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We Are All Ancient Mapmakers - Nautilus
We Are All Ancient Mapmakers - Nautilus
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I
n the first half of the sixth
century B.C., a Greek man named
Anaximander, born in Turkey,
sketched the world in a way no one had
previously thought to do. It featured a circle,
Microbiology
divided into three equal parts. He labeled Underground Cells Make “Dark
those parts Europe, Asia, and Libya, and Oxygen” Without Light
separated them by the great waterways of
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baggage. He believed the earth sat atop a When Stars Twinkle, They Make
Music
column, following the architectural
sensibilities of the day. It was Plato, several
hundred years later, who proposed the idea
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of a spherical earth. He had no strong,
principled reason to do this; the guy just liked
spheres. But though they were fascinated by
the shape of the earth, neither Plato nor
Anaximander, nor even Aristotle, can count
among their accolades credit for creating the
first scientific map of the world. That
distinction falls to a North African man by the
name of Eratosthenes.
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Our conception of
the world is based
on what we think is
out there. In fact,
that’s all we think
the world is.
From our perspective, it’s clear that
Eratosthenes didn’t know what the world
looked like. What’s a little trickier to explain is
it didn’t really occur to Eratosthenes that his
map might be off. He was confident he had
pretty much nailed it. He claimed, for
instance, that the only reason no one had yet
sailed around the world was because of
unfavorable tides, and not for more
consequential reasons—like the existence of
the rest of Africa, China, and Russia.
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T
he idea that an animal’s brain
creates a map of its environment
as it runs around in it was first
proposed by Edward Tolman, in his influential
1948 paper, “Cognitive maps in rats and men.”
Tolman’s initial proposal was simply that the
brain uses some sort of spatial
representation to organize knowledge about
the layout of the world. In his experiments,
Tolman would set a rat at a random point in
the maze, then measure how long it took the
rat to find her way to the cheese. As
expected, the rats got quicker each time
Tolman put them in the maze. Tolman then
compared this with a second condition. He
would put a rat in the maze, but without any
cheese. The rat would wander aimlessly, and
whenever she got to the place where the
cheese would have been, Tolman would take
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her out and set her back in the cage. The rats
in this condition each did five of these non-
cheese trials before moving on to the normal
cheese-motivated trials.
The Parisians
should have known
how far they were
off. But they
confidently asserted
they were right.
In this sense, Eratosthenes’ map of the world
can be thought of as a sort of cognitive map,
worked out in pen and paper. Like Tolman’s
rats, he developed a picture of what he
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I
n 1976, the psychologist Stanley
Milgram had just come off a
decade-long research program
on obedience to authority, in which he
induced participants to shock one another in
a dingy basement on the campus of Yale
University. Milgram had recently moved to
Paris, where he was keen to employ an
experimental paradigm that was decidedly
more benign. In particular, he was interested
in what he called people’s “psychological
maps” of the city. “It is not,” he wrote, “an
examination of Paris as a geographic reality,
but rather of the way that reality is mirrored
in the minds of its inhabitants.” How, in other
words, do people’s psychological maps differ
from the way Paris actually looks? “The first
principle,” as Milgram put it, “is that reality
and image are imperfectly linked.”
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unraveled
by the very Sign up for
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James Dewar, the creator of cordite, likely helped win World War I.
But why never a Nobel?
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