t and was reached viaav e r t i c a l shaft o r a sloping passage. I f a stone sarcophagus
was included, this was introduced before the construction o f the chapel walls. S e c u r i t y o f the
body i n the b u r i a l chamber was o f u t m o s t importance and it was guaranteed b y the depth o f
the shaft o r the use o f a portcullis. Intricate designs o f burial apartments were also used to
mislead t o m b robbers, but most burial chambers were robbed, perhaps very s h o r t l y after the
burial t o o k place. Large stone sarcophagi w i t h heavy lids p r o v i d e d a d d i t i o n a l security f o r the
body, y e t most o f these were violated b y b r e a k i n g through one o f their t h i n n e r sides.
Decorated burial chambers are very few in number in comparison with the undecorated
ones, and this applies even to tombs o f viziers and provincial governors. Most o f the decoration
depicts items o f food and drink, but the consumption o f these was probably expected to
take place in the chapel and not in the burial chamber. The decoration o f these chambers
might be a precaution against the unlikely event o f the future destruction o f the chapel. But
with the progress o f the Sixth Dynasty, particularly during the reign o f Pepy II, more burial
chambers were decorated and some belonged to officials of relatively modest ranks. This
shift o f emphasis in decoration from the chapel to the burial chamber may reflect a feeling
o f insecurity, perhaps linked to the instability which ultimately resulted in the fall o f the Old
Kingdom. Curiously, the same phenomenon is not observed in the provinces; perhaps the
governors had a false sense o f security in the small areas under their control.
The earliest decorated burial chambers are dated to the end o f the Fifth Dynasty,
probably to the reign o f Djedkare, although a date under Wenis, when royal burial chambers
were inscribed with Pyramid Texts, is also possible. While the rationale behind decorating
royal and private burial chambers might be similar, there are fundamental differences between
the two, and there are no compulsory reasons for them to have started exactly at the same
time. The decoration may be grouped into three phases, but the dividing line between each
phase was probably not very clear. Thus, characteristics o f one phase might have persisted
for a certain time into the next one.
Decoration o f the earliest phase depicts animate figures o f the tomb owners and/or
occasionally offering bearers. A m o n g these are the tombs o f Kaikherptah and Rewer III at
Giza, Kairer at Saqqara, Khentika at Balat and Henenit at Sheikh Said. The burial chamber
o f Kaiemankh at Giza is unique in that it represents activities which are usually depicted in
the chapel and which belong to one theme, the tomb owner?s voyage to the north to perform
the ?pulling o f papyrus? ceremony and to inspect his funerary estates. Such a visit presumably
75
CONCLUSION
took place before placing the sarcophagus/coffin and the statues into the tomb, hence ;
representation in the burial chamber. The most likely date for this tomb, with thecarlin?
decorated burial chamber, is the reign o f Djedkare. This phase lasted to the endo f the Fie
Dynasty. However, i f the dates o f Kairer o f Saqqara, Qar o f Abusir and Khentika o f B a l a .
as late as the beginning o f Pepy II?s reign, then we would have isolated instances o af n i m a
decoration in the first half o f the Sixth Dynasty, yet such dates should be carefullyconsiderea
It seems curious that at the time when even human determinatives were avoided or truncated
full figures o f offering bearers would be included in burial chambers. ,
The m i d d l e phase o f decoration lasted t h r o u g h o u t the reigns o f Teti and Pepy | and
is characterized by the e l i m i n a t i o n o r truncation o f human determinatives ino f f e r i n g lists
i n burial chambers and the e l i m i n a t i o n o f determinatives representing dangerous animals
such as j a c k a l / d o g o f A n u b i s and the crocodile o f Sobek. Examples o f tombs belongingt o
this phase are those o f I h y and M e h u in the Wenis Cemetery as w e l l as Mereruka, Kagemni
A n k h m a h o r , I n u m i n and R e m n i i n the Teti Cemetery. W h i l e the abovementionedfeatures
c o n t i n u e d in the late phase, new features were added, n a m e l y the mutilation/decapitation
o f dangerous reptiles, such as snakes and vipers. These features appear in the tombs of
Pepyankh-heryib and his w i f e Hewetiaah at Meir, and those o f Penu, Shy and Seni in the
cemetery o f Pepy I I at Saqqara.
Photographs o f selected examples o f decorated b u r i a l chambers f r o m each phase are

i n c l u d e d in order to give the reader a better picture o f the appearance o f these resting places,
M o s t o f these photographs are published here for the first time. Photographs included are
f r o m the tombs o f K a i e m a n k h , Kaikherptah, Henenit, Ihy, Mehu, Mereruka, Remni and
I n u m i n , Pepyankh-heryib and his w i f e Hewetiaah, Penu, Shy and Seni.
76
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79
INDEX
A n k h - h a f 28, 33,34
KINGS Ankhmahor 2, 7, 12-13, 21.
76, nn.69, 77, 192.f a oe 24.37.45, 59,

32-33, 35-36, 38, 41. 43-47, 50, 59, 34,
a r e Iscsi Ankhu 32-34
75-76
Any 10-11,fig.3
Dyoser 25 B a b a f 31
Khafre 26, 28-32. 35. 41. 47 B a w i 39-40
Khufu 26-28, 30-31. 41. 47
Bawi/Baefmin 1.49
Menkauhor 43, 4 6
Djau 13, 38, n.170
Menkaure 26. 3 !
Djefaided 33-34
Merenre 19, 38. 40. 46, 48. 50, 54
Duamin 33-34
Merikare 10
Duaenhor 30
Neferirkare 36, 4 6
Hardjedef 5, 10
Niuserre 35-36, 46 Hemetre 37
Pepy I/Meryte 2, 19, 36, 38-41, 50-54, 62-64, 76
2, 24, 36, 38-41, 48-50, 54-55, 68, 70-71, Hemmin 13-16, 19, 39, fig.4
Pepy I l H e m r e / I s i { 38-39
75-76, fig.19 Hemre/Isi ll 38
Sahure 36 Hemyunu 27
Teti 2, 11,13, 16-19, 22, 32, 34, 36-39, 41, 43, 45-49,
Henit n.49
51-53, nn.66, 288, 319
Henenit 22, 47, 50, 57, 59, 75-76
Userkaf 32
H e n q u ! 38
Wenis 22, 34-37, 39, 43, 45-53, 61-62, 75-76, n.258
Henqu I l 38-39
Weserkare 68
Hesi 11, 13, 18, 22, nn.193, 319
Hesymin 13-14, 16,40
Hesy-Ra 26
QUEENS Hetepheres 28
Hewetiaah 2, 22, 54-55, 70-71, 76, n.229
Khentkaues 48, n.261 labtet 28
Mersyankh IT 8, 29, n. 189, fig.11 Ibi 13, 4 0

Idu 38
Idul l 54
Idut 3 4 , 5 1 , 62
DEITIES
Ihy 34, 51-52, 61-62, 76
I n k a f 33
Anubis 2 3 , 43, 50, 5 4 , 6 6 , 7 6
Inumin 2, 3, 13, 18-19, 22, 37, 52-53, 68-69, 76,
Hathor 50, 58, 6 0 , 70
nn.77, 282, fig.6
Homs 70 Iri/Tetiseneb 12, 37
Isis 70
Irukaptah 8
Khnum 5, fig.1 Ishfi n.66
Nut 70 Ishti 37
Osiris 43-44, 53, 72-73, n.284 Iteti/Shedu 37, 39
Ptah 63
Ity 32-33, fig.13
Re 63
lynefert 22
Seth 70
Kaaper 17, 2 3
Sobek 54, 76
Kaemah 27
Kagemni 12, 22, 36-37, 42, 45, 52-53, 76, nn.69, 77.
89, 193, 285
INDIVIDUALS Kahai 32-33
Kaidua 33
Akhethotep 13, 33, 36, 47 Kaiemheset 32
-46, 49-51, 57-59, 61. 75-
Akhethotep/Hemi 51 Kaiemankh 2, 3 2 , 4 1 , 4 5
Akhi 28 76, n.74
Akhtimerunesut 33 Kaiemsenu 32-33
80
INDEX
Nikaankh I f 32, 34
N i k a u h o r 35
2 * 4,47. 50-51, 59, 60, 75-76 Nikauisesi 13, 19, 22, 37

fal O P
+
n . 8 8 , 193, 332
Penu 55, 7 1 - 7 376,
ema Fetcktl 39, 46
Fe
aeptal
F e p y a n k h - h e n y k e m 13, 22, 38
}
toe
Kaipunes 50, 75-76, 0.189 epyankh-heryib 2, 3,
13,
.
3.299 t y 22, 38, 54-55, 70-7), 76,
wer Feet
Pepyseneb 6
Kane 28, 1 8 9 fig.10
awe Ptahhotep 6, 12, 34, 36-39, nn.88, 250
aukhnunt a Ptahshepses 35-37
7 37, 45, 49, 50, 52-53, 75-76 Qar 39, 40, 49, 76
Raemkai 46
hewivviwer/Werkhewew 46
Remni 2-3, 37, 52-54, 60-61, 76, n. 96,f i g . 1 5
Khnumenti 39 R e w e r ! 32
Rewer II 33
66 RewerI I I 3 5 , 48, 50, 75
i/Mehnes 37, n.
v e n 92, 39, 51-53, 62-63, 76 Sehetepu II 33-34
Memi 6.8. 14-15 Sendjemib/Inti_ 33, 35, 37, 39, 44-45, 47, 50, fig.14
Sendjemib/Mehi 35, 37, 45, 47, n.250
Seni 55,71, 73, 76
Sennefer 38
Seshat-Sekhentiu 27
9
Mere 1,3, 8, 11-14, 17-20, 22, 36-37, 42- 43, 45, Seshathetep 31
17 52-55, 61, 63-69, 71, 76, nn.69, 77, 89, 282, Seshemnefer[ 31-32
291, 300, 314, 317, figs.5, 16-18 Seshemnefer If 31, 42
Merhetep 28 Seshemnefer III 31, 42-43

Merhetepef 27 Seshemnefer I V 35, 37, 39, 48, 50
Mereri 37-38, 54 Seshseshet 51
Sesi 16
Meretites 28
Mersuankh 33-34 Shepseskafankh 33
Meru 22, 48-60 Shepsipumin/Kheni 39, 40, n.231 I
Menwbebi 48 Shy 55, 72-73 7
Meruka 47 Sneferuseneb 28, fig.9 4
Meryreankh 52 Sobekhotep 54, 70 .
Taimhotep 9 ?
Meryteti 37, 63, 0.89

Messa 33 Tepemankh 35
Minankh 32, 34 Teti 39
Minemre-permin n.49 Thenti 33
Minkhaf 29 Ti 40
Nebemakhet 28-29 Tjetetu 37, n.66
Nebet 40, 52 Tjeti/Kaihep 39, 40, 58
Nebet-itef n. 49 Tjetji n.66
Nebkauhor 51, n.250 T j y 12,36
Nedjetempet 14, 16, 19, 37, 47 Waatetkhethor 37, 63, n.89
Nefer 30, 33, 35 Webenu 39-40
Neferbauptah 32, 37 Weneshet 30
Neferkaues 52 Weni 19
Neferked 33 Wenumin 39
Nefermaat 29 Wepemnefert 27, fig.8
Neferseshemptah 22, n.80 Wernu 37
Neferseshemre 13, 22, 37, 53, n.69 Weserkafankh 35
Nefertyabt 27 W i u / l i u 48
Nesti 73
Yunmin 28
Niankhba 36, 49, n.250 Yunu 27
Niankhpepy 13, 22
Niankhra 35
Nikaankh | 32, 34
81
PHOTOGRAPHS
KAIEMANKH
af
pinnae
CHSLIE
e eve e 2
ies
pis
fw
ilys
bem
cy6owey
p 1og
lqom@ics
?1B:
2
?ey
1
a n ia
wy 4
c t how
ee
IEbo r e
4
e k
3. Kaiemankh, burial chamber, east w a l l

KAteMANKH
5. K a i e m a n k h , burial chamber, south wall, detail

K A I MANKIT
7. K a i e m a n k h , b u r i a l chamber, s o u t h and west walls, detail

KAIEMANKE
Il. Kaiemankh, burial chamber, west wall, detail

KAIEMANKH
whe
3
oy ad
s i A g i ?7
pe T b e s a egt
Warecee T a- ?
-
NES hh » >
ose+" -. 6
bo em
p Rien
e ge .
aa
A
ne tl
: tT
14. Kaiemankh, burial chamber, north wall, detail
15. K a i e m a n k h , burial chamber, north w a l l , detail

REMNI
18. R e m n i , b u r i a l c h a m b e r , east w a l l
19. Remni, burial chamber, south w a l l

lity
T o e by
ia eet
A t a e a e d se *
& a e
-
- A a p $y f t e a e cal
X
eee
, & 2 ?a s w e e ,
21. h y , burial chamber, east wall, north o f entrance, left

Iny
23. | hy, burial

i
chamber, south w a l l , north o f entrance right, detail
ithe
25. h y , burial chamber, north wall, left

liv
27. Ihy, burial chamber, sarcophagus and recess

hy
"y ¢
" . .
.- -
ae} * to mee
:
. E i O T E y O O S ee Boren
Af. ys O r ont Vyas r e e e n l , a h e e M S ONT a er
aaa p e e i i t s a a S p a t a e ~ + E L E p s t
m r r e . . .
te 5
wa -
28. Thy, burial chamber, west wall
29. Thy, burial chamber, west w a l l , detail

Mrat
Z
Z z
?_
- ?
ao
= ,
- :
om
31. M e h u , b u r i a l c h a m b e r , east w a l i , south o f e n t r a n c e , left

Maree
ook
A N red,
H
A rey ee eSet a : a r a $30e
eM
1 8 e A e e e
P r S e w & s h
ate eaves w t
a r
32. Mehu b u r i a l c h a m b e r , east w a l l , s o u t h o f e n t r a n c e , r i g h t
ah
4
4
33. Mehu, burial chamber, south w a l l

M i t
34, Mehu, burial chamber, west w a l l , south o f sarcophagus recess

M i i
vtisaate
a a 5Ee a e .
SST
R E L B R .
? TN.
aaa Ba
37. Mehu, burial chamber, west w a l l , north o f sarcophagus recess

Mirin
T S a S E as rae
ee
39. Mehu, burial chamber, sarcophagus, detail

Menu
Ans
E
ltAEA
e
me
tA
Ta
tsa
[etna
suondudsut
?sndeqdoores
?nya
?Zp
jeuiaiur
Soqureyo
jeiing
sndeydosies
?Or
?nya
?aquieyo
MERERUKA
MERERUKA
p e a s e e .
re N a t~ g e a
ag4
?Te e e ¥ hvade r soln
F c c e a e Sthe eae Jer I o
A ae!
yoe:, ai
r s e a e
C h e r oo ar ?
a aX, M E went
45. M e r e r u k a , b u r i a l c h a m b e r , east w a l l , d e t a i l
MERERUKA
48. Mereruka, burial chamber, east w a l l , detail

MLRERUKA
- + _ a e | ae a ? -
y i m ~+ m a e 1 aaa -
?t . as
. ?_ mr a)
yw :
?. 4 ath %
A O E OY e e F O O REE
- - " as 4
gto dillas
son
ee eet Seed sae o t &

re
49. M e r e r u k a , b u r i a l c h a m b e r , east w a l l , d e t a i l
S g Ke Ee. 4 ? " oh .
=f
N B a
f e Sa
pete STS
at w e y + ;
e y a e U k
?
' t .
50. Mereruka, burial chamber, south wall, left

MERERUKA
t i
ee 1 > d a d oe ?
of
( p ea ~i . i :
{ O U s ? a r h g T a p g e e
a i A N id i oo o t ~ 4 2 ?Z3
a - _4 e Pa
~ + ! - T h e
p r s L e e g t o b i f e O T O 1 1 Gast M h v t r y 3 h
AyD A d h d Ped ot L o e H E E " U M t e Weil ba P e r r e e e
Pay S F U U s Sean gg busy g a g P R Y ,
a * p e r a J ee V e r S t s t e r i e s
sob U L e y 425 5 e s T o n E A S ,
:
.gom ,, *
6 .
t a t € aha
j w m o n b e l ( ( ( C m l e S P s e a s a y 4g g ! T e c h
M T P LE T L PSE L D DE M inais
I g TR t t m arggge A s te
N= A S A L I S A E R S V A N E S S e t e e p O e ae
w v $ a t e rh thi i L
§ S l r t. = Tarr 4 . nae Le 7 m ; : - 2 2 4 - 8 )
2 a 8a a r n t 4 neha mtr § 6 =i
é . ~ * i§. ; t ' a d ~ - o s , 4 ? a : 4 i F235
W e v eW s i g e a N a y u r d y v e y Wi i e
iGo : Wap I 1
la ie
He:
Wm
a ea .
« g c a i e
51. Mereruka, burial chamber, south w a l l , centre
b e aL e t s K a e i e aye a h e o r d e P i r a 5 }
B A S .= W I S E A E E S e t a p e s |
Vihear e eLt i t e 4-M S l e e NG? he A V A

t i d e a AN S T eee
Se a e o f VALINE =
?a G e n s e r S i n e .
MERERUKA
aa 4
io w o e a n t L s l o g e ? . ey: 4
o g y e . i v a ? ? ? ~ ' h s Y ? 4 - " ? a Ine h a , b e a e e ?e k gh ZL
rhe & , . , : ?
a
weenie
we w e a ?
acae RES %
A\eon =
Ma+ e samensZey
, , - a7) . . . ne. Se L N *
- T e A a e faye T e a eea a h
53. M e r e r u k a , burial chamber, south w a l l , right

MERERUKA
? r e t e e = ¥y
ae = a y M u t e c n o s
a Ty e e NO l e e t c i
r e ae a t =
ree See eee o e et?
55. Mereruka, burial chamber, west wall, behind sarcophagus
OMe a e 8 A
Bak
J i r a .T o es a a c e L o . Ro ie
56. Mereruka, burial chamber, west wall, detail

MERERUKA
a e
? . ake f a l B E E ,c a e
i e
Re c e na o tee e e T ee w s a aphe c i s c t eoihe ee e t l t)a: b w o a t < 4 Sali

pat
s
-
a
Anho g pe fioyh f a
ee: w e
aie
A r e n a s a aa o om
a* t a o i
e e e Wii i m ey
AL a w i ?A
t G e , a e S\
wo e - .
E eeS a ,W a d b i c n
Sees NE
58. Mereruka, burial chamber, interior o f sarcophagus, looking south

MERERUKA
64. Mereruka, burial chamber, north w a l l , detail
65. M e r e r u k a , burial chamber, south w a i l , detail

MERERUKA
S p t g , mn ? ? ?
po < ? ?
= :
Te - =
?
o r e e t e e O g a e ,
1 @ S a ? S A N ee
¢ we o e a Om
7
we
?
?
e e& e OT? t .
a r e
- 5
P E o o
o y » *
. oe © '
we ?44 ae
.
an
tye oe
?
: , ,
+ t y te 4
: e e y e y
Came H i + o e < > a e
l e *
awe , .
¢
. ct
67. Mereruka, burial chamber, north wall, detail
68. Mereruk:a, burial chamber,

1
north wall, detail

MERERUKA
h e i
e s, t i
b e e . Ran|Mele seek
s e
st 4 wg
. ?
*
" S c b e a > i
74, Mereruka, burial chamber, south wall, detail 75. Mereruka, burial chamber, north wall, det
cai
76. M e r e r u k a , b u r i a l c h a m b e r , s o u t h w a l l , detail 77. M e r e r u k a , b u r i a l chamber, north wall, detail
:
!
?
?
§
78. Mereruka, burial chamber, south wall, detail 79, Mereruka, burial chamber, north wall, detail
MERERUKA
80. Mereruka, burial chamber, sarcophagus, detail
os
N
? mh R
fw 2#
OeE Yve,
z acode , B i g
G P U
M e SS.
:
82. Mereruka. burial chamber. sarcophagus. detail 83. Mereruka. burial chamber. sarcophagus.
detail
INUMIN
INUMIN
. Stage .
,
a f oe a p T
g i es N e a a a
89. I n u m i n , b u r i a l c h a m b e r , east w a l l , s o u t h o f e n t r a n c e
90. Inumin, burial chamber, l o o k i n g west

INUMIN
91. I n u m i n , burial chamber, west w a l l , detail
92. I n u m i n , burial chamber, west w a l l , detail

INUMIN
93. Inumin, burial chamber, north w a l l
94. Inumin, burial chamber, north wall, detail

INUMIN
o a t s 4r e r ? o n e
s
.
v
?
a l ,
t
?
=
?
e m t e n e ?
;
we
n e
why.
cm
:
r r
95. I n u m i n , b u r i a l chamber, north wall, detail
96. Inumin, burial chamber, interior o f sarcophagus

P r e y a s k H - H E P Y I B AND HEAR TIA SH
e o * * - an me nm aml
97. Pepyankh-heryib and Hewetiaah, south o f chapel. mouth o f Hewetiaah?s shaft
98. Pepyankh-heryib and Hewetiaah, north of chapel, mouth of Pepyankh-heryib?s shaft

PEPYANKH-HERYIB AND HEWETIAAH
c? e O
:
N (¢ ¢
T T T e r of L
N
he T megE OT,
T E I A S
?
. °
e o s os . ow .
'
:
te
et
Ae . ¢.
a
?6 oe e
Be a a
ow
? c a t t .y a f :
> a
;
; - ? o y !
a
' ,
99. Pepyankh-heryib and Hewetiaah. southo f chapel. fissure near Hewetiaah?s shaft
e n
PEPYANKH-HERYIB
O e ,
Vw
- SB > *
A s e B , vo :* a " wsi |
a t os
\
'
101. Pepyankh-heryib, burial chamber, fissure.

looking south
PEPYANKH-HERYIB
= cease TP
B55. B 4
N e iibing, Bd 0 8
Wy . an
: ete F
ine? w c ? c a r e ra
hS t E A ae a d c g i a kd ae
e ee Dei
104. Pepyankh-heryib. burial chamber, south wall

PE PYANKH-HE R V I B
2 .
. ft
i h e .
% 7 b 2p: :
Pe:
e e B e a g e r r i c , e e sMe g e
NM
_ . t e ,
Te CR T R L
?
cheb es o i He
e
« B A e , B a h eS eUs MAST
C e OD o y t r e e t
eee e e a
y a °
y
a te e a u l
p eV e n e e Le
Re
V e e c o h
: e i
ee
i * ?. ~
a o e ? e s 4
Fd V e i
_ s ? s a a n rece mst Fen caren
= o e S Ea e i e t i t ee e
106. Pepyankh-heryib, burial cha mber. west wall. detail

P E P Y A N K H - H E R Y I B A N D HEWwETIAAI
I N A
108. Hewetiaah, burial chamber, east w a l l

HEWPLIAAH
a(
4r ze
BFt
=[Romie
l |DE
?i e.
tBes
y
Be
Ymi
5i- a
~
deae
Salad¥ok;.:e=
fw f=rG
aoi>t:sera
,?
ee >.
; .? .
Pp
IeLee
fsle
T
7.;
i
. .<
81] j
109. Hewetiaah, burial chamber, east wall, detail
?a q \4 e s | oe[?Ar, +0 [ E E F
HEWETIAAH
111. Hewetiaah, burial chamber, south w a l l
* ay S S S
T N S: .
- p e = t r s S a a s
I . RR UR
S a l t PrEE
112. Hewetiaah, burial chamber. looking west

Hi w e r i v a n
S o
7
oa
Be Rae o y
a
i:
,
¥
114. Hewetiaah, burial chamber, w e s t w a l l , centre

HEWETIAAH
m I
REALE AN aq!
Ged
- a a ay oo leet t
e o
L
= r C O L O
cel o l eAs i ad S S ] N e p a l aoe
a) | R O E eNOS
Fa|
at Nf lesz
) ch IU
mal EY SIE
E isa
A Eee ;$
= 3/8 @
= 1
e S esto ge
SS) E I N E e
| en[) |t -
JS ? zs
= es = a zs
s e e n eee /
S S E if
H A S S E i
: a HG] a e a
Boyce
=a a = a
aa l ei[ o eS
4
C O
S/d Slo W E pk A E A ON D
a S97
4 seo) M i e s S125 oD
Go 2 2 4 0 1 S S L IL
LES AM
pW
i(at
i eI
Soe
| Vewo
SYST SUH
wllVote
bIITA
SQ+IR0
NealTeele
esteSu
olsSera
De (Lp
yoy
jeLing
?nuag
[jem
ap
?11
?3Yy
?sainbar
s9ye)
?aquieyo
Sea
xnvaquioy
?saarnonaod
ETI
SST
ETT
(AE
OA
KA
: (4
KD
WOU
SS
za
ee
ae
Ness
N Sanh
E
all
-
LP 4
\Z 7
d
PENU
a€
:ohzlH
okt rai Teoloce
(Pelatatasals
r/aSesaeti sitrsh
eeeReeee
i|acaaeaa t|
a2 yy
e
8 a
aS
= sE
ei
U
s e
l set asso
=
aalaesl iiaea ISv9
Jelng
Jaye)
?611
ap
1YyBis
(8%
?Nudd
{jem
?sainbar
?aquIBYd
?3Yy
xnvaquayz
?séaynonand
ASO
i a e
a p a
Oo
9 a|
LGrof
Q
EAltoses
elise
Ae) el
S I D
|
M n
e l
Pen
7B
=
121. P e n u , b u r i a l c h a m b e r , w e s t w a l l , l e f t ( a f t e r J e q u i e r , T o m b e a u x de p a r t i c u l i e r s , fig. 5 0 )
T n e t w ih hhW h i Wt nt Mm TW
=
= a n s i ls ( l B d T lL S U L
\ KRMy
W/ si u i t7 5
WY
v4
122. Penu, burial chamber, west wall, right (after Jequier, Tombeaux de particuliers, fig. 49)
SHy
rSus),
ane
SEE
ve
pee
te.
a
re
S s
weet
?Id
(ap
9
?EZ
sea
jeling
?Jaquieyd
J91ye)
?Jem
Yd]
xnvaquoy
?suaynonuod
?AyS
?sainbar
( ecae
O pes
G==
Suy
Tea e eneaiesty
Sbatee ofeese
?4
TT
Tn
LITT
TTT
i aTie
lees E
heh
EUR
e selsrae
sil)
ticeree
bal
SUPRA e e bee
I ost =f ?
=
a0
ie bb/bb/bo
S
éa
)
u yt
2
iei
eSl
ela
de fFefo
rile
nee:Sle
oul
Stls
SCWCD
Hetesirilslo
aa
Er P
=
se
blSoo)
velBe
=NU 8:chy
ELS
CSCI LOP
Hibeyy
ABISSILS
ules
TRS
us ALT
i=)
ME
sir
.
eal
Ale
bo
Zh
24,
§Fl fell
airVU
S|
ah
aetna)
s
ele
Pp fol=| BHO)
G-Sof0S
Ul Eee
olaloy
eH
lose
cere ets
(eS
UG
SPHTe
2
[plests
coe
ap
=wu
(9
Jaye)
pen?1d
jeling
?ysxnvaquoy
?rainbar
?ssarnoi.ind
?Jaquieyp
?p71
seo
aSS
|
ee bb
ob/60
Oj
=:
a
West
Key to 123-4. Shy, east w a l l

SHY
?
TATA
oO
R I I Ld
I
bc LJ
= ? 9
H S S SDSOSOS QS OS I SO SD SOOO SOHF p=?? ?H
5 ty a a R R A
S S C
S e a s S e s e d a d e s e e
S S S S Z E D
hes
ea :Z =
w a >S=S II D
eD O
S O
O Oo S
OeSSeSE O
SOOSS
SSoSeSI OEO O
V O EO OI yD )
TSS
=) ?I
ro
RAASY S
Y T 1 Becsscusoanin
POY Rane L o r
a ere es
ti S B ea e e o c e c o m
= C o e .e u
Erm
?=# 6 4 s a PSE e I OOS O S )
Ea
? a = = |( e m c e e e a l
pa |
???? ARAAhe<4p
B
ee SOSSS SESS S y
i f o o E e e B t
p r yy T I ?
S e P i r
\ =
S e >=
Wh i f 5
we = LIL E
rn
om §geueumm ay
x 5
U l |) | S I I cz
Arn ON
AN AN THT Pa
\ EWA ~ |
c - es
d. ? ,
q Oy
? rir
? &
awr" (0
m M ?
amad
?
AN
aN na
AX
AN an A E
nA
mn E e e
l aS
AN
AN
Ac
Suy
m t
i e
somone
= f |
aci on
t
>
h
{ l e
S l i li a > J e l
PEELS g g a a ?ai e n e ?
= Pd
A n e
K e y to 125-6.
Shy, west wall
SENI
OL S E I S MSWS SPH Coa pes

r e l e anes leOCP
ZL Pal BA Ss
oe N S T
Sm
a
5
a y
¥ J
Ae
=
a (i a r i aa i
Y
Rea
a e s
is A
{TURIDAWan TOLLPORTOUAEL LONUL
NON)
CONTROL
CIADLE
A
ESN COTTER
ULCLLIMNERETRUDIY
Che
re
<~j
os
= =
2 Lt
= |a
-
5 rl
a
a
ty 4
7) |
rt a
yy |7]
Le}
a
cI EI
Vj tI
H g
?| 1]
a i t
bare a -] [ai aaa
:
H A p o d
A
i H]
a
STR + Ky "
H}
Y
H O LF
A H re f e n ]
= H f
= |
= |
128. Seni, burial chamber, south w a l l (after Jequier, Zombeaux de particuliers, fig.44)
SENI
M M T LUW T
o S d o sl r e h ede
=~
.?? 9 )
3= O U T AAK S e a 8 ge
A R C A C CEEP e e s
130. Seni, burial chamber, west wall, right (after Jequier, Tombeaux de particuliers, fig.42)
P r i n t e d by
S u p r e m e Council o f A n t i q u i t i e s P r e s s 2 0 1 0
SA a
Re S E N
aa
e e . ty, -
s + S R
F u S A a e s b i g a e e e
> ?
e r s
r S
e uytd
ra 2
4a
Opes
eye a
o b iU R te?
ATR
9°78

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Front Cover: East w a l l o f Remni?s Burial Chamber - Saqqara.

PREFACE Zahi Hawass ix

INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1

CHAPTER I THE B u r i A L CHAMBER

CHAPTER I V SELECTED E X A M P L E S OF DECORATED B U R I A L C H A M B E R S 57

12. Type 6. K h u f u k h a f I (G7130-

. Type 5. I t y (G6030). Western Field, Giza

15. Depiction o f a boat on the east wa ll of i?

Kanawati always amazes me w i t h his dedication to his w o r k and to Egyptology. I am pleased

result o f the l a c k o f accessibility to burial chambers, when we t h i n k o f tombs we f r e q u e n t l y

M a n y burial chambers had to be re-cleared b e f o r e w e were able to rerecord their

deduction. As a result, the decoration o f the t w o chambers p r o v e d to be in an astonishingly

In the course o f m y excavations in the Teti Cemetery, t w o tombs w h i c h possessed

Introducing this monograph, w e benefitted f r o m earlier p u b l i c a t i o n s w h i c h are

As usual it is a great pleasure to acknowledge the help we received throughout many

In a publication where the photographs and drawings constitute most significant

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BurRtAL CHAMBER

To the E g y p t i a n , a person consisted o f a n u m b e r o f d i f f e r e n t entities, all independent

' Lichtheim, Literature 1, 58.

o f the K a placed on a standard ?_,

which is usually reserved f o r divinities, m a y suggest a

T h e A k h is a state o f ?blessedness? w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l reaches not s i m p l y b y d y i n g ,

Figure 2, The Ba descending the burial chamber. Papyrus o f Nebged.

The i n d i v i d u a l was therefore composed o f m a n y entities, all f o r m i n g one b e i n g and

decorated one-room o r m u l t i p l e - r o o m e d chapel was certainly a better house o f eternity and

© Kanawati, E/-Hawawish, 10 vols; Kanawati and McFarlane, Akhmim, passim.

As people belonged to different classes and enjoyed different standards o f l i v i n g , so d i d

Duell, Mereruka, passim; Kanawati, Mereruka a n d King Teti, passim.

A l t h o u g h no architectural plans o f tombs have survived, it is almost certain that some

F o l l o w i n g the preparation o f the t o m b plan, this was presumably indicated o n the

24 Kanawati et al., Excavations at Saqqara 2, 9-10, pl. 3.

A n impressive design o f the burial apartment was used b y three dignitaries at E l -

4 F i r t h a n d G u n n , Teri Pyr. Cem. | , 2 3 , a n d p e r s o n a l e x a m i n a t i o n .

I t is curious that the abovementioned intricate design o f the burial apartment

A further security measure introduced by Mereruka, or by his architect, probably aimed

Figure 5. Section and plan o f Mereruka?s burial chamber. Saqqara, Dynasty 6.

Lowering a massive sarcophagus into a burial chamber must have been am a j o r

& Ibid 6, 33.

M e r e r u k a ( F i r t h a n d G u n n , Teri Pyr. Cem. 1, 1 6 - 2 5 ) .

More astonishing perhaps is the infrequency o f decorated burial chambers in the

The unique representation o f an offering table w i t h an e m p t y chair before it in th

* Firth and Gunn, Jeti Pyr. Cem. 2, pl. 6A.

The ensuing study incorporates burial chambers w h i c h are affiliated w i t h mastaba

Reisner?s examination o f the architectural design o f mastabas in Tomb Development

*® ? Reisner, Development o f Egyptian Tomb, passim; Reisner, Giza Necropolis | , passim.

be instrumental in d e t e r m i n i n g a more precise date for the construction and occu

Figure 8. Type 1. Wepemnefert (G1201). Western Field, Giza.

Figure 9. Type 2. Sneferuseneb (G4240). Western Field, Giza.

'%6 Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1,91, 101, 109.

19 ? w w w . g i z a p y r a m i d s . o r g / ; Hassan, G i z a 7, figs. 8, 13; v o l . 4, figs. 72, 104.

"3 Ibid, 101, 145, 149,

Figure 11. Type 4. Mersyankh III (G7530-7540). Eastern Field, Giza.

connecting passage. O n l y t w o Fourth Dynasty examples o f this type can be identified w h i c h

"7 Strudwick, Administration, 109 (84).

Figure 12. Type 6b. K h u f u k h a f ] (G7130-7140). Eastern Field.

120 These tombs are recorded in Mariette, Mastabas, passim.

f a m i l y have been interred in this cemetery since the ¢:

Type four is th e favoured form o f burial chambers during the Fifth D

type four is most commo ed cular] ?

? Radwan, 55-69; Dawood in Néferkaré aux Montouhotep, 107-127.

Figure 13. Type 5. Ity (G6030). Western Field, Giza.

A t the provincial cemetery of El-Hammamiya, the early Fifth Dynasty tombs o f

subsidiary chamber o f this type.'*