Press Freedom and

Threats to Journalists in
Pakistan
A dissertation submitted for partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Mass Communication

Research Scholar

Fazal Hussain

Supervisor

Associate Prof. Dr. Auj-e-Kamal

Department of Mass Communication Federal Urdu University for Arts and

Science and Technology, Abdul Haq Campus, Karachi

2019
 Dedicated To My twins
Babrek and Karmel
Who even of age 4, bestowed me time to carry out my
research work, used to tell in little tune “Baba Jan,
keep on your study, we will play besides, not
disturbing you”.

i
 Declaration

This thesis which I, Fazal Hussain have submitted is my own effort. I hereby certify
that all the material and sources of information in this work which is not my own work
has been properly acknowledged.

Signed: Fazal Hussain Dated:

ii
 Certificate

It is to certify that this research under the title “Press Freedom and Threats to
Journalists in Pakistan” is solely conducted by scholar Fazal Hussain and that is
his original work carried out under my direct supervision. I have personally gone
through all the data and materials included in this thesis and believe that they has
not been used in part or full in a manuscript already submitted or in the process for
any other degree in any institution in Pakistan.

Signed: Associate Prof. Dr. Auj-e-Kamal Dated:

iii
 Acknowledgement

From the core of my heart this is a genuine pleasure to show my deep sense of
gratitude to my mentor, my guide and supervisor, Dr. Auj-e-Kamal. I also wish to add
thanks to my former supervisor, Dr.Tausif Ahmed Khan, whose generosity,
encouragement and belief in this project helped contain my feelings of self doubt and
got me through to the end.

I am grateful to my teacher, my mentor, my guide, Prof. Dr. Seemi Naghmana Tahir,

for her valuable suggestions that she rendered in every stage of this study. It was a
matter of honor for me to have such an affectionate teacher.

I wish to thank each member of the journalist’s community of Pakistan, specially,

Khursheed Abbasi, Dara Zafar, Sheher Bano, Nasheedullah Khan Afaqi, Ayub Jan
Sarhendi, Dr. Jabbar Khatak from Karachi, Akram Shahid and Hamid Sheikh from
Hyderabad, Tariq Durani from Larkana, Muhammad Ibrahim and Syed Bukhar Shah
from Peshawar, Arshad Khan from Mardan, Bilal Ahmed Dar, Ahmed Noorani, Nasir
Zaidi, Syed Ikaram Bukhari, Haroon Rasheed and Shoaib Yusufzai from Islamabad,
Iqbal Bukhari, Naseem Qurishi, M. Nawaz Tahir, Khawar Naem Hashmi,Muhammad
Azeem Jutt and Sajid Ali Arain from Lahore, Javid Siddiqui from Faisalabad,
Shahzada Zulfiqar, Hammadullah Rand, Ali Shah, Shehzad Farooq, Chaudhri Imtiaz,
M. Essa Tareen, M. Kazim, Slim Shazad and Ayub tareen from Quetta, Mushtaq
Kamboh and Ilyas Kamboh from Hub and the four hundred and fifty other journalists
who generously gave their time and personal reflections to this study. Each one of
you made a valuable contribution to the exploration of this topic and without which
the research would be the poorer. Your ideas and candid reflections have
challenged, stimulated and sustained me throughout. Your willingness to be frank in
the discussion of sensitive issues has provided rich material for reflection and
debate. I hope you all find the discussion in these pages as valuable and thought
provoking as I have. I thank each of you for your collaboration.

I am grateful to my class fellows Nadeem Haider Rizvi and Syeda Maliha Begum
who cooperated like family members and sought solutions for problems in the overall
passageway to thesis completion. I also thank to my senior, mentor and guide Dr.

iv
Muhammad Saifullah Khan, whose continuous help and generous guidance
encouraged throughout my journey for to complete my thesis.

I also wish to profusely pay my thanks and regard to my teacher Dr. Irfan Aziz and
Dr. Masroor Khanum for the provision of their best possible guidance.

Last, but certainly not the least, my family members deserve special praises. Who
unconditionally cooperated and encouraged me, without their support, this thesis
could not be completed and to whom I am highly indebted.

Fazal Hussain

v
 Abstract

This thesis explores the media landscape of Pakistan for to locate the status of press
freedom as a sacred trust within the limits prescribe by the local moralities and
universal truth and to situate threats to journalists. The press plays vital role in our
lives and its freedom is inevitable for functioning as watch dog to keep the
institutions of power in check for democracy to flourish- as a government of the
people, by the people and for the people while the free flow of information, from
access to dissemination and feedback, needs to be guaranteed by all stakeholders
for no interruptions. The press as a peculiar social position that reflects the
conditions around it is subject to sacred oath of neutrality and a commitment to a
professional set of values and goals.

The study follows the freedom of press as a right in accordance to the article 19 of
the United Nation Declaration of Human Rights (1948) in collaboration with
responsibilities as prescribed by the article 19 and 19A of the constitution of Pakistan
1973 powered by bill of Access to Information (2010) and guided by the notion
“freedom with responsibility”.

While Press freedom is multidimensional and threats to journalists are directional

and stimulated on the broad stage of market orientation, media politics, social
learning, public services broadcasting, pluralism and globalization, symbolic
representation of the nation liberalization of ideas, and democratization of systems,
the study applies a threefold approach for a comprehensive portrayal of the situation
of press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan.

The first fold explores the media history of the state for press freedom and threats to
journalists, computing actions against the national press and journalists capitalized
by different regimes from 1947 to 2017. This fold study also examines and analyses
the killings of journalists, the judicial injuries and current status of the cases and role
of journalist’s organizations for press freedom and for the rights of journalists.

The second fold study wangled structured interviews from one hundred senior
journalists both working for national and international media throughout the country.
The interviews reveal sharp views on the situation of press freedom and threats to
journalists in the media environment of the country which were recorded with formal

vi
approval and the data was quantified for better understanding and for making the
findings able to be generalized.

The second fold comprises a well defined close ended questionnaire, reckoned by
social, cultural and behavioral mind set of the respondents from all the four provinces
and the capital city of Pakistan. Four hundred working journalists were visited
personally and dually signed data was received. Sign was optional but 100% of the
respondents did it voluntarily which indicate their zeal for their problems to be
recorded and considered. All these three folds leaves no stone unturned for to
discover real status of press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan.

The traditional way of comparative index making is not sufficient to declare the
position and ranking of press freedom in Pakistan So that this study examines the
media landscape in accordance to the social and cultural psychological traits and
behaviors of the nation. It also goes through the field to work out the mode and
agreeability of professionals to the present press laws and related regulations in
specific and conformity to the responsibility as stipulated by the constitution in
general. The study also locates the censorship in its disguised form that perplexes
the spirit of press freedom by paralyzing the professional standards of the news
content. It also calculates the journalist’s perceptions regarding the law and order
situation and position of the rule of law in the country as both the indicators are of the
core importance in relation to the sense of professional independence and for the
free flow of information. The other aspects of threats linked with the abuses of the
owners of media organizations and journalists as their non professional affiliations
and the disgusted vested interests, are also being enumerated. The study goes
through to quantify the role of the journalist’s organizations as the custodian of the
press freedom and that of the rights of journalists in the country and outside because
the strong, active, representative and trustworthy trade unions are guarantees to
freedom and safety. Social behavior and tolerance for press’s criticism in the masses
is also an indicator that affect the media environment, in this contexture, this
dissertation itemizes the attribute for better exploration of the situation of press
freedom and threats to journalists in the state.

For being a basic research, the thesis explores the media landscape of the state in
82 areas of effects in relation to press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan.

vii
These environs including the age factor, the education level, the experience heights,
professional standard, the ambition behind the job, the goals and aims, satisfaction
after joining, the nature, strength, direction and sources of threats and physical
harassments and their impacts on professional capacities of journalists and the
profession. The study also reckons response mechanism to threats and physical
harassments and legal protection criterion for journalists. The study also calculates
discriminations in the press as workplace and is manipulating the level of job security
hazards.

This study provides policy lines to plan properly implementable and results oriented
strategies for making the media environment safe for journalists to work
professionally, free of fear from known or unknown of sources of threats and with
zero inclinations to personal interests. The dissertation presents clarified ground for
to address the sources of pressures and their impacts on the free flow of information
and on journalists and make available the data for specifications to cope with the
prevailing challenges in the society which are alarming for the media environment in
the country. The thesis also endows guiding pathway to legislate applicable
framework of media laws relevant to the current and national and international
standards of media professionalism.

viii
 Table of Contents

Dedication…………………………………………………………………..…………….….i

Declaration……………………………………………………………………….…………..ii

Certificate ………………………………………………...……………….……………..….iii

Acknowledgement………………………………………………………….………….……iv

Abstract…………………………………………………….………………………….….....vi

Table of contents……………………………………………………….…...……….…..…ix

List of Tables in content analysis .......…………………………….……….…….…..….xv

List of Tables in interview’s discussions…………………………...………….….……xviii

List of Tables in survey’s discussions…………………………………..…………….…xix

List of Bar charts, Line charts and Pie charts content analysis ……………...…..…xxiv

List of Bar charts, Line charts and Pie charts in interview’s discussions…………..xxvi

List of Bar charts, Line charts and Pie charts in survey’s discussions …………....xxvii

Chapter One: Introduction

1.1 Introduction……………………………………………...………………...…….…...1

1.2 Society of Pakistan……………………….…………….……………...…….………6

1.3 Press in Pakistan………………….……….…………………….……….….………7

1.4 Journalists in Pakistan………………………………………….……………………9

1.5 The flow of news content: route and barricades………………….………….….10

1.6 Rationale of the study…………………………….…………………………...…..11

1.7 Theoretical Framework……………………………..……………………...………14

1.8 Hypothesis…………………….………………..…………………………….…….15

1.9 Research questions…………….…………..…………………….…..……….….15

ix
1.10 Research indicators………………………...…………………...………………..16

1.11 Objectives of the study…………………………………………….….………….20

1.12 Definitions of terms………………………………………………….….………...21

1.13 Research Methodology ………………………………………….……….……...24

1.14 References……………………………………………………….….…………….29

Chapter Two: Free press and challenges posed by freedom: A

Literature Review

2.1 Introduction……………………………………………………..………….….…...33

2.2 Conventional growth of the free press………………………..……….…….…. 38

2.3 Progression of Democracy: a proper route to press freedom………………...44

2.3 Evolution of Censorship…………………………….……………………...…..…51

2.4 Constitutional guarantees for Free press…………….………….….….…….…56

2.5 Summary………………………………………….…………..……………….……59

2.6 References……………………………………………….………..……………….60

Chapter Three: Free Press during different regimes and Press laws
in Pakistan

3.1 Introduction………………………………………………………..……………..…65

3.2 Actions against the press and journalists: Review of events and incidents....69

3.2.1 The First Decade: a democratic Era (1947-1958)……………………..69

3.2.2 The first Dictatorial era: the General Ayub Khan’s

Regime (1958-1969): and the flourishing press……….……..….....78

3.2.3 Two years of General Yahya Khan (1969-1971 ……………...…........81

x
 3.2.4 The Second term of democracy: Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto

period (1971- 1977) and the free press………………...….....84

3.2.5 Press under the dictatorship of General Zia-ul- Haq (1977-1988)…..88

3.2.6 The first woman Prime Minister and press (Benazir

Bhutto’s era.1988-1990)……………………….....……….…….93

3.2.7 First Tenure of Nawaz Sharif’s rule and the fortune

Press freedom (1990-1993)………..……...….…...…...…. …..95

3.2.8 Again the Benazir Bhutto (1993-1996): the same fate

of the press…………………………………...……..….…...…...98

3.2.9 Nawaz Sharif for the second time (1996-1999): the press

And the clutches of government………………….………...…101

3.2.10 The Pervez Musharraf’s era (1999-2007): A media

boost in chains………….……………….....….….…...…..…..104

3.2.11 Yusuf Raza Gillani (2008-2012): The country under

democracy but not the press………..………....………....….111

3.2.12 Mian Nawaz Sharif’s third era and the press (2013-2017)……...….115

3.3 Press Laws in Pakistan; developments and nature: an overview.................117

3.3.1 Global perspective………………..……………...……....................…119

3.3.2 Pakistan’s perspective………….....………...……..................…..….120

3.3.3 Special laws for the Press in Pakistan, a legacy of colonial era…..122

3.3.4 Special Laws for the Press in Exercise …………………...……..…..123

3.4 Statistics and Data Analysis …………………………………..…..…….…..…127

3.5 Summary……………………………...………………………….…..…….…….147

xi
3.6 References……………………………………………………….………………149

Chapter Four: Journalists killed in Pakistan: Incidents and progress

in judicial enquiries

4.1 Introduction………...………………………………………………….………... 161

4.2 Prosecutions of cases: incidents and progress ……….………...….……....162

4.3 Statistics and Data Analysis ………………….………….........................…..189

4.4 Summary……………………………….……………………………...….……...201

4.5 References……………………………………………………………………….202

Chapter Five: Role of Journalists’ Organizations (APNS, CPNE and

PFUJ) in the struggle for of press freedom

5.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………….……..….212

5.2 All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS)…………………………….……...214

5.3 Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editor (CPNE)……….……………...….…226

5.4 Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ)……………………..….…......237

5.5 Summary……………………….….………………………….…….……...…….254

5.6 References……………………………………………………………...………..255

Chapter Six: Press freedom and Threats to journalists in Pakistan

6.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………..……………….265

6.2 The Press under attacks in Pakistan: An overview………………..………...268

6.3 Most recent atrocities against press and journalists……...…………..……..321

6.4 Perception of press freedom: perspectives and analysis…..…………........323

6.5 Press freedom’s environment in Pakistan: Dimensions

and Specifications ………………………………………………………………325

xii
6.6 Threats to journalists in Pakistan: Perspectives and Analysis………….…..331

6.7 Nature of Threats to journalists: perceptions and analysis…………..……..342

6.7.1 Political patronage of Threats to Journalists and Press Freedom……344

6.7.2 Government and its tactics: curtailing the press

freedom and threatening journalists…………...….….….…..... 347

6.7.3 Radical Groups and their threatening influences

on the press and journalists…………...…………..………...…..352

6.7.4 Other Interest Groups and their tactics: curbing

Press freedom and threatening journalists for

vested interests……………..…………….……………….......…355

6.8 Professionalism in Press and Journalists: Perceptions about

responsibility, impartiality and maturity …….…...,,…..….........358

6. 9 Press’s and Journalist’s Economy Structures: A texture

of threats to journalists and freedom of press ………………....366

6.9.1 The press’s Economy Model…………………….………….…………371

6.9.2 The Journalist’s Economy Paradigm ……….....…………....……….374

6.10 Statistical representation and analysis of data collected from

Structured interviews ………………..………………..……….......374

6.11 Summary……………………………..………………………………..….....…..389

6.12 References……………………………………………………………..………...392

Chapter Seven: Research Findings and Discussion

7.1 Introduction ………………………………………..……………………..…..…..414

xiii
7A Findings of baseline survey……………………………………...;………..…...415

7B Combined research findings: Internal correlations: testing

Validity and Reliability…………….…….………………….…….…..…...514

7C External correlations among the findings of three

folds of the study………………………………………………..…...….…521

Chapter Eight: Conclusions and recommendations

8A.1 Content analysis………………………..……………………………………..….525

8A.2 Face-to-face structured interviews ……..…..………………………..….….....527

8A.3 Baseline survey ……………………….…….………………………………...…529

8B Recommendations……………………….……………………….….…………...537

Bibliography…………………………………………..…..…...............….…….….…546

Appendix A, List of interviewees……………………………………..….……... 581

Appendix B, Interviews’ Questionnaire ……….…………………..…….……..586

Appendix c, Survey’s Questionnaire (English)…..………..…………...…..591

Appendix D, Survey’s Questionnaire (Urdu)…………………………….…….604

xiv
 List of tables in Content analysis

S.NO Content Page

01 50
Frequency table, representing tops ten and lower ten in the indices
regarding press freedom, world freedom and rule of law.
02 Frequency table of actions against the press during First Decade 77
03 Frequency table of actions against the press during General Ayub 80
Khan’s Regime
04 Frequency table of actions against the press during General Yahya 82
Khan’s Regime
05 Frequency table of actions against the press during Zulfiqar Ali 87
Bhutto’s government
06 Frequency table of actions against the press during General Zia Ul 92
Haq's Regime
07 Frequency table of actions against the press during Benazir Bhutto's 94
Regime (First)
08 Frequency table of actions against the press during Nawaz Sharif’s 97
Regime (First)
09 Frequency table of actions against the press during Benazir Bhutto's 100
Regime (Second)
10 Frequency table of actions against the press during Nawaz sharif's 103
Regime (Second)
11 Frequency table of actions against the press during Pervez 110
Musharraf’s Regime
12 Frequency table of actions against the press during Yusuf Raza 113
Gillani's Regime
13 Frequency table of actions against the press during Nawaz Sharif's 116
Regime(Third)
14 Frequency table of actions (Killing, other attacks and arrests) against 127
journalists during different regimes
15 Frequency table of actions against the press, (attacks, bans, closures 129

xv
 of official ads. during different regimes
16 Frequency table of actions against the press (a trend through the 131
media history of Pakistan)
17 Frequency table of Comparative trend of actions, against journalists 132
and the press, though out the media history of Pakistan

18 Frequency table of The closures of government's advertisements, 134

comparative trend in different eras

19 Frequency table of comparative study of Banes on the press during 135

different regimes

20 Frequency table of attacks on journalists, comparative trend 136

21 Frequency table of attacks against journalists by actors (harassments, 138

tortures, beatings and injuries)

22 Frequency table of attacks on the media houses during different 139

regimes

23 Frequency table of attacks on the media houses by different actors 140

24 Frequency table of attacks on the media houses (categorized by 141

media groups)

25 Frequency table of attacks on journalists categorized by beats 143

26 Frequency table of arrest of journalists during different regimes 144

27 Frequency table of arrests of journalists, categorized by regions 145

28 Frequency table of arrests of journalists under different press laws 146

29 Frequency table of killings of journalists from 1990 to 2017 190

categorized by beats

30 Frequency table of killings of journalists categorized by Medium in the 192

time frame 1947-2017(70 years)

31 Frequency table of killings of journalists in the time frame 1947- 193

2017(70 years) categorized by media groups

xvi
32 Frequency table of killing of journalists in the time frame 1947-2017(70 193
years) categorized by nature of killings

33 Frequency table of killing of journalists in the time frame 1947-2017 194

categorized by sources of threats

34 Frequency table of killings of journalist in between 1990 and 2017 195

categorized by Location

34 Frequency table of killings of TV journalists during last 70 year 196

categorized by Media organizations
36 Frequency table of killings of journalists categorized by media groups 198

37 Frequency table of killings of journalists categorized by beats (1990- 200

2017)

xvii
 List of tables in Interview’s Discussions

S.No Content Page

01 Frequency table of newspapers published in Pakistan in the last 368
seventeen years (2001-2016)
02 Frequency table of perceptions about the status of Press Freedom 378
03 Frequency table of perceptions about the level of threats to 379
journalists
04 Frequency table of perceptions about the non-professional pressure 380
on journalists on account of their profession
05 Frequency table of perceptions in respect to job security, salary 381
package and insurance of journalists
06 Frequency table of perceptions about the sources of threats to 382
journalists and actors confining the freedom of press
07 Frequency table of perceptions about the level of professional 383
Maturity in Print media
08 Frequency table of perceptions about the level of professional 384
Maturity in electronic media
09 Frequency table of perceptions about the level of responsibility in 185
Print Media
10 Frequency table of perceptions about the level of responsibility in 386
Electronic Media
11 Frequency table of perceptions about the level of partiality in Print 387
Media
12 Frequency table of perceptions about the level of partiality in 388
Electronic Media

xviii
 List of table for Survey’s discussions

S.No Contents Page

01 Frequency table of geographical distribution of sampled journalists 415
02 Frequency table of gender distribution of the respondents 416
03 Frequency table of age distribution of the respondents 417
04 Frequency table of experience distribution of the journalists 418
05 Frequency table of academic qualifications of sampled journalists 419
06 Frequency table of distribution of academic disciplines of sampled 420
journalists
07 Frequency table of distribution of the ambitions of journalists 426
08 Frequency table of distribution of satisfactions of journalists 427
09 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about status of press 428
freedom in Pakistan
10 Frequency table of distribution of the perceptions about the impacts 430
of law and order situation on press freedom
11 Frequency table of distribution of the perceptions about the condition 431
of rule of law
12 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the impacts of 433
inconsistency of democracy on press freedom
13 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the level of 434
intolerance for press’s criticism in the society
14 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the impacts of 435
intolerance for press’s criticism on press freedom
15 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions of respondents about 436
the impacts of diversity of social norms and values on the freedom of
press
16 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the undeclared 438
censorship on the press
17 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of the exercise of self- 439
censorship
18 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the impacts of 440

xix
 self-censorship on press freedom
19 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the interventions 442
of the owners of media organizations in editorial policies
20 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the intervention 443
of advertisers in editorial policies
21 Frequency table of distribution of confessions about threats faced in 444
the line of duty
22 Frequency table of distribution of confessions about the nature of 445
threats faced in the line of duty
23 Frequency table of distribution of confessions about the targets of 446
threats
24 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of the sources of 447
threats
25 Frequency table of geographical distribution of threats to journalists 449
26 Frequency table of distribution of complaints registered against 450
threats
27 Frequency table of distribution of first step action about threats 451
28 Frequency table of distribution of responses to complaints 452
29 Frequency table of distribution of satisfaction got after responses 453
30 Frequency table of distribution of impacts of threats 454
31 Ta Frequency table of distribution confessions of physical 455
harassments in the line of professional activities
32 Frequency table of distribution of the nature of physical harassments 456
33 Frequency table of distribution of sources of physical harassments 457
34 Frequency table of distribution of geographical existence of physical 459
harassments of journalist
35 Frequency table of distribution complaints registrations against 460
physical harassments
36 Frequency table of distribution of complaints registering institutions 461
37 Frequency table of distribution of responses to complaints against 462
physical harassments
38 Frequency table of distribution of satisfactions over responses to 463
complaints of physical harassments

xx
39 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of the impacts of 464
physical harassments on professional capacities
40 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about political affiliations 465
of journalists
41 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions of the impacts of 466
political affiliations of journalists
42 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about correlation 467
between political affiliations of journalists and threats to journalists
43 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about joining journalism 468
for vested interests
44 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about establishing 469
media organizations for vested interests
45 Frequency table of distribution of correlation between vested interests 470
and threats to journalists
46 Frequency table of distribution perceptions about non-professional 472
pressures on journalists
47 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of arrests in the line of 473
professional activities
48 Frequency table of distribution of legal position of arrests of journalists 473
49 Frequency table of distribution of legality of the custody of journalists 474
50 Frequency table of distribution of justification of the arrests of 475
journalists
51 Frequency table of distribution of confessions about the sources 476
behind engineered arrests of journalists
52 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of court trails in the 477
line of profession
53 Frequency table of distribution of Court’s sentences to journalists 478
54 Frequency table of distribution of satisfaction over court’s decisions 479
55 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of economic 480
harassments by employers
56 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of mental harassments 481
by the editors
57 Frequency table of distribution of confessions about being offered 482

xxi
 bribes for favoritism
58 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of bribes accepting for 483
favoritism
59 Frequency table of distribution of confessions of facing discrimination 484
in media
60 Frequency table of distribution of observations of discrimination in 485
media as a workplace
61 Frequency table of distribution of the natures of discriminations 487
62 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about levels of safety of 488
journalists
63 Frequency table of distribution of self-censorship exercised by 489
journalists
64 Frequency table of distribution of reasons behind self-censorship 490
65 Frequency table of distribution of satisfaction after self-censorship 491
66 Frequency table of distribution of consensus on legal check on the 493
press
67 Frequency table of distribution of consensus over present media laws 494
68 Frequency table of distribution of disagreements over media laws 495
69 Frequency table of distribution of proposals for disagreed media laws 497
70 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the professional 498
maturity of Pakistani press
71 Frequency table of distribution of membership’s strength of PFUJ 499
72 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the representative 500
status of PFUJ
73 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the role of PFUJ 501
for press freedom
74 Frequency table of distribution of confessions about workings of PFUJ 502
for journalists regarding professional hurdles
75 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the role of CPNE 504
for press freedom
76 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the interests of 505
CPNE
77 Frequency table of distribution of consensus on the role of CPNE for 506

xxii
 the interests of journalists
78 Frequency table of distribution of consensus on the owner editors 507
79 Frequency table of distribution of consensus on the role of APNS for 508
press freedom
80 Frequency table of distribution of perceptions about the interests of 509
APNS
81 Frequency table of distribution of consensus on the working of APNS 510
for journalists
82 Frequency table of distribution of expectations about the future of 512
press in Pakistan

xxiii
 List of Pie, Line and Bar charts in Content analysis

S.No Content Page

01 Pie chart for actions against the press during First Decade 77
02 Pie chart for actions against the press during General Ayub Khan’s 81
Regime
03 Pie chart for actions against the press during General Yahya Khan’s 83
Regime
04 Pie chart for actions against the press during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s 87
05 Pie chart for actions against the press during General Zia Ul Haq's 92
Regime
06 Pie chart for actions against the press during Benazir Bhutto's 95
Regime (First)
07 Pie chart for actions against the press during Nawaz Sharif’s Regime 97
(First)
08 Pie chart for actions against the press during Benazir Bhutto's 100
Regime (Second)
09 Pie chart for actions against the press during Nawaz sharif's Regime 103
(Second)
10 Pie chart for actions against the press during Pervez Musharraf’s 110
Regime
11 Pie chart for actions against the press during Yousuf Raza Gillani's 114
Regime
12 Pie chart for actions against the press during Nawaz Sharif's Regime 117
(Third)
13 Bar chart for actions (Killing, other attacks and arrests) against 128
journalists during different regimes
14 Bar chart for actions against the press (attacks, bans, closures of 129
official ads) during different regimes
15 Line chart for actions against the press ( trend through the media 131
history of Pakistan)
16 Line chart for Comparative trend of actions, against journalists and 133

xxiv
 the press, though out the media history of Pakistan
17 Pie chart for The closures of government's advertisements, 134
comparative trend in different eras
18 Pie chart for comparative study of Banes on the press during different 135
regimes
19 Pie chart for attacks on journalists, comparative trend 136
20 Pie chart for sources of attacks (harassments, tortures, beatings and 138
injuries) on journalists
21 Bar chart for attacks on the media houses during different regimes 139
22 Pie chart for attacks on the media houses by different actors 140
23 Pie chart for attacks on the media houses, categorized by media 142
groups
24 Pie chart for attacks on journalists, categorized by beats 143
25 Pie chart for arrest of journalists during different regimes 144
26 Pie chart for arrest of journalists, categorized by regions 145
27 Pie chart for arrest of journalists under different press laws 146
28 Pie chart for killings of journalists, from 1990 to 2017 categorized by 191
beats
29 Pie chart for killings of journalists categorized by Medium in the time 192
frame 1947-2017(70 years)
30 Pie chart for killings of journalists in the time frame 1947-2017(70 193
years) categorized by media organizations
31 Pie chart for killings of journalists in the time frame 1947-2017(70 194
years) categorized by nature of killings
32 Pie chart for killings of journalists in the time frame 1947-2017 194
categorized by sources of threats
33 Pie chart for journalist killed in between 1990 and 2017 categorized 196
by Location
34 Pie chart for killings of TV journalists during last 70 year categorized 197
by Media organizations
35 Pie chart for killings of journalists, categorized by media groups 199
36 Pie chart for killings of journalists, categorized by beats (1990-2017) 200

xxv
 List of Pie, Line and Bar charts in Interview’s Discussions

S.No Content Page

01 Line Bar for Newspapers published in last seventeen years (2001- 369
2016) in Pakistan
02 Bar chart for perceptions about the status of Press Freedom in 379
Pakistan
03 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of threats to journalists 379
04 Pie chart for perceptions about the non-professional pressure on 380
journalists on account of their profession
05 Pie chart for perceptions in respect to job security, salary package 381
and insurance of journalists
06 Bar chart perceptions about the sources of threats to journalists and 383
actors confining the freedom of press
07 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of professional maturity in 384
Print media
08 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of professional maturity in 385
electronic media
09 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of responsibility in print 386
media
10 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of responsibility in electronic 387
media
11 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of partiality in print media 388
12 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of partiality in electronic 389
media

xxvi
 List of Pie, Bar and Line charts for Survey’s discussions

S.No Contents Page

01 Bar chart for Geographical locations of sampled journalist 415
02 Pie chart for gender of the respondents 417
03 Bar chart for age of the respondents 418
04 Bar chart for experience of the journalists 319
05 Pie chart for positions in media organizations 421
06 Pie chart for the respondents’ organizations (Khyber Pakhtoon Khwa 422
(KPK)
07 Pie chart for the respondents’ organizations (Baluchistan) 423
08 Pie chart for the respondents’ organizations (Punjab) 424
09 Pie chart for the respondents’ organizations (Islamabad Rawalpindi) 424
10 Pie chart for the respondents’ organizations (Sindh) 425
11 Pie chart for the ambitions of journalists 427
12 Pie chart for satisfactions of journalists 428
13 Pie chart for perceptions about the status of press freedom in 429
Pakistan
14 Pie chart for the perceptions about the impacts of law and order 430
situation on press freedom
15 Pie chart for the perceptions about the condition of rule of law 432
16 Pie chart for perceptions about the impacts of inconsistency of 433
democracy on press freedom
17 Pie chart for perceptions about the level of intolerance for press’s 434
criticism in the society
18 Pie chart for perceptions about the impacts of intolerance for press’s 435
criticism on press freedom
19 Pie chart for perceptions of respondents about the impacts of 437
diversity of social norms and values on the freedom of press
20 Pie chart for distribution of perceptions about the undeclared 438
censorship on the press
21 Pie chart for perceptions about the exercise of self-censorship 439

xxvii
22 Pie chart for perceptions about the impacts of self-censorship on 441
press freedom
23 Pie chart for perceptions about the interventions of the owners of 442
media organizations in editorial policies
24 Pie chart for perceptions about the intervention of advertisers in 443
editorial policies
25 Pie chart for confessions of threats to journalists 444
26 Pie chart for confessions of nature of threats 445
27 Pie chart for targets for threats 446
28 Pie chart for confessions of the sources of threats 448
29 Pie chart for geographical distribution of threats to journalists 449
30 Pie chart for filing complaints against threats 450
31 Pie chart for first step action in case of threats 451
32 Pie chart for responses to complaints 452
33 Pie chart for satisfaction got after responses 453
34 Pie chart for impacts of threats on professional capacities 454
35 Pie chart for confessions of physical harassments of journalists 455
36 Pie chart for the nature of physical harassments 456
37 Pie chart for sources of physical harassments of journalists 458
38 Pie chart for geographical existence of physical harassments of 459
journalist
39 Pie chart for filing complaint registrations against physical 460
harassments
40 Pie chart for channels of filing complaints 461
41 Pie chart for responses to complaints against physical harassments 462
42 Pie chart for satisfactions over responses to complaints of physical 463
harassments
43 Pie chart for impacts of physical harassments of journalists 464
44 Pie chart for perceptions about political affiliations of journalists 466
45 Pie chart for the impacts of political affiliations of journalists 467
46 Pie chart for correlation between political affiliations of journalists and 468
threats to journalists
47 Pie chart for perceptions about joining journalism for vested interests 469

xxviii
48 Pie chart for perceptions about establishing media organizations for 470
vested interests
49 Pie chart for correlation between vested interests and threats to 471
journalists
50 T Pie chart for non-professional pressures on journalists 472
51 Pie chart for confessions of arrests in the line duty 473
52 Pie chart for legal position of arrests of journalists 474
53 Pie chart for legality of the custody of journalists 475
54 Pie chart for justification of the arrests of journalists 476
55 Pie chart for sources behind engineered arrests of journalists 478
56 Pie chart for court trails of journalists 489
57 Pie chart for Court’s sentences to journalists 480
58 Pie chart for satisfaction over court’s decisions 480
59 Pie chart for confessions on economic harassments by employers 481
60 Pie chart for confessions on mental harassments by the editors 462
61 Pie chart for offering bribes for favoritism 483
62 Pie chart for confessions of bribes accepting for favoritism 484
63 Pie chart for confessions of facing discrimination in media 485
64 Pie chart for observations of discrimination in media as a work place 486
65 Pie chart for the natures of discriminations 487
66 Pie chart for perceptions about levels of safety of journalists 488
67 Pie chart for confessions of self-censorship exercised by journalists 490
68 Pie chart for reasons behind self-censorship 491
69 Pie chart for satisfaction after self-censorship 492
70 Pie chart for distribution of consensus on legal check on the press 493
71 Pie chart for distribution of consensus over present media laws 494
72 Pie chart for disagreements over media laws 496
73 Pie chart for proposals for disagreed media laws 497
74 Pie chart for perception about the professional maturity of Pakistani 498
press
75 Pie chart for membership’s strength of PFUJ 499
76 Pie chart for perceptions about the representative status of PFUJ 500

xxix
77 Pie chart for perceptions about the role of PFUJ for press freedom 501
78 Pie chart for confessions about workings of PFUJ for journalists 503
79 Pie chart for perceptions about the role of CPNE for press freedom 504
80 Pie chart for perceptions about the interests of CPNE 505
81 Pie chart for consensus on the role of CPNE for the interests of 506
journalists
82 Pie chart for consensus on the owner editors 507
83 Pie chart for role of APNS for press freedom 508
84 Pie chart for interests of APNS 509
85 Pie chart for consensuses on the working of APNS for journalists 511
86 Pie chart for expectations about the future of press in Pakistan 512

xxx
 Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 Introduction

This study explores the media landscape of Pakistan to locate the status of press
freedom in the country within the parameters prescribed by the constitution of
Pakistan 1973, where article 19 declares: “Every citizen shall have the right to
freedom of speech and expression, and there shall be freedom of press, subject to
any reasonable restrictions imposed by the law in the interest of the glory of Islam or
the integrity, security or defense of Pakistan or any part thereof, friendly relations
with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of
court, commission of , or incitement to an offence”. And that of the article 19A
[Amendment] which states: “Every citizen shall have the right to have access to
information in all matters of public importance subject to regulations and reasonable
restrictions imposed by law” (Constitution of Pakistan, 1973). The study also
considers the international standards and obligations regarding the freedom of press
such as article 19 of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR) 1948
that says: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right
includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and
impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers”. Also in
the same lines this thesis goes to consider article 19 of the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) 1966 that declares that “everyone has right to
freedom of expression”.

The study believes that the freedom of press is to convey realities, directly or
indirectly to the consumers, as a sacred trust within the limits prescribe by the local
moralities and universal truth without any interference of any personal interest’s
move on any stage of the process of communication.

The study acknowledges that constitutional guarantees with restrictions and

limitations in Pakistan are not enough to declare expression and press free on the
ground that these guarantees indicate that the aim and end is not the freedom of
press but the objective is to safeguard the religious glory, state’s integrity and
security, morality of the society and supremacy of the court. In the same context,

1
access to information is not free of obligations that deteriorate the international
standards as has been instituted in the Article 19 of the United Nations Declaration
of Human Rights (1948).

It is also obliging to consider whether it is possible to confer absolute freedom to the

press to get access to all origins and types of information and to do publish or
disseminate without any filtration and with no due considerations to ethical, social,
national and international responsibilities. Vernon J. Bourke in an article, titled “Moral
Problems Related to Censoring the Media of Mass Communications”, summarizes
that absolute freedom is harmful and without proper knowledge of things to do and to
utilizes the powers, it would not be a wise decision to grant liberty. He suggests
reasonable limitations on moral rights including right of communication, otherwise
that would become impracticable for the people to take pleasure in the use of their
fundamental rights in society (Bourke, 1956).lee B.Becker and Tudor Vlad (2009)
denote “press freedom has been viewed as a characteristic of the nation state, linked
in much of the western literature to other state characteristics such as level of
democratization, extent of civil liberties, government transparency and even
economic liberalization”. So that responsibilities and publicly recognized limitations
and restrictions, that regularizes the rights, are inevitable and are justifiable but
restrictions directed to protect and promote personal designs and vested interests
are not permissible and are harmful to the right of expression and communication as
well for the society and system (Becker&Vlad, 2009).

Although a general consensus is present on the laws and regulations to keep a

check on the system of communication and press, and in this context the flow of
information and the system of communication is encircled in a number of laws i-e the
Provisions of Pakistan Penal Codes, 123A, 124A, 153A, 153B, 292, 295A, 499-502
(1860), Defamation Law (2002), Blasphemy law (Constitution of Pakistan, 1973),
Code of Conducts (2010), the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority
(2002), Freedom of Information Ordinance (2002), the Press, Newspapers, News
Agencies and Books Registration (2002), Pakistan Telecommunication Authority
(1996), the Post Office Act (1896), the Contempt of Court Act (1973) the Telegraph
Act (1885), and other. But to suppress the decent voices unlawfully is a bare and
unsupportive blight. Amir Latif (2018) denotes that laws and regulations are not the
problem for press freedom but the press in Pakistan is in the clutches of interests

2
groups and they are confining the press and even they are threatening journalists for
favoritism. This research is exploring the media landscape of Pakistan to calculate
such abusive practices against the press and the media persons.

But the media landscape of the state is not only subject to legal restrictions and the
state agents, the General Rule of laws, the social and popular behavior of the
masses toward press and journalists, the reaction of uncontrolled and political
backed land grabbers, traffickers and other interest groups are also involved and
keep the press and journalists between the lines they have drawn for them. The ex-
presidents of Karachi Press Club, Karachi Union of journalists and post bearers of
Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), Khursheed Abbassi and Imtiaz Khan
Faran assert that laws are not the problematic issue but laws are necessary to check
negative freedom practice but the political activist, social activists, religious groups,
militants, traffickers, land-grabbers, law enforcement agencies and economic interest
groups are the major factors threatening journalists for vested interests and are
curtailing the freedom of press (Abbassi & Faran, 2018).

The study also attempts to locate the hidden and unreported threats and their
reasons and actors behind the threats as it is a generally held opinion in the media
community that press has always been tried to be threatened and be confined but
the difference in past and present is that, in past the threats were open and the
actors behind the threats were known but at present, the threats are hidden and the
actors behind the threats are unknown.

Favoritism is also a very important dimension ends in threats and pressure against
journalists and the press. Journalists leaders in Quetta, after a decision (October
2011) of Baluchistan High Court, urged the media not to publish terrorists’ and
separatists’ stances. The plea expressed the uncertain situation, journalist told the
court that they were facing threats from the forces and separatists for favoritism as
well and are exposed to all sides (daily The News, October 02, 2012). The deputy
editor daily Jang Karachi, Mudasir Mirza affirms the contention of state and non-state
actors for more space in the newspapers and he said that they pressurize the press
and journalists for their vested interests (Mirz, 2018. The logic behind is the
vulnerability of the press as the press depend on the economy related to the masses
for selling the paper and the political elites for government and private

3
advertisements and they are directly or indirectly under the control of the sources of
threats. This study explores the media landscape for the indicators mentioned above
searching the history and calculates such attempts, statistically.

Alongside, stumpy practices and lack of professionalism in the press and journalists,
also add to deteriorate press freedom dilemma and increase threats and pressure
against journalists. Sajjad Pracha in his PhD thesis Titled “Pakistan’s Media Policy: A
Normative Approach” finds that some of the journalists have promoted yellow
journalism and “Lifafa Journalism” in the form of black mailing and spreading
sensationalism in Pakistan. He concludes that these practices not only increase
threats but also give way to favoritism in the press. Paracha declares that media
owners are also involved in such malpractices (Paracha, 2007).

Mir Khalil Ur Rehman, the founder of Jang Media Group, declared that press was
exposed to attacks of the political parties for a fanaticism of favoritism and that the
fashion had increased threats to the profession. He also admitted interest’s clashes
in the field of journalism and said that this trend is also responsible for the deceasing
credibility of the press. Mir Khalil expressed apprehension on the curtailing practices
of the official advertisements and declared that the press was more vulnerable to the
threats from non-state agents for space and they were keeping the press under
pressure (Rehman, 1990). This research is interested to find out and generalize the
press freedom situation in this context.

Report issued by Amnesty International (AI) in 2014, says that authorities in Pakistan
are almost unsuccessful in their resposiblities to stalk abuses against media workers
and that media community is under siege. The report further declares that journalists
in the country are also prey of human rights abuses by the hands of non-state
agents. An other aspect of the dilemma had also identified by the report as the
aggressive struggle for media space which means powerful actors of the political
landscape put harsh pressure on mediamen for complimentary coverage (Dawn,
April 30, 2014).This study attempts to search this aspect for clarification by
calculating the perceptions and confessions of the media experts and the component
parts of the of media community in Pakistan[journalists] using survey and interview
as tool of research.

4
This dissertation builds up the realm of press freedom on five pillars. The first pillar is
the free flow of information, that from its origin, for which, access, as a guaranteed
right is necessary, to the dissemination and feedback. Here Access to Information is
the first stage from where the news item is obtained, if this stage is free of
interference and hindrances in true sense, the content will be reliable and strong.
The second stage is the editing of information; here the processing should be free of
pressure and prejudice and be treated with true journalistic spirit. The third stage is
the publishing, or broadcasting of information; here the system should be free of
interference of interest groups and to content should reach the target uninfluenced
and without any interruption. The fourth and final stage is the feedback to the
disseminated information; here the response should be free of reactionary and
aversive behavior.

The second pillar is the fearless environment for the press and journalists to perform
their duty professionally, powered by objectivity. This pillar is based on rule of law as
its first stage; the general law and order situation directly affects the performance of
journalists, if the rule of law is weak, the news content lose its objectivity as that will
be paralyzed by self-censorship for the sake of self defense. The second stage in
this context is the economy of the industry; economy is the back bone of the press
industry and if the press is depending on the interest groups for its survival, the
pressure and interference by the supporters will be inevitable and objectivity will be
in hazards.

The Social behavior is the third pillar of freedom of press. Press lives for the society
and that its responses to disseminated information, have profound impacts on the
freedom of press. The relation of press and society is vital but that is also very
delicate and some time complicated. The intolerant, impassionate and unrealistic
responses to criticism or stirred reactions by the interest groups generate drastic
results for media and journalists. Whereas diversity in social system, values and
norms, creates hurdles for the National Press and affect the freedom of expression
badly.

The fourth pillar of press freedom is professionalism. The true spirit of journalism is
oxygen for the free press. Professionalism is the impartial, objective, unmediated
and cordial approach to information from its origin to the feedback. If press is not free

5
of the vested interests of its component parts, the freedom from outside is
meaningless.

The fifth pillar of press freedom is the role of media organizations. Organized efforts
for the freedom of press in the realm of media are only possible if there are strong
and truly representative organizations and they are determinant to play role for the
press. Organizations are inevitable for the protections of journalists’ rights and
meditations in framing laws and regulations for the press. The only presence of such
organization is not a guarantee for the freedom of press but their professional role is
pivotal and considerable indicator in this respect.

1.2 Society of Pakistan

The society of Pakistan is of highly diverse nature in terms of culture, economy,

ethnicity, lingual specifications, political thoughts, ideological approaches, urban-
rural differences and sectarianism.
Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947 after a long struggle on different levels
for independence from the British rule but differences in ideological, administrative
and political approaches among different classes and sections of the society has
always scrambled the development of democracy and democratic values resulted in
unrest and in an environment of threat and uncertainty for all the state and non-state
institutions including press (Siddiqi,T., 2018).
According to the Pakistan Bureau of statistics (2017) total population of the country
is more than twenty billions of which 96.28% is Muslim while 1.69% , 1.60, .22% and
25% citizens are Christians, Hindus, Qadyani, Scheduled Casts and others
respectively. The society is ethnically diverse yet overwhelmingly Muslim. The
ethnical diversity have potential to give birth conflicts among different identities of the
country and process of national integration can be secured only then when they
would be given adequate representation on all stages including media courage
(Majeed, n.d.).
The Pakistan’s social fabric is multilingual and multicultural with very few similarities
and immense diversity. Major ethnic groups, include Pathans, Balochi, Punjabi and
Sindhi. All these major groups have diverse cultural and social traditions and speak
different languages. More in these lines it is importantat to say that in the land,
ethnic, regional and family loyalties are considered more prominently for individuals

6
than do national loyalties. The socio-political history of the state indicates that before
the partition in 1971, the Bengali-Urdu crisis, the Urban-Rural and Sindhi-Urdu
dilemma in the province of Sindh, Central-Southern Punjab issue and others are
results of the ethnical diversity in the state which make it complex for the media to
keep a balance in the circumstances.
According to Dr. Sanchita Bhattacharya, civil society in Pakistan is considered as an
umbrella phrase for a variety of non-state and non-market citizen groups and
inventiveness, networks and unions working in an expansive gamut of social,
economic and cultural grounds (Bhattacharya, 2016).
The wealth is poorly distributed and the gulf in lower, middle and upper class is
continuously increasing which create problems in socio-economic relations among
the classes and also enhance class distinction based violence and it intricate media
environment for balanced courage.
According to World Bank (2016) 63% of Pakistan’s population is rural based. The
feudal patronage in the rural areas also creates hurdles for uniform approaches and
integration. A sense of dominance on the basis of wealth, social status, religion,
population, region, casts and political position in the people and sections of society
asks for more and prominence coverage in media which leads to violence and
threats to journalists and the press (Khanzada, 2018).

1.3 Press in Pakistan

On the basis of medium, press in Pakistan is divided in print and electronic spectrum
while a divide on language and main stream and local media structure is also known
terms that marks distinctions.
Before the independence, press was fully engaged in politics and was playing
crusading role in the movement for freedom of the nation from foreign yoke (Iqbal,
2010). Media entered the newly created country of Pakistan carrying with it the same
nature and political affiliation, and for a long time could not adopted the new realities
and responsibilities to boast popular democracy and its values.
The print media is the oldest medium of mass communication in the state. The Jang
was first published from New Delhi in 1941 and after the partition its founder Mir
Khalil Ur Rehamman moved it to Karachi from it was published as eveninger which

7
later on was promoted to daily and now is the largest circulated Urdu newspaper in
Pakistan that sells eight lac copies per day (Shoeb, 2008).
Imroze, the Pakistan Times, Jssarat, Maswat, Ummat, and other comprising the
media realm of the country and each and every media organization follows its own
generated agenda and also have created a specific sphere of influence and distinct
market.
Nawa-i-Waqt was established by Hameed Nizami in 1940. Hameed Nizami was a
proponent figure in freedom movement and his paper was known for advocating the
cause of the freedom fighter. The paper is still known for its conservative approaches
but have a large share as a mainstream paper in the media environment of the
country.
The four giants of Pakistani media are Jang Media Group owned by Mir family under
the supervision of Mir Shakil Ur Rehman, the Nawa-i-Waqt Group owned by Nizami
family under the control of Majid Nizami, the Dawn media Group owned by Saigol
and Haroon family in the leadership of Hameed Haroon and the Express Group run
by Lakhani family. All these groups are business oriented and run other business
side by side. Mir Shakil is known for investing assets in the stock market, the Saigol
family runs textile factories, and the Express Group has diagonal relations with other
international businesses. ARY Media Group under the ownership of AbulRazaq
Yaqoob also owns gold, real estate and other businesses (Rasul&McDwell, 2012).
The English, Urdu and local langue distribution of media is also distinct and have
their specific sphere of influences and follows particular market based policies (Latif,
2018).The largest share bearing paper Dawn, is elite class paper and its editorial
policies and content reflects the class presentation at large. The paper is generally
believed freer as compared to the Urdu local language press. The daily “The news”,
daily Express tribune and daily Frontier Posts are second place English papers and
have a reputation for mixed texture of editorial policies and representative status of
both the middle and upper class.
The local language papers in Sindhi, Pashtu, Arabic, Balochi, Punjabi and Brahvi are
representing the local issues and follow distinct local circumstances based approach
to media content and orientation.
According to Pakistan’s Bureau of statistics (2016), five hundred and thirty nine
papers and periodicals are published in the country. They are 4 Arabic, 1 Brahvi, 12

8
Balochi, 55 Enlish, 19 Pahstu, 1 Sindhi, 442 Urdu and 5 others. Urdu language
papers dominate the media market both by number and on the basis of circulation.
Electronic media was introduced in the country in 1964 when the first television
channel PTV went on air and for 50 years continued to keep its monopoly until 2000-
2002 when licenses were issued to private channels by Gen. Pervez Musharraf’s
government.
Today the Pakistan’s electronic media consists of 92 channels, three still pstates
owned and 89 private and 188 radios of which 143 are commercial, 45 are non-
commercial, serving information to twenty billions citizens of the country (APNS &
PEMRA, 2018).
It is generally held view that electronic media is highly biased in term of content and
presentation and reflects a clear divide and inclination on the basis of ideologies and
economic interests. The study attempts to calculate the trend and its nature and
reasons.

1.4 Journalists in Pakistan

Journalists in Pakistan under the umbrella of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists

serve information to the nation. The PFUJ as federation comprising UJs’ from all the
big cities and large district of the country but the membership is low and federation is
split in two parts at the time. The internal differences and out intrigues make the
situation dismal and dispiriting for working journalists and for the professional
environment of the country.
No documentation has been made to confirm the real number of working journalists
in the media landscape but according to the annual report of International Media
Support (2016) eighteen thousand journalists are working in Pakistan (IMS, 2016).
The number of working journalists as 18,000 was also confirmed by Director
Intermedia Pakistan, Adnan Rehamat, in an interview with Dawn, (Dawn, April 25,
2014).
Similarly Dr. Sherry Ricchiardi, in a report for American Journalism Review (AJR),
affirms that number of journalists has grown in Pakistan to twenty thousand as in
2012 (Ricchiardi, 2012).
Journalists are known for beat reporters, investigative reporters, correspondents,
special correspondents, representatives and free lancers. An other division of

9
working journalists in Pakistan’s media is on the basis of workplace position as office
based journalists including editors, sub-editors, copy editors, news editor, anchor
persons and other and field journalists like reporters and camera persons.
The pattern of threats and level of working and interests is different among different
sections but they contain common feature too and in this context, the study tries to
explore the media environment giving adequate opportunity to all of them for to
locate the status of press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan.

1.5 The flow of news content: route and barricades

Berlo’s communication model (SMCR) is generally followed with the additional

aspect of feedback, in Pakistan. The source-message-channel-Receiver pattern
comprises the media theatre here in the state. The news-content travels through
hard, complicated and zigzagged way to reach its destination.

Communicational process starts here as the origin of the news-content. The reporter
or photographer perceives the event in general or they are given with an assignment
to investigate and report and in some cases the source itself manages to be
perceived. Before the process starts, a variety of factors are determined. The first is
the law of the state whether that allows to collect the information or not, the second
is whether the matter will get the attention of the editor or not, the third is whether the
news-content is acceptable for the target and that favor the social values and norms
of the society or might create adverse reactions as feedback, the fourth is whether
the content will be safe or may erect threats and safety concerns. An unconventional
factor also play role to determine the event and that is, whether the story will bear
personal gains or is just a job requirement. After all these factors are considered, the
process enters to determine other factors like how to reach the information and how
to cover the event safely and how to control the possible reaction as feedback. Here
the economical aspect is also measured that whether the news item enhances
finance of the media enterprises or it may hurt the economical interests of the outlet
because, in case the news story goes against an advertizing agency, or agent, or
any influential person, or any institution, that might badly affect the interests of the
employer which would lead to affect the interests of the perceiver.

10
In the second phase, the news content makes its way into the desk, where the
editor, the news editor and sub-editors are dealting with it. The editor at a glance
sorts the contents and following the policy of the media organization by rule and the
economical and other interests in practice. After policy guided filteration, the news
editor decides the furtune of the content to be published on the front, back or on the
inner pages in single column, double or three column spaces. The dicision is made
on the basis of the importance and news value of the content but here the content is
suffered from the choices and interests of the news editors. After passing through
this filter, the content is processed by the sub-editor in accordance to the press laws,
practices rules under the professional ethics by principles but some time the sub-
editor also impuse his likes, dislikes and interests in the subject matter of the
content.

The next phase of the content to reach the target is the hands of hawkers. By
principles, the content is conveyed to the readers in accordance to its marketplace
but in practice, hawkers also play with it following their commercial and ideological
interests here in Pakistan. The lifting and placement of the paper on their stalls are
dealt with the personal interests and the content suffers the discriminative attitudes.

1.6 Rationale of the study

The day to day atrocities against the press and journalists, reports of national and
international organizations and literature on the press and media landscape of
Pakistan indicate that conditions of press freedom in Pakistan is deteriorating and
journalists are under threats for their professional duties. This portrayal of the
situation became the first inspiration for the thesis to academically explore the realm
of media in the state and generalize the state of affairs empirically.

During the years of the study, the Freedom House (FH) in its annual report for 2012
put that freedom of press is deteriorate in Pakistan as journalists are facing with an
unprecedented height of aggression and threats from a variety of sources in the year
2011. For the same year International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) reported that
there was no sign of action against the threats faced by journalists in Pakistan. The
FH report published in 2013 denoted that press freedom remained constrained and
journalists unrelentingly faced a high level of violence in Pakistan, where as IFJ

11
reported that Pakistan remained horrific for the press during the year 2012. Similarly
the FH reported in 2014 the same conditions of press as in 2013 while IFJ indicated
that Pakistan continued an alarming pattern of violence against journalists. The FH
annual report published in 2015 showed that media in Pakistan came under
increased political pressure in 2014. In the same way Committee to Protect
Journalist (CPJ) and Reporters without Borders ranked Pakistan in lower positions in
regards to freedom of press and as not free and sometime partially free. This picture
represents a very drastic situation of press freedom in Pakistan.

But this is not the realistic approach to mark press freedom in of Pakistan without
active participation and consultation of working journalists’ indigenously for exploring
the situation because the international ranking is a critical tool of global ascendancy
and that always carry significant judgments, methodological choices and inherent
political agenda (Cooley&Snyder, 2015). In this respect, Giannone and Frutos (2016)
in their research studied the Press Freedom measuring instruments i.e. The freedom
of press by Freedom House, the World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without
Borders, and the Media Sustainability Index by International Research and
Exchange Board and declared “the terminology used to define indicators often
reveals some ideological bias, in that commercial media is characterized as more
independent than public media. Paradoxically, such a vision of the state and the
market is at odds with reliability that most experts assign to governmental data and
sources, rather than to commercial and private organizations, for the construction of
the indexes”(Giannone&Frutos, 2016).

Laura Schneider in his research “Media Freedom Indices: What They Tell Us-And
What They Don’t”, concludes that the five i.e. Freedom House, Reporters Without
Borders, International Research & Exchanges Board, The African Media Barometer
by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and the Media Development Indicator by UNESCO,
regularly carries out international media freedom measures which shows that all of
them have different conceptual backgrounds and apply different methodologies and
so that these differences are reflected in the findings and that diverse instruments
produce diverse and some time conflicting results. Therefore, it is not a neutral
matter to utilize and rely on one particular measure” (Schneider, 2014).

12
In the same parameters, Ewa Sapiezya of SWPS University of Poland and Caudia
Lagos of Universidad de Chile, in their research on the indexes of Freedom House
(FH) and that of Reporters Without Borders (RWB) concluded as “with their focus on
violence against journalists, and government constraints on media, the indexes of
FH and RWB are more appropriate for assessments in nondemocratic countries than
for understanding the subtle problems of democracies, often related to media
ownership structure, media dependence on advertizing, self-censorship, and scant
presence of citizen voices”. They declare that the instruments examined reduce
freedom of expression to its negative dimension, freedom from government
interference, and ignore positive freedom that is universal right to free speech
(Sapiezya & Lagos, 2016).

In this context this research deems to explore the media landscape of Pakistan
under pure research module, consulting working journalists for to demarcate the real
press freedom situation in Pakistan, manipulatiing threats to journalists depicted by
them. For being a comparative approach toward press freedom in the countries, the
NGO’s indexes and rankings don’t meet the requirement to explore the ground
realities of the press; rather they portray the surplus situation. The FH, the IREX,
RWB and other rely on expert’s opinions and recorded data as indicators are based
on them, where this research goes to personally consult working journalists for to
find what they are facing and how they are confronting the situations.

The Freedom House indicators grouped in three categories demonstrate the legal,
political and economical environment in 25 aspects where as the ideological
questions, social structure and media abuses are controlled.The ncompatible
indicators can’t in such a way generalize press freedom situation. To control the
variable representing the difference in the social, ethnical, environmental and many
other component parts, is neither scientific approach nor that would be an ignorable
limitation of the global study. This is only possible to be measured indigenously
keeping in view the specific conditions of the society, especially the media society.
This study not only goes through the component parts of the journalist society of
Pakistan with salient features of the state and the nation but also manage to
calculate threats thatjournalists are confronting while performing their professional
duties, the effects of the threats, the ways and techniques, they are being balanced,
the origin and factors behind the threats and pressures, their directions and

13
magnitude, along with the media abuses and that is the need of the situation to be
explored.

Most of the literatures exploring the media landscape of Pakistan patronages the
reports of FH and IFJ but still some of the researchers are proving that the press is
free in Pakistan. The Country Report on Human Rights Practices prepared by
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor of the United States of America
declares “the constitution of Pakistan provides for freedom of speech and of the
press and citizens generally were free to discuss public issues in 2001”. The same
sentence is repeated since that in all the annual reports onward. Zamir Niazi in his
books “The Press in Chains,1986”, “The Press under Sieges, 1992” and the “Web of
Censorship, 1994”, has thoroughly explored the media landscape of Pakistan for the
conditions of press freedom and threats to journalists. But for being personnel
assertions, non scientific approach, his contribution doesn’t generalize the status of
press freedom and threats to working journalists in Pakistan.

This state of affairs needs to academically and scientifically explore the media
landscape of the country for locating the status of press freedom. This research is
the first attempt to locate the status of press freedom in Pakistan and to calculate
threats to journalists.

1.7 Theoretical Framework

This research follows the social responcibility theory with the free flow of information
as a sacred trust within the limits prescribe by the local moralities and universal truth.

Althogh Robert Picard suggests a free press for the free exchange of ideas and
information and that promotes the public interest and develops the process of
democratization (Picard, 1985). Also, James Quran argues the essentiality of press
freedom for the progression of democratization (Curran, 1991). The advocates of the
liberal democracy urge for more space in the process of decision-making and agues
the press freedom.But the social responsibility theory puts obligations on media to
society such as to reflect the diversity of the society and the accountability of
journalists society. The social responsibility theory urges professionalism, objectivity
and truth in news content (McQuail.1987).

14
Being a basic research, the freedom of press and threats to journalists are explored
with the ferment of freedom and responsibility and all their potential aspects of
effects.

1.8 Hypothesis

After carefully studying the media history of Pakistan, observing the current media
environment, analyzing the national and international organizations’ reports
measuring press freedom in world and critical study proving the index making
methodologies and depicting interest oriented objectives behind the moves, this
thesis devises a working hypothesis for to instigate the empirical findings that locate
the status of press freedom and calculate threats to journalists in Pakistan. This
research comes with the following Major and Sub-Hypothesis.

Major Hypothesis: The press is not fully free and journalists in Pakistan are under
threats.

Sub-Hypothesis:

1. Threats to journalists badly affect the objectivity of their professional

performance.
2. Journalists exercise self censorship to avoid pressure.
3. Journalists are not satisfied with the future of press in Pakistan.
4. The law and order level in Pakistan is low and that increase vulnerability of
journalists to threats.
5. The rule of law in Pakistan is weak and that increases threats to journalists.

1.9 Research Questions

This research explores all the possible aspects of press freedom and threats to
journalists in Pakistan, the study use both the qualitative research module along with
quantitative method. Survey and history analysis methods are used to locate the
documented and professed variables “threats and press freedom” in Pakistan. To
explore the status of press freedom and locate threats to journalists, this thesis
raises the following questions.

15
 1: Are journalists working under threats in Pakistan?

2: What type of threats journalists are facing?

3: Are the safety conditions favorable for journalists in the country?

4: Who is behind the threats and who put pressure on journalists?

5: Do threats affect the objectivity of journalistic work?

6: Do journalists exercise self censorship to avoid the threats?

7: Are journalists satisfied with the existing press laws in Pakistan?

8: Are journalists optimistic about the future of the press in the country?

9: Are journalists satisfied with the role of journalist’s organizations?

10: Are journalists satisfied after joining the profession?

More in this context, the research attempts to explore other related aspects with
threats and press freedom situation in Pakistan such as economical threats, political
and ideological affiliations of journalists and the owners, the inconsistency of
democracy in the state, job security, intolerance for press’s criticism in the society,
intervention in the editorial policies of publications by the owners and advertizer,
physical and menral harrasemnet, the legal environment and complaint redressing
mechanism and satisfaction after that and so on.

1.10 Research indicators

This study uses the following indicators to locate the status of the press freedom
and to indicate the existence of threats to journalists in the line of their professional
activities in Pakistan.

Beside direct approaches, 82 supplementary indicators are crafted to explore the

media landscape for the ranking of press freedom and for determining threats to
journalists in the country. These indicators are scattered over the Survey
Questionnaire, purposively in accordance to the psychology of the population and
also to numerate the curiosity of the respondents.

16
The supportive responses of indicators will conclude the Major Hypothesis and sub-
hypothesis of the study. The indicators will also satisfy the research questions for
more clarity of results. The indicators are described as below.

Press Freedom: The study inquires sampled journalists directly, as they are the
component part of the field, for whether Press is “Free” or not in Pakistan and that
their negative response will hold up the Hypothesis. Whereas the “Fully” and
“Partially” will be supplementary hold for justification.

Threats to journalists: In the same way, the study directly asks journalists
whether they have faced, or facing with threats for their journalistic work. If it gives
positive response, the conjecture would support the Hypothesis and the relative
percentage for “Fully” and “Partially” will further clarify the situation about it.

Self-Censorship: The confessions about the exercise of Self-Censorship by

journalists will prove that the media is under screening dilemma and the Hypothesis
is justified. The auxiliaries will unveil the motives behind the inculcation of self-
censorship and its impacts on the subject matter of journalistic jobs. They will also
calculate satisfaction after implementing screening tool and that will indicate the
awareness of the predicament more representatively.
Undeclared Censorship: positive responses for the existence of Undeclared
Censorship on the press admitted by journalists will confirm the curtailing dimension
prevailing in media environment of Pakistan and that will hold up the Hypothesis of
the study.
Non professional Pressure: The indicator’s affirmative rejoinder will support the
Hypothesis. And the subsidiaries will allocate the origin of the pressure and its
impacts on the subjectivity of news items after the imposition and the tackling tactics
used by journalists to cope with the situation.
Safety: A direct approach is applied to investigate the safety conditions for the
media persons, asking the component part of the population under study. Negative
response to the indicator will lead to the affirmation of the Hypothesis.
Press Laws: this indicator will fix the position of legal aspect of the status of press
freedom in the state. Negation response to the indicator will affirm the hypothesis
and the additional will provide suggestion for the laws.

17
Indicators in the demographic part of survey
Age: The indicator will conclude the aging factor of the media landscape of
Pakistan and will generalize whether the press in the country is young or old. The
aging factor of the realm of journalism is important as that plays crucial role to define
psychological traits of the population under study.
Educational qualification: This indicator will lead to generalize the educational
level of the journalism in Pakistan. This factor will indicate capabilities in respect to
the understanding domain and journalistic perception of the component part of the
media landscape of the state.
Discipline of study: This indicator will determine the educational disciplinary
position of working journalists that will fix the professional and training conditions of
journalists in the field.
Experience: The proficiency domain of the media theatre in Pakistan will be
calculated by this indicator. This indicator will secure the range of experience of
journalists and that will lead to define professionalism in the media environment of
the country.
Other indicators exploring related criterion of the Hypothesis
This dissertation employs some indirect indicators to explore the media landscape
for the situation of press freedom and for the indication of threats to journalist in
Pakistan. These indicators are directed to reckon the causes and impacts of the
main indicators and to prop up the Hypothesis of the study. They are as below.
Harassment: This indicator supports the threat and the positive response will
strengthen the Hypothesis. The indicator will further investigate the causes and
impacts of harassments and will help to describe press freedom situation in
Pakistan.
Arrests: This indicator will affirm intervention in the affairs of the press by state and
will also conclude the deployment of pressure on journalists. The indicator will also
peep into the legal frame work and will identify the actors behind the abduction and
their intention.
Court Trail: This indicator will clarify the legal factor of press freedom and the
trailing trend in the field of journalism in the state. This indicator will also describe the
satisfaction of journalists and will measure the perfection and trust of journalists in
the courts and laws.

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Economical constraint: This indicator is based on the dismissal of journalists by
the employer and editor in relation to non journalistic activities. This will describe the
internal working environment in the realm of journalism in the country.
Discrimination: This indicator will further explore the internal working condition of
the press for behavioral constraints. The indicator will also point out the nature of
discriminations and their roots.
Bribing: The indicator will stipulate and calculate the bribing dilemma for press and
journalists. This indicator will also gauge the confession of bribes for favoritism and
its impacts on the professional standards.
Responsibility, Impartiality and professional maturity: These indicators find
the professional standards of the pres in Pakistan. These will create foundation rule
for measurements to make the situation of press freedom better and compatible to
international standards.
Law and order: The indicator asks for the general law and order situation in the
state. The categorization in “Weak, Normal and Strong” will indicate the situation of
Rule of Law in the state and that will help to reach the causes that increase threats
to journalists.
Politicization: This indicator will calculate the politicization of media persons and
the press. In case of positive response, the further division of indicator will divulge
the non professional practices of media men and their impacts on professionalism.
Vested interests: The indicator will evaluate the mal-ambition behind the
profession of journalism. The positive rejoinder will facilitate to define the other facet
of the coin.
Intervention: This indicator will measure intervention for vested interests of the
employer and that of the advertizing agents in the editorial policies of publications.
The positive response to the indicator will expose the vested interests basis of the
press in Pakistan.
Social diversity: This indicator will attempt to calculate perceptions of journalists
about the impacts of social diversity on the freedom of press.
Consistency of democracy: This indicator will gauge the effects of governing
mood on the press freedom and threats to journalists, taking the continuation of
democracy as ideal.

19
Tolerance in society for press criticism: This indicator will measure the level of
tolerance for the criticism of media. Positive responses to “High or Low” intolerance
will provide basis to locate its impacts on the level of threats to journalists and
positive respones will favor the Hypothesis.
Supportive role of Journalists’ organization: This indicator will work out the
role of journalist’s organization (APNS, CPNE, and PFUJ) for the promotion of Press
Freedom in Pakistan. The indictor will further analyze satisfaction of working
journalists in regards to role of these organizations for press freedom.
Ambition: This indicator will explore the professional standards in regards to the
aspiration of the population under study. This indicator will also endow with the
calculation of the ambition behind the selection of journalism and that will point out
the direction of the population that whether journalists join the profession to promote
the freedom of press, or to assure the rule of law, or have a motive to educate the
citizen or only join the profession just a job.

1.11 Objectives of the study

This research attempts to explore the media landscape of Pakistan to locate the
status of press freedom and threats to journalists in the country. The Study goes
through all the aspects of threats; it endeavors to locate the origin of the threats to
journalists and to trace the sources that contain the freedom of press in the country.
This study also tries to peep into Media Theater for calculating the abuses of media
persons and the owners all around. It also investigates the social behavior and
reaction and tries to locate the level of intolerance for press’s criticism in the society.
The thesis is determinant to situate the educational, skills, aging components of
media sphere of Pakistan. This study also goes through the legal system, the press
laws, the law and order situation and their sphere of effects on the press in the state.

This study wants to demarcate the lines of pressure and threats that journalists are
facing while performing their duties for to facilitate legislation for the eradication of
abuses against the press in Pakistan. The thesis also attempts to locate the
geographical existence of threats to journalists.

This thesis is determinant to map out the cases of journalists, killed in the wake of
their professional performance, and development on the part of judicial enquiries.

20
The study tries to go through literature and records in connection with the cases and
mark out the current position of the proceedings.

The political and social arena of the state and the behavioral approaches of the
country urge to organize voice for to achieve rights, as the constitution guarantees.
In this context journalist’s organizations are established. This study is going to
calculate validitation of the journalist’s organizations, their role and level of
representation and satisfaction of journalists.

No study has been made in these lines to calculate the security risks and threats
faced by journalists although it is generally believed and estimated that journalists
are facing threats in their field of work for journalistic performance. This study is
determinant to gauge the threats and trace the actors behind them. This is the only
way to reach a policy generated conclusion in this regards.

1.12 Definitions of terms

This dissertation goes to explore the media landscape of the country to locate the
status of press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan, under hypothesis “The
press in Pakistan is not fully free and journalists are under threats in the line of their
professional activities”. The study uses the “press freedom” and “threats to
journalists” as the basic variable and defines them as under.

Press freedom: The article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

declares “everyone has the right of freedom of opinion and expression; this right
includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and
impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. But the
freedom of press in terms of freedom of expression is recognized and guaranteed in
the constitution of Pakistan 1973 under article 19,which states “Every citizen shall
have the right to freedom of speech and expression, and there shall be freedom of
the press, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the
glory of Islam or the integrity, security or defense of Pakistan or any part thereof,
friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation
to contempt of court, Commission or incitement to an offence”. And that 19A
[amendment] states “Every citizen shall have the right to have access to information
in all matters of public importance subject regulation and reasonable restrictions

21
imposed by law”. Whereas, in the United State of America, the honorable justice
Alexander Hamilton laid down the rule defining the freedom of press in the case of
People v. Croswell “the liberty of the press consists, in any idea, in publishing the
truth, from good motives and for justifiable ends, though it reflect on the government,
on magistrates or individuals” (Rogers, 1914).

Reporters Without Borders (RWB) bases the study and index declaration on the
Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as laid down for the annual
reports since it existence. The RWB asserts that the country denying the Article is to
deny the universality of information freedom-a basic human right.

The liberal theorist John lock in his testimony “The Two Treatises on Government”,
declares the public debate rationale for the freedom of press (Locke, 1690). But John
Stuart Mill, in his treatise “On Liberty” advocates the individual liberty on the basis of
freedom of speech and on the press for discovery of truth (Mill, 1859). In the same
order Robert Picard stresses a free press for the free exchange of ideas and
information and that promotes the public interest and develops the process of
democratization (Picard, 1985). Also, James Quran argues the essentiality of press
freedom for the progression of democratization (Curran, 1991). The advocates of the
liberal democracy urge for more space in the process of decision-making and agues
the press freedom.

On the other hand Legal theorist on the freedom of press, advocate the classic
approach in regards to the freedom of expression and freedom of press. This feature
of the approaches is embodied in most of the constitutions of the modern
democracies like the first amendment in the constitution of the United States of
America 1791 which states “Congress make no law representing an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech,
or of press”. The African (Banjul) Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights in its Article 9[1]
guarantees access to information and states “every individual shall have the right to receive
information”. And the Article 9[2] asserts “every individual shall have the right to express and
disseminate his opinions within the law” (Banjul Charter, 1986). The European Convention
on Human Rights warranties the freedom of expression in its Article 10 [1] in these words
“everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold
opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public
authority and regardless of frontiers”. The article further says “This Article shall not prevent

22
States from requiring the licensing of broadcasting, television or cinema enterprises”. The
second integral part of the Article 10[2] states “The exercise of these freedoms, since it
carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions,
restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society,
in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of
disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and
impartiality of the judiciary” (European Convention On Human Rights, 1948).

But after the recent revolution in information technologies, the world is shrinking and shapes
more accessible than that in a global village. The uncontrollable flow of information’s forging
new definitions for all the age-old terminologies, including the freedom of expression and
press. The curtailing methods change their moods and trends also make new ways to deal
with the press. Social media and the internet at present present the freest room for debate in
the world including Pakistan and that necessiates to formulate new parameters for the
freedom of press.

In this milieu, this study establishes its own definition of press freedom as “Press Freedoms
is the free flow of information as a sacred trust within the limits prescribe by the local
moralities and universal truth , without any interference and interlace from any actor, the
government, the establishment, the law enforcement agencies, political parties, religious
group, social activists, militants, mafias, the employer, the economic interest groups, trade
unions, the advertisers, the journalists and other interest entities for personal, pre-planned
and unrecognized designs, from its origin to feed back.

Press: This dissertation is based on the press and calculates freedom and indicates
threats in the field of journalism. Press is the media theatre with journalists as actors
where freedom is free performance of professional duties and threats are external
and internal hindrances, limitations and censorship.

This study uses press and media as synonyms for frequent usage and on the basis
of general consensus on the terms. The study defines Press as the media houses
including newspapers (dailies, fourth nightly, weeklies, monthlies, annual, Journals)
Radios (FM, AM) and TV channels (terrestrial, satellite).

Journalist: Committee to protect Journalists defines journalists as “people who

cover news or comment on public affairs through any media including in print, in
photographs, on radio, on television, and online” (CPJ, 2018).

23
The active actors of media theatre are under study in the domain of this dissertation.
From the origin of a news story, to feed back, the processing of media content is in
touch with the reporter, photographer, representative, correspondent, editor, sub-
editor, assistant-editor, Copy writer, anchor person, producer, columnist, feature
writer, executive editor, and publisher. These component parts of the press are
cordially coherent in the realm of journalism. Here for this dissertation journalist
means reporter, photographer, representative, correspondent, editor, sub-editor,
assistant-editor, Copy writer, anchor person, producer, columnist, feature writer,
executive editor, and publisher.

Threats: Threat is the engineering variable of this Study. The Hypothesis of the
research tends to explore the media landscape of Pakistan, for the existence of
threats to journalists and press, it also traces the origin, the nature of threats and
attempts to identify the actors behind, and gauge its magnitude and calculates its
impacts on the objectivity of professional standards and to determinate how the
journalists cope with them.

The study defines the threats on the physiology of threatening events in the media of
Pakistan and that journalists have confessed on different forums and in personal
contacts. In this context “Threats” are acts, verbal, phonic or by messages direct or
indirect terrifying and compelling a journalist or press to follow the specified lines in
connection to courage of media content. Threats are summarized in the form of
killing, injuring or terrifying of dire-consequences.

1.13 Research methodology

This research employs three fold studies to explore the media landscape for two
variables i.e. press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan. For coherent
results of the study, it was essential, in the first place to study how deeply rooted the
agonistic approaches towards the press are in Pakistan from its birth to the day
present. Likewise, it was equally important to explore the history of media landscape
through different regimes for the basic variables, the freedom of press and the
threats to journalists. Furthermore, as a technique of deepening the analysis, this
research conducts a survey of journalists based on their perceptions and
confessions about the status of press freedom and threats they are facing in the line

24
of their professional activities and related aspects. This study also conducts face- to-
face structured interviews of senior journalist to get a hold of their insight about the
situation of press freedom and threats to journalists in the country.

Multiple –methods, on the basis that to determine the essence and consequence of
threats to journalists and to explore the media landscape for the status of press
freedom in the state, were used by this research, that was of the essence to turn to
historical and empirical facts to test the hypothesis. So that the study deployed three
folds approach to indicate coherence, to minimize chances of errors and to
consolidate the results for generalization.

Brannen (2010) and Hamersley (1996) classify multi-methods research as “(A)

Triangulation: whereby quantitative data can be used to substantiate qualitative data
(B) Facilitation: whereby a qualitative data is employed at a pilot stage to help design
a large-scale survey. (C) Complementarities: when two different sets of data are
employed to complement each other in similar aspects of a research”, the qualitative
approach helps to understand the social process while quantitative data may be
used to examine associations and statistical generalizations for the study. Following
the rule, both the quantitative and qualitative methods were adopted to complement
each other in this research.

For empirical findings, able to generalized, the study was arched over three folds i.e.
1; Exploration of the history in regards to press freedom and threats to journalists, 2;
Survey, sounding out working journalists for the ground realities in respect to press
freedom and threats to journalists, in the line of journalistic job in the field and on the
desk, 3; Interviews, conferring press freedom situation and threats to journalists with
experts, having recognized insights of the media landscape of the country.

The first fold goes through media history since the very first day of the creation of
Pakistan on August 14, 1947 after the partition of United India with a legacy of two
centuries long foreign rule. Here, the exploratory method of research was opted and
the content was carved out from the newspaper i.e. Dawn, daily Imroze, daily
Express Tribune, daily The News, daily Jang, daily Nawa-i-Waqt and daily Business
Recorder. Along with, the books in relation to the press in Pakistan i.e. The Press in
Chains, The Web of Censorship, The Press under Sieges by Zamir Niazi, Azad-e-
Sahafat ki jedojahd Mein Akhbari Tanzeemon ka kerdar, by Dr. Tauseef Ahmad

25
Khan and Azad-e-Sahafat ki Jang, of Ahfazu Rehman and other were consulted for
the variables of the study. The political history and events were also explored in
connection with the freedom of press and threats to journalists in Pakistan. All the
annual and special reports published by the “Freedom House”, “Reporters Without
Borders”, International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Committee to Protect
Journalists (CPJ), the press commission report 1963, the media commissions
reports 2013-14, and U.S state department annual reports were also explored for the
content.

To reach the ground realities of the events in relation to press freedom and threats to
journalists, the history was divided into 12 parts on the basis of governments i.e.
1;the first decade (as under the same governing party “ All Pakistan Muslim league” ,
9 governments were changed with a little tenure, so they all were grouped in a
single entity which is commonly named the “Democratic era” by historian and
researchers as Dr. Zafar Iqbal, “Press in The first Decade”) , 2; Ayub Khan’s Era, 3;
Yahya Khan’s Era, 4; Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Era, 5; Zial Ul Haq’s Era, 6; Benazir Butto
First Era’s,7; Nawaz Sharif’s First Era, 8; Benazir Butto’s Second Era,9; Nawaz
Sharif’s Second Era,10; Pervez Musharraf’s Era, 11; Yusuf Raza Gillani’s Era and
12; Nawaz Sharif’s Third Era.

The media landscape spread over 70 years was search for parts of media theatre
i.e. 1; Journalists and 2; the Press. The two parts were further subdivided on the
basis of threaten and confining tools, into 3 sections i.e. 1; killings of journalists,2;
Attacks on journalists, 3; Arrests of journalists and on the part of press 1; Attacks on
the Press, 2; Bans on Publications and 3; Closure of Government Advertisements.

For more clarity and acceptable generalization, the data was quantified and was
statically processed. Trend showing graphical representation and tabulation method
was applied for further generalization. Bar charts, Pie Charts and Line Graphs were
used for to facilitate understandings about the findings.

Measurement scale for first fold study: Liker’s Summative Scaling Method was
adopted for analysis and conclusions were made as below.

“Most” for > 50% in case of two indicators

“Grading” 1st, 2nd, 3rd ….. For more than two indicators

26
For experts view, the study interviewed one hundred senior journalists from all over
the country on the subject matter of the status of press freedom and threats to
journalists. Responses were recorded and after quantification, the data was
statistically processed for empirical results.

The third fold of the study is survey. Survey research method was followed by this
study as it deals with the people as units. Here the media landscape was searched
with well designed and engineered questionnaire to locate status of press freedom
and to situate threats to journalists Pakistan.

Measurement scales for second and third fold study. Guttmann

measurement scale has been adopted to structure the questionnaire which allows
the respondent to answer with two choices i.e.: affirmative or negative. Guttmann
scale was introduced by the Louis Guttmann in 1944. If the variables of the research
are one-dimensional then this scale is the most suitable technique to figure out the
one-dimensional responses with zero degree of confusion. i.e..: Yes or No. (Kumar
et el. 2016).

Population: No concrete and definite data of journalists in Pakistan is recorded so

far. The actual size of the population is not available but Dr. Sherry Ricchiardi, in a
report for American Journalism Review (AJR),affirms that number of journalists has
grown to twenty thousand as in 2012 (Ricchiardi, 2012). This research uses the
figure 20 thousand as the population of journalists in Pakistan. Pakistan Press
Foundation (PPF) also confirms the figure 20 thousand, for journalists in Pakistan.

Sampling: Both probability and non probability methods were used for sampling as
according to needs of this research. Cluster sampling method was adoped for the
areas under research to make the findings representative and acceptable to be
generalized. The population was divided into five clusters i.e. 1; the capital region
including Islamabad and Rawalpindi, 2; Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KPK), 3;
Baluchistan,4; Sindh and 5; Punjab. Within the cluster, non probability, Expert
Sampling method was followed. Cluster Sampling divides the population spread over
a wide geographic region, it may not be feasible to conduct a simple random
sampling of the entire population (Bhattacherjee, 2012), But within the clusters, as
the actual number of journalists is not available so non random method “ Expert

27
Sampling” was selected for generalization in this research. The Expert Sampling
allows choosing respondents in a non-random manner based on their expertise on
the phenomenon being studied. Snowball method is better for a survey where the
population is not numbered (Zubairi, 2013) so that non-probability sampling method
“Snowball” was also used in the areas where other methods were not applicable.

Questionnaire: Closed ended questionnaire as a set of questions intended to

capture response in a standardized manner, was used by this research. The
questionnaire was designed in two parts i.e. 1; the demographic and, 2; Main body.
Both the parts were centered to explore the media landscape for locating the status
of press freedom and for calculting threats to journalists. Questions were planed and
planted to find the ground realities about the situation of press freedom and explore
the working environment for journalists in Pakistan. The past, present and future of
journalism was tried to be found, calculate and predict as in accordance to the
working journalists though track sided questions.

The demographic part is aimed to locate the educational and disciplinary

qualification for the profession, to categorize the age for the indication of aging
phenomena of the media industry in the country and to gauge the experience for to
trace the expertise of the media landscape.

The Main body of questionnaire is premeditated with 46 questions with 36

subservient extensions manipulative of 82 aspects of the freedom of press and
threats to journalists. The questions are framed to work out the situation of press
freedom; the legal, the political, ethnical, social, level of tolerance, and pattern of
industry on one side and behavior and role of journalists and journalist’s organization
i.e. All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS), Council of Pakistan Newspapers
Editors (CPNE) and Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), on the other.
Questions are directed to dig up the roots of threats, to fix the actors involved, to
gauge perception and confessions of working journalists about threats and press
freedom for to get generalized results.

Language of questionnaire: The questionnaire was prepared in English as the

language of the thesis but in accordance to the need of the respondents and to get

28
 more accomplished responses, it was translated into Urdu and that was left to the
choice of the respondent to fill.

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 Chapter 2

Free press and challenges posed by freedom: A literature review

2.1 Introduction

The human being for being a social animal by nature, as so long, has been believed
by social scientists and philosophers, seems always in search to secure his survival
and tries to fulfill his needs both material and spiritual. Irrespective of the theorization
such as the Devine Origin, the Force, the Social Contract, the Patriarchal, the
Matriarchal or the Evolutionary, the origin of society, the advent of state and the
introduction of the government are based on the principles of self protection and
promotion. The philosophy of Socrates, Plato’s in Politics, Aristotle’s in Democratic,
Thomas Hobbes’s in Leviathan (1651) or John Locke’s in the Two treatises of
Government (1823), John Stuart Mill’s in “On Liberty” (1859), Karl Mark’s in The
Manifesto of Communism or that the Buddhism, Jainism, Hinduism, Christianity,
Judaism, Islam and the Grand Narratives are centered in controlling the ambition of
man and to mould him as a social animal in the interest of society. The agenda
behind the foundation of the League of Nation (1919) and the engineering powers
behind the formulation and existence of the United Nation Organization (1945) are to
shield the human being against the aggressive nature of power and support him in
the struggle for survival. Systems, frames of constitutional and statutory laws and
obligations of moral codes are directed to create check and balance in the exercise
of power and in the performance of duties. The conversion of empires into nation
states stirred the process of institutionalization, inculcated the spirit of democracy
which led to individualism that developed a strong sense of freedom. Freedom of
expression is the most moderate and the strongest among these senses whereas
freedom of the press is the most powerful and effective form the sense of freedom.
This research attempts to explore this sense of freedom in Pakistan and tries to link
it with global perspectives.

Freedom is a complex term and on all sides powerful forces and adverse conditions
have stood in the way of its progress. But during the last five or six hundred years,

33
forces or influences of diverse origins, have produced mighty relations among the
pillars of the state, governments, population, territory and sovereignty. Pillars of the
government, executive, legislature, judiciary and the press are demarcating their
boundaries and they seem busy in a struggle for more powers in the power game.
Institutions in the state have also developed moderate linkage that have generated
complicated web of power balance intrigues and that is why the ancient inequalities
among individuals have disappeared or disappearing.

Likewise, an aristocracy based upon individual powers in war was doomed when the
invention of gunpowder made the churl, the equal in the battle of the steel. But, the
invention of press for printing dealt the most powerful gust to despotism and
misruling (Long, 1918). Now man has come to feel that the the democratic
government is the only free government which is resting upon the sanction of the
people who are governed. Unless, therefore, the governed are free, there can be no
true liberty. "Give me" deliberated Milton, "the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue
freely according to conscience above all liberties"(Milton, 1904). Only the freedom of
discussion can be enable the people to control the governments and that is the way
to secure all the liberties. The Scottish Mr.Erskine declared "It is because the liberty
of the press solves itself into this great issue" it has been, in every country, the last
liberty which subjects have been abiding to wrest from power. Other liberties are
under governments, but the liberty of opinion keeps governments themselves in due
subjection to their duties”.

The free expression of opinion is incompatible with autocratic government, a truism

which autocracy has ever quickly to recognize. Long before the invention of printing
press, that was not an uncommon thing for governments to suppress and punish the
expression of opinions considered to disturb existing order. In the fifth century before
Christ, Protagoras was expelled from Athens for expressing doubt as to existence of
the gods, and his books were burnt. According to Eusebius, the Emperor Diocletian
had burnt the Christian scriptures, and in turn the Church had waged a relentless
war heretical writings. The works of the great heretic, Arius, condemned to the
flames by the Council of Nicaea, in the 325. The Roman church issued a list of
proscribed books, possibly as early as 494, and in the thirteenth century the works of
Aristotle were put under the ban (Cambridge, 2005).

34
The invention of printing press as a tool to communicate information in masses was
rather taken for printing literary and religious books and those helped to stimulate the
religious Reformation, the secular Renaissance, spirit of nationalism and the growth
of mercantilism (Fang, 1997).

But that was gradual and was linked with other social institutions almost with the
government and its nature. In the state of nature man was free but its nature was to
make a society and that led him to the subjection and subjugation as John Lock
(1823) discusses in chapter 2 ’The State of Nature” of his Second Treatise.

From the news sheets to e-papers and from the street speakers to the satellite
tellers, a long span of time has lapsed and enormous changes and developments
have been recorded in thoughts and technologies.

In the first phase, press as a printing machine was used as religious informer and
after it was invented by Johannnes Gensflesch zur Laden zum Gutenberg in 1450
A.D. Bible was the starting job, as 1282 pages with 42 lines per page was published
(Inventions that Changed History, 2010). Jesuit brought printing press into India in
1550AD and the work assigned to it was there to print religious books in Portuguese
and Tamil or Malayalam languages (Natarajan, 1962).

The job of collecting of information and its dissemination is as old as the human
interaction itself and so is the imposition of barriers on its free flow because of the
human nature to conceal some of his deeds and belongings.

Irving Fang summarizes the evolution of press in his book “A History of Mass
communication, Six Information Revolutions”, he says “first of the six information
revolutions may be characterized as the Writing Revolution, the second information
revolution, as the printing Revolution, the third information revolution, as the Mass
Media Revolution, the fourth information revolution, as the entertainment Revolution,
the fifth information revolution, as the creation of the Communication Tools and the
sixth information revolution, as the Information Highway” ( fang,1997).

35
As a fundamental job of the press, the News from its source to the target and
feedback call for a free flow in its circle but from the personal to the national
“Interests” have always been vetoed and banned and that have become its fate.

From the war among the lords of primitive tribal’s, to the Kings of middle ages and to
the modern and post modern democratic Nation State, free access to information
and the creation of clutches free environment for the flow of information is a dream.

In the Executive summary of her report “The Long shadow of Chinese censorship”
Sarah Cook points out that the Chines ambassador to the U.S pressed the chief
editor of Bloomberg to hold back a story about Xi Jinping. In the same line, the
French’s company hacked signal of a Chinese TV to please the government of
China. Similarly a host of TV talk show resigned in Taiwan talk after the executives
tried to stop his program for not to touch the sensitive ground about China. Where as
a Vietnamese man was imprisoned because he had broadcasted an uncensored
program from radio in Hanoi about to China. This picture of the power treatment
against the press is common and unprecedented (Cook, 2013).

Here in Pakistan in a case “the State v. Abdul Ghaffar Khan” PLD 1957 Lahore.142,
the court placed that “restrictions imposed by this section are in the interests of the
security of the state and every inch of the territory of the state is more valuable than
the liberty of speech which cannot be used for liquidating the state”. The verdic of the
court affirms the status of freedom of press vs the interests of the state.

Rembrandt Klopper in his article “The Evolution of Human Communication from

Nonverbal to Electronic Communications” concludes that the psyches and
metabolism of contemporary man were forged over an eons of “hunter-gatherer”
wandering subsistence and that are dissimilar with the deskbounded survival of the
present day. More, he says that human communication over the time is a continuum
of “cooperation>Competition>confrontation”. On the sameline, from time to time over
two lacs, new structures of communication have come into view for survival and for
the sake to assist human to cope with bigger cultural complexities. He comes with
results that during the era of the Industrial Revolution, communication in black and
white was optimized and long-drawn-out to its limits to deal with new geographical,
hi-tech and scientific innovation. As a subsequence of his studies, he predicts “the
mobile communication will take us in next few centuries to come” (Klopper, 2005).

36
Acta Diurna Populi Romani (Daily Acts of the Roman People) by Julius Caesar, in 59
BC was a libretto version of news of the Roman empire which was an official
pamphlet so was distributed to the well-off and influentials in empire (Endres,
n.d).The Chinese version of a news organ, Ti-Pao during the T’ang dynasty (618-907
AD), that was also an official news sheet circulated among government officials.
Here is no trace of censorship or written laws that to control the flow of news as that
was merely government’s circulations already in full control and contained almost the
details of government business-decrees. Those were all hand written and so the
circulation was low.

Vibert C.Cambridge says in his research paper that communication from the age of
Signs and Signals enter into the age of writing and then into the age of printing,
which is now in the era of electrical and magnetic waves (Cambridge, 2005).

Sheila S. Coronel in an article titled “The Role of the Media in Deepening

Democracy” says that, the Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand is the
owner of the only independent TV in the state where as the all other eclectronic
media is state owned, so that the situation enables the government to contain the
airwaves and to detached the anti-government journalists from the stage. In this way
the media in the country is totally acquiescent to the government. The government
also tried to calm the Thai newspapers squeezing the official and private advertising
as the prime minister have possession of the major telecommunications and a main
advertiser company. Another tactic he uses is the ban on the official advertiments in
newspapers which are critical to him. He also uses legal shield and teases the
opposition paper by initiating investigations about the assets of their owners but
other than him. The result is submission, subdued criticism and wide-ranging hush of
public discussion on critical issues (Coronel, 2003).

Zafarullah khan in his research paper titled “Right to Know” cited that the first
recognized law on the freedom of information was approved in Sweden in 1766
which sought after to make the freedom of press easy. The flow met in 1888 in
Colombia when the Code of Political and Municipal were development which was
aimed to make the affairs open and transparent. The current wave of the freedom of
information in the world started off in America in the year 1967 and in 1982 was
followed by Australia, Canada and New Zealand.

37
In a report by John Liu Sejin Kim titled “Social Media in Asia, a battle ground for the
freedom of expression” Frank La Rue is quoted saying that internet is now the most
powerful tools of the 21st century which increases transparency in the demeanor of
the influentials because it makes the access to information and assures dynamic
input of citizens in edifice of democratic social order (Kim, 2012). In a session of
Regional Symposium on Social Media, Freedom of Expression and Incitement to
Hatred in Asia - 14-15 January 2012 in Singapore, Mr. Frank La Rue, UN Special
Reporter on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and
Expression identified a number of major troubles and challenge to the freedom of
press, internet and social media. He said that governments, politicians, political
parties and parliaments are under pressure due to the fact that liberalization of
information would culminate their monopoly and authorities based on tricks and
intrigues so that new tools in the name of defamation is in exercise and its generally
tried to criminalize the expressions of people on intenet and on the media. According
to La Rue, a rise has been seen in the enlargements of defamation laws because
politicians have sensed threats by the criticism.

The flow of information has always been suffered from the hands of the influencials
and the force dilemma is still in exercise like old wine in the new bottle. The personal
or self justified interests are the major barricades in the way of free flow of
information and that are to be addressed significantly for the better situation to be
crafted.

2.2 Conventional growth of the free press

The international character of modern newspaper begins in Europe in the middle of

sixteenth century. The Stuarts, the Star Chamber made sweep up the critics. In the
United States, declaration of free press was made before the press attained its
strength (Natarajan, 1962). The press was under official restrictions in its early start.
With the appearance of first newspaper “Relation” from Strasbourg in the Holy
Roman Empire by Johann Carolus in 1609 (Newspapers: 400 Years Young, 2005),
politician opened talks about a new trend called public opinion and that was followed
by the trend in journalists and publishers to theorizne free speech and a free press
(Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2007). This was the time when Thomas Paine and Samuel
Adams emphasized that a bill of rights is needed in America which got matteral form

38
later on (Enum, 2009). The newspaper Association of America Foundation in
updated edition of “Speaking of Free Press”2005, quotes from Jerry W. Friedheim
that the birth of free press was witnessed as early as America came into existence
and that was not bequeath or hereditary. Similarly the notion of press freedom was
purposely put up by the framers of American’s constitution to implant the character of
self-determination which has become vital for the very subsistence and endurance of
society (Auwal, 1999).

According to Dr.Eun Suk SA, the concept of the press freedom is used by a number
of scholars but still the global perception of the freedom of press is to elaborated
because no scholarly understanding exists that have wide. He says “according to the
logic of press freedom, the media must be independent and seek the truth” (Enum,
2009).

Seibert, Peterson and Schramm (1956) are of the opinion that the freedom of press
and that of speech was guaranted as fundamental right by laws in the weteren part
of the world by the brim of nineteenth century. The “Four Theories of the Press”, they
say that for nearly 200 years after the printing press spread over the all the western
countries, the prevailing authoritarian rulers endowed the fashionable foundation for
to determine functioning and relationship of the well-liked press to existing society.
They justify their theory, quoting Plato as “the nature of man, including his material
interests and selfish passion, would tend to degrade government from an aristocracy
to oligarchy, to democracy and finally to tyranny”. They declare that idea of Plato
meant rigorous control of opinion and discussion. They also authenticate their theory
saying that Machiavelli, Hobbes, Hegel and Treitschke have accepted authoritarian
principles in government.

The authoritarian control of mass communication was in force in authoritarian

societies before 1960 in full swing especially in pre and post world wars era and that
censorship was imposed. In the situation prevailed self censorship and nationalistic
spirit as patriotism was also in practice (Seibert, Peterson &Schramm, 1956). The
concept of authoritarian control is still in use in several countries that are in war
conditions. In an appendix (of the Salvador P.Lopez report for the United nation)
prepared by the secretariat of the International Press Institute (Zurich) admits that
majority of 248 editors in 41 countries ratifies that there are restrictions over the

39
gathering of legitimate news. The same appendix says that the freedom of
information is threatened today and that the practices of governments during the
World War II, where the press was to accept harsh restrictions and the particular
necessities of safety measures in subsequent “cold war” version, partly for the
predisposition toward restriction against the press. On the political stage of the
globe, some countries are still technically at war and try to justify control not only in
the state but also for their interests in neighboring countries and authoritarian control
of the Press is in practice. The Zurich report also categorized the countries on the
said basis.

The Libertarian theory of press is an expansion of the philosophical doctrines which

make available roots for social and political constitution in which media functions free
of restrictions and obligations and that is because in the last century, the enlightened
world has perceived to hold on to the values of liberalism (Seibert, Peterson &
Schramm, 1956).

Harold Laski in “The Rise of European Liberalism” summarizes that the 16th century
endowed with the experience the 17th century witnessed the progress of the
philosophical values and the 18th century put these values in exercise. The revolution
of 1688 gave way to the supremacy of parliament over Crown. The expansion of
states created need for the change of mind and to compel the ruling class to develop
the rationality understandings. At the same time the creation of middle class also
helped to decrease the fear for the mass and for the secrets.

The eighteenth century relocates the perception of free press from authoritarian to
libertarian principles. The political and social background of masses enhanced the
libertarian philosophy and importance of individual, the reliance on his power of
reasoning and the concept of natural and fundamental rights was recognized and
this leads to democracy and the freedom of press.

But along with the democratization of ideas and the recognition of the freedom of
expression and finally the freedom of press, trepidation of sedition and libel for the
governments also made its way in the mind of governing class, philosophers and
policy makers.

40
The struggle for liberation of press continued after the Fox’s Bill of 1792 to the
triumph of English Parliamentary Act of 1843 and the constitutional provisions in
America in 1791(The Bill of Rights). When liberalism spread over the world in
nineteenth century, the libertarian theory of press confirmed its place in the
fundamental laws and constitutions. The 20th century faced the problem of applying
the libertarian theory to contemporary problems of mass media as that was
expanding. A free press was understood simply to be free from government
interference in the twentieth century (Mc. Quail, 2005) but with the expansion of man
and the contraction of world in the form of Global village, the market place, the global
media and internationalism needs new rules and ways to protect the freedom of
press and so the four theories of the press are no more in relevance (Enum, 2009).

The world has entered in its new phase “The Post- modernism” and the basic
prospect of time is the expansion of communication, that this process not only makes
the world a global village but also merging cultures and even thoughts (Fareed,
2000). In this cotext, press sought to be free from all the type of external and internal
interventions (Niazi, 1986). With the emergence of the concept of Nation State,
(Wimmer&Feinstein, 2010) defined new destination for the press and says that the
ways to control freedom of press has altered as well in the world and regional
politics.

Stanley J. Baran and Gennis K. Davis in the sixth Edition of “Mass Communication
Theory: Foundation, Ferment and Future” say that the theory of mass
communication have a long spread affect on the geopolitical structure of the world
and it is clear that communication theorists have theorized the prevailing political,
economical and cultural scenarios in the perception of future predictions. The
conceptual flow starts with the set in motion of press development and so is the
behavior and approach of political and religious elites (Baran&Davis, 2015).

When the press was in its early age, it printed religious books and pamphlets that
were already in hand written form in 1440. This facet of the press shows that the
learning was evolving around the religious and political elites and knowledge and the
sources were in their control and so the shaping and framing of theories were under
their control. The first dated book “Diamond Sutra” was printed in 868 AD
(Khursheedeh), but that was not in public approach. From the woodblock (200 AD) to

41
the digital (1991AD) printing is the medium truly as the medium of Mashal McLuhan
(Media is the Message).
The development of the mass communication theory is classified by Baran and
Davis (2015) in four eras beginning with the “Mass Society and Mass Culture”. This
era is spread over three centuries (the seventeenth to nineteenth) but have its
effects even on the early twentieth century and World Wars eras. The development
of penny press and popular press came as an outfit of the urbanization with
industrialization that gave birth to the concept of Mass Society and that led to the
mass communication theory.

The elites of the era as well the philosophers were of the idea that press can change
the order of the society and that way of thinking, framed the behavior to deal with
media as well. A constant struggle can be noted that the press ownership and
control over it was the key rule of the time. Although that was a pessimistic approach
but that enhanced the field and the area of its exercise (Brantlinger, 1983).

During this era media was used as a device to propagate the religious and
governmental agenda. The press got extension with the extension of man (McLuhan,
1964). The technological revolution revolutionized the world and the state
expansionism reached its peak that resulted in the World Wars. The press was
extensively used in the circumstance especially by Hitler and Mussolini
administration.

The advent of the nation state in late nineteenth century as a result of the French
and American Revolutions developed the sense to rule in the name of citizens on
equal basis (Wimmer & Feistein, 2010) and that gave birth to the free press
guarantees by the state constitution but still up to the second half of twentieth
century, the totalitarian and Authoritarian rule was pre dominant and the press was
under the gloom of capitalists, conformists, traditionalists and reactionaries. The
transfer of popular powers from the rulers to the mass was starting point of the free
press dilemma and was confirmed by the modern globalization dilemma.

The rise of the Libertarian and Social Responsibility theories (Siebert & Schramm,
1956) are the outcome of that prevailing geopolitical state of affairs, although the
critics claim that the four theories –Authoritarian, Libertarian, Communist and Social
Responsibility-of the first era are not pertinent but that elucidate direction of changes

42
of the time. The diversity of the social order, geopolitical and theoretical situations
are responsible for the diversity in the freedom condition both of the citizens and that
of the press.

Theory of propaganda, the injection theory of media effects were the product of this
era. The advent of the Nation State and its implication came as the outcome with the
sheer contribution of the press (Ananny, 2011). The early theorist were of the
opinion that propaganda messages were like Magic Bullets which straightforwardly
and instantaneously make a way into even in the strongest defense while the later
says that Propaganda typically influence people in slow ways. Lasswell advocates
this subtle functioning of propaganda (Baran & Davis, 2015).

Approach to press and the society was different in different sphere of the world but
the urbanization and industrialization were engaging the parts of the globe and
economical globalization was deepening its roots. The ship based trading and the
construction of roads and railways were reducing distances. The power longing
authoritarians were expanding their territories and the sphere of their influence
(Khursheedeh, n.d.).

The time after 1960, the second era, changed nearly all the things, the start of Cold
War and the liberation of nation with the deformation of big and large empires saw
an immense change in technologies as well in the philosophies and theorization
(Pick, 2010). The establishment of United Nation Organization (UNO) divulges the
acknowledgment of struggle for the betterment of humanity rather than fighting for
self interests and this concept strengthened the movement for unveiling the truth
regardless of personal or individual put on. But the press was still in the clench of
national interests. The communists and the capitalists both were using the press as
a tool to disseminate their schema. The conjectures like the press role as “Watch
Dog” or the “Lap Dog”, the Gatekeeper, the Limited effects are the upshot of the
second era of the evolution of free press.

In china the P.L.A newspapers printed daily extracts from Mao’s selected writing and
speeches (Han, 2015), in the same way the extracts from the Green Book of
Muammar Gaddafi were used to be publish in all dailies(G B, 2017).

43
2.3 Progression of Democracy: a proper route to press freedom

In a report issued by British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) under the heading

Democracy Timeline: a rocky road (2017), the evolution of democracy is divided into
three time periods- the Early Democracy, the Representative and the Modern
Democracy. The report says that the traces of Democracy can be seen in
Mesopotamia (Iraq) and Sumerian city states from 40000 to 2500BC. The second
phase begins with the Greek instigated government based on “rule by the people” in
508BC, which they called Democracy. And in the third phase of the first Time period,
the Roman (501-27BC) is placed, where the Nobles were represented the Senate
and commoners the Assembly. The second Time period with the demarcation of
Representative Democracy brings more participation of the people in government
and authorities and that provides freedom to vote. The birth of political parties, the
start of competitive elections, the suffrage for women, basis of written laws backed
by the independent judiciary and the insurance of secret ballots are the prominent
features of this time period spread over on the time span 1215-1947AD.The world
saw drastic changes both in geopolitical and thoughts and theorization during this
span of time. Magna Carta (1215) that forced King John to transfer some powers to
the Nobles and this introduces basic freedom and property rights. In 1295 Edward 1
adopted the idea of an elected body “Model parliament”. In 1689 the Bill of Rights
lawfully established the social and political rights although that had no notion of the
press freedom as the American Bill of Rights (Baran&Davis, 2015). The U.S.
constitution 1787 and the French Revolution 1789-99 were turning point towards the
Representative Democracy. The first secret ballot election Australia in 1917 and the
Russian Communist Revolution marked obvious changes in the feudalistic image of
the world. During this Time Period the Fascism and Communism led to a dark age
for Democracy but that didn’t proved everlasting.The third Time Period denotes the
Modern Democracy and begins from the mid-20th century. Decolonization is the
engine of this era that prevails till the present day. The independence of India from
British raj in 1947, the establishment of People’s Republic of China in 1949, the
independence of French colonies in 1968, the disintegration of USSR in 1992, the
dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1995, the free elections in Afghanistan in 2004 and the

44
multi party elections in Iraq in 2005AD are prospects of the third Time Period of the
Evolution of Democracy and that is termed as a tool to free individuals and
guarantee the freedom to entertain basic rights.

The Greek thinkers Thucydides (460-399BC), Plato (427-347BC) and Aristotle (399-
322BC) believed in Democracy but were not favoring the popular participation in the
affairs of the state (Arblaster, 1993). Held (1996) observed that from 15th to 18th
century, two forms of political system remained dominant in Europe, the Absolute
Monarchy such as in France, Spain, Prussia, Russia and Austria while the other,
Constitutional Monarchy as that in Holland and England.

Ayub Rioba in PhD dissertation concludes that the recorded ideals of democracy are
commonly traced in Europe. The reason for the flourishing of democracy in that part
of the world was all that there were violent moves for power gains among different
societal groups like the monarchs, aristocrats, farmers and the clergy (Rioba, 2012),
but that was possible in the case of equal power unity and awareness. The pace for
liberation and spirit of democracy in peasantry was more in Eastern sphere than that
in America or Europe as the soil was productive and social links seems to be strong
(Wimmer & Feinstein, 2010). The other factor that Ayub Rioba says is the role of
thinkers and their struggle for promulgation and zeal for their thoughts to be
published and be followed and that to inspire and led the sphere toward democracy
and tended neoliberal ideals, rights of individuals and freedom of expression.

The evolution of democracy and the accomplishment of individual rights is not a

product of universal thrash about but it is rather the outcome of clash of civilization
and class struggle. For a long time, sub-continent remained under the despotic rule
of local as well neighboring warlords and rulers but there seems no strivings for such
a movement that could lead to democracy. Here the struggle for popular government
starts with the occupation of imperialists from out of the continent such as the British,
the French and the Portuguese. The independence of India (1947) and the freedom
of Malaya (1957) are the consequential of the thinking to over through the alien rule.
In the same way the advent of the United States of America (1789) was the output of
movement for freedom from foreign yokes. This is also obvious in the birth of
democracy in Africa. But alongside the development of Democracy in Europe has a
slightly different facet, there the class struggle paved way to the popular democracy

45
and the freedom of individuals. The preparation of Magna Carta (1215) and the Bill
of Rights (1898) were the yielding of power sharing striving. The reformation and
anti-reformation movements were also a fight back for power. The process of
democratization and then its consolidation is gradual and transitional in its nature
(Rioba, 2012).

Democracy goes alongside the freedom of press and history of the socio-economic
and geopolitical arena proves that conjunction. Media has played and is playing key
role in the process of democratization, urbanization and can be sensed in the
imposition of restrictions by imperialistic power against the Vermicular Press in India
during freedom movement because they were well aware of that role of the press
(Akhtar et. al, 2010).

Péter Bajomi-Lázár in his PhD thesis “Freedom of the Media in Hungary” observes
that Media Freedom had developed only then after Hungary got freedom from the
clutches of Communism and railed on the path of Democracy (Lázár, 2003).

Ekmel Gecer summaries in his PhD thesis “Media and Democracy in Turkey” that
the delay in full implementation of democratic transformations in Turkey has long-
drawn-out the exigent state-media relationship which has subsisted since the
inception of the first newspaper in the Ottoman Empire and now then the triumph of
Justice and Development Party to government in 2002 has heighted hopes for a
more democratic Turkey and for the freedom of press (Gecer, 2014).

The role of Media as a helping agent in the process of democratization and during
the transition phase of “isms” is universally recognized. Media played pivotal role in
the freedom movement in British India. Up to 1873 there were 224 vernacular
newspapers published in India in different languages and from different regions on
daily, weekly, bi-weekly and monthly basis. This trend inriched the political
communication, and led to the independence of India in 1947 (Akhtar, Ali & Akhtar,
2010). Press played vital job in mass protest movements like in the Philippine, 1986
(the People Power movement, that cast out the Marcos), in Thailand the May event
in 1992, which ousted the Suchinda Kraprrayoon and in Indonesia in 1998, the
students led protest that resulted in the downfall of Suharto (McCargo, 1999). The
relationship between government and media is based on socio-economic linkages
that shape the degree of press freedom in different states. Antonis skamnakis in his

46
PhD dissertation “Politics, Media and Journalism in Greece”, admits that relationship
of media and government, that stands on interdependence-on the basis of subsidy-
is better for the survival and freedom of expression and communication (Skamnakis,
2006) while subsidies are concluded by Péter Bajomi-Lázár to be the curtailing agent
for the press in Hungry (Lázár, 2003). Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman in his PhD.
thesis,“Press Freedom, Law and Politics in Indonesia”, observers that the press is an
essential feature of democratic society. Without press freedom a constitutional
democracy cannot work properly but he concludes that press freedom in Indonesia is
under threats, in spite of flourishing democracy due to socio economic interests of
agents involved (Wiratraman, 2014).

Ali Abdulsamad Dashti in his thesis “The Effects of Online Journalism on the
Freedom of the press: the Case of Kuwait” calculates that the idea of Press Freedom
is strongly associated with the existing of emerging democracies (Dashti, 2008). He
says that Press is under tough control of the rulers but internet plays a progressive
role to fulfill the need of the day and the free expression filters into the press in some
form and that he hopes, would lead to the freedom of the press in future.

Yiyao Zhang in his PhD. dissertation “The right to Freedom of Expression versus
Media Censorship in China” observes that in a single party ruled state like China,
press freedom and freedom of expression has always been a challenging subject in.
he finds that although the Chinese constitution guarantees the freedom of speech,
press, assembly, association, procession and demonstration but practically the press
at all levels is run and controled by state and ruthless censorship from the is
imposed (Zhang, 2010). The results of the thesis prove that if there is no democracy
in power, the constitutional guarantee is not applicable.

Anwar shaheen in his research paper indicates that the role of press in the process
of democratization and reformation in sub-continent is crucial. He wraps up that
press has also played supportive role to face the pressure of emerging challenges to
freedom movement. It is evident that after the uprising in 1857, the press lended
hands to the Muslim community to instigate campaigns for societal restructuring,
contemporary education, political arousing and also female liberation in these
momentums. The newspaper “Jam-e Jahan Numa (1882), the Dehli Urdu Akhbar
(1836), the Akhbar Scientific Society (1866), the Tahzeb-ul-Akhlaq (1870)” and a

47
number of magazines collaborated with meaningful assistance in the pace for the
freedom (Shaheen, 2009).

S.Natarajan is of the opinion that history of journalism is closely associated to the

growth of press as printing tool and the development of communication. He traces
that the oldest newspaper was the “Court Gazette” at Peiping which disappeared in
the early twentieth century. The art of printing from negative beliefs was known in
China around 594 AD. Natarajan marks out that Jesuit brought the first printing press
into India in 1550AD and then the East India Company from 1674 to 1753AD, but
these were neglected as the vested interests in the calligraphists employed by the
Mughal Court was a barrier to the development of printing (Natarajan, 1962).

The very first newspaper in India, the Bengal Gazette which came in the market on
January 29, 1780, declared itself as a political weekly and commercial newspaper
which is open to all but be influenced by none. That was an outbreak of the
antagonism of James Augustus Hicky and Philip Francis with the British government
and the East India Company, so the inspiration behind the advent of newspaper in
India was not the professionalism but that had roots in the power clash with
government and the paper was used ruthlessly to satisfy the owner’s desires, likes
and dislikes and to promote his personal agenda which was followed by coming
newspapers. Warren Hasting, the Governor General of India, administration seized
the Heky’s type and the Bengal Gazette was destroyed finally in March 23, 1782.
The very crusader’s nature of the press has developed with the development of the
media industry and that is present in its soul and body till the day. Whereas, the
curtailing techniques, restrictive tactics and intrigues used by the occupying powers,
East India Company and British’s government to confine the press, are also in
practice as a legacy of the colonial era.

In its annual report issued in 2015, Freedom House concluded that in the last 25
years, democracy as the world’s dominant form of the government was under great
threat and has shown decline in its capabilities to impart and protect political rights
and civil liberties in its domain.

Indices of the freedom of the world (political rights and civil liberties), press freedom
and the rule of law, reveals that these factors are strongly related to each other and

48
prove that if there will be no civil liberty and rule of law, the situation of press
freedom would be deteriorated.

Table 2.1: Frequency table representing top ten and lower ten countries in the
indices regarding press freedom, world freedom and rule of law.

49
 Freedom of the world, rule of law and press freedom in 2015
Top 10 countries Lower 10 countries
World rule of law Press World freedom rule of law Press freedom
freedom freedom
Norway Denmark Norway Central African Venezuela North Korea
Sweden Norway Sweden Equatorial Afghanistan Uzbekistan
Belgium Sweden Belgium Guinea Zimbabwe Turkmenistan
Finland Finland Finland North Korea Cambodia Eritrea
Netherlands Netherland Netherland Saudi Arabia Pakistan Crimea
Denmark New Zealand Denmark Somalia Cameron Belarus
Luxembourg Austria Luxembourg Sudan Nigeria Cuba
Switzerland Germany Andorra Syria Uganda Syria
Andorra Singapore Switzerland Turkmenistan Bolivia Iran
Iceland Australia Liechtenstein Uzbekistan Bangladesh Equatorial
Tibet Guinea

Freedom of the world, rule of law and press freedom in 2016

Top 10 countries Lower 10 countries
World rule of law Press World freedom rule of law Press freedom
freedom freedom
Netherland Denmark Norway Syria Venezuela Somalia
Norway Norway Belgium Tibet Cambodia North Korea
Sweden Finland Finland Somalia Afghanistan Turkmenistan
Belgium Sweden Netherland North Korea Egypt Uzbekistan
Finland Netherland Sweden Uzbekistan Cameron Crimea
Denmark Germany Denmark Eritrea Zimbabwe Eritrea
Iceland Austria Andorra Turkmenistan Ethiopia Cuba
Luxembourg New Luxembourg Western Sahara Pakistan Belarus
Switzerland Zealand Switzerland Sudan Uganda Equatorial
Andorra Singapore Liechtenstein Central African Bolivia Guinea
United Republic Iran
kingdom Syria

Freedom of the world, rule of law and press freedom in 2017

Top 10 countries Lower 10 countries
Press World freedom Press World freedom rule of law Press freedom
freedom freedom

50
Norway New Zealand Norway Somalia Syria Azerbaijan
Belgium Denmark Sweden South Sudan Tibet Crimea
Finland Finland Finland Syria Uzbekistan Cuba
Netherland Norway Denmark Afghanistan North Korea Equatorial
Sweden Switzerland Netherland Yemen Eritrea Guinea
Denmark Singapore Costa Rica Sudan Turkmenistan Eritrea
Andorra Sweden Switzerland Libya South Sudan Iran
Luxembourg Canada Jamaica Guinea Bissau Crimea North Korea
Switzerland Luxembourg Belgium Equatorial Saudi Arabia Syria
Liechtenstei Netherland Iceland Guinea Central Turkmenistan
n North Korea African Uzbekistan
Republic

Sources: Freedom House, Reporters without Borders & World Justice Project

The table indicates that there is 90% correlation between freedom of the world
(political rights and civil liberties) and press freedom. At the same time rule of law
and press freedom are also inter linked and where there is no rule of law, there is
lesser freedom for press and greater rate of impunity. The impunity index of CPJ
includes Somalia, Syria, Iraq, South Sudan, Philippines, Mexico, Pakistan, Brazil,
Russia, Bangladesh, Nigeria and India as the countries where journalists are slain
and the killers go free. Similarly, according to the report (2015) of Committee to
Protect Journalists (CPJ), the most censored countries of the world for media are
Eritrea, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, Azerbaijan, Vietnam, Iran, China,
Myanmar and Cuba. All these countries are in the worst categories of Freedom of
the World, Rule of Law and that of Press Freedom. These statistics prove that
censorship, impunity, rule of law and freedom of press are 80% interlinked.

2.3 Evolution of Censorship

The notion “censorship” [the pre post or the self] voluntary for good or bad, has
something repellant for most of the people (Bourke, 1956). In practice, Censorship in
the sense of riddling of the flow of information has been present in all ages all over
the world in all types and forms of governments, in the tribal patronage and in all
sections of human associations. In the same time and with equal vigor, that has
been condemned and opposed by the freedom longing fractions of all the units and

51
wholes. In the past, censorship was rough practice involving officials with blue and
black pens and the attacks were direct while in present circumstances the blow is
indirect and the assaulters are hidden (Khan, W., 2018) and this is the most
dangerous condition for the press and working journalists. The first known blow to
the free communicator was the death sentence of Socrates 399BC. Traces of
institutionalization of censorship tracking back to censor law promulgated in 443BC
in China (Newth, 2010). A commonly held belief about the volubility and applicability
that of censorship has never welcomed but that has been used as a tool for self
protection. The tool was a success in the fast as the states and usually the common
men were not in direct contact and that was trouble-free to imprison the information
and to bury the occurrences but in the twenty first century, the notion as well the very
material form of “censorship” is losing its relevancy as internet is continuously
demolishing the barriers around information. The current splash was seen and
observed in the Arab Uprising of 2011(Abbasi &Al-Sharqi, 2015).

Although common history of the political world is lucid and comprehensible about the
trepidation of governing class and that led them to seek sanctuary behind the laws
and regulations such as Blasphemy, grace and dignity and others (Natarajan, 1962).

A trend of newspapers began, initialized by the business letters of Portuguese and

British, and the first newspaper from Switzerland came up in 1610AD, followed by
England (1621), France (1631), Denmark (1634), Italy (1636), Sweden (1645) and
Poland 1661AD. On the opposite itinerary, laws and regulations were routed to
curtail the informatization and to keep the so long captivated subjects, ignorant in the
name of religious, cultural and dignatarios’s mirages, the License Act was introduced
in Britain in 1662AD(Al-Sharqi, 2015). Along with censoring initiatives, the demand of
free press gained momentum and Sweden passed press freedom law in 1766AD,
abolishing censorship and guaranteed the freedom of expression seconded by
Demark in 1770 and United States of America(USA) in 1787 as the federal
government ratified the first amendment in the constitution (Siebert, F.S, Peterson
&Schramm,1956).

The previous regimes of licensing and taxation of British Press were removed by the
end of 19th century and in the next twentieth, Press was not more subject to any
official directives but still the Royal Commissions as on the matter of Princess Diana

52
and others resulted in a series of self-regulatory bodies of which the Press
Complaints Commission (the modified form of the Press Council) is the recent one
established in 1999, most recently the Leveson reforms (2014) have formed new
structure for the answerability of the press and also a shield for the freedom of press
United kingdom (Tomlenson, 2014).

In India the first newspaper the Bengal Gazette of James Augustus Hicky was seized
and destroyed after a short life from January 29,1782 to March 23,1782 but there
were no special restrictions on the Press until 1798 and the only weapons which
could be used against offending editors were pre-censorship, and proceedings for
libel and deportation. In 1799 the first Act was promulgated by Lord Wellesley titled
as “Censorship of Press Act”. Although the aim was to stop the French from
publishing against the British interests but the press as a whole came under its
curses. The editor of “Telegraph” Holt Mekenly was inquired for his article about the
corruption in the office of government. Charles Mclean was deported for accusing
the postal authorities. John Adam’s Licensing Regulations of 1823 and the extension
of Censorship Act of 1799 in1818 are the crucial blows to curb the printing work as
well the press until the Metcalfe’s Act of 1835 generally known as the Press Act of
1835. James Silk Buckingham was exiled by the then Governor General John Adam
for the criticism on East India Company but he was awarded 500 pounds a year as a
compensation after his case was brought before the House of Commons in England
in 1834, this was the turning point that inspired and optimized journalists in India.
Bengal as a spring, originated a number of newspapers in Bengali and English
languages and they were critical of the government as well they were catalyzing the
political and educational sense of the natives. The influence of the moves in the
freedom of expression and press in England was transmitting gradually after the
efforts of Ram Mohan Roy, the Metcalfe that resulted in the insurance of Press
Freedom and the amplification in tolerance to criticism and that led to the sense of
Nationalism which matured the movement for freedom. The revolt in1857 revert the
whole arena, India came under the British rule and along with other restriction and
fierce actions the press was also brought under the mercy less action of the
government and the new Licensing Act, 1857 was enacted, followed by the the
Press and Registration of Books Act (XXXV of 1867) [App V] with more stringent
causes to curtail the press,. To curb the freedom movement and to confine support

53
from the Natives for the press, this law with modification is continue to be in force till
the day present both in India and Pakistan. Vernacular Press Act was imposed in
1878. The worse facet of this Act was the discrimination between the English and the
Native Press. This behavior inculcated and nourished the seed of nationalism and
aroused a hate for the occupying forces. The Act was repealed in 1882 after the
strong opposition to it (Natarajan, 1962). That year was a landmark in as much as
that saw the passing of the Indian Penal Code, which, though not directed
specifically towards the Press but laid down laws for offences which any writer, editor
or publisher must avoid, i.e. the offences of defamation, and obscenity. The later
amendments introduced the offences of sedition (S 124A, inserted in 1870);
promoting enmity between classes (S 153A added in 1898); imputations or
assertions prejudicial to national integration (S 153B, inserted in 1872); outraging
religious feelings (S295A, added in 1927). Section 124A deals sedition. Section 153
A and B dealt with the matters that promote enmity among different groups on basis
of religion, racial, birth place, residencial existence, language etc, and with acts
harmful to upholding of harmony, Section 292 and 293 deal with sale, etc., of
obscene books in general and specifically to young people, Section 295 A deals with
premeditated and hateful acts which are wished-for to infuriate religious emotions or
to insult beliefs of a section, Section 499 deals with defamation and Section 505
deals with statements conducing to public mischief (Indian Profile-Timeline BBC,
2017 ). The Indian panel Code of 1860 was followed by the new independent states
of India as Indian Panel Code (IPC) and by Pakistan as Pakistan Panel Code (PPC).
The conditions and penalties remained unchanged. At the time nearly in all the
Nation States, the sward of censorship hangs over the neck of press in the name of
National Security, Obscenity, Libel, Defamation and Blasphemy (Jama, 2007).

The freedom of press, the guarantee to the free flow of information, the access to
information and right to disseminate the news stories, is continuously under pressure
from the very first day to the day present and there seems no end to the curtailing
attitude of government and the interest groups –national or multination- because of
the presence of penal codes and the detaining powers of the unseen’s. Patti
McCraken (1999) prepared a report that was published by WPFC and FH in 2012,
he endorses that the press atmosphere was extremely stimulating in most of the
parts of Europe.The contentious media laws promulgated by Hungary enthused the

54
passion, New blasphemy law formulated by Ireland was projected in it nature, this
was the situation with the defamation law in Italy. Similarly journalists in France
blamed their government of spying, the Law promulgated on July 29, 1881 on
Freedom of the Press, set down penalty for insult to the its president, officials and
dignitaries from friendly states.In 2000 new proceeding were ratified and prison
terms were abolished, but still the term of fines remained unturned case of insult.
Similarly in Poland, blasphemy law was included in media reform package (2009)
which generated agonies because that law provides legal groundsprotectionto
extremism (Reporters without Borders, 2010). That is the situations in Turkey where
journalists work in worsen conditions governed by intimidations and threats. Patti
McCraken dissertates that the defamation and insult was used in Azerbaijan,
Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Belarus and Russia as a strong weapon of oppression
against the freedom of the press. In the same course of actions the authorities of the
Sub-Sahara African countries, Botswana, Burundi, Cameroon, Congo, Ethiopia,
Gambia, Ivory Coast, Mauritania, Niger, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone and
Zimbabwe used defamation law to frighten and quiet the media by lunching
crackdowns.

In the People’s Republic of China, there are 2000 newspapers, 8000 magazines,
274 TV channels and 150 million internet users who are subject to harsh censorship
(Wetherbee, 2010). Even during the Summer Olympic Games hosted by China, the
international press was confined and the stories and pictures were subject to be
cleared by the state-run Xinhua news agency.

In a symposium on Censorship and Media, McDonald (2012) summarized the

presenters and said that the articles dealt with three categories of decisions
regarding the flow of news content. The first was the voluntary choices of media.
Those choices were about the news content to be published or to be played down,
that involving self-censorship. According to Barry P. McDonald, the authors were
divided into “bad” and “good” self censorship, the former as deterred and the latter
as fostered. Bad self censorship was termed as the result of the legal sanctions and
that the producers and distributors were chilled into altering or withholding while
Good self censorship was the consent of the producers and distributors to hold back
the contents that might smash up national safety.

55
The second type of decision was, that media consumers themselves make. Authors
of the symposium argued that the consumers would be given right to select
information and views from similar minded sources and exclude “other-minded”
ones. Those choices formula was named as “input-side” self censorship.

The third and last type discussed was the commonplace censorship as the
government regulation of media. In that respect the authors agreed with the court
that would be requested whether the information and proceeding be blocked or
published in the light of national security (McDonald, 2012).

2.4 Constitutional guarantees for Free press

When the flourishing press reached a degree of public sanction, that led be
endorsed as a fundamental right in the constitutions. The principle, set out an
appropriate balance between the human rights, freedom of expression guaranteed in
the United Nation’s “Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and in regional
human rights instruments like the European Convention of Human Rights (1950) and
the African Charter on Human and people Rights (1987), as well as nearly in all the
constitutions of nation states but the freedom is subjected to restrictions even then.
Sweden initiated the custom of recognition of the freedom of press in 1766AD as a
constitutional right. In accordance to the Freedom of Press Timeline prepared and
reported on September 9, 2013, the trail of Peter Zinger (1735) set the standard for
the freedom of press to be guaranteed by the U.S. constitution. The trail proved him
innocent after his arrest in charge of “treason” against the Royal Governor. The first
amendment in the constitution of USA was followed by that and in the year 1787, the
four rights were guaranteed as the Bill of Rights (Timeline of freedom of speech,
Guardian, 2010). That was furthered by France in 1789 in the form of the Declaration
of the Rights of Man and Citizen, in the wake of revolution (Newth, 2010).

In pace of democratization of states and the recognition of individual rights, countries

placed articles for the freedom of expression and guaranteed in the constitutional
frame order. This trend continues but the great stone was put as the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights was ratified especially the article 19. The declaration
was signed and adopted by most of the countries of the world including Pakistan.

56
The course of articulation in constitution in the format as the “Article 19” in the
constitutions of a number of states is a very interesting resemblance and similarity in
subject matter of the entire article is an explicit fact that media should be used as
tool of political communication rather as guarantee for assuring transparency and
truth.

Péter Bajomi-Lázár in his PhD dissertation justifies that a consensus has developed
in western world that media should be free of censorship (Lázár, 2003).

In the same way, the constitution of India guarantees freedom of speech and
expression. Although the constitution of India does not have direction wording of the
Freedom of Press, the freedom of expression is dealt for the same, but this is also
confined here as the constitution further explains that the law should be followed in
the case of conflicts with stat’s interests, Indian press enjoys a lot of features of the
freedom but some time it seems that the freedom is not on the perfect base, in 1975,
when Indira Gandhis’ government declared Emergency in the state, she took over
the press, prohibited reporting regarding national and international news contents.
Her government expelled a number of foreign journalists and also pulled out
accreditation from 40 Indian reporters (Singh, n.d).

In France the media declaration (1789), declares that all the citizens are free to
make and distribute opinion but they were made responsible for their acts by laws.

The first amendment in the constitution of the United States ratified on December 15,
1791, guaranteed the freedom of press and expression but as Hannis Taylor in his
article published by the university of Northern Lowa in 1892, enumerates that “It is
rather a startling statement, and yet one which is literately made without any
qualification whatever, that under the US constitution, as lately construed by the
Supreme Court, Congress possesses the same censorial and despotic power over
the intellectual contents of all communications, written or printed, open or under seal,
is marage (Taylor, 1892).

In the light of conversation about the Leveson’s Recommendation, LSE asserts that
press in Britain has a history of freedom from state’s directive. In 19th century the
licensing and taxation were abolished. But concerns about the demeanor of media

57
led to the establishment of Royal Commissions and official inquiries from time to time
(Tomlinson, 2014).

The situation of Press Freedom in Turkey is reflected garishly in the constitution of

the state. Article 25 guarantees the freedom of press and expression but that also
put legal check on it .Article 19 provides that Publication of periodicals but that was
also slightly confined by the amendment enacted on October 3,2001 (Geecer, 2014).

Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights guaranteed the freedom of

expression and press but also subjected the right to the state’s interests and very
cleverly diverted the flow of information into the dark channels (ECHR, 1950).

Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights ratified press freeom
but the second clause subjecting the dissemination of opinion to the law and that is
to incarcerate the freedom of press. The African Charter of Human and People
Rights was setup in 1987 and now 53 African states are its signatories but Egypt has
signed it with a strict reservation on the glimpses of freedom to the accesses to
information (African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights). And now the
president Abdul Fateh Alssesie signed the disputed law of restrictions on the use of
social media (France 24, 2018).

Clause 4 of Section 3 of the article 3 (Bill of Rights) of Philippians constitution

gurrantees press but that is also subject to statuary laws in case of grievance (CoPh,
1987).

The perspective that “Media is an important element in opinion making, creating

heroes and villains and monsters and enemies” (Hussain&Sultan, 2008), captivates
the press and expose it for the first consideration in course of a coups. The role of
media as a mean and medium of communication and information between the state
and the citizens has been changed and that is widely used as perception and opinion
making agent. The political communication made route to the notion “Media War” on
the global stage. At the same time, the role of media as a mediator is also at ruling in
the theorization of mass communication (Baran &Davis, 2015).

58
2.5 Summary

The review and literature indicate that evolution of press freedom is linked with the
evolution of the freedom of individual and the development in democratization of
governing systems in the world. Recognition of political rights and endorsement of
civil liberties encouraged the man to express publicly what he want to say as a right.
The technological progression in the tools and mechanization of printing and
advancement in the mechanism of communication empowered the freedom of
individuals as well for the press.

Printing presses primarily enhanced the process of printing and were used to print
religious literature and poetry. But with the passage of time that invention became
the engineering and steering power of newspapers and media industry and till the
day, is the founding stone in the realm of printing medium of communication.

The initial approach of news sheet and papers was commercial communication but
as their basic prospect, newspapers became the mouth pieces of the governing
elites and then of the public. As an effective tool of communication and proper and
authentic way to forge public opinion, press was used in the process of
democratization and liberalization of the masses. In this way both the press and
democracy helped each other for the freedom of the world.

But, as liberalization of man had and has to face challenges, the press has and has
been facing threats and has been suffering and journalists have and have been
paying for their profession, playing the role of Watch Dog for the sake of assuring
transparency and empowering the rule of law.

Globalization of communication, improvement in information technologies,

recognition of the rights of individuals, endorsement of democracy and improvement
in tolerance for criticism are empowering the press and journalists to impart their
professional duties and to secure the freedom of press.

59
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 Chapter 3

Free Press during different regimes and Press laws in Pakistan

3.1 Introduction

The political theme and the power game players, the socio-ethnical actors and the
cultural landscape, the economical gain zeal and the sword and gun plays, the
sophisticated religious thoughts and aesthetics outfitting of culture are the salient
features that distinguish sub-continent from the other parts of the world in nearly all
respects and disciplines of individual and collective life. The social system in sub-
continent and the philosophy of life in the land matured with the relics of different
civilizations. The Mughal, the Pathans, the Portuguese, the French and the British
marked a great impact on the philosophy and on the life in India (Natarajan, 1962).
The Press although, was brought and installed by Jesuit of Portugal in 1560 but the
Hicky’s (1780) inspirations and the Ram Mohan Ray’s (1831-1833, life in England)
strivings to gratis it, are the candling aspects of the Press and Communication
paradigm in the land. The spirit to be free from the foreign yokes, on mass levels on
collective basis, aroused only after the dwellers came under the direct rule of Britain
in 1857. After the failure of 1857’s revolt (freedom fight), the changing political
dilemma urged and necessitated the press to be a part of the political game on the
showground (Iqbal, 2010). The arguments of Sir Herbert Risely, introducing the
1910’s Press Act in the Council of Viceroy, are the mirroring points of press
government and press mass relations, where he said that “Every day the press
proclaims, openly or by suggestions or illustrations, that the only cure for the ills of
India is independence from foreign rule”. The Muslim’s journals, Urdu-i-Moalla of
Maulana Hasrat Mohani, the Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh of Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad,
the Comrade and Hamdard of Muhammad Ali, and Zamindar of Maulana Zafar Ali
Khan were the widely read newspapers for their fearless criticism on the British’s
policies and all of them were suppressed for that. As the socio-political scenario of
the land was fully enthusiastic for to get political freedom from the alien powers and
the vernacular press was totally involved in the drive so that the vernacular press
remained a mouthpiece of the freedom fighters and played a magnificent role to

65
promote the agenda of political elites and that became a vital part of its nature and
that brought in Pakistan, the same motive with it after the partition (Niazi, 1986). The
two drivers of the freedom movement were the religion and nationalism and these
were also the movers of the press. Soon after the independence in 1947, the
establishment of media outlets in Pakistan seemed to be nationalists following the
same crusader nature, some of the well-known figures in the freedom movement
were also very close to the press, so that the impression of nonpartisan media was
missing in the British India as well in the early stage of the post-independence times
(Mezzer&Sial, 2010). The crusading nature of the press was prevailing even after the
independence and that the press that faced toughest conditions before the partition
encountered the same or sometimes more difficult situations after indepenedce
(Akhtar, Ali & Akhtar, 2010).

In progression of the Second World War the circumstances became favorable for the
freedom of India to be availed. A hope boomed after the promises of British
government for the active participation in the war on allied side, to get independence.
Along the intensification of political moves, the press also got flourishing energies to
combat the oppressives as that had sensed the losing clutches of the foreign rule.
The number of dailies increased from 32 to 51 in the time period from 1937 to 1947
(Yusuf&Schoemaker, 2013) and that was the prevailing geopolitical circumstances of
the land as well that of the world as a whole. The Press secured a boasting
economical support from the mass as well from the political parties, the
establishment of the “Press Fund” by All India Muslim League (Iqbal, 2010), was the
picture and thus, the inevitable impact was that, the Press got an ideological backing
and Journalists took the profession as a mission rather than a profession, becoming
a part of the freedom movement (Jos, 1918).

The long struggle, the located status of vernacular press as in the enactment of
Vernacular Press Act (Act IX of 1878) - discriminated the local press- and gave birth
to open rivalries that flourished the crusading nature of the press (Natarajan, 1962).
Press entered into the new land [Pakistan] with the same nature, although the
political leadership of the time tried to redirect the political impetus as well the press
impulsions but that was not only time consuming but also convoluted because the
acquired independence was not on the same vehemence of the actors concerned
(Mezzer&Sial, 2010). Mohammad Ali Jinnah (Qaid-e-Azam), the first Governor

66
General of Pakistan said to the Muslim journalist’s gathering in March 1947, “You
have great power. You can guide or misguide people. You can make or mar the
biggest personalities. The power of the press is really great but you must remember
that this power which you are wielding is a trust. At the same time I expect you to be
completely fearless, if I go wrong for that matter or the League goes wrong in any
direction of its policy or program, I want you to criticize it, honestly as its friend, in
fact, as one whose heart is beating with the Muslim nation” (Beg, 1977). It is
important here to say that press was expected to change directions and serve the
nation in Pakistan.

Zamir Niazi quotes M.A. Khuhro in his book “The Press in Chains” that when he
went to Muhammad Ali Jinnah for to get sign on Public Representative
Disqualification Act(PARODA) he [M.Jinnah] said, “ All my life I have been fighting
against these black laws, now you expect me to sign it. No, I will put my foot down
on it” (Niazi, 1986).

Dawn, the English language newspaper (established as a weekly in 1937 and

developed as a daily in 1942), the daily Jang, the Urdu language newspaper
(established as a two pager evening paper in 1939) shifted their offices from Delhi to
Karachi, after the independence of united India in 1947. Both the papers for a long
time promoted the Muslim league cause. At the time of partition there were existed
only four papers in allocated territory of Pakistan and those were the Pakistan Times,
Zamindar, Nawa-i-waqt, Civil and Military Gazette and these all were based in
Lahore (Khan, 2014).

A new era of press starts after the creation of Pakistan in the land with everything in
its flourishing mood. Daily “Dawn” published its first edition on August 15, 1947, the
Jang was brought into market on October 14, 1947.Daily “Sindh Observer”, daily
Gazette, daily Mail and Al-Waheed of Karachi, daily Khyber Mail, daily Alfalah Al
Jamiat and daily Sarhad of Peshawar and more newspaper were launched in
English, Urdu, Sindhi and Gujrati from different parts of the state of Pakistan (Dass,
2009; Iqbal&Shabir, 2010).

The evolution of press in Pakistan emphasizes a fascinating situation, as all the

owners of press had a background in journalism and had affiliations with political and
nationalist ideologies (Mezzer&Sial, 2010). At the same time the geopolitical position

67
of Pakistan is also a strong agent to confine the free status of media here. The Pak-
India and Afghanistan relations and its impacts on media in the realm of national
interests define and direct the direction of press (A.Kaw, n.d.). Media and politics are
always in a strong connection in the cotemporary strategic environment. In this
context of Pak-India security and interests, media follows the nationalistic lines
(Hussain &Sultan, 2008).

The press government relations in British India were not favorable and the British
rulers had introduced stringent regulations to control it. From the war of 1857 to the
partition in 1947, the press was fully gagged the press acts and ordinances of 1878,
1910, 1930 and the statutory laws of 1860 were incarcerate the press on the legal
landscape of Indian sub-continent. A glimpse can be seen here as a reaction of All
India Muslim League to the Press Act of 1910, declaring that [The Act] the most
objectionable piece of legislation (Iqbal, 2010).

Radicalization in the nature of press was inculcated in it in the pro-partition era,

prevailed even after the partition. Newspapers like Dawn (English) and Nawa-i-waqt
(Urdu) were established with a special agenda to promote the concept of freedom
movement becoming the mouth piece of All India Muslim League. Since then the
Pakistani media is a victim of religio-political interest groups with different formations
and agendas. The regional vernacular press is under the influence and pressure
from the militant and political groups and the economical interest groups. The
radicalized agenda setting media entered Pakistan after the partition, with a nature of
freedom to struggle for, and that was the case with the government, bureaucracy
and political elites. The institutional norms that were developed in colonial rule
became extinct soon after the partition, they divided into groups, building up links for
political and economical objectives and some strived for personal gains. They were
fighting for that without any care for professional norms. The centuries long
geopolitical, the religio-social and the socio-political landscape had shaped the
relations among the factors and elements on specific and unique ground of
revolutionary nature. In this context the new directions were necessary to be
intended for but the abundances of border, economical, social, political and
administrative hindrances, hauled the pace for new destinations in Pakistan after its
birth. The Press as a mobilizing and agenda setting agent suffered more
(Kalansooriya, 2010).

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3.2 Actions against the press and journalists: Review of events
and incidents

Press and journalists in Pakistan has always remained under threats and under
pressure (zaidi, 2018) due to atrocities of state and no state agents, somewhere for
vested interests and some time due to the non professional approaches of the
component parts of the industry (Rasheed, 2018). The media landscape is explored
as under to get an understandable illustration of the incidents and events depicting
attacks on the freedom of press and journalists. The history (1947-2017) is alienated
for better comprehension, in twelve eras. The first ten years, the so called
democratic era is grouped for its specific position in the history of Pakistan as
declared by Dr. Zafar Iqbal in his research paper “Pakistan’s Press and Politics in the
First Decade” (Iqbal, 2010). The eras are represented by the heads of the
governments.

3.2.1 The First Decade: A democratic Era (1947-1958)

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan was in the favor of a free
press and that daily “Dawn” and “Manshoor” were established under his supervision
with the same zeal and policy. In 1913, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, addressing the
Imperial Legislative Council said, “I believe in criticizing government freely and
frankly but at the same time it is the duty of every educated man to support the
government when the government is right” (Iqbal, 2010). In 1947, only four
newspapers existed in the territory parted to Pakistan. “Dawn”, “Jang”, “Anjam” and
“Morning News” moved and start publishing in Karachi but gradually that increased.
Currently, by the early 2000s, the number of news publications was 1500 which
enhanced to 1820 in 2007 and then gradually declined to 1199 in 2008, 1039 in
2009, 952 in 2010, 749 in 2011, 646 in 2012, 619 in 2013, 694 a slight up in 2014,
538 in 2015 and 539 in 2016 (PBS, 2016).

The Press Government Relations, soon after the independence, cramped and
twanged (Iqbal, 2010) as the power longing political leaders and the colonial
relegated bureaucracy played havoc with the press on one hand and the National
Press with a few exceptions toed the official line on the other (Niazi, 2004). In this
bargain the editors, the proprietors and the journalists of the kind were heavily dosed

69
with governmental advertisements and quota of newsprint, plots and even cash
payments. The political government was doing that to avoid being exposed to the
masses while the personal gain longing journalists were playing in the hands of
bureaucracy and politicians involved in the palace intrigues.

The first censorship in the form of a blind advice was tried to be imposed on the
press on August 11, 1947, when the inaugural address of the founder of Pakistan
Muhammad Ali Jinnah to the Constituent Assembly went to be published in daily
“Dawn”. A part of the speech was advised not to be published in the said interests of
ideological basis of the state but due to strong professional traits of the editor, the
attempt met a failure (Niazi, 1986). Whereas that failed attempt triumphed on
December 25, 1981, as the blue pencil blacked the portion of the same address
published in daily “Muslim”, under the dictatorship of Ziaul Haq.

The death of Muhammad Ali Jinnah as the First Governor General of Pakistan and
the assassination of the First Prime Minister entangled the political situations beside
the border issues, the rehabilitation of refugees and weakening economy of the
country as well the institutions. The freedom of information and the legacy of the
government’s interests came in direct confrontations (Siddiqi, 1977).

The predicaments in the institution of politics have adverse affects on the functioning
of other social institutions (Callard, 1956) and that the political development has
been characterized by spur of constitutional activities as well as by the contingent
breakdown of constitution (Sabir, 2011). And that the socio-political and ideological
framework of the exercising power had a great influence over the progression of
nation-building in Pakistan (Waseem&Hayat, 1997). Therefore, the people of the
Pakistan before the independence, while fighting for the common cause were united
under the flag of All India Muslim league and media was in alliance with, on the
mutual support basis. The Muslim league Press Fund and the collection of 56500
rupees of the time in respect to pay the security of “Zamindar” of Maulan Zafarullah
Khan is a reflection of strong and cohesive society-press relations. But in after math
of the independence a number of uprisings and antagonism became a frontage on
the part of government as well on the facet of socio-political ties and religio-cultural
texture. The languages movement and the casualties in Dacca in 1952 catalyzed the
Punjabi-Bengali issues and centre-provinces differences. The political, cultural,

70
religious and regionalist cleavages visualized intarsia leading to new breaks and ties.
The Bengalis with the support of Sind and frontier groups wrestled with Punjabis.
The governing elite were either part or catalysts of the game to advance their vested
interests. The dismissal of Khwaja Nazimuddin in April 1953 by the then Governor
General Ghulam Muhammad revalorized the already agonistic behavior of the
political actors. The formation of All Pkistan Awami Muslim League by Hussain
Suhrawardy with the support of Pir of Manki Sharif, Pir Zakori and Ghulam
Muhammad Khan from NWFP (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), Nawab Mumdot and
Nawabzada Nasrulla Khan from Punjab, Mehmudul-ul-Haq Usmani from Sindh and
Mujeeb-ur-Rehman , Maulana Bhashani and Aataur Rehman from east Bengal that
later on entered in alliance with the Krishak Sramik Party(KSP) under the leadership
of A.K Fazlul Haq, the Nizam-i-Islam Party (NIP) of Maulana Athar Ali and the
Ganatantri Dal (GD) of Haji Muhammad Danish and Mehmud Ali forming the Unitrd
Front, were the reflection resulted by palace intrigues (wasim, 1997). The United
Front defeated the Governing founding Party Muslim League in the Election for
Provincial Assembly in East Pakistan acquiring 230 seats out of 309 in April 1954.
Here the popularity of the central government unveils. In the same course, in May,
1954, the Provincial government of United Front was dissolved and the chief minister
A.K Fazl Haq, Mujeeb –ur- Rehman along with other ministers and MPAs were
arrested under section 92-A after Governor Raj was imposed. The chief minister was
charged as Traitor and conspirator against the integrity of the state while the same
person was allotted ministry in the central government after a deal under the palace
intrigues later on. In October, 1954 the Constituent Assembly was dissolved. The
Punjab, Sindh and NWFP (PakahtoonKhwa) were integrated as West Pakistan to
counter the majority of Bengalis and the One Unit formula was imposed in 1955.
Daulatana, Gurmani and Chaudhri Muhammad Ali were the prominent players of the
game (Mustafa, 2010). After a long and tricky politics the first constitution was
presented in 1956 but that met with a drastic fate when president Iskandar Mirza
dismantle that and imposed Martial Law in the country October 7, 1958. The
formation of Republican Party by Dr. Khan Sahib with a back from Governor
Gurmani and Governor General Iskandar Mirza shattered the power balance of
Muslim League. This initiated a constant war in the landlord families of Qazalbash,
Noon, Tiwanas, Leghari and Gilenis from Punjab, Laleka from Bahawalpur, Hoti from
Mardan, Talpur, Pirzada, and supporters of Pir of Pagaro from Singh on one side

71
under the umbrella of Republican Party and Daulatan with a support of Qurishis of
Sargodha, landlord of Multan, Joya tribe of his own, the urban interest groups and
the middle class of the west Pakistan on the other front. The Awami National Party of
G.M syed of Sindh also appeared with a bargaining position with the shouldering of
Khan Abdulghafar Khan. Under the opposing and favoring see-saw, the One Unit
Plan met a failure diminishing its popularity. The power gaining game and the palace
intrigues had reached its peak in both the part of the state (Iqbal & Shabir, 2010).
The western part was in the strife for dominance between the Muslim league and the
Republican Party while the East Pakistan was under the break and make among the
allies of the United Front. In this political dilemma, all the state institutions were badly
involved including the Press (Sayeed, 1959).

Media is the most important source of information on hazards and disasters for
people (Iqbal, Ali, Khursheed&Saleem, 2014). Six types of influences on political
content of media are observed (Eijaz, Adina, Genc, Ahmad…&Atakpa, 2012), that
media is influenced through laws, regulations, licensees and taxes advertisers,
organizational interests and professional influence. Multinational manufacturers and
other advertisers put considerable pressure for desirable publishing of news contents
and for killing unwanted messages on media. Intra and extra organizational interests
also influence the news content from top-down approach. Procedural influence
defines the approaches, process and accesses and dissemination. The social
groups and professional influence are gauged that have profound upshots on the
news flow. In the first phase as the democratic era (1947-1958), Pakistan was in
disastrous conditions of political volatilities (Niazi, 1986). The main driving force that
was rooting the problems in the political makeup of the state was the cultural
heterogeneity in the area that came into direct confrontation after independence. In
such circumstances, the press was the first under target. Soon after independence,
the government tried to silences the free and criticizing nature of the vernacular
newspapers. The colonially ideologized establishment prepared the Safety
Ordinance and that was imposed in October 1948 as a first job after the death of the
founder of state Muhammad Ali Jinnah as that was rejected by him [M. Ali Jinnah) to
sign saying “All my life I have been fighting against these black laws, now you expect
me to sign it. No, I will put my foot down on it”.

72
The press in these determining days joined the agonistic groups that resulted in the
birth of two parallels of the editor – the Pakistan News papers Editors Conference
(PNEC) and the Council of Pakistan Editors (CPE) headed by Altaf Hussain of Dawn
and Hameed Nizami of Nawa-i-Waqt respectively with a strong rivalry and feeble
fellowship, exposed to the well organized Establishment of the day.

The sword of Safety Ordinance of 1948 was impatiently used to suppress the
unwanted voices. The first newspaper came under its sharp edges, was the
“Pakhtoon Weekly” that was started in 1939 from NWFP (Khyber PakhtoonKhwa),
the action was on political basis articulated by the then Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan’s
Ministery, same became the fate of Daily Sarhad and the editor Rahim Bakhsh
Ghaznavi was arrested under the Safety Act in 1949. Syed Sultan Shah Gilani of “Al-
Jamiat” was arrested in 1949 on charges of criticizing the government. In 1949 the
advertisements and paper quota was stopped to pressurize the daily “Inqilab” Lahore
and under these rough conditions the paper was closed. The “New Orient” of
Ghaurul Islam was confiscated on March 1949 and the declaration was cancelled. In
July 1949, daily “Safina” of Maulana Waqar Ambalvi was closed by the Muslim
League government. Monthly “Javaid, Lahore”, of Arif Abdul Latif and Nasir Anwar
was forfeited and the editor and proprietor were jailed for three months in March,
1948 (Niazi, 1986). A few newspapers responded against the government’s actions
but many praised that action on the pretext that those papers were publishing
unethical materials (Iqbal, 2010). Savera, Naqoosh and Adabe Latif were crushed by
atrocity of the Muslim League government of Punjab. The Progressive papers limited
recorded their strong protest against the actions. In the due course, the editor of
“Savera” Zahir Kashmiri was arrested under the Safety Act 1950 and was jailed for 6
months. Weekly “Khursheed and Al-Islam were banned and the editor Fazal Ahmaed
Ghazi was arrested in Quetta. Weekly Al-Haq from Sibbi ceased its publication as
that couldn’t arrange the security deposits. Faiz Ahmad Faiz was arrested in Lahore
for publishing a news story in daily “Imroze”, he was released but the next, on an
account of hard hitting editorial the paper was banned. The weekly “Bolan” of Mir
Hassan Nizami was closed in the same year1948. The demise of the Orient Press
Institution (OPI) founded by Syed Ahmed Khan is termed as the sad occurrence of
the year 1948. Daily “Ehsan” was closed for 14 days on publishing a news item in
1948. Z.A Sulehri was jailed for publishing a news item and a cartoon in “Times of

73
Karachi” in 1950. Daily “Afaq” was closed for a year in Lahore after the imposition of
Martial Law in Punjab in 1950. “Istiqlal” Quetta was banned in 1950 and the editor
Abdusamad Khan was arrested on the charges under Safety Act for criticizing the
government. Weekly Satlaj and Insaf of Hayat Tareen from Queta were closed as a
result of writing about the factional fight in Muslim League in 1951. Pashto language
journal “Aslam” of Sanober Hussain Mehmood was cancelled and the editor was
sent to prison for 15 months under safety Act in 1952. In February, 1952 the daily
“Pakistan Observer” was banned in Dhaka for criticizing the then prime minister
Khawa Nazimuddin. Weekly Chattan and Asia were closed by the Punjab
government in June, 1952. The daily “Star” Lahore of Aziz Beg was prosecuted in
1952 for criticizing arrangements during the visit of the King of Iraq. In October, 1953
Dawn, Evening Star, Pakistan Economist, Mirror and Variety were deprived of
government patronage for publishing editorials that were not decent voices for
government of the time (Niazi, 1986). Securities were asked to be deposited from
Sindhi daily Al-Wahid, monthly Tarjuman-ul-Quaran and bi-weekly Kauser of Maulan
Abul Ala Maududi in 1952 while from daily Hilal-e-Pakistan Lahore in 1954. Faizl-
Fazal from Lahore was banned under the Safety Act for a year in 1953.Daily
“Musalman” from Karachi was closed in 1953 when the paper published the news of
the second wedding of Muhammad Ali Bograh, the then prime minister.Al-Waheed of
Maulana Din Muhammad Wafai was banned for one year in 1954 (Khan, 2014). The
Khwaja Nazimuddin government employed Central Special Power Act to silence the
press on Kashmir Policy and as result Zamindar of Maulana Zafar Ali Khan due to
criticism on government was banned (Iqbal, 2010). The Public Safety Act 1949 was
used to arrest Faiz Ahmad Faiz, Mazhar Ali Khan, Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, Syed
Subt Hassan and other journalist (Khan, 2014). Monthly Mirror Karachi of Zaib-un-
Nissa Hamidullah was banned for six months under the Security of Pakistan Act for
criticizing the government for the removal of Hussain Sahrawardy from premiership
(Niazi, 1986). During the first decade punitive actions were taken by the successive
governments.

On August 7, 1950, Pakistan Federal Union of Journalist (PFUJ) was established in

Lahore (PFUJ, 2016) and has been playing its role for the freedom of press in
Pakistan and even on Global sphere since its birth. The union has never missed a
single occasion to shield the interests of journalists and press. Before this the Punjab

74
Union of journalists was working in British India and that was reorganized after
partition in 1948. Karachi Union of Journalists (KUJ) came into existence in 1949.
This pace extended to the establishment of 11 unions in the country and all these
unions in different cities are in action under the banner of Pakistan Federal Union of
Journalists (Khan, 2014).

For the first time Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) launched a powerful
stance against the arrest of Z.A Sulehri, Khursheed Alam and N.M Katpal of the
“Evening Times” under the charges of sedition on December 30,1952. The affiliated
unions and 17 editors of Karachi and Lahore joined the protest and that they were
released after 83 days in prison (Niazi, 1986). This was for the first time that all the
journalists actively participated the protest against the “Government’s Press Policy”
and the event was backed by the prominent English and Urdu newspapers as well
the international unions of journalists like International Press Institution. But on an
occasion when daily Civil and Military Gazette Lahore published a news story about
Kashmir in April, 1949, a joint editorial under signed appeared in 15 newspapers
condemning the paper although an apology was published. Sindh and west Punjab
unions of journalists expressed that government’s action against Civil and Military
Gazette will be unnecessary after its apology and that the joint editorial of 15 editors
is unjust. The daily “Pakistan Times” dismissed its chief reporter Muhammad Shafee
for that.The Munir Report (1953) on anti Ahmadya roits in Lahore accused 4 news
papers- Afaq, Ehasn, Maghrbi Pakistan and Zamindar- for receiving a huge sum
from the government, is a black spot on the freedom of press on the part of
newspapers and journalists (Niazi, 1987). During the first 7 years of the creation of
Pakistan, 31 newspapers were banned only in Punjab and security deposits were
demanded from 15.

The Kaleidoscopic politics in Pakistan in 1950s was a product of instant realignments

of political loyalties creating instability in the realm of political landscape (Kamran,
2008). Tahir Kamran in research paper “Democracy and Governance in Pakistan”,
observes that when Quaid-e-Azam in April 1948, the rulers tightened their hold on
the official machinery and tried the opposition to be packed down with iron hands.

On the side of legislation confining mission, press was circumscribe by the

promulgation of first Pakistan made press law “Public Safety Ordinance”. The law

75
was signed by the then Governor General of Pakistan Khwaja Nazimuddin after the
demise of the founder of the nation Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah had refused to sign the curtailing law. Dr. Zafar Iqbal declares
in his research paper that Muhammad Ali Jinnah respected the press while his
successors distorted that and used that as an instrument of exploitation and soon
after his death the press became the target of hate and distrust for the rulers. The
law that was rejected by him [M.Ali Jinnah] got signed and became the Public Safety
Ordinance in 1948. The law till the date is in use to curb the freedom of the press
and has become a symbol of fear and threat for journalists.

The second law, Pakistan Security Act was enacted in 1952 to curtail the press. The
Official Secret Act was again imposed and the pace to control the press was
speeded. The Official Secret Law, not only stands for the government officials not to
pass information to media or other sources but the law also curtail the press to
publish unsanctioned reports and that a lot of journalists has suffered under this law
(Siraj, 2009). The act is a legacy of the colonial age and was promulgated in
1923.These all three laws were excessively used to silent the unwanted voices.

The press commission was established in September 1954. The task was to come
across into the matter of press but that only pointed out the weak aspects of the
national press. Their recommendations were set-aside for no use but the
weaknesses were used in excess by the subsequent governments to exploit the
press.

The Press Emergency Power Act was passed on May 1958. This Act curtails the
freedom of press in the sense to publish news only in the favor of foreign relations
and security of the state rather than under professional zeal and international
standards. The Act has been limitedly used in the history press in Pakistan (Khan,
2014).

The Newsprint Control Orders were issued in 1955 and 1956. The notification
confined the use of newsprint and that had authorized the government to keep the
publications under its control. The successive governments used the authority under
the “order” to influence the national press in large for vested interests. The review
shows that a number of newspapers were threatened and some were bribed under
the umbrella of the newsprint quota.

76
 Table 3.1: Actions against the press during First Decade N-77

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 0 0

Attacks on journalists 2 3

Arrests 46 59

Attacks on media outlets 2 3

Bans on publications 25 32

Closure of official .Ads. 2 3

Total 77 100

Closure of
G.Ads. Killings
Attacks on
3% 0%
journalists
3%
Bans on
publications
32%

Arrests
59%

Attacks on
media outlets Actions against the press during First
3%
Decade
Table and figure 3.1 show that arrests of journalists 59% surpassed the other
curtailing measures during the First Decade after the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
Bans on publication 32% followed. Bans on publications, cancellation of declarations
and registrations were the main tools to silent the unwanted voices. The closure of
government’s advertisements, attacks on the press and journalists were lesser as
3% each whereas no killing of the gatekeepers was recorded during the first ten
years.

77
The collective measures of actions were also seen in the First Decade as seven
journalists of daily “Sindh Observer” were tortured and arrested on October 7, 1949.
Fifteen journalist of daily “Evening Times” Karachi were arrested under the Security
Act, after a protest against the administration of the paper (Imroze July 5, 1952).

In context of complete overview analysis, the first ten years, the so called First
Democratic Era remained drastic for the national press. Most, 16% percent of
actions against the press were taken during the First Democratic Era of the history of
Pakistan (Table 3.15). On the ground of attacks in the form of harassments,
threatening, beating, torturing and injuring, the first decade is lesser drastic with 2%
(table 3.14), whereas leads 46% in regards to the arrests of journalists (Table 3.13).

3.2.2 The first Dictatorial era: the General Ayub Khan’s Regime
(1958-1969): and the flourishing press

The second phase starts with the imposition of Martial law by General Ayub Khan on
October, 8, 1958. Ayub Khan in the first phase (1958-1965) of regime seems
progressive liberal in his political and administrative approaches and exercises. He
governed the country in authoritarian manner during the first phase while in a quasi-
authoritarian in the second (1965-1969) of his 10 years rule from 1958 to1969
(Ansari, 2011). He abrogated the constitution and new restrictions were fated to the
newspapers and journalists, this was the beginning of black epoch for journalism in
Pakistan. The political parties were banned and criticism on government was taken
to be a sin (Khan, 2014). Ayub Khan changed the previously exercised policy to ban,
to cancel the declaration or demand or forfeit the security deposits of publications
rather he took direct control of media outlets to use that for his designed purposes. In
this pace of actions, the first job appeared as the takeover of the Associated Press of
Pakistan APP and the Progressive papers Limited (PPL) on April 18, 1959. PPL was
publishing daily Pakistan Time Lahore, daily Imroze Lahore and Karachi, weekly
Lailo Nahar Lahore and weekly Sports Times Lahore. Later on that was converted
into National Press Trust (NPT). The editor of Lail u Nahar, Sibte Hasan, the editor of
Pakistan Times, Faiz Ahmed Faiz and the editor of Imroze, Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi
were already arrested under the Security Act by the Ayub regime. The two
organizations of editors merged and formed the Council of Pakistan Newspapers
Editors (CPNE) on December 15, 1958 and the council demanded for restrictive laws

78
on press to be annulled but did not resist the government actions against the PPl
and the arrest of veteran journalists related (Yusuf & Schoemaker, 2013).

The daily “Itifaq” Dhaka was closed and a ban was imposed on the printing press.
The editor Tafazul Hussain was arrested under the Defense of Pakistan Rules. The
political landscape was continuously deteriorating, the protests of students after the
National Students Federation launched movement against Ayub’s regime spread all
over the country. Zulfuqar Ali Bhuto founded Pakistan People’s Party and
strengthened the move. The police torturing tactics against protest covering
journalist, worsen the overall situation. The scenario totally bent upon government
when the office of outlets of National Press Trust’s newspapers “Dhanak Pakistan”
and “Morning News” were set on fire in Dhaka on January 24, 1969 (Munir, 2002).

The Maintenance of Public Order, the Security of Pakistan Act, the Press and
Publication Ordinance, the Press Emergency Powers , the articles of Pakistan Penal
Code-153,499,500,505 and others were ruthlessly used to silent the unwanted
voices and truthful criticism on government and its institutions. During the Ayub rule,
Hamid Hashmi of Imroze, Aasi Nizami of Mujahid, Begum Ali Khan and A.Ali Khan
of Eastern Examiner, Sheikh Muhammad Salim of Hilal-i-Pakistan, Javed Ahmad
Shah of Ittehad, Malik Muhammad Raza of Sarban, Waliullah Ahmad and Bashir
Anwar of Kaenat ,Nasim Hijazi of Kohistan , Agha Shorish Kashmiri of Chattan, A.R
Shamsud Doha and Syed Najiullah of weekly Pindi were arrested under these
confining laws while the weekly Aalamgir Lahore, weekly Jamaliat Lahore, weekly
Messaqul Haq Quetta, weekly Outlook and Iqbal Lahore, daily Kohistan Lahore,
monthly Akbar Karachi,weekly Chattan, the weekly The Light Lahore and weekly
Pindi were banned.

Ayub Khan promulgated the Press and Publication Ordinance on May 30, 1960 after
the recommendations made by the Press Commission of August 9, 1959 were
submitted. The ordinance included all the previous and colonial restrictions on the
press, in a new tune. The ordinance was imposed at once. The provinces followed
that on September 2, 1960. The ordinance remained in force till 1984 when court
annulled. The Press Emergency Act of 1931 and the Press and Registration of
Books Act of 1867 were repealed but other confining measures were paved to block
the freedom of press. The Press and Publication (West Pakistan) (Amendment)

79
Ordinance, 1963 and the Press and Publication (East Pakistan) (amendment)
Ordinance (1963) were the last nail on the coffin of press freedom. The loathsome
feature of the amendments was the pre-approval of news to be published. This taste
then leaded to the Press Advices and the Pre-Censorship. APNS, CPNE and PFUJ
condemned that and demanded more freedom for Press. A 24 hours protest was
called; all the three organization joined that on September 6, 1963. The government
under pressure made some amendments to soften the chains (Paracha&Tahir,
2012).

The takeover of Progressive Papers Limited (PPL) and the annexure of news agency
APP, the organization of National Press trust (NPT) and the traction of PTV could not
shielded the impatient ruler. In spite of all these, the restrictive measures were
devised and depending laws, ordinances and acts were tried to be strengthened
from time to time. According to Michael Simmons of the “The Guardian”, the main
architect of all Draconian Laws of Ayub regime was Altaf Gauhar, working as the
Information Secretary (Simmons, 2000). Ayub Khan could not stop his weakening
powers and strengthening agitations and outrages in the country, and that resulted in
the finale of 10- year’s long autocratic rule. Ayub Khan resigned and handed over the
rein of the state in the hands of General Muhammad Yahya Khan violating his own
generated Constitution on March 25, 1969.

Table 3.2: Actions against the press during General Ayub Khan’s
Regime N-27

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 1 4
Attacks on journalists 6 22
Arrests 10 37
Attacks on media outlets 3 11
Bans on publications 6 22
Closure of G.Ads. 1 4
Total 27 100

80
 Actions against the press during General
Ayub Khan's Regime
Closure of G.Ads. Killings
Attacks on
Bans on 4% 4%
journalists
publications 22%
22%

Attacks on Arrests
media outlets 37%
11%

Table and figure 3.2 reveal that the Ayub Khan’s regime used the “arresting” tactics to silent
the criticizing tones. Most, 37% actions were taken in the form of arrests of journalists; this
was followed by 22% in the shape of attacks on journalists and on bans on publications
each. Attacks on the outlets of the press, score 11% in the table. Killings of journalists and
withdraw of official advertisements are making 4% share in the score of actions against the
press and journalists.

The Ayub’s regime acquires eighth stage, 6% regarding the overall actions against the
national press and journalists (Table 3.15). The attacks were 2% where arrests were 5%,
placing the regime in the fifth stage in regards to the actions against journalists (Table 3.14).
In connections to the actions against the press, the Ayub’s government acquires fourth
position, 8% in respect to the attacks on the media houses whereas with, 9% in regards to
the bans on publications while the closure of government’s advertisements places the
regime on the fifth position with 1% on the table (Table 3.13).

3.2.3 Two years of General Yahya Khan (1969-1971)

After Ayub Khan resigned and handed over the rein of the state in the hands of
General Muhammad Yahya Khan violating his own generated Constitution on March
25, 1969, Yahya Khan abrogated the constitution of 1962 and imposed Martial law in
the country promising general elections, along with, he asked the newspapers to
support the government and refrain from criticism. After six months, the chains of
restrictions on press were eased but the political imparity between the two wings led

81
to civil war in the country. The Awami League under Mujib-ur-Rehman and Pakistan
People’s Party under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto along with his allies were engaged in gorilla
war in the course of infringing political upheavals. This political situation paved to the
imposition of Martial law, and General Yahya Khan appointed Martial Administrators
in all 5 provinces. The administrator of East Wing prohibited the press. Later on
Yahya Khan imposed total ban on political parties and the press issuing MLR77. The
foreign correspondents were order to leave Dhaka. A number of journalists were
arrested. The foreign correspondents were launching reports from Calcutta depicting
the backside of occurrences. PFUJ protested and showed its support for the
journalists and press in Dhaka. Abdullah Malik of daily Azad Lahore and Shaukat
Hussain of Weekly Afaq Lahore were sentenced and fined under martial law
regulations. The newspapers Nawa-i-Waqt, Kohistan, Javedan and Musawat were
ceased. All after, on December 16, 1971 the ceasefire agreement was signed and
East wing of Pakistan became Bangladesh (Niazi, 1986).

The tenure of General Yahya Khan saw no new law in connection to the press but
the existing laws were mercilessly used to silent the press. The use of Martial Law
Regulations was the specialty of the regime.

The General Yahya Khan’s Regime was a product of emergency and the shortest
era under dictatorial rule in Pakistan. The partition of the country and political turmoil
led to instability in all the institutions of the state including the press.

Table 3.3: Actions against press during General Yahya Khan’s Regime
…N=10

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 0 0
Attacks on journalists 0 0

Arrests 6 60
Attacks on media outlets 1 10
Bans on publications 3 30
Closure of G.Ads. 0 0
Total 10 100

82
 Actions against press during General
Yahya Khan Regime
Killings
0% Closure of G.Ads. Attacks on
0% journalists
0%
Bans on
publications
30%

Arrests
60%

Attacks on
media outlets
10%

Table and figure 3.3 indicate that during Yahya’s era, the strategy of arresting
journalists was heavily, 60% exercised where as bans on publications attained a
score of 30%. Attacks on media were 10% of the whole actions whereas no killing or
attack on journalists was recorded.

There was one collective action against the press when the activists of Pakistan
People’s Party attacked Karachi Press Club, and damaged the office (Dawn,
February 16, 1971).

Regarding the overall actions against the press, Yahya’s era proved to be the
second least, 2% drastic for the media (Table 3.15). The category of attacks on
media houses, score 8%, bans on publications 4% but no withdraw of government’s
advertisements was exercised. In respect to the actions against the press, Yahya’s
regime stands on 7th position, the 3rd least in the history of Pakistan (Table 3.14).

Regards to actions against journalists, yahya’s era acquires 9 th position, the second
least obnoxious period for the press and journalists. Arrests of journalists were 6%
whereas there was no killing or attack on journalists during the 2 years long period of
Yahya Khan (Table 3.13).

83
3.2.4 The Second term of democracy: Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s period
(1971-1977) and the press

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto as a “Civil Martial Law Administrator” took the government on
December 20, 1971 promising democracy, rule of law and full freedom of press. He
pledged accountability and tolerance to criticism but in the itinerary of actions, Bhutto
arena proved not less atrocious than his antecedents. Soon after, the illusion was
cleared, when his friend but journalist Hussain Naqvi asked about the legacy of the
term “Civil Martial Law Administrator”, not only he [Z.A Bhutto] shout on him but later,
Naqvi had to pay a heavy price for that as the declaration of his weekly “Punjab
Punch” was cancelled and the editor was then arrested under Press and Publication
Ordinance and Defense of Pakistan Rule.

Bhutto openly failed to remember all his promises to press freedom and used the
Press and Publication Ordinance, the Defense of Pakistan Rule, the Newsprint
Control Order and the related Pakistan Penal Code sections, harshly to suppress the
freedom of press during all the time of his occupancy of powers (Niazi, 1986).
Amazingly, the central Information minister Kauser Niazi and the governor of Punjab
Mumtaz Ahmad Kahlon, the appointees of Bhutto were found saying on Assembly
floor that there was complete freedom of Press in the country and they had neither
taken any action against any newspaper or periodical nor any declaration had been
cancelled.

On February 12, 1972, the then Governor of Sindh Mir Rasul Bakhsh Talpur
threatened Dawn, Jang, Jasarat, Mashriq, Al-Fatah and Zindagi to be nationalized if
not met the desired morale. On April 1, the declaration of Weekly Zindazi and
monthly Urdu Digest were cancelled on the charges of violation of Code of Ethics, by
the order of Martial Law Administrator Zone B and in the due course related
journalists, editors and publishers, Mujibu Rehman Shami, Altaf Hussain Qurishi,
Hussain Naqvi, Muzafar Qadir, Ejaz Hussain Qurishi were arrested. The journalist
organizations protested but in vain. Notice to Jang Rawilpindi, Jasarat, Nida-e- Haq,
weekly Kahani, daily Mehran, Herald, Turjuman-e-Islam and others were issued,
bearing threats “why action should not be taken against the paper under the Press
and Publication Ordinance, why it should not be asked to pay security deposit, Why
the declaration of the paper should not be cancelled”. The news print quota of

84
Jasarat was reduced and that of Jang Quetta was cancelled on political ground in
1972 under the cover of Newsprint Control Order. The declaration of weekly Adakar
of Mujibu Rehman was cancelled and the copies of Azan-e-Haq of Shami were
confiscated. Azan-e-Haq Sarghodha was banned later on. The declaration of daily
Azadi Quetta, the weekly Urdu Digest was cancelled. Hamdard Press and Standard
Press of Sukkur were sealed, the Press of Mehran in Hyderabad was banned, the
Shaheen Press Peshawar was closed and the Herald Press Karachi was asked to
furnish security deposit. Urdu weekly “Quetta”, journal Nida-e-Baluchiustan, Himmat,
Mubaligh and Sachai were banned. Daily Elan (Sindh) was closed for months.
Weekly Frontier Guardian (Peshawar) was banned. Eveninger Leader of Karachi
was banned for two months. The declarations of monthly Sangat (Rawilpindi) and
daily Anjam (Karachi) were cancelled. Daily Sadqat (Karachi) was banned for two
months. Delectation of weekly Chattan (Lahore) and Islami Jamhoorya (Sahiwal)
were cancelled.

Publisher of Azan-e-Haq Sargodha, Khan Zaman Khan, representative of daily

Mehran Sanghard, Mohammad Hayat Khan, editor of Malir Digest Sindh, Abdul
Ghafor Memon, Syed Sardar Ali shah of Mehran Hyderabad, Salahuddin of Jasarat,
Sajjad Mir of Zindagi, Mushtaq Ahmed of Urdu Digest, Anwar Khalil of Hurriat , Syed
Zakir Shah of Jasarat , Arif Ali of Hurryat (Karachi), Shafi Ali of Jasarat (Karachi),
Irshad Ahmad Shakaib of Mashriq (karach),Rafiq Ghaznavi of Nida-e-Sindh
(Hyderabad) and Muhammad Iqbal of Naya Zamana (Hydeabad), Adul Haq
Afroz,Muhammad Hanif and Muhammad Pirzada of Hamdar Press (Sukkur),
Muhammad Anwar Shah of weekly Izhar (Daudu), reporter of weekly Qalander
(Dadu) Kabir Ahmad Shah, Tariq Arshraf of monthly Sohni (Sindh), Rahim Akhtar of
daily Elan (Karachi), Afzal Siddiqi of daily Amn (Karachi), Correspondent of weekly
Adakar (Lahore) Amanullah Shahezai, the editor of “Saadat (Lyallpur) Nasir safi and
the calligrapher of the paper Muhammd Younus ,Pervez Tahir of the banned weekly
Tahir, Bashir Ahmad Rana of Sadaqat, correspondent of Nawa-e-Waqt
SalmanShahid and Mumtaz Ahmad Tahir of daily Adab (Multan) was arrested. All
these actions were the rewards of criticizing the government and putting the true
picture of government’s activities and intrigues before the nation.

The very drastic and terrible trend of public raids under the political support, on the
outlets of newspapers was initiated in March 1972 (Niazi, 1986). More than two

85
thousands of men impound the office of daily “The Times” Rawalpindi demanding the
publishing of news in accordance to their desires. They were terrifying journalists
holding banners of Pakistan People’s Party under the name of Labour Front. In due
course, a gang of masked men ransacked the offices of Jang Quetta in 1972.

The other horrible trepidation was the vicious use of police force against the press
and the press men. The photographers of daily Jang, Elan and Jasarat were beaten
by police in the Sindh-Baluchistan High Court while taking photos of political
detunes. In the same way journalists of the rally for workers of “Adakar, Al-Hadeed
and Tahir” were lathi charged while they were demonstrating against the forced
closure of these journals in Punjab.

Copies of Jang, Hurryat and Nawa-e-Waqt were put on fire by the protesters in
Hyderabad, for not covering the opposition event on March 19, 1977. In the same
way when the lawyers in Karachi ablazed one copy of each newspaper published
from Karachi as a protest for a blackout for their rally which was in accordance with
the “Advice” of Press Information Department (PID) Sindh.

The IPI report of June 1976, is a blow on Bhutto’s government saying” Several
family members of Nasullah Khan, editor of daily “Awam”, published in London,
have been placed under house arrest in Pakistan”. In due course, the British based
newspapers,” Millat, Akhbar-i-Watan and Mashriq”, were deprived of advertisements
for not favouring the Bhutto’s regime.

The prohibition orders of March 17 and May 12, 1977, regarding the news blockage
of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and about the arrest of its leaders, was another
unique and sole historic censor of the Bhutto’s regime. Similarly the order of October
18, 1975, pertaining “not to publish political activities related to other province”, has
no precedential in the history of Pakistan.

86
 Table 3.4: Actions against the press during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Regime
…N=53

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 0 0
Attacks on journalists 0 0
Arrests 21 40
Attacks on media outlets 7 13
Bans on publications 22 41
Closure of G.Ads. 3 6
Total 53 100

Actions against the press during

Closure of
G.Ads. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Regime Attacks on
6% Killings
0% journalists
0%
Arrests
Bans on 40%
publications
41%

Attacks on
media outlets
13%

Table and figure 3.4 reveal that the Zulfi’s government used bans on publications
mostly, 41% as a line of attack against the press seconded, 40% by the arresting
strategy for silencing journalists following his predecessors. Attacks on the media
houses were executed up to 13% during Bhutto’s period of rule. Closures of
government’s advertisements were also used up to 6% whereas there was no killing
or attacks on journalists recorded.

The regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was the 5 th draconian era with 11% actions against
the press and journalists (Table 3.15). The dropping trend of press agonies plighted
ups once again during Zulfi’s governing period.

87
Regarding the actions against the press acquired the top position with 26%. The
data shows during Zulfi’s tenure attacks on the press were 18% while bans on
publications 32% whereas the stoppages of government’s advertisements were 17%
(Table 3.14).

On the subject of actions against journalists, Bhutto regime attains 6 th position in 12.
The arresting tactics were used to silent the raising voices that scores 11% of the
total arrests of journalists throughout the history. There was no killing of journalists
and no attack was made against any journalist during the 7 years of rule (Table
3.13).

3.2.5 Press under the dictatorship of General Zia-ul- Haq (1977-

1988)

General Ziaul Haq imposed his Martial Law on July 5, 1977 and on July 7, issued
guidelines to the Press, reading: No criticism of the armed force, no item to be
published that is likely to bring the armed forces into dispute, no publication of
unauthorized news about the armed forces, only the Inter-services Public Relations
(ISPR) and Information Ministry press releases to be used. That was a time of deep
despair for the nation, although he[Zia ul Haq] restored declaration of newspapers
“Anjam and Yadgar” and said that no restrictions would be imposed on the press, but
at the same time the authoritarian government developed agonistic attitude towards
the press and that prevailed till the end (Iqbal & shabir, 2010).

The curtailing started with the arrest of the editor of already under censor daily
“Masawat”, M. Badruddin on July 20, 1978, for not attending the meeting called by
the martial administrator in Lahore, while the official version of Censor came in force
on July 5, 1979. The Advice system appeared as another tool to press and suppress
the Press along with the presence of curbing laws and regulations promulgated by
his predecessors (Niazi, 2004).

Zia was supporting the landlords and the industrialists as some ulema of the time
were infusing in his mind that the God gifted things cannot be challenged and Zia
was not in a position to infuriate them in the pace of Islamisation. That state of
thought resulted that the Land Reform acts of 1972 and 1977 of Ayub Khan and Z.A
Bhutto, were declared null and the demands for higher wages including the Wage

88
Awards for Journalists, better working conditions, social security, old age benefits,
compensation for accidents were said to be no justifications for protests, while
covering and writing in the support became a sin. That approach encouraged police
men who killed 19 protesting workers of a mill in Multan on January 2, 1978, which
inculcated threat in all workers and suppressed masses (Kamran, 2008).

The arrest of Badruddin followed by the abduction of the editor of weekly “Mayar”,
Mehmud Sham for publishing a directive issued by the government to State Bank of
Pakistan. The subjugating progression could not be stopped and hundreds of
veteran journalists suffered and tens of newspapers were forcibly closed by the
Martial law injunctions. The editor of monthly “Urdu digest”, Altaf hussain Qurishi,
the resident editor of daily “Masawat”, Nazir Naji were arrested and publication of
both the dailies “Masawat and Hilal-i-Pakistan” were suspended while the People’s
Foundation was taken over by the authorities (Niazi, 1986). The regrettable sentence
of lashes is the sole chapter of Zia regime. In January 1978, resident editor of daily
Sun (Lahore), Asghar Rizvi became its victim. The other obnoxious atrocity was that
when the summary court ordered four journalists Masullah Khan, Iqbal Ahmad Jafari,
Khawar Naeem Hashmi and Nisar zaidi to be wiped on May 13, 1978. Zamir Niazi
takes that as the blackest day in the history of journalism in the sub-continent.
According to the Marshal law Administrator of Punjab, 11 journalists, including,
Muhammd Ilyas of Pakistan times, Nazir Zaidi of Nawa-e-Waqt, Iqbal Ahmad of the
Sun, Khawar Naeem, Rana Nayyar Iqbal and Syed Muhammad Sufi of Masawat,
Abdul Hameed Chhapra and Khwaja Nisar Ahmad of Jang, Masaudullah Khan of
Pakistan Times, Fateh Muhammad of Dawn and Muhammad Ashraf Ali of Sadat
were sentenced (Dawn, May 14, 1978). During this move 11 newspapers were
banned and 13 were fined (IPI, Aprli-May, 1980).The sin was their hunger strike for
demands. Following the mind-set, intrigues were launched, the activities of media
organizations were reduced and tried to minimize chances for the institutional
development of the press.

The first prey of pre-censorship was the weekly Viewpoint of Mazhar Ali Khan,
which was put under complete censorship. The other, sufferers were daily Maswat
(Karachi) of Ibrahim Jalees, daily Sadaqat (Karachi) of Bashir Ahmad Rana, Al
Madina Press (Muzaffarabad), weekly Karzar, Musheer, Anjam, Azad, Neelam,
Quaid, Mubbasir and Shola (Muzaffarabad), weekly Al- Fatah (Karachi) of Irshad

89
Rao. All these were confined under the MLRs and in the name of pre-censorship.
The blanks in nearly 70 percent of newspapers are a spot that would make
memorable the blanket censorship as a unique feature of Zia regime.

After a, 817 days of preying mission, the Pre-censorship was replaced by Self-
censorship with a safeguard of Advice system in a refreshed gagging move against
the press on January 1,1982. In this context the Chief Marshal Law Administrator,
Muhammad Ziaul Haq said during a press conference in Lahore that he could close
all the newspapers for five years and that in case of protest he would put the
newsmen behind bars.

A new start of harassment on political bases involving students for teaching a lesson
[Zia’s frequent notion] to media is anothers sole history of zia’s era. That was then,
when workers of Jamiat Tulba Islam attacked the offices of daily Jang and Nawa-e-
Waqt in Lahore on April 23,1982, they ransacked the offices, beaten the newsmen to
injuries and caught hold by hairs and dragged a woman journalist Miss Zubaida
(Niazi,1986). The most dangerous facet of Zia regime was the murder of a reporter
for “Maghribi Pakistan” Ashraf Hussain Qurishi in Gurja after police torture (Amn,
July, 14, 1982). The lasting years of Zia Regime proved to be very tough for
journalism in the country. In February 1988, daily Mashriq (Peshawar) was attacked
and shattered by a pressure group, followed by assault on Dawn,’s office in
Islamabad on March 12, 1988. On April 24, 1988, daily Jang (Karachi) was rushed
by 200 workers of a political party and ransacked and set a blazed newspaper (Khan
2014).

During Zia era, advertisements and newsprint was extensively used to subjugate the
press in accordance to specialized designs. The advertisements of daily Muslims,
Jang, Amn, Masawat, Dawn, weekly Viewpoint, Current, Chattan, monthly Dhanak
and many others was stopped on different occasions for the said purpose.

Pre-Censorship was imposed on press under the Military Law Regulation (MLR) 49
in the name of Pre-requisite for Shariah, democracy and stability (Dawn, October 18,
1979), this was the most drastic attack on the press.

The pre-censorship contained the press to all its limits as by rule, each and every
sentence, picture and sketches came under the pitiless blue pencil of administrators

90
who in words of Zamir Niazi (1986) were ignorant and most of them had not ever
seen a news room. The provincial governments were ordered to manage scrutiny of
newspapers and periodicals in the Directorates of the Information and the editors
and publishers were directed by the Provincial Home Department to submit the press
materials to the concerned authorities for clearance before publishing. In such
circumstances, the already curtailed and abridged press was deprived even of
editing the news and the editorial staff remained the clerical servants of Information
Department only.

The draconic aspect of General Zia’s rule on legal side was the amendments in
section 499 and 500 of Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) 1860 and the second schedule
of Criminal Procedure Code 1898, that added the defamation mirage, a very vividly
irrational substitute, read: Publication of defamatory matter against any person, even
if it is true and in public interest, would constitute a cognizable and compoundable
offence. Here the ten exemptions of Colonial rule were blown with one stroke of pen
which proved the severity of press enmity (Dawn December 19, 1979).

Along with, a shield of the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963, MLR 49,
amendments in section 499 and 500 PPC and the Criminal Procedure Code, the
Press Advice system, control on the Newsprint and Advertisement and the in the
presence of the mouthpieces in the name of PTV, APP, PPL and NPT, the
loathsome measures like the harassment, lathi charge and intrigues were exercised
against the press.

The concentration of ownership in fewer hands has unfavorable consequences for

the abilities of citizens to hold the government answerable (Foster, 2012), this was
the situation in Zia Regime where several owners were controlling 90% of the total
circulation of the newspapers in eightees (Iqbal & Shabir, 2010).

Masood Akhtar Zahid terms the 11 years of Genaral Zia as the “Wasted years”, he
further observes that due to Zia amendments in the constitution of 1973, four elected
governments fell premature, the sudden death saved Zia from popular backlash and
ignominious end (Zahid, 2011).

The mindset of other powerful figures remains to clamp down on criticism of them
than to tolerate it and the law of libel remains their primary vehicle in this respect

91
(Noorlander, 2011). Accordingly, media remained captive of political designs
although the Zia autocratic rule was no more in force after August, 17, 1988.

The annulment of Zia’s Amendments in section 499 and 500, the invalidation of the
Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 of Ayub’s regime and the inaction of the
Registration of Press and Publication Ordinance, eased the clutches around the
press. But the curtailing of journalism could not stop (Khan, 2014).

Table 3.5: Actions against the press during General Zia Ul Haq's
Regime…..N=65

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings
Attacks on journalists
Arrests
Attacks on media outlets
Bans on publications
Closure of G.Ads.
Total
1 2
2 3
38 58
9 14
6 9
9 14
65 100

Actions against the press during

General Zia Ul Haq's Regime
Killings
Closure of G.Ads. Attacks on
2%
14% journalists
Bans on 3%
publications
9%

Arrests
Attacks 58%
on media
outlets
14%

Table and figure 3.5 shows that Zia Ul Haq’s government followed mostly, 58% the
arresting policy to calm journalists seconded by closures of official Ads with a score
14%. Bans on publications attains 9% share in the confining measures. Attacks on

92
journalists were 3% and killing of messengers were 2% in the lines of actions against
the press and journalists.

The collective atrocities against journalists are exceptional. Ahfaz Ur Rehman

calculates 218 journalists that were arrested under actions against freedom move in
1978 (Rehman, 2017).

The Zia’s Regime proved to be the second most, 14% drastic era regarding actions
against the press and journalists in the media history of Pakistan after the first
decade (Table 3.15).

Carnages against the press, 19% placing the General Zia’s era on 3 rd position where
closures of government’s advertisements were 49% while bans on 23% and attacks
on media houses were 9%. Zia exercised the stratagem of closing the government’s
advertisements to curtail the freedom of press attacking the economical structure of
the industry (Table 3.14).

In regards to atrocities against journalists, Zia Ul Haq regime attains the 4 th position
with 12% in the press history of the state. Arrests of the gatekeepers were the
mostly, 38% used armament to hush the unwanted voices. Attacks on journalists
were on 2% while killings on1%, during Zia’s governing period in connection to the
overall actions against journalists in Pakistan (Table 3.13).

3.2.6 The first woman Prime Minister and press (Benazir

Bhutto.1988-1990)

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) came in power as a result of general election in
November 1988. The first blow of Punjab government was that the official
advertisements were reduced for the newspapers of National Press Trust.

The new trend of public’s attacks on newspapers’ outlets got race and back support
in PPP lead arena. On March 11, 1989, Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)
boycotted the daily Jang and stopped the papers’ distribution in Karachi by force; this
atrocity was followed by petrol bomb attacks on the office of the paper on May 2,
1989. The attackers destroyed the offices and put the employees in closed room,
this was the advent of a new threat for journalism (Dawn, 1989).

93
June, 1990, witnessed blubbering for the press. On June 1 correspondent of daily
Jang and president of Khairpur Press Club Rahat Kazmi, was shot dead by unknown
assailants. Followed by, the killing of Ahmad Hassan Kamal of Pakistan Press
International (PPI) and Syed Muzahir Hussain Naqvi of daily Nawa-e-Waqt in
Larkana on June 2,1990 (Dawn, 1990).

The political and linguistic unrest in Karachi made the city as No Go Area for
journalists. The press was to face double facet transgression. On one hand the press
and law enforcement agencies and on the other the pressure groups, both were
trying the press for their interests (Khan 2014). In due course, photographers, Hasan
Sangrami, Zafar Ahmad, Zahid Hussain were beaten and thrashed by police in
Karachi and Lahore. Daily Jang was attacked on March 16, 1990 by the workers of
Muslims Students Federation (MSF) while fire was opened on the house of
journalist, Akram Qaim Khani in Karachi.

Dawn, became target of political agonies and was attacked and threatened by MQM
workers for their specialized designs on May 28, 1990 (Dawn, May 29, 1990). This
short term of PPP government (Nov 1988-Aust 1990) ended with no reprieve or hope
for the freedom of press.

Table 3.6: Actions against the press during Benazir Bhutto's Regime 1…N=3

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 1 33
Attacks on journalists 0 0
Arrests 1 33
Attacks on media outlets 1 34
Bans on publications 0 0
Closure of G.Ads. 0 0
Total 3 100

94
 Actions against the press during
Bans on
publications
Benazir Bhutto's Regime 1 Closure of
0% G.Ads.
0%
Attacks on Killings
media outlets 33%
34%

Arrests
33% Attacks on
journalists
0%

Table and figure reveal that during Benazir Bhutto’s first period of government,
attacks on media houses scored the highest, 34%, seconded, 33% each, by the
killings and arrests of journalists. There was no attack on journalists, no ban on a
publication and no government’s advertisement was stopped for any publication.

The Benazir Bhutto’s first tenure proved to be the least, 1% abhorrent for the media
landscape throughout the history of Pakistan (Table 3.15). Regarding to actions
against the press, the least 9th, position appoints the Benazir’s regime as the most
peaceful and press friendly government of Pakistan since its birth in 1947 (Table
3.14). Also in respects to actions against journalists, Benazir’s government
remained the most (least position) tranquil regime throughout the history of media in
the state (Table 3.13).

3.2.7 First Tenure of Nawaz Sharif’s rule and the media landscape
(1990-1993)

Nawaz Sharif took the rein of government after elections in October 1990. Muslim
League government in a coalition with MQM waste no time to curb the Freedom of
Press. The already present curtailing atrocity got strengthened. The unchecked
pressure on press was intensified by interest groups all around. MQM workers
snatched Dawn’s papers on March 19 and not allowed to be distributed on March 22,
1991, Dawn, (Karachi) was boycotted by MQM and the administration had to close
the paper under pressure, earlier the correspondent of Herald Zafar Abbas was
attacked in his house after publishing a report about the hidden torture cells of MQM

95
in Karachi. A senior Journalist of daily “The News” (Karachi) Kamran Khan was
stabbed in the front of his office. On October 15, 1991, political assailants set on fire
the house of journalist, Maulana Salahuddin of “Takbeer”in Karachi. On November
29, 1991, journalists were beaten by Islami Jamiat Tulba in Punjab University. On
December 2, 1991, the house of senior journalist, Shaheen Sehbai was attacked and
smashed. On January 2, 1992 representative of the daily The News (Quetta) was
injured by unknown persons. On May 2, 1992, the office of daily Frontier Post was
ransacked and damaged. On September 2, 1992, forces attacked photographer,
Sohail Rafiq of daily Jasarat in Karachi. On September 14, a religious group
kidnapped four journalists in Islamabad. In January 1993, correspondent of daily
Khabren, Malak Khan was shot dead in Fatah Jang. In the same month armed men
attacked the printing press of Jang Group of newspapers with explosive materials
and burnt the press injuring two workers. On April 10, 1993 the family of the
correspondent of Frontier Post in Lahore, Agha iqtedar Khaider was threatened on
phone followed by attack on photographer Iftekhar Ahmad in Karachi.

During Nawaz’s rule, a number of journalists were put behind bars. Police
harassment was common tool to silence the unwanted voices. On August 16, 1991
police tortured Hasan Sangrami of Dawn, and Ilyas of daily Mashriq in Karachi while
they were making photographs of demonstrators on Mazar-e-Qaid. On September 3,
four journalists were abducted by police for taking part in press conference in the
Embassy of Iraq in Karachi. This was followed by the search, harassment and arrest
of four senior journalists, Raja Zafar of Reuter, Shaheen Sehbai, Ahmad Hasan Alvi
and Zafar Akbar Alabadi of Dawn, on October 11, 1991. They were on the way back
to their homes after a visit to the embassy of India in Islamabad (Dawn, Oct.12,
1991). Here in Sindh, the Jam Sadiq’s provincial government launched a movement
against political opponents. In November 1991, 12 journalists were arrested in the
queue. On December 2, 1991 editor of weekly Friday Times (Islamabad) Tariq
Usmani was arrested. Doctor Ameen Chandio of the daily “Frontier Post” was
arrested from Dadu Sindh. Khalid Khas Kheli of “Kawish” and Ishaq taniu of “The
Nation” (Lahore) were arrested while covering election in Sanghard (Sindh). On May
5, 1992, journalist Aziz was abducted by police in Shehdadpur (Sindh).
Photographers, Razaq and Bashir were tortured by police in Islamabad on June
22(Dawn, June 23, 1992). Case of high treason were entered in the Anti Terrorist

96
Court against the chief executive of Jang Group of Newspapers Mir shakeel ur
Rahan and editor of the daily The News Dr.Maliha Lodhi for publishing an unwanted
poetry in their paper on September 29, 1992.

With this, Nawaz government was culminated by president Ghulam Ishaq Khan
using the sword of amended article 58(2B) of the constitution of 1973. The Nawaz
era (Oct 1991-Apr 1993) was different from his predecessors, regarding the tactics to
contain the press. Attacks on media houses and journalists grew badly. The most
drastic feature was the open unconstructive remarks of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
about the press that fueled agitation against media houses and journalists.

Table 3.7: Actions against the press during Nawaz Sharif’s Regime 1….N=54

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 4 7
Attacks on journalists 21 39
Arrests 25 46
Attacks on media outlets 3 6
Bans on publications 0 0
Closure of G.Ads. 1 2
Total 54 100

Actions against the press during

Bans on
Nawaz Sharif's Regime 1 Closure
G.Ads.
of

publications 2%
0%
Killings
Attacks on 7%
media outlets
6% Attacks on
Arrests journalists
46% 39%

Table and figure 3.7 indicate that arresting tactic was mostly, 46% exercised during
the first tenure of Nawaz Sharif seconded (39%) by attacks on the journalists.

97
Killings of journalists were on the 3 rd place with 7% while attacks on media houses
followed (6%) with 4th position in six. No ban was imposed on any publication but
government’s advertisements were used up to 2%, to curtail the freedom of press.

Collective actions were also taken against the press and journalists, during the first
regime of Nawaz Sharif as the house of the editor of weekly “Huriat” Maulana
Salahuddin was set ablaze by workers of a political party in Karachi (Dawn, Oct 15,
1991). The attackers were angry for a report published in the paper. The house of
correspondent of daily “Dawn” in Islamabad, Shaheen Sehbai was attacked by
unknown assaulters (Dawn, Dec 13, 1991).

The first era of Nawaz Sharif is on the 4 th position with 12% in regards to the actions
against the media industry which place it among the worst governments in the
country for the press and journalists (Table 3.15). Nawaz’s first government topped
up the falling graph after the dictator General Zia Ul Haq. In respects to actions
against the press, Nawaz’s government was on 7th position with 3% worst for the
press (Table 3.14). But on the ground of actions against journalists, the era proved to
be the most drastic on 1st position with 15% (Table 3.13).

3.2.8 Again the Benazir Bhutto (1993-1996): the same fate of the
press

Benazir Bhutto as the Prime Minister of Pakistan for the second time took oath in
October, 1993. The government changed but the confining strategies of the
government and the negative approach of the pressure and interest groups remain
the same. The first blow on the freedom of press was observed when Police did not
allow senior journalist Aneel Data to enter the atomic power plant (KANUPP), on the
basis of religion, on May 5, 1993(Khan, 2014). He was belonging to Christianity. That
gave way to a new trend of threats to the freedom of press.

During the second era of the Chair Person Pakistan People’s Party, Benazir Bhutto,
journalism could not breathe peacefully like under her predecessors. The imposition
of Frontier Crime Regulations (FCR) in Federal Administrative Areas (FATA) and the
Army Operation in Karachi deteriorated the press freedom conditions in the country.
On October 14, 1993, representative of daily Jang and of the daily The News in
South Waziristan, Selab Mehsood was imprisoned for 10 years under FCR (Dawn,

98
Oct.15, 1993). On July 24, 1994 police men tortured photographers in Liaqatabad
Karachi for covering mass agitations while the police chief threatened newsmen
during a press conference in that context. On June 4, 1995, correspondent of daily
The News (Karachi), Ahmer Masti Khan was placed in police custody. On June 7,
1995, senior journalist, Zafaryab was arrested in Lahore for preparing a report on
Child Labor in Punjab. A case of Criminal Procedure was launched against the editor
of monthly News Line, Razia Bhati in June 1995, for publishing a report about the
then Governor of Sindh, Kamal Azfar. A case under section 505 of Pakistan Penal
Code (PPC) was entered against four eveningers of Karachi, Daily Awam, Star,
Public and Qawmi Akhbar. Journalist Mukhtar, Munas Bukhari, Sadrudin emrani,
Abdul Hafeez, Asad Pathan, Ghulam Mustafa, Imtiaz Memon and many other saw
the bars from behind it during the second tenure of Benazir Bhutto. Pakistan
Rangers, Army and agencies also played their role to curb the freedom of press. On
May 5, 1996, Rangers tortured photographer Memud Ali Qurishi in Karachi. On 12 of
the same month intelligence agency abducted Sheikh Aziz of Dawn,. M.H Khan of
daily Dawn, was arrested for preparing report on the torture in Hyderabad prison on
July 12.

Besides the arrests and government’s direct actions, public and mass attacks,
threats and harassment remained unchecked and more petrifying against the press
during the second term of the Premiership of Benazir Bhutto. This facet exposed with
the attack of armed men on the office of daily Mashriq (Peshawar), the hoodlums
destroyed the office of the paper on February 24, 1994 (Dawn, Feb 25, 1994). In
Karachi, the workers of MQM tortured photographer of daily Jang on February, 26,
1994. On August 7, 1994, correspondent of daily Nation, Aamir Mateen was attacked
and injured by unknown persons in backlash of news stories about PPP government
(Khan, 2014). Journalists were kidnapped by Nawaz Sharif’s servants from Riwand
Farm House while they [journalists] were there for preparing a press report on
August 16, 1994 (Dawn, Aug. 17, 1994). In Karachi, editor of weekly “Takbeer”
Maulana Slahuddin was shot dead near his office on December 4, 1994. On
February 25, 1995, unknown person ransacked offices of daily Nawa-e-Waqt and the
Nation. PPP workers attacked Karachi Press Club on March 12, 1995. This was the
bad daring and ruminative condition of regression and suppression of press. Rocket
was fired on the office of daily Nawa-e-Waqt on June 24. Representative of daily

99
Bakhtawar, Mumtaz Ali shar was tortured and beaten by a landlord in Sangar (Sindh)
on March 8. On May 25, 1996, the office of daily Mashriq Quetta was ruined by
attackers belonging to pressure group.

Atrocities against press and the lawlessness prevailed all over the country and the
stringent relations between President Farooq Laghari and Prime Minister Benazir
Bhutto downed the least. With this, the PPP government came to an end and new
election conferred power to Nawaz Sharif for the Second term.

Table 3.8: Actions against the press during Benazir Bhutto's Regime 2….N=18

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 4 22
Attacks on journalists 6 33
Arrests 5 28
Attacks on media outlets 3 17
Bans on publications 0 0
Closure of G.Ads. 0 0
Total 18 100

Actions against the press during

Bans on
publications Benazir Bhutto's Regime 2
0% Closure of
G.Ads.
Killings 0%
22%
Attacks on
media outlets
Arrests Attacks on
17%
28% journalists
33%

Table and figure 3.8 show that attacks on journalists were the mostly, 33% used
contrivance to silence the gatekeepers during the second era of Banzir Bhutto’s

100
government. Attacks on journalists were followed by the arrests of journalists with
28% whereas killings of journalists shared 22% of actions of the era. Attacks on
media houses were 17% of the atrocities but there was no ban on any publication
and no use of government’s advertisements for vested interests during the second
tenure of Benazir Butto.

Collective atrocities were also seen during the second tenure of Benazir Bhutto when
copies of daily “Kawish” were burnt by activists of a political party in Hyderabad and
deprived the reader to receive the paper (Dawn, December 20, 1995). Copies of
daily “Public” Karachi were set a blazed for not following the lines of a political party
in Karachi (Dawn, January 10, 1996).

The second era of Benazir Bhutto also remained benign for the media with position
3rd, least tragic for the press and journalists (Table 3.15). In regards to action against
the press, the regime is on the second least drastic position 8 th, (Table 3.14), while in
respects to actions against journalists, the Benazir’s second period of government is
also on the 8th position in 12 (Table 3.13).

3.2.9 Nawaz Sharif for the second time (1996-1999): press in the
control of government

The second term of Nawaz rule also proved killer for journalists. The first incident
was the killing of Ghulam Sarwar Khattak of daily Intikhab in Baluchistan on
December 9, 1996. Four unknown thugs fired and exterminated him (Dawn, Dec.10,
1996). The trend continued and on January 3, 1997, workers of Jamat-i-Islami and
Spah-e-Sahaba rushed Peshawar press Club and tortured journalists celebrating
New Year. On May 8, workers of Muslim League (The ruling party) burnt bundles of
Dawn, and stopped distribution by force in Sindh. Manzar Emkani of daily Jang was
shot dead in his house in Karachi on June 18, 1997. On July 10, the office of daily
Dawn, was hit by two blasts injuring three persons. On August 14, journalists of daily
Awami Awaz were attacked by the workers of a Nationalist Organization. On
September 28, 1998, the workers of a religious party attacked photographers of daily
Jang Shoaib Ahmad, Riaz Sheikh of Ebrat and Javed of Kawish for making pictures
during a rally. The workers of ruling party attacked the Press Club in Chakwal on
October 3, 1998. Senior Comrade Lakhano Sial was killed in his house on October

101
18, 1998 in Hyderabad. On May 6, 1999, unknown persons flamed the car of the
editor of daily “The News”, Imtiaz Alam in Lahore.

Along with, the public agitation and harassing activities, the government also showed
no pity to curb the press. On June 29, bureau chief of daily Mashriq Hamayun Far
was abducted by intelligence agency in Islamabad (Dawn, June.30, 1997). Police
raided the house of Raja Tariq of daily Jang in Karachi on January 28, 1998. Editor
of daily Pakistan Times, Jameel chishti along with other 5 journalists was arrested in
Lahore for publishing an article in the paper. On November 25, the house of senior
journalist, Idrees Bakhtiar was raided by police in Karachi. A raid was launched
against daily Jang in Islamabad by Federal Investigative Agency (FIA) and took
away the advertisements. Then the governments stopped the advertisement of the
paper on December 15, 1998. On February 5, 1999 journalists were tortured when
they tried to get newsprint for daily Jang in Karachi Port. Editor of daily Frontier Post
(Peshawr), Rahmat Shah was arrested on March 25, 1999 on forged drug
possession charges, he was released on patrol in May 2008 (Freedom House, 2009)
. The government was angry with the policies of the paper (Khan, 2014). Editor of
weekly Friday Times, Najam Sethi was arrested on May 7, 1999 under the Army Act
for publishing an objectionable speech and the government announced him [Sethi] to
be Court Martial. That was the unique announcement of the histry. The office of
magazine “Pakistan News” was raided by police and arrested the editor Naveed
Shad Arain and Nasir Mehmud on July 9.1999. Musa Kaleem of daily The News
was arrested from his house in Karachi on August 8. Photographer Saeed Iqbal of
daily Hilal-i-pakistan and Akhter Farooqi of Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) were
lathi charged by police and injured on September 12, 1999. In Swat, nine journalists
namely, Ghulam Farooq, Saleem Khan, Ali Nusrat Pacha, Juma Khan, Ghafoor
Khan and Nusrat Bilal were arrested on October, 26, 1999 (Dawn, Oct.27,
1999).This was the end of Muslim League (Nawaz) government that gave birth to the
Martial law of General Parvez Musharraf. The government changed its direction
from a democratic to an autocracy but the Press remained unease in chains as that
was before.

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 Table: 3.9 Actions against the press during Nawaz sharif's Regime2….N=19

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings
Attacks on journalists
Arrests
Attacks on media outlets
Bans on publications
Closure of G.Ads.
Total
2 9
7 33
7 33
1 6
4 19
0 0
19 100

Closure
Actions against the press during of
G.Ads.
Nawaz Sharif's Regime2 0%
Bans on
publications Killings
19% 9%
Attacks on
Attacks on
media outlets
journalists
6%
33%
Arrests
33%

Table 3.9 reveals that he second tenure of Nawaz Sharif mostly, 33% worked out the
arresting and attacking policy against journalist seconded (19%) by bans on
publications whereas killings were 9% with 3 rd position in the era while attacks on
media houses were on the 4th position with 6% in actions against the press. There
was no attack on journalists and no use of government’s advertisements (closure) for
personal interests.

Collective actions were also observed during the second tenure of Nawaz Sharif’s
regime. Car of the editor for special edition of daily “The News” Imtiaz Alam was set
a blazed outside his residence in Islamabad (Dawn, May 6, 1999). The action was
an alarm to the journalist to be careful in respect to his reporting. Peshawar Press
Club was attacked by the activists of a religious Party (Dawn, January 3, 1997).

103
Multan Press Club was attacked by the activists of the ruling party Muslim League.
They made damages to the offices but police registered case against journalists
(Dawn, October 13, 1998). Activists of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) entered the
Karachi Press Club by force and ransacked the office (Dawn, March 12, 1995).

Four journalists were arrested by Sindh Police in Dadu on August 30, 2000 (Dawn,
Sept 1, 2000). Police charged them with theft but the reality behind was their
criticism on police.

During the second era of Nawaz Sharif, the graph of actions against the press and
journalists remained stable and the same as his predecessor. The era is on the 9 th
position among 12 with 4% drastic for media (Table 3.15). The regime is 4% drastic
with 6th position for the press in the history of Pakistan (Table 3.14) while on that is
position 8th in the category of agonies’ against journalists (Table 3.13).

3.2.10 The Pervez Musharraf’s era (1999-2007): A media boost in

chains

General Pervez Musharraf took the reins of government in hands, after a coup in
October 1999. Supreme court of Pakistan justified the coup d'état (Dawn, October
13, 2000) and the former Prime Minister Nawaz was sentenced to life imprisonment
who was later in December exiled to Saudi Arabia. The beginning of U.S and allied
hostilities in neighboring Afghanistan, attacks on the parliament in India, hijacking of
Indian airplane on the international stage while the Earth quake, the insurgencies of
Taliban and Al-Qaeda, the Lal-Masjid action, the murder of Akbar Bogti and the
Lawyer’s Movement entangled the Pervez Musharraf’s tenure.

Pervez Musharraf’s era saw the mushroom growth of media that broke the monopoly
of state run PTV(Iqbal, 2012).The Indus Television Network started transmissions in
2001, seconded by Geo TV in 2002 that followed by more than hundred cable based
channels. PEMRA was constituted in 2002 that regulated the broadcasting revolution
in the state.

The government enjoyed popularity to some extent for its liberal policies but some
international events like the 9/11 incident, the war against terror, the emergence of
Taliban and political and law and order situation on the border and some domestic

104
upheavals like the Lal Masjid Operation, the Waziristan Issue, the Bugti killing, the
Supreme court matters and the declaration of emergency down graphed the
government.

Media, in Parvez Musharraf’s regime, remained under pressure and exposed to all
the threats as in the past. Atrocities against the press continued and no change in
the attitude towards the media positive was seen. The measurements to curtail the
press freedom and threaten journalist for their journalistic works, met no end.

Police and law-enforcement agencies continued to curtail the freedom of press and
threatened and harassed journalists throughout the country. The first blow was the
abduction of nine journalists in Swat (KPK) on October 26, 1999 after the October
12, 1999 coup. Sindh Police tortured journalists in front of Anti terrorist Court in
Karachi (Dawn, November 19, 1999). Punjab Police followed the same
highhandedness outside the resident of Nawaz Sharif (Dawn, December 10, 1999).
Whereas more than 150 journalists were harassed and arrested, voicing the
atrocities. Journalist shuja Ahmed was harassed by local army monitoring cell in May
2000 (U.S report, 2000-2001). Four journalists were by abducted by Sindh Police on
August 30, 2000.The resident editor, the shift manager and a sub editor of daily
“Mohasib” were arrested on June 4, 2001. Journalists were tortured by police while
they were protesting against the use of derogated language for the Press by
Governor Punjab Lieutenant General Khalid Maqbol (Dawn, April 4, 2002). Police
opened fire on photographers while they were on the assignment to cover the
demolishment of houses in the outskirt of capital city Islamabad (Dawn, July 30,
2002). Correspondent of daily “Lashkar” Quetta was arrested and interrogated by
police (Dawn January 1, 2003). Journalists were arrested after they participated in
the press conference called by lawyers in high court branch in Rawalpindi (Dawn,
January 1, 2003). Journalists were tortured by police in front of Punjab Assembly
while they were covering a speech of the opposition leader in the Provincial
Assembly (Dawn, May 29, 2003). Nine Journalists were arrested for covering a
protest demonstration of women against Pervez Musharraf during his visit to
Hyderabad (Dawn, August 28, 2003). Journalist Khawar Mehdi was arrested along
with two French journalists, Marc Espetein and Jean-Paul Guilloteau, for a try to go
out of the country illegally, the French journalists were charged with visa violations
(Dawn December 16, 2003). Representative of BBC Zafar Abbas and representative

105
of CNN Mohsin Naqvi were arrested, harassed and their possessions were forfeited
in Islamabad Airport (Dawn, May 17, 2004). Journalist, writing for daily “Nawa-e-
Waqt” Sarwar Mujahid was detained on September 29, 2004 by Punjab police.
Journalist Arshad Javed, working for daily “Nawa-e-Waqt”, was arrested for reporting
the protest of peasants against military farms in Okara (Dawn, August 30, 2004).
Editor of daily Zarb-e-Islam Nisar Ali, Associate editor Mazhar Abbas and M.Irfan
were arrested on July 20, 2005. The editor of weekly Friday Special Abudul latif and
Abu Shamil were arrested on the same day. Editor of weekly Wajood, M.Tahir was
also arrested in the move against radical publication on July 20, 2005. The Sindh
police detained Rashid Channa, the senior reporter for daily “Star” Karachi on July
24, 2005 (U.S report, 2005-2006). Police took the editor Sami Khan, of magazine
“Al-Fazl” into custody in November 2005. Correspondent of Geo TV Mukesh Rpeta
and his cameraman Sanjay Kumar was detained by intelligence agencies on March
6, 2006 (U.S report, 2005-2006). Reporter for daily “Kawish” Meruddin Mari was
arrested by Sindh Police on July 2, 2006. Editor of daily “Chamag” Rafiq Ajis was
arrested in Turbat Baluchistan on September 3, 2006 (U.S report, 2005-2006). The
crew member of AVT, Malik Zahid, M.Nazir and ARY’s Wadood and Mushtaq were
arrested after they attended a congregation of Sunni Tehrik at Minar-e-Pakistan
Lahore (Dawn, September 16, 2006). Correspondent of BBC, Dilawar Wazir was
abducted (Dawn, November 21, 2006). Photographer for daily “New York Times”
Akhtar Soomro was detained in Quetta and was harassed (CPJ, December 22,
2006). More than 180 journalists were tortured by police while they were protesting
in Karachi. 12 journalists were injured (PPF, November 04, 2007).

Police and law-enforcement agencies, atrocities of the government backed political

activists, opposition parties, traffickers, land-grabbers, religious parties, individuals,
and unknown culprits kept the national press under pressure throughout the Parvez
Musharraf tenure. Representative of daily “Ummat” Sufi Muhammad was killed in
Mirpurkhas (Dawn, May 13, 2000). Correspondent of daily “The News” Shakeel
Sheikh was kidnapped and tortured in Islamabad (Dawn, March 28, 2001). ,
Representative of daily “Dawn” Islamabad, Faraz Hashmi was harassed and
attacked by a military officer for his dare to report objectively (Dawn, November 17,
2001). The American Journalist Daniel pearl was killed in Karachi (The Guardian,
February 14, 2002). Veteran journalists Shakil Sheikh was attacked by unknown

106
assailants in Islamabad on March 28, 2002. The editor of daily “Kohistan” was killed
by unknown persons on May 4, 2002 in Lahore (U.S report, 2002-2003). Journalists
Mazahar Tufail of daily Awam was attacked by unknown assailant on August 21,
2000. Representative of daily “Pakistan” Rashid Qamar was fired and injured in
Faisalabad for his journalistic work (Dawn, December 25, 2002). Journalist Shahid
Soomro was killed by a feudal lord in Jacobabad in Sindh (Dawn, October 21, 2002).
Representative of daily “The Nation” Karachi Aziz Sangho was harassed and
lamented by the officers of the Karachi Electric Supply Corporation (KESC), now KE
(Dawn, August 21, 2002). Journalist Amir Mateen and Kamran Khan were harassed
and interrogated in connection with their journalistic work by intelligence agency
(Dawn, May 6, 2003). Representative of daily “Mashriq” Nasrullah was kidnapped by
a religious group to punish him for his reporting (Dawn, September 1, 2003).
Journalist Raja Ejaz was killed in Attock by unknown assaulters in connection with
his journalistic work (Dawn, September 17, 2003). Representative of daily “Kawish”
was shot dead in Hyderanad (Dawn, October 6, 20013). Journalist Sajid Tanoli was
killed in Abbotabad for his investigative reports in connection with drug trafficking
(Dawn, January 30, 2004). A former correspondent of daily “The News”, Sami
Yousaf Zai along with American Journalist Eliza Griswold was arrested in Bannu
(CPJ, April 22, 2004). Journalist Majid was shot dead in Mansehra for his reporting in
connection with smuggling wines (Dawn, Jan 30, 2004). Amir Nawab, a
correspondent of the daily “The Nation” and Allah Noor Wazir of AVT Khyber were
shot dead by unknown masked men in Wana on February 7, 2005 (Dawn, February
8, 2005). Journalist Hayatullah Khan was kidnapped by unknown assaulters (Dawn,
December 1, 2005). Cameraman of Sindhi Language TV “Kawish Television
Network” (KTN), Munir Ahmad Sangi was killed in Lardkana. He was covering a gun
fight between the Unar and Abro tribes (CPJ, May 29, 2006). Senior journalist C.R
Shamsi was severely beaten by the private guard of the then Federal Minister
Ghulam Sarwar Khan inside the parliament lodges on September 13, 2006 (U.S
report, 2006-2007). Maqbool Hussain Sail was shot dead in Dera Ismail Khan (IFeX,
September 15, 2006). Journalist Rehmanullah was fired in Shabqadar in KPK and
was injured by unknowns (Dawn, Dec 02, 2006). The editor of Sindhi language
newspaper “Daily Nijat” Makhdoom Hashi was shot dead on January 13, 2007.

107
The sword of legal logicalities was also continuously used to paralyze the press. A
number of publications came under the engineered legality of regulations. Weekly
“K-2” was banned by Central Government in Islamabad. The order was issued by the
Deputy Commissioner of Skardu (PPF, October 27, 2000). The daily “Daily “Frontier
Post” was banned by KPK government (PPF, January 30, 2001). Press for daily
“Mohasib” was sealed in Abotabad (NWFP-KPK) on June 4, 2001. The government
shut down an Urdu-language newspaper “The Islamabad Times” on August 31, 2004
before it could bring its first edition in to the market (U.S report, 2004-2005). Actions
were taken against radical publications in Karachi and the offices of daily Zarb-e-
Islam, weekly Friday Special, weekly Wajood, and weekly Ghazi were raided and the
papers were closed (U.S report 2005-2006). The offices of daily “Ummat”, Karachi
were raided by police on July 20, 2005. Weekly “Zarb-e-Momin” Karachi was banned
by Sindh Government under the Public Safety Act (Dawn, July 20, 2005). The
Punjab government order ban for two Printing Presses in “Jhang”. The broadcasting
house of radio “FM Mast 103” was raided and equipments were confiscated for re-
broadcasting BBC’s report in connection with disasters made by Earth Quake in
Northern Areas of Pakistan (BBC, Aug 14, 2005). Again the provincial government of
NWFP (KPK) closed radio station FM 103 on August 23, 2006 (U.S report, 2006-
2007). The offices of Geo TV in Islamabad were raided by police (Dawn, March 17,
2007). Police forcefully entered the premise; they punched the employees and
damaged the equipments.

The media outlets remained under pressure due to continue attacks by publics,
backed by government or encouraged by the loose grip of Musharraf’s
administration. Offices of daily “Business Recorder” Karachi was set a blazed by the
activists of a religious group soon after the assassination of Maula Yousuf Ludhiani
(Refworld, 2000). Offices of Naw-e-Waqt group of publication” were stroked by a
bomb explosion on November 6, 2000. The offices of daily “Jang” were attacked with
a bomb in Quetta, causing no injuries but the action was to harass and warn the
paper and concern journalists. Karachi Press Club was attacked for the third time in
its history (Dawn, March 1, 2004). The attackers destroyed the offices. They
aggressors were angry for their coverage. Nearly 30, Islamists youths attacked the
offices of “Jang Group of Newspapers and Geo TV” in Karachi on January 19, 2005.
Political activists attacked the office of journalist, Sarmad in Sindh on June 6, 2006.

108
The office was ransacked. The offices of Aaj TV in Karachi were attacked and
ransacked by unidentified gunmen on May 12, 2007. The editor in chief of South
Asian News Agency (SANA), Shakeel Turabi was battered by unidentified culprits in
Islamabad on May 18, 2007. The assaulters threatened journalists for
antigovernment coverage. Reporter for Geo TV Jahangir was harassed by the
activists of ruling party Muslim League (CPJ, December 31, 2007).

Government also used the conventional tool of Government Advertisements for

vested interests. The Federal Government stopped advertisements for daily “Nawa-
eWaqt” and daily “The Nation” on May 21, 2005 while provincial and local
governments were free to advertize in the said papers (U.S report 2005-2006).The
Sindh Government banned provincial advertisements for Dawn Group in June 2005,
for publishing critical reports in relation to a financial scandal involving the chief
minister (U.S report, 2005-2006).

The so called boom of electronic media was roughly curtailed from time to time. The
ARY TV had to cancel an interview with Shabaz Sharif on May 9, 2004,due to
government pressure and had to suspend its news program “News and Views” after
the then Information Minister Sheikh Rashid threatened the media (U.S report 2004-
2005). Again the officials in Punjab ordered the cable operators to stop airing the
ARY transmissions for repeatedly broadcasting the beating scene of the three
journalists at the Minar-e-Pakistan in Lahore. PEMRA issued a show-cause notice to
AaJ TV on April 23, 2007 for broadcasting a talk Show in connection with judicial
crisis. The TV was also threatened with a closer (U.S report, 2007-2008).
Transmission of “Geo” and “ARY” were closed from Dubai. According to a senior
member of Geo Network, Dr.Shahid Masood the channel was apparently closed
showing no reason but pressure from Islamabad was disclosed (Dawn, November
17, 2007). The government used its influence over cable operators to pull the plug
on News channels before the imposition of State of Emergency in the Pakistan on
November 3 2007. The effected channels were included, Dawn News, Aaj, Geo,
ARY, One World, BBC World, CNN and Al-Jazeera (Dawn, November 17, 2007).
PEMRA issued a letter to all private TV channels and radios to stop live news
coverage. According to U.S state department report (2007-2008) the channels were
threatened of fines, prison, sentences and bans. The instruction was to stop criticism
of the government.

109
In spite of these measures of brutality against the national Media, the media played
its professional and institutional role (Iqbal, 2012). The political environment and the
behavior of the despotic ruler came to an end in August 2007.

According to BBC Policy Briefing, during the reign of General Parvez Musharraf
private TV channels and radios were issued licences. But still the terrestrial
broadcasting remained under the monopoly of the state. And the newly empowered
electronic media made the hands of pro-democratics stronger and as a result these
supported the progressions to dethrone Musharraf (Yusuf & Shoemaker, 2013).

Table 3.10: Actions against the press during General Parvez Musharraf's
Regime.N=61

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 13 22
Attacks on journalists 16 26
Arrests 23 38
Attacks on media outlets 5 8
Bans on publications 2 3
Closure of G.Ads. 2 3
Total 61 100

Closure of Actions against the press during General

G.Ads. Bans on Parvez Musharraf's Regime
3% publications
Killings
Attacks on 3% 22%
media outlets
8%

Arrests
38%

Attacks on
journalists
26%

Table and figure 3.10 show that the arresting of journalists as a strategy was mostly,
38% used by the Parvez Musharraf’s regime seconded (26%) by attacks on

110
journalists. Killings were 22% while attacks on media houses were 8%, on position
4th. Bans on publications and closures of government’s advertisements were
exercised by 3%, as tools for curtailing the freedom of press.

Collective actions were also taken against the press during Pervez Musharraf’s
regime Political activists attacked the office of journalist Sarmad in Sindh on June 6,
2006. The offices of Geo TV in Islamabad were raided by police (Dawn, March 17,
2007). Karachi press club was attacked and ransacked by Shiite protesters on
February 29, 2004.

One hundred and fifty journalists were attacked and arrested by police in Islamabad
during a peaceful protest (Dawn, April 29, 2000). Four journalists were arrested by
Sindh Police in Dadu on August 30, 2000.

The dictatorial regime of parvez Musharraf took “up” the lowering trend of actions
against the press and journalists that positioned his era on 3 rd position in the history
of press in Pakistan (Table 3.15). In regards to atrocities against the press, Parvez
Musharraf’s tenure was on 5th position with 13% attacks on the media houses (Table
3.14) while in respects to actions against journalists, tops the rests with 15% same
as his predecessor Nawaz Sharif during his first tenure (Table 3.13).

3.2.11 Yusuf Raza Gillani (2008-2012): The country under

democracy but not the press

Pakistan People’s Party won the general elections and Yusuf Raza Gillani was
appointed as the Prime Minister in 2008, while Chairman of the party, Asif Ali Zardari
made choice the Presidency.

The initiative of the regime saw the killing of journalists Chishti Mujahid (Dr.Abdul
Samad “real name”) was killed in Baluchistan (Dawn, February 10, 2008). Journalists
Auin Sahi was physically assaulted by police on February 9, 2008 in Sialkot (U.S
report, 2008-2009). Journalist Khadi Hussain was shot dead in Hub Baluchistan. He
was working for “Sindh TV” and “Khabrein” (CPJ, April 14, 2008). Reporter for
Express TV Muhammad Ibrahim was killed on May 22, 2008, while he was coming
back home after an interview with Taliban leader Maulavi Umr in Bajaur Agency
(FATA). Journalists were attacked and injured by forces in Turbat (Dawn, May 23,

111
2008). Reporter for daily “Khabar Kar” Qari Muhammad Shoaib was shot dead in
Swat (Dawn, November 10, 2008). Canadian journalist Khadija Abdul Qahar was
kidnapped in Bannu KPK. She was publishing the website “Jihad Unspun” (CPJ,
November 13, 2008). Journalist Sami Yousa Zai and Japanese journalist Yatsu Kura
Motika were attacked in Peshawar (CPJ, November 14, 2008). Reporter for Geo TV
Musa Khan Khel was killed in Swat while covering peace march organized by
Taliban (The Nation, February 18, 2009). Correspondent of Aaj TV, Bacha Khan was
shot dead in Mardan, a district of Khyber pakhtoon Khwa (CPJ, August 14, 2009).
Firing was opened on the residence of columnist for daily “Dawn” Kamran Shafi (NY,
November 27, 2009). Peshawar Press Club was attacked for the second time. Four
journalists were killed and nearly 30 were injured (BBC, December 22, 2009).
Reporter for Din TV, Imran Khan was attacked on July 7, 2010 in Bajaur Agency
(RSF, 2010). Chief reporter of daily “Ibrat” Sarfaraz Wistro was attacked by unknown
assaulters on July 22, 2010. Senior journalist working with daily “The News” Umar
Cheema was kidnapped in Islamabad and tortured. He was threatened and warned
not to write articles critical of the government (Ny, September 24, 2010). Journalist
Misri Khan was shot dead in Hango, a district of KPK. He was working for daily
“Ausaf” and daily “Mashriq” (CPJ, September 14, 2010). Correspondent of daily
“Pakistan” Mujeeb Siddiqi was killed in Dargai Malakand Agency, the Provincially
Administrative Tribal Area (PATA) in KPK (CPJ, September 20, 2010).
Correspondent of daily “Intikhab” Lala Hameed Baloch was kidnapped in Gawadar.
The body of journalists Hameed Ismail was found dead in the out skirts of Turbat
Baluchistan along with Lala Hameed Baloch on November 20, 2010. The body had
gunshot wounds (CPJ, Nov 18, 2010). Lala’s body was brutally cut into six parts
(Dawn, Nov 20, 2010). President of MirpurKhas Press Club was shot dead for the
sake of journalism; he was the Bureau Chief of Awaz TV (Dawn, December 6, 2010).
Wali Khan Baber, reporter for Geo TV was shot dead in Liaqatabad Karachi (Geo,
January 13, 2011). Journalists Salim Shehzad was abducted in Islamabad his body
was discovered after two days (CPJ, May 29, 2011). Correspondent of daily
“Guardian” Waqar Kinai was beaten in Islamabad on June 19, 2011 (Gardian, Jun,
19, 2011). Reporter for daily “Ausaf” and Aaj TV, Rehmatullah Darpakhel was
abducted in a market place in Miran Shah, the Headquarter of Tribal Area of North
Waziristan (Aaj News, August 11, 2011). Journalist Munir Shakir was killed in
Khuzdar Baluchistan. He was working for Sabz Batt TV as a correspondent (Tribue,

112
August 15, 2011). Crew member of “Khyber” TV, Syed Waqas Shah and Hazrat
Khan were attacked in Peshawar (CPJ, August 22, 2011). Correspondent of “Waqt”
TV got injured by a bullet in Karachi while he was busy reporting a protest
demonstration (Dawn, November 28, 2011). Journalist Aurang Zeb was killed in Lalu
Ran Wak village in Sindh, he was the Bureau Chief for Sindhi language TV “Kawish”
he was punished for his reporting regarding an illegal marriage (Dawn, May 12,
2012). Correspondent for Wash TV, Qadir Hajizai was shot and killed in Baluchistan
on May 28 2012. Correspondent of ARY TV, Abdul Haq Baloch was shot dead in
Khuzdar (RSF, May 31, 2012). Mukaram Khan Atif was killed in Peshawar (BBC,
January 16, 2012)

The Geo and Jang was order to cease reporting on the restoration of Judiciary and
proceeding of court. According to U.S state department report 2008-2009, the group
was asked to confirm their reports with the courts before making them public(The
News May 12, 2008). The transmissions of Geo TV were blocked by cable operators
in some part of the country (Dawn, Nov 17, 2008). The government blocked the
transmissions of Geo TV, ARY and Samaa for several hours and Express TV for a
short period (IFeX, October 13, 2009). Daily “Asaap” Baluchistan was closed for
security reasons on July 9, 2010. The decision was taken after consistent threats the
paper received in the wake of its editorial policies (U.S report 2010-2011).The offices
of Aaj TV were fired by militants. Two security guards were injured (daily Express
tribune, June 25, 2012).

Table 3.11: Actions against the press during Yusuf Raza Gillani's Regime…N=46

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 31 68

Attacks on journalists 12 26

Arrests 2 4

Attacks on media outlets 1 2

Bans on publications 0 0

Closure of G.Ads. 0 0
Total 46 100

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 Actions against the press during
Yusuf Raza Gillani's Regime
Attacks on Arrests
media outlets 4% Bans on
2% publications
Attacks on 0% Closure of
journalists G.Ads.
26% 0%

Killings
68%

Table and figure 3.11reveals that killings of journalists are the top trend with 68% of
action against the press during Yousaf Raza Gillani’s regime seconded (26%) by
attacks on journalists. The usage of arresting tactics is lower as 4%. There was no
ban imposed on any publication and no government’s advertisement was closed for
a publication.

Collective agonies were also recorded during the Yousaf Raza Gillani’s regime.
Firing was opened on the residence of columnist for daily “Dawn”, Kamran Shafi
(Dawn, November 27, 2009). Peshawar Press Club was attacked for the second
time. Four journalists were killed and nearly 30 were injured (Dawn, December 22,
2009). The house of Aizaz Syed, a reporter for Dawn News TV was attacked by
unidentified culprits in Islamabad. The attacker damaged the property but did not
hurt the reporter or his family. The action was taken for to harass and threaten the
reporter (Dawn, January 20, 2010).

The graph of actions against the press and journalists covering the history of media
in Pakistan (70year) is lowering during Yousuaf Raza Gillani’s era that was on ups in
the period of Parvez Musharraf. The Gillani’s tenure attains 6 th position in regards to
the overall actions against the press and journalists (Table 3.15). In respects to
actions against the press, Gillani’s era is on the least 9 th position (Table 3.14), while
in regards to actions against journalists is on the top most on 3rd position with more
killings of journalists (Table 3.13).

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3.2.12 Mian Nawaz Sharif’s third era and the press (2013-2017)

Like his predecessor the era started with the killing of journalists. Missing Baloch
Journalist Abdul Razaq was found dead in Karachi. He was working for daily “Tawar”
(BBC, August 22, 2013). Senior reporter for daily “Itehad” Shafique was attacked
with iron rod and was seriously injured on October 10, 2013 in Abbotabad (KPK).
Journalist Ayub Khatak was killed in Karak district of KPK outside his home (Tribune,
October 14, 2013). Three members of Express TV crew, Waqas Aziz, Khalid Khan
and Ashraf Yusuf were killed in Karachi Sindh (Dawn, January 18, 2014). Journalist
Hamid Mir of Geo TV was fired in Karachi. He was severely injured (Dawn, April 19,
2014). Editor of daily “Jang” Zafar Aheer was attacked and beaten in Karachi (Geo,
June 01, 2014). Crew members of Aaj TV were beaten by the activists of Pakistan
Tehrik Insaf (PTI) in Islamabad while they were covering their protest setting in the
capital city (Aaj News, August 25, 2014). Columnist for daily “Dawn” Kamran Shafi
was threatened in Karachi for his journalistic work (CPJ, August 27, 2014). Three
journalists were killed in their office in Quetta Baluchistan (Trribune, August 28,
2014). Journalist Zafarullah jatak was killed in Quetta on June 28, 2015 (Dawn, June
29, 2015). Bureau Chief of Geo TV Fahim Siddiqi was abducted and robbed in
Karachi (Geo, July 25, 2015). Journalist working for Geo TV Aftab Alam was killed
outside his house in Karachi on September 9, 2015. Correspondent of PTV Abdul
Azam was fired and injured in Peshawar (Samaa, September 9, 2015).
Correspondent of daily “Ummat” Zaman Massod was shot dead in Karak Tonk, a
district of KPK (Tribune, November 03, 2015). Journalist Afzal Mughal was abducted
from his home on November 10, 2015 in Quetta (U.S report, 2015-2016). Journalist
Hafeez Rehman was killed in Kohat district of KPK (Nation, November 23, 2015).
Executive director of Jang Media Group, Abid Abdullah was kidnapped and
threatened (Nation, September 29, 2016). Cameraman for SaamaTV, Taimoor Khan
was killed in KDA square Karachi (CPJ, February 12, 2017). Journalist working for
“worlds One News” TV and a New Delhi based News Website; Taha Siddiqi was
harassed for his journalistic work (CPJ, May 13, 2017). Journalist Bakhshish Elahi,
working for daily “K-2” was killed in Haripur (Dawn, June 15, 2017). Journalists were
harassed and beaten by the guards of Agriculture University Faisalabad for covering
a student-related incident in the university (Dawn, June 20, 2017). The students of
Madrras Haqani injured camera men of Din TV while they were covering a protest

115
demonstration; the students also attacked the van of Din TV. A cameraman was
admitted to a hospital (Dawn, June 21, 2017). Editor of daily “Qudrat” Zafar Achakzai
was abducted from his house in Quetta (Dawn, July 5, 2017). Journalist Saba Bajeer
of “Channel 24” and Aitizaz Hassan of “Dwan News” were illegally detained and
manhandled by Federal Investigative Agency (FIA) officers and family members of
Security and Exchange Commission of Pakistan (SECP) Chairman Zafarul Haq
Hijazi in Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences (PIMS) in Islamabad (Dawn, July 21,
2017).

Offices of “Express Media Group” were attacked by four men riding motorcycles
(Tribune, August 16, 2013). The offices of daily Express were again attacked with
hand grenades by unknown culprits in Karachi (Tribune, December 2, 2013). The
house of the reporter for daily “Express Tribune”, Jamshed Baghban was attacked
with a bomb in Peshawar (Tibune, July 2, 2014). The broadcasting van of Geo TV
was attacked; technician was killed while the driver was injured (Dawn, September 8,
2015). The offices of ARY TV were attacked with grenades in Islamabad, video
editor Umar Hayat was wounded (Dawn, January 13, 2016).

PEMRA suspended Geo TV’s license and was fined of 10 million rupees (Tribune,
June 6, 2014). PEMRA suspended the License of ARY TV and was fined Rs.10
million (Tribune, October 20, 2014).

Table3.12: Actions against the press during Nawaz Sharif's Regime3…N=34

Actions Frequency Percentage

Killings 13 38
Attacks on journalists 16 47
Arrests 2 6
Attacks on media outlets 3 9
Bans on publications 0 0
Closure of G.Ads. 0 0
Total 34 100

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 Actions against the press during Nawaz Sharif's
Attacks on Bans on Regime3 Closure of
media outlets publications G.Ads.
9% 0% 0%
Arrests
6% Killings
38%

Attacks on
journalists
47%

Table and figure 3.12 indicate that attacks on journalists were the top most, 47%
trend seconded (38%) by killings of the gatekeepers. Attacks on media houses were
9% on third place while the arresting strategy was less and was 6% exercised. There
was no ban on a publication and no closure of government’s advertisements for a
publication.

Collective action against journalists was also recorded during the third era of Nawaz
Sharif when the house of the reporter for daily “Express Tribune”, Jamshed Baghban
was attacked with a bomb in Peshawar (Tribune July 2, 2014).

The downing graph of overall actions against the National Press of Pakistan is seen
during the 3rd era of Nawaz Sharif. The regime secures 7 th position on the table
covering tweleve earas (Table 3.15). Regarding to actions against the press,
Nawaz’s 3rd governing period is on second least 8 th position (Table 3.14), while in
respects to actions against journalists, the era is positioning on 5 th place (Table
3.13).

3.3 Press Laws in Pakistan; developments and nature: an

overview

Constitutional laws in relation to freedom of expression and press: It is

proved and documented that a free press is very important for any free society and
for the purpose; the press should have the courage to pursue the stories that are
important for readers and viewers without any fear or favor. At the same time, the
press should be responsible and mature with a zeal for professionalism.

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The discernment of press freedom varies from society to society and state to state
same as the conception differs in regards to the responsibilities of the press and the
people, even the scholars are not on one page about the role of media and the legal
frame work for it, surrounding the media landscape. In this context some believe that
the press should have to support the government as that is for to promote National
Interests while others assign the Watch-Dog obligation to the press to search out
and report the events without any heeding for consequences.

On one hand the constitutional frame works and the statutory laws imposes
limitations on the free flow of information in the name of national interests in the
fields of national defense, Finances, social and religious norms and friendly relations
with foreign countries. In this, regards the constitution of Pakistan 1973 in its article
19 guarrantees the freedom of speech, expression and press but it also subjugate
these freedom to restrictions in the interest state and its institutions and idiologies.

In an article by Dr.Sania Nishtar, published in daily The News International on

October 12, 2009, denotes that the constitution of Pakistan does not pass on to the
right to look for and take delivery of information as component of freedom of
expression. She further refers that the United Nation’s International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights is not signed and ratified by Pakistan. However, the
Supreme Court’s ruling in 1993, stipulated that “right to freedom of expression
includes the right to receive information” (Nishtar, 2009).

The discussion concludes that freedom of press with specific responsibilities is

conventional where as absolute freedom has no existence in the world. On this
ground article 19 and 19A of the constitution of Pakistan (1973) is justifiable
regarding the freedom of press in the state.

The Statutory laws in connection with the freedom of press and

expression: Statutory law in Pakistan is a legacy of colonial era. The law was
drafted by the Law Commission under the supervision of Lord Macaulay as a
president of the commission and after a revision by the chief justice of Calcutta High
Court, Sir Burnes Peacock and Puise, that was passed by the Legislative Council in
October 1860 which was adopted by Pakistan in the name of Pakistan Penal Codes
(PPC) under the Independence Act 1947. The Penal Codes made in 1860, are still

118
operational for offences charged in Pakistan. Little amendments have been made to
it. But in sections pertaining to the freedom of expression and press, no improvement
have been made rather than making it further restrictive from time to time.

3.3.1 Global perspective

A research by Patti McCracken, under the title “Insult Laws: An Insult to Press
Freedom”, denotes a pictorial state of the statutory laws in more than 90 countries
and territories in relations to the freedom of press. The exploration and description
along with quotations, affirms that all the states in the world have laws and regulation
to contain the freedom of press against the Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (McCracken, 2010)

Article 23 of the French statutory Law says that the person who directly inflames
someone or acts against the law will be punished. The law is also applied to the
press and media persons. In the similar fashion Article 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32 and
other enclose the freedom of press.

The Penal Codes and Media Act (2010) in Hungry revolve around the press and
restrain its freedom. Article 4; confines the exercise of freedom of press. In the same
manner Article 10, 11, 13 and other contain the press.

Same is the position and description of insult laws in regards to the freedom of
press, as well the punishments, in case of violation, with slight difference in words, in
all the states of the world. In support of the constitution laws, the penal codes and
special laws in Russia, China, USA, United Kingdom, Germany, Turkey, Cameroon,
India, Canada, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia and others are matching in their nature.

The study affirms that controlling the free flow of information and engineering the
facts in, what they say, National Interests is the motto of all the countries of the
world. But the practice is not justifiable on the ground because the right to know and
to express it, is the fundamental right of masses and as members of the United
Nation Organization, each and every state should have to manage the free flow of
information in accordance to the spirit of the Declaration of Human Rights
(McCracken, 2010).

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3.3.2 Pakistan’s perspective

The Statutory laws in Pakistan describe as; Section 123-A of the PPC reads that the
person who wherever tries to influence the sovereignty of the state or ideology of the
country, will be punishedunder the law. This section includes any written or spoken
words, visible or non visible in guesture, but if that is likely to influence any person to
lay the safety of the state or of the any part or terrority in danger or make abuse the
creation of Pakistan, will be liable to funishment in term of prison upto 10 years and
fine.

It is very important to note that for words and guestures to be avoided, the criteria is
very vast and nearly impossible to be filtered on the prediction of effects. So that this
section provides a narrow escape for the journalists and media and this whirls over
the head of the press like a hanging sword.

The section is objected for to prevent internal enemies of the state from propagation
of the ideas condemning the creation of Pakistan. In a case “the State v. Abdul
Ghaffar Khan” PLD 1957 Lahore.142, placed that the restrictions imposed by this
section are in the interests of the security of the state and every inch of the territory
of the state is more valuable than the liberty of speech which cannot be used for
liquidating the state.

Section 124 A of PPC deals with the inculcation of hate against the federal or the
provincial governments of Pakistan and that is confing the words and voices of the
press.

This section is also very tough and zigzage way for journalists who deals with worlds
and what can be taken for hate generation is not very easy to be traced and be
culmintated. Because a word might carry one meaning while another for other. So
that, it is not hard for any government, federal or provincial to use this section for
crafting pressure against the press and journalists.

The section defined sedition and prescribes its punishment, according to the section,
sedition is disloyalty in action, and all the practices which create such a situation will
be treated under this section.

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Section 152 of the Pakistan Penal Codes deals with grace of public servants and
case they felt disgrace by world or by other means, the commiters will be funished
and be fined.

In terms that the content of press is mainly consists of the activities of governments
and their institutions in good or bad performance, this section is directed to the press
and journalists to be used a tool of putting pressure over them.

Section 153-A deals hates and differences. This section takes in account any word
poke or written which likely to inculcate hate and break hormony among different
sections or groups of the society. For the press, it is not easy to locate a word that
might implant hate or prejudice in the society for a cast, section or group because
words carry different meaning for different people and ideologies and that is why the
section is said to be threatening tool for journalists. Penalty of the section in case of
violation is upto 5 years behind the bars and fine.

Section 153-B confines words having capacity to induce students to participate in

political moves which are resuted in disturbing public order. This section also creates
pressure over journalists and press to filter there content but it is not possible to
control the effects of words in the sense to be taken for induction. Violation of the
section carries two years imprisonment, fine or both.

Section 292 deals with obscene ojects. The section marks, publishing, distribution,
selling, processing, lended, bought, exported or in case will liable to funishment for
three months behind the bars, fine or both. The press is vulnerable to the section
more as it is very technical to define parameters to obscenity of the objects.

Section 295-A of the PPC considers the insults of religions or religious practices. The
section puts that if a person with a deliberate move uses words or making guesture
that result in the insult of any religion or class will be liable to funishment upto 10
years of prison, fine or with both. Media again is exposed to put in tough examination
for allocating such word or gesture that likely to create a sense of insult.

Section 499 addresses the defamation and is mostly discussed section of the
Pakistan Penal Codes. The section defines defamation in terms of harms to
reputation of a person. Any word or representation made or published with an
intention to harm the reputation is liable to funish under this section.

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Section 500 defines funishment for the act of defamation in terms of imprisonment
upto five years, fine upto one lac or both.

The very nature of these sections is the same as in other countries of the world
directed to protect the National Interests. This discussion reveals that security of the
state, of the religion, of the culture, of the fame, of the ideologies and of the honor of
the government is superior to the promotion of truth. Vowing to this state of affairs
and livings in this frame of situation, the only way for the press remains open is to
work for the promotion of national interests, to advocate the principles of the society
and to address the problem with in the domain of the state’s ideologies. But even
then the press is tried to be kept under pressure for personal gains which is the open
curse and that, this research attempts to evaluate and gauge this state of threats.

3.3.3 Special laws for the Press in Pakistan, a legacy of colonial

era

It is almost certainly fair to say that no country in the world follows the universal right
of free expression absolutely and that is subject to limitations and restriction
everywhere. And that different states of the world have different frames of the press
laws in respect to the national interests, mood of government and social norms and
values. In Pakistan, the Press Laws have links with the colonial era with a little but
some more restrictive modifications in the frame, mood and nature.

The press laws date back from the East India Company. The Press was brought and
installed by Jesuit of Portugal in 1560 and that the first press law was promulgated in
1799 as the Censorship Law, followed by Censorship Law Modifications (1813),
Regulations for Registration (1823), Metcalf’s Act (Registration of Press Act) 1835,
New Regulations on Printing Presses (1857), Press and Registration Act 1867,
Vernacular Press Act (1878), Newspapers Act (1908), Indian Press Act (1910),
Official Secret Act (1923) and Indian Press, Emergency Power Act 1931.

All these laws were to curtail the press in the occupied territory by the foreign
powers. The press was suppressed for not to support the independence movements
and laws were designed and devices for the protection of foreign yoke. The British
government had perceived the perception that the native press was championing the
cause of the freedom (Natarajan, 1964). In this respect, the arguments of Sir Herbert

122
Risely, introducing the 1910’s Press Act in the Viceroy’s Council, are the mirroring
points of press-government and press-mass relations, where he said that “Every day
the press proclaims, openly or by suggestions or illustrations, that the only cure for
the ills of India is independence from foreign rule”. The foreign power introduced
suppressive laws for the press but manner could not protract the British rule and at
last the freedom fighter won independence in August 1947.

Under the Independence Act (1947), the newly established state of Pakistan adopted
the legal system of British India including the existing Press laws. The first native law
in regards to the press was promulgated in 1952 in the name of Security of Pakistan
Act (1952). This law was followed by the Press and Publication Ordinance 1960, the
Press and Publication (amendment) Ordinance (1963), Defense of Pakistan
Ordinance (1965), Promulgation of Martial Law Rules 6, 17, 19 (1969), Promulgation
of Martial Law Rule 110 (1971), Registration of Printing press and Publication
Ordinance (1988), Freedom of Information Ordinance (1997), Press, Newspapers,
News Agencies and Books Registration Ordinance (2002), Press Council of Pakistan
Ordinance (2002), Defamation Law (2002), PEMRA Ordinance (2002), Freedom of
Information Ordinance (2002), PEMRA Act [Amendment] (2007), PEMRA Rules
(2009) and Code of Conduct (2010), Right to Information (2010), PEMRA
(Distribution Service Operation) Regulation (2011) and PEMRA (Radio Broadcast
Station Operation) Regulations (2012).

3.3.4 Special Laws for the Press in Exercise

Press, Newspapers, News Agencies and Books Registration Ordinance

(2002): the Ordinance was promulgated on October 26, 2002. The Ordinance was
promulgated by the Government of President of Pakistan, Parvez Musharaff with
immediate effect, and extends to the whole of Pakistan. The aim was to make
amendment in the law concerning the news agencies, publications and printing
presses. The Ordinance is worked out into six parts with a seventh portion in the
name of miscellaneous. The parts cover the Definitions of terms, Printing presses,
newspapers and news agencies, Delivery of books, Penalties, Registrations of books
and newspapers.

123
Freedom of Information Ordinance (2002): the Ordinance was enacted on
October 27, 2002. The aim of the ordinance was to ensure transparency by
providing access to information. It states that the government is willing to make easy
access to information and public records to assure transparency in the public
dealings and be accountable and responsible in terms of exposition.

Inacordance to the ordinance and official claims this study attempts to calculate the
journalist’s perception, whether they are free to get the information in practice and
the information are accessible or enshrined in threats and dangers.

The Government of Pakistan promulgated Freedom of Information Rules 2004 on

February 18, 2004, in pursuance to the powers conferred by section 25 of the
Ordinance, and were consolidated in 2010 by the Article 19A of the existing
Constitution of Pakistan (1973).

Muhammad Aftab Alam in his research work, under the title “Right to Information and
Media Laws in Pakistan” declares that in Pakistan, prior to 2002, there were no laws
to provide freedom of information to the people, and that President Musharraf
introduced the freedom of information ordinance. Right to Information was
recognized as constitutional right of the citizens of Pakistan in 2010. The Punjab and
Khyber PakhtoonKhwa (KPK) enacted the right in 2013 through Eighteen
Amendment but still in the Sindh and Baluchistan provinces are awaited to be
enacted (Alam, 2015).

Dr. Sania Nishtar in an article “Freedom of Information-Oxygen of democracy”

published in daily “The News International” demarcates that several sections of the
Freedom of Information Ordinance (2002), in particular, exclude many categories of
public documentation from the preview of the law. She declares that various sections
of PPC and laws of contempt, official secrets, and censorship make the Ordinance
toothless (Nishtar, 2009).

The Press Council Ordinance (2002): the Ordinance was promulgated under
the Provisional Constitutional (Amendment) Order No. 9 of 1999 by the president
Parvez Musharraf with immediate effect that came into force at once and extended
to the whole of Pakistan. The Ordinance defined the terms and established a Council

124
in the name of Press Council of Pakistan (PCP). The task was assigned to
implement the Ethical Code of Practice.

Under section 6, the council consists of nineteen members and a chairperson and
that would be appointed by the president of Pakistan and that is a retired Judge of
Supreme Court or a person qualified to be judge of the Supreme Court.

Four members would be provided by APNS and CPNE each and 4 members from
the journalists’ organizations with no specification of the journalists union. The
Ordinance added the sub-section (C) of the section 6, that none of the provided shall
be nominated from the office bearers and member of the Press Council shall have
any post of the organization.

PFUJ and APNEC rejected the Press Council as was proposed as well as the Press
Regulatory Laws, and said that the government want to “regulate” the press by
promulgation of ordinances. They stated that the government prosed settings
resembling the confining desires of General Ayub Khan who had sought shelter in a
number of black laws, including the harshest move as the Press and Publication
Ordinance, 1963, which was aimed to curb the freedom of the press (Dawn, March
15, 2002). The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists also expressed his concern
over the approval of Press Council by the CPNE and APNS (Dawn, September 3,
2002).

The function assigned to the Council is to preserve the press freedom, to maintain
the standards in terms of code of conducts and professional ethics, to make the
press responsible and receptive to the issues of the public and societal interests in
Pakistan.

Defamation Ordinance (2002): the Ordinance was enacted by the president of

Pakistan General Parvez Musharraf in 2002, after the clutches of laws were
loosened and a mushroom growth was observed with lesser experience of
broadcasting. The aim of the Ordinance was to insure fair comments on the matter of
public interests and to define the kinds of Libel and Slander.

The Defamation Ordinance was directed to the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) 1860,
section 499, 500, 501 and 502. And the amendments made by General Zia Ul Haq’s

125
regime (Criminal Law Act 1986) in connection to Criminal Defamation [omitting the
history long exceptions], were re-addressed.

The Ordinance was amended on November 30, 2004 as; whereas it is expedient to
amend the Defamation Ordinance 2002, the Pakistan Penal Code 1860 and Code of
Criminal Procedure 1898. The purpose of the Ordinance was to smoothen and
update the definitions. A new section 502A was added.

The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority Ordinance (2002):

the PEMRA Ordinance was promulgated in 2002 by the President of Pakistan
General Parvez Musharraf. The aim was to regulate the electronic media after
freeing the media landscape. The Ordinance was also having focuses on to get
better the standard of comunicatives with accountability and transparency.

The Ordinance provides rules for broadcast media and its services of distribution in
the country. It also lays down procedural qualifications for licenses and the eligibility
criteria. PEMRA provides for establishment of the Council of Complaints, but does
not refer to the right of information.

PEMRA Rule (2009), were introduced on December 12, 2009. The Rules defined the
terms and categorized licenses. The Rules also regulated the Advertisements and
code of conduct for broadcasters or cable TV operators.

Rule of Conduct (2010) were added to PEMRA under power conferred to it on

December, 30, 2010. The preamble of the Rule declared the ethical standards for
programs and advertisements broadcasting on any electronic medium in Pakistan.

A Statutory Notification was issued by PEMRA on January 31, 2012 that was tilted
as the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority Regulation, 2012. Part one of
the Regulation deals with definitions of terms while part two put rules for licensing
criteria. Part four lays down procedure for the inspection and operations and five,
provides for standards of programs. The aim was to regulate the mushroom growth
of radio stations and define standards for in relation with social and ethical norms
and values.

126
3.4 Statistics and Data Analysis

The curtailing actions against the press and journalists are quantified as under to
provide better understanding of the press freedom situation and to visualize the
strength of atrocities during different eras during 70 years of the media history in
Pakistan.

Table 3.13: Actions (Killing, other attacks and arrests) against journalists N=342

Regimes Killing % Attack % Arrests % Total % Position

s s
First Decade 0 0 2 2 46 26 48 14 2nd
General Ayub 1 1 6 7 10 5 17 5 7th
Khan
General Yahya 0 0 0 0 6 3 6 2 9th
khan
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 0 0 0 0 21 11 21 6 6th
Zia Ul Haq 1 1 2 2 38 21 41 12 4th
Benazir Bhutto1 1 1 0 0 1 0 2 1 10th
Nawaz Sharif 1 4 7 21 24 25 13 50 15 1st
Benazir Bhutto2 4 7 6 7 5 3 15 4 8th
Nawaz Sharif2 0 0 7 8 7 4 14 4 8th
Parvez Musharraf 13 18 16 18 23 12 52 15 1st
Yusuf Raza Gillani 31 46 12 14 2 1 45 13 3rd
Nawaz Sharif3 13 19 16 18 2 1 31 9 5th
Total 68 100 88 100 186 100 342 100

127
 50
46
45 Killings
40
Attacks
35
Arrests
30
26
24
25
21
1818 1918
20
13 14
15 12
11
10 7 7 77 8
5 4
5 2 3 3
0 1 00 00 12 100 0 1 1
0

Table &Figure 3.13 show that the first era of Nawaz Sharif’s regime (1990-1993) and
the government of Parvez Musharraf (1999-2007) topes the rests with 15% each in
relations to actions against journalists including killings, attacks and arrests,
seconded by the first decade after independence of Pakistan with 14%. The Gillani’s
era shows the third atrocious period of the history stands with 13% obnoxious for
journalists where as the General Zia Ul Haq regime acquires 4 th position with 12%
drastic for journalists. The 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th place in the table denotes the
insufferable actions against journalists during the realm of Nawaz Sharif’s (1997-
1999) third period, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1972-1977), Ayub Khan (1958-1969), Benazir
Bhutto’s (1993-1996) second tenure, Yahya Khan (1969-1971) and Benazir’s (1988-
1990) first era respectively. The table indicates that the first era of Benazir Bhutto
was the most peaceful period for journalists throughout the history of Pakistan (1947-
2017).

128
Table 3.14: Actions against the press (attacks, bans, closures of official ads), during
different regimes. N=125

Regimes Attac % Ban % Closure % Total % Positi

ks s of Ads. on
First Decade 2 5 25 37 2 11 29 24 2nd
General Ayub Khan 3 8 6 9 1 6 10 8 4th

General Yahya khan 1 2 3 4 0 0 4 3 7th

Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 7 18 22 32 3 17 32 26 1st

General Zia Ul Haq 9 23 6 9 9 49 24 19 3rd

Benazir Bhutto1 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 9th

Nawaz Sharif 1 3 8 0 0 1 6 4 3 7th

Benazir Bhutto2 3 8 0 0 0 0 3 2 8th

Nawaz Sharif2 1 3 4 6 0 0 5 4 6th

Parvez Musharraf 5 13 2 3 2 11 9 7 5th

Yusuf Raza Gillani 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 9th

Nawaz Sharif3 3 8 0 0 0 0 3 2 8th

Total 39 100 68 100 18 100 125 100

49
50

40 37 Attacks
32 bans
30 Closures of Ads.
23
18 17
20
13
11 11
89 9 8 8 8
10 5 6 6 6
4 3 3
2 2 2
0 00 0 00 0 00 00
0

Table& figure 3.14, reveals that the era of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977) remained
the first with 26% drastic in regards to curbing actions against the press in the form

129
of attacks on media outlets, bans on newspapers and closures of government’s
advertisements. This was seconded by the first decade (1947-1958) with 24%
atrocities against the press. The Zai Ul Haq’s regime scores 19%, placing the era on
third position. Ayub Khan’s government (1958-1969) acquires the 4th position in the
table. The 5th position in the table is acquired by Pervez Musharraf (1999-2007), 6th
indicates Nawaz Sharif (1996-1999), 7th position is attained by Yahya Khan (1969-
1971) and Nawaz Sharif (1996-1999), 8th position was gained by Benazir (1993-
1996) and Nawaz Sharif (2013- 2017). 9th position in the table indicates actions
against the press in the regime of Benazir (1988-1990) and Yosuf Raza Gillani
(2007-2012).

Table 3.15: Actions against the press (a trend through the history of Pakistan)
N=467

Regimes Actions Percentage Position

First Decade 77 16 1st
General Ayub Khan 27 6 8th
General Yahya khan 10 2 10th
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 53 11 5th
General Zia Ul Haq 65 14 2nd
Benazir Bhutto1 3 1 11th
Nawaz Sharif 1 54 12 4th
Benazir Bhutto2 18 4 9th
Nawaz Sharif2 19 4 9th
Parvez Musharraf 61 13 3rd
Yusuf Raza Gillani 46 10 6th
Nawaz Sharif3 34 7 7th
Total 467 100

130
 18

16 First Decade

14 General Zia Ul Haq

musharraf
12 Nawaz Sharif 1
zulifiqar Ali Bhutto
10
Yousa Raza Gillani
8

6 General Ayub Khan Nawaz Sharif3

4 Nawaz Sharif2
Benazir Bhutto2
2 General Yahya khan
Benazir Bhutto1
0

Table &figure 3.15 indicate that the first decade (1947-1958) was the most drastic
period for the media with 16% actions taken to curtail the freedom of press followed
by the Zai Ul Haq’s regime (1977-1988) with 14% actions against the press and
journalists. The era of Pervez Musharraf is on the third position regarding the cubing
actions against the media realm in the Pakistan. The Nawaz Sharif’s first period of
government (1990-1993) is the 4th drastic period of the history of Pakistan (1947-
2017) for journalists and press. The tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977) is on
the 5th position. The Government of Yousuf Raza Gillani (2007-2012) is on the 6th,
Nawaz’s third era (2012-2017) on the 7th, Ayub Khan’s regime (1958-1969) is on the
8th, Benazir ‘s (1993-1996) and Nawaz Sharif’s second era (1996-1999) are on the
9th, Yahya’s Government (1969-1971) is on the 10th while the Benazir Bhutto first
regime (1988-1990) is on the lasts position regarding the restrains against the media
in Pakistan.

The Line Graph reveals that actions against the press and journalists are not bind by
the form of government and also not linked with the person or party leading the state
rather it shows the overall intolerance for criticism and a strong zeal to promote self
interests.

131
Table 3.16: Comparative trend of actions, against journalists and the press, though
out the history of Pakistan. N= 342, 125

Regimes Actions against Percentage Actions against Percentage2

journalists the press
First Decade 48 14 29 24
General Ayub 17 5 10 8
Khan
General Yahya 6 2 4 3
khan
Zulifiqar Ali 21 6 32 26
Bhutto
General Zia Ul 41 12 24 19
Haq
Benazir 2 1 1 1
Bhutto1
Nawaz Sharif 50 15 4 3
1
Benazir 15 4 3 2
Bhutto2
Nawaz Sharif2 14 4 5 4
Pervez 52 15 9 7
Musharraf
Yusuf Raza 45 13 1 1
Gillani
Nawaz Sharif3 31 9 3 2
Total 342 100 125 100

132
 30

26 Actions againsts
25 journalists
24

20
19

15 15 15
14
13
12
10
9
8
7
6
5 5
4 4
3 3
2 2 2
1 1
0

Table &Figure 3.16 shows that the trend of actions against the press has gradually
decreased but had gone up during the Zia Ul Haq’s and Zukfiqar Ali Bhutto’s era.
While the graph, denoting actions against journalists, has an uptrend as the aging of
the state. The first tenure of Nawaz Sharif government and that of Parvez
Musharraf’s are on the top, 15% severe for journalists. Actions against the press
were on the second top during the first decade with 24% but that against journalists
were lesser with 14%, whereas actions against the press during Zai’s regime were
on the top with 26% while that against journalists were lesser with 12% score in the
table.

133
 Table 3.17: The closures of government's advertisements, comparative trend in
different eras (1947-2017)

Regimes Blockages of official Cumulative Percentage

advertisements
First Decade 2 2 11
General Ayub 1 3 6
Khan
General Yahya 0 3 0
khan
zulifiqar Ali 3 6 17
Bhutto
General Zia Ul 9 15 49
Haq
Benazir Bhutto1 0 15 0
Nawaz Sharif 1 1 16 6
Benazir Bhutto2 0 16 0
Nawaz Sharif2 0 16 0
Pervez 2 18 11
Musharraf
Yusuf Raza 0 18 0
Gillani
Nawaz Sharif3 0 18 0
Total 18 100

Yousa Raza
Nawaz Sharif2 Gillani
0% musharraf Nawaz General
0% Ayub
11% Sharif3 Khan
First Decade 6%
0%
Benazir Bhutto2 11%
Nawaz Sharif 1 0%
6% General Yahya
Benazir Bhutto1 khan
0% 0%
zulifiqar Ali Bhutto
General Zia
17%
Ul Haq
49%
The closures of government's
advertisements
Table & Figure 3.17 reveals that government’s advertisements were mostly, 49% by
the Zia Ul Haq’s regime as a tool to control the press seconded by the Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto’s government by 17%. During the first decade and that of Parvez Musharraf’s
government, withdraws of government advertisements scores 11%. While the

134
government of Ayub Khan and Benazir Bhutto used the official advertisements up to
6%.

Table 3.18: comparative study of Banes on the press during different regimes

Regimes Bans on publications cumulative percentage

First Decade 25 25 37
General Ayub Khan 6 31 9
General Yahya khan 3 34 4
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 22 56 32
General Zia Ul Haq 6 62 9
Benazir Bhutto1 0 62 0
Nawaz Sharif 1 0 62 0
Benazir Bhutto2 0 62 0
Nawaz Sharif2 4 66 6
Musharraf 2 68 3
Yusuf Raza Gillani 0 68 0
Nawaz Sharif3 0 68 0
Total 68 100

Bans on the press during different

regimes
Yusuf Raza Gillani
Nawaz Sharif2 0%
Nawaz Sharif3
6% Benazir musharraf
0%
Nawaz Sharif 1 Bhutto2 3%
0% 0%
Benazir Bhutto1
0%
General Zia
Ul Haq First Decade
9% 37%
zulifiqar Ali
Bhutto
32%
General General Ayub
Yahya khan Khan
4% 9%

Table & Figure 3.18 shows that bans on the newspapers were on the highest level,
37% during the so called democratic era (the first decade) after the birth of Pakistan
in 1947. The second most, 32% atrocious period for the newspaper in regards to the
bans was the second democratic era that of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. General Ayub Khan’s
and Genral Zia Ul Haq regimes are on the third place with 9% each. The second era

135
of Nawaz Sharif scores 6% and is placed on 4 th position while the General Parvez
Musharraf’s tenure is on the 5th position with 3% on the table. Whereas, the first and
second tenure of Benazir Bhutto, the first and third period of Nawaz Sharif and the
government of Yousuf Raza Gilani, no ban on publication was imposed.

Table 3.19: Attacks on journalists, comparative trend during different regimes

Regimes attacks cumulative percentage

First Decade 2 2 2
General Ayub Khan 6 8 7
General Yahya khan 0 8 0
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 0 8 0
General Zia Ul Haq 2 10 2
Benazir Bhutto1 0 10 0
Nawaz Sharif 1 21 31 24
Benazir Bhutto2 6 37 7
Nawaz Sharif2 7 44 8
Pervez Musharraf 16 60 18
Yusuf Raza Gillani 12 72 14
Nawaz Sharif3 16 88 18
Total 88 100

Attacks on journalists during diffrent General

Ayub
regimes Khan ; 7
General Yahya
First Decade ; 2
Zulifiqar Ali khan; 0
Bhutto; 0
Benazir Bhutto1;
Nawaz 0
Sharif3; 18
Nawaz General Zia Ul
Yusuf Raza Gillani; Sharif 1; 24 Haq; 2
14

musharraf;
18
Benazir Bhutto2;
Nawaz Sharif2; 8 7

Table & Figure 3.19 indicates that most, 24% attacks were made on journalists during the
first era of Mian Nawaz Sharif whereas during that period the workers of Islami Jamiat Talba
tortured journalists in the Punjab University while they were on an assignment to cover an
event in the university. Whereas police tortured photographers while they were reporting the

136
riots in Liaquatabad Karachi, Photographers Association decided to raise voice for their right
in the favor of the press freedom in the country and Journalists were kidnapped and beaten
by the employees of Agricultural Farms in Rivand belonging to Mian Muhammad Nawaz
Sharif. The first tenure of Sharif also saw that during a collective move, the number and
names of the journalists are not on the record. The second drastic era in respect to attacks
on journalists is the General Parvez Musharraf regime with 18%. More, during the Parvez
Musharraf’s tenure, Journalists were beaten by police while they were going to Karachi Port
for collecting newsprint for daily “Jang”. This era also saw that Police tortured journalists in
front of Anti Terrorist Court in Karachi where trail against the dismissed prime minister Mian
Nawaz Sharif was in progress. During the same period, journalists were beaten by police
outside the residence of Mian Nawaz Sharif while they were busy to perform their duty.
During the Parvez Musharraf’s government journalists were tortured by police while they
were protesting against the use of derogated language for the Press by Governor Punjab
Lieutenant General Khalid Maqbol alongside more than 180 journalists were tortured by
police while they were protesting in Karachi. 12 journalists were also injured. The number or
names of the tortured journalists are not on the record as the actions were collective and in
hub. The third era of Nawaz Sharif remain the second atrocious period with 18% same as
that of Parvez Musharraf. The third score 14% is acquired by the Pakistan people’s party’s
government under the premiership of Yousuf Raza Gillani under the arch of the president
Asif Ali Zardari. Nawaz Sharif’s second tenure is on the fourth place with 8% followed by the
General Ayub Khan era with 7%. The First decade and the regime of General Zia Ul Haq are
on the least with 2% each. As a collective move, police tortured photographers in the
Session Court in Hyderabad during the Zai’s era. The Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto era witnessed no
individual attack on journalists but collective actions are on the record such as the press
photographers were tortured in the premises of Sindh Baluchistan High Court while they
were covering the event where member of Sindh Assembly Usman Kanedi was brought to
be presented before the court and in the eve of language riots, three photo journalists were
tortured by police in Karachi and their cameras were snatched and smashed on the ground
for they were covering a street fight between the masses and police. In the same way no
individual attack was made against journalist during both eras of Benazir Bhutto but
collective attacks were seen as Journalists were beaten and beleaguered by police in
Islamabad in front of the President House while they were protesting against the dismissal of
their colleagues from Associated Press of Pakistan on political basis and journalists were
attacked and injured by the supporter of a Member of Provincial Assembly of Sindh.

137
 Table 3.20: Attacks against journalists by actors (harassments, tortures, beatings
and injuries)

Actors Attacks(Frequency) Cumulative Percentage

Police 24 24 27
Political
activists 8 32 9
Religious 10 42 11
Mafias 2 44 2
Agencies/forces 8 52 9
Students 4 56 5
Militants 4 60 5
Establishment 1 61 1
Unknown 27 88 31
total 88 100

Sources of attacks on journalists

police
unknown 27%
31%

polical
establishment activists
1% 9%
millitants
religious
5%
11%
students
5% agencies/forces mafias
9% 2%

Table & Figure 3.20 affirms that journalists are mostly (31%) attacked by unknowns
followed by Police at 27% and at 11% by religious groups. The political activists are
on the third with 9% in regards to the attacks on journalists whereas the forces and
agencies are on the fourth with a score of 9%. Students of colleges and Madrassas
are on the fifth position, scoring 5%. Militants 5% and mafias share 2% in the attacks
on journalist while establishment is1% involved in the attacks on journalists

138
 Table 3.21: Attacks on the media houses during different regimes

Regimes Attacks Percentage

First Decade 2 5
General Ayub Khan 3 8
General Yahya khan 1 2
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 7 18
General Zia Ul Haq 9 23
Benazir Bhutto1 1 2
Nawaz Sharif 1 3 8
Benazir Bhutto2 3 8
Nawaz Sharif2 1 3
Pervez Musharraf 5 13
Yusuf Raza Gillani 1 2
Nawaz Sharif3 3 8
Total 39 100

25 23

20 18

15 13

10 8 8 8 8
5
5 3
2 2 2

Table & Figure 3.21 shows that General Zia Ul Haq’s regime saw maximum, 23% of
attacks on the media houses. The second (18%) atrocious tenure is that of Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto followed by General Parvez Musharf’s regime with a score of 13%. The 8% attacks
were made during General Ayub Khan’s era, the Nawaz Sharif’s first, Benazir Bhutto’s
second and Nawaz Sharif third tenure each. In the First Decade, 5%, during the second era

139
of Nawaz Sharif 3%, while 2% each in the General Yahya Khan, Benazir Bhutto first and
Yusuf Raza Gillani’s periods attacks were seen.

Table 3.22: Attacks on the media houses by different actors

Actors Attacks Cumulative Percentage

Governing party 12 12 31
Opposition 12 24 31
Religious Group 5 29 13
Mafias 1 30 2
Unknown 4 34 10
Militant 3 37 8
Students 2 39 5
Police 0 39 0
Agencies 0 39 0
total 39 100

Attacks on the media houses by different

police actors
agencies
students 0%
5% 0%
Millitant
Governing paryt
8% Unknown 31%
10%
mafias
2%
religious Group
13%
opposition
31%

Table & Figure 3.22 reveals that mostly, 31% each, the governing and the opposition
parties are involved in the attacks on the media houses seconded by the religious
groups with 13% while the unknowns share 10% of the attacks. Militants are 8%
while students are 5% involved in the attacks. Police, mafias and forces are not
involved in the direct attacks except the police raid on the offices of Geo TV in the
name of searching.

140
Table 3.23: Attacks on the media houses (categorized by media groups)

Media group Attacks Cumulative percentage

Jang 8 8 21
Nawa-e-Waqt 4 12 11
Dawn 2 14 6
Mashriq 6 20 15
Jasarat 2 22 6
Frontier Post 1 23 3
Express 2 25 6
Aaj 2 27 6
Morning News 2 29 6
Business recorder 1 30 2
Imroze 1 31 2
C&MG 1 32 2
PPI 1 33 2
The Times 1 34 2
The People 1 35 2
Dhanak 1 36 2
pakistan time 1 37 2
Sachai 1 38 2
ARY 1 39 2
Total 39 100

141
 Attacks on the media houses
pakistan time
2%
The People
sachai
2% Dhanak 2%
The Times 2% ARY
2% 2%
PPI
C&MG 2% Jang
2% 21%
Imroze
2%

Business
recorder
2%

Morning News
6%
Nawa-e-Waqt
11%
Aaj
6%

Express Dawn
6% 6%

Jasarat Mashriq
Frontier Post
6% 15%
3%

Table & Figure 3.23 shows that the mostly, 21% effected media group is the Jang
Group of Publications in regards to attacks on the media houses seconded by
Mashiq with 15% while Nawa-e-Waqt is on the third with 11%. Dawn, Jssarat,
Express, Morning News and Aaj with 6% each are on the fourth place. Whereas, the
Frontier Post, scores 3% in respect to the attacks is on the fifth position. The
Business Recorder, Imroze, Pakistan Times, Sachai, Dhanak, PPI, The Time, ARY,
C&MG and The People are with 2% each on the sixth on the table for attacks on the
media houses.

142
 Table 3.24: Attacks on journalists categorized by beats

Journalists Attacks Cumulative percentage

Editors/news editor/ subeditor/ producers 5 5 6
Reporters 18 23 20
Correspondents 30 53 34
Representatives 6 59 7
Photographers/camera men 29 88 33
Anchor persons 0 88 0
Freelance 0 88 0
88 100

anchor editors/news
persons Attacks on journalists by beats editor/
0% freelance subeditor/
0% producers
6%

reporters
photographers/ 20%
camera men
33%
correspondents
34%

representatives
7%

Table & Figure 3.24 shows that most, 34% attacks are on correspondents, seconded
(33%) by the photographers and cameramen with a slight difference while the
reporters with 20% are on the third place. Representatives score 7% and are on the
fourth position whereas the editors and news editors faced 6% of the attacks and are
on the fifth position on the table. The anchorpersons, freelances and others are on
the safe ground in regards to the attacks.

143
 Table 3.25: Journalists arrested during different regimes

Regimes Arrests Cumulative Percent

age
First Decade 46 46 26
General Ayub Khan 10 56 5
General Yahya khan 6 62 3
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 21 83 11
General Zia Ul Haq 38 121 21
Benazir Bhutto1 1 122 0
Nawaz Sharif 1 25 147 13
Benazir Bhutto2 5 152 3
Nawaz Sharif2 7 159 4
Pervez Musharraf 23 182 12
Yousuf Raza Gillani 2 184 1
Nawaz Sharif3 2 186 1
Total 186 100

YusaufRaza
Gillani Jounalists arrested by regimes
Nawaz Sharif21%
musharraf Nawaz Sharif3
4%
12% 1%
Benazir
First Decade
Bhutto2
26%
3%

General
Nawaz
General Zia Ul Ayub Khan
Sharif 1
Haq 5%
13%
21% General
Benazir Bhutto1 Yahya khan
0% 3%
Zulifiqar Ali
Bhutto
11%

Table %Figure 3.25 denotes that the arresting tactics were mostly, 26% were used
during the first Decade after the creation of Pakistan in 1947. This was followed by
the government of Zau Ul Haq with 21%. The Nawaz Sharif’s first era is on the third
stage for arresting journalist with 13%, followed by the government of Pervez

144
Musharraf, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Ayub Khan, Nawaz’s second tenure, Yahya Khan,
Benazir’s Second tenure, Gillani, Nawaz’s third period and Benazir First tenure. The
first period of Benazir Bhutto was the most peaceful time for journalists with 0%
score regards to the arresting techniques used by different regimes in the history of
Pakistan (1947-2017).

Table 3.26: Journalists arrested categorized by regions

Regions Attacks Cumulative Percentage

Capital/Islamabad 12 12 6
Punjab 41 53 22
NWFP/KPK 7 60 4
Sindh 87 147 47
Baluchistan 16 163 9
FATA 4 167 2
Unknown 19 186 10
186 100

Jounalist arrested by region

Capital/Islamabad
unknown 6%
10%
FATA
2%
Baluchistan Punjab
9% 22%
NWFP/KPK
Sindh 4%
47%

Table & figure 3.26 shows that in regards to the arrests of journalists, Sindh Tops
with 47%, seconded by Punjab with 22%. The unknown region from where
journalists were arrested points third with 10%. Baluchistan scores 9%, capital
Islamabad 6% while Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KP) 4%. Whereas the Federal
Administrative Area remain the least 2% affected region for the arresting tactics used
in.

145
 Table 3.27: Arrests of journalists under different press laws

Laws Arrests Cumulative Percentage

Public Safety Act 29 29 16

Special Power Act 3 32 2
Martial Law Regulation 25 57 13
Official Secret Act 4 61 2
PEMRA 0 61 0
Security Act 28 89 15
Defamation 2 91 1
Blasphemy 1 92 1
Unknown 94 186 50
Total 186 100

Arrests of journalist under

differentPublic
laws Safety
Act Special Power
16%
Act
2%
Martial Law
unknown Regulation official
13% Secret Act
50%
2%
PEMRA
Blasphemy Defamation Security Act 0%
1% 1% 15%

Figure 1Figure 1journalists arrests under different laws

Table & figure 3.27 reveals that most, 50% of the arrests of journalists were made
under undeclared position of law, seconded by Security Act with 15%, followed by
the Martial law Regulations with 13%. The Official Secret Act and Special Power Act
were used for two percent for arresting journalists. The Defamation and Blasphemy
laws were exercised for one percent arrests of journalists throughout the history of
media in Pakistan.

146
3.5 Summary

The centuries long foreign rule and continues struggle for freedom had inculcated
diverse approaches toward institutional standards and that had predetermined a
unique social structure and political paradigm in the United India under British rule.
The scenario prevailed had needed its own tactics and a set of managements to
tackle the situation and run the business of government based on master and slave
pattern of relations. The steering power behind the press was also rooted in the
same soil and was directed towards the freedom movement. The legal and
administrative system and set of conduct and bureaucratic behavior was also
borrowed in its nature. Same was the case with the political manner and fashion of
advocacies of interests. The legislative council, the armed forces command, the
establishment and the political workers and their leaders had pedigrees in the British
run administration with their priorities and edification enshrined in the philosophy of
master-slave archetype.

In August 1947, the Freedom Movement triumphed and Pakistan, as an

independent state appeared on the map of the world. The newly created country
faced a number of economical, administrative and ideological stumbling blocks and
that erected hurdles in the way to establish priorities and commemorate policy
measures. As a result the colonial legacies got insurgencies in Pakistan and
institutional relations remained unchanged and that the Press was no exception.

The vernacular press had its own specific approach and way of working, engineered
by the spirit of struggle for independence. The economical model of the industry was
based on the contribution of the freedom fighters and the aim of the press was the
advocacy of freedom movement. Most of the journalists were deeply involved in
politics and had got a sense of champion of the cause of independence. As per the
bases and practices, the government-press relations had turned diverse in its nature.

Political engagements in the press and the role played in the movement for freedom
by journalists had indoctrinated a prudence that had generated expectations which
could not meet their ends after independence, as they were not prevalent. The mode
of press’s criticism and the fragility of the government deteriorated the press-
government relations and that gone worsen in spite of healing in the coming years

147
and are still prevailing. No serious efforts were made to develop strong ties between
the government and press, rather the consecutive regimes tried to curtail the
freedom of press and pressurize it for vested interests. Same was and is the
approach of the country’s establishment.

The results of quantified data and summary of contents confirms that the press in
Pakistan remained under threats and attacks from time to time and region to region
and even media house to media house irrespective of the type of government. If
there was a democratic era, or government of a dictator, each and every regime had
an agenda to silence the critical voices of the press using all the possible forms,
means and methods, mostly the government advertisements, bans on publications
and print quota for the press and arrests for the journalists. All these tactics were
used to silence the decent voices or to promote their desired agenda or to gain
vested interests.

On the other side the vernacular press also had its part for the inspirations to be
curbed by partiality in the favor of some sects, or political party and targeting the
other. The crusading nature of the press also had invited the curses of power elites.
Bribes in direct pays, or in the form of official advertisements, or extra newsprints, or
gifts, or cash for favoritism, or for playing down the news stories, remained the
abuses of the press and journalists on their part.

Throughout the history of Pakistan, no serious effort has been made to develop a
healthy and powerful realistic relation between the press and the government and
between the press and society and even among the component parts of the
profession i-e among different media enterprises and between the press and
journalists. On the same ground, no serious and continuous attempt has been tried
to build up professionalism in the field of journalism rather the press has been
treated as an enemy or hostile entity by the power holders and tricks gamers of the
state or non-state actors in the government or outside. And as a result no strong ties
could be grown for the better use of the press to enhance the standards of society,
or the government and its institutions nor the standards of the profession could be
boosted to objectivity and impartiality in accordance to its spirit or international
values.

148
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CPJ. (2008, Nov 13). Canadian journalist reported missing in tribal areas. Retrieved from
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CPJ. (2008, Nov 14). Two journalists wounded in Pakistan shooting. Retrieved from
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CPJ. (2009, Aug 14). Pakistani TV reporter shot dead. Retrieved from
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CPJ. (2010, Nov 18). Lala Hameed Baloch killed. Retrieved from https://cpj.org/data/people/lala-
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CPJ. (2010, Sep 14). Misri Khan killed. Retrieved from https://cpj.org/data/people/misri-khan/

CPJ. (2010, Sep 20). Second journalists killed in a week in Pakistan’s northwest. Retieved from
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CPJ. (2011, may 29). Saleem Shahzad. Etrieved from https://cpj.org/data/people/saleem-shahzad/

CPJ. (2014, Aug 27). Death threats sent to Pakistani journalist Kamran Shafi and family. Retrieved
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CPJ. (2017). Pakistani security forces harass journalist despite court order. Retrieved from
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CPJ. (2017, Feb. 12). Journalists Taimoor Khan killed. Retrieved from
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CPJ. (2017, May, 26). Pakistani security forces harassed journalist, despite court order. Retrieved
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Dawn (1971, Feb 16). Attack on Karachi press club. News report, p. metropolitan, file

Dawn (1978, May 14). Court sentences Journalists. news report, p. National, file

Dawn (1979, Dec 19). Matters of Defamation. P. Opinions. File

Dawn (1989, May 2). Attack on Jang’s offices in Karachi. News report , p. National (file)

Dawn (199, Aug 17). Nawaz’s servants attack journalists in Riwand Farms. p. National, file

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Dawn (1990, May 29). Dawn receives threats. P. Metropolitan, file

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Dawn (1992, Jun 23). Journalists were tortured. P. National, file

151
Dawn (1993, Oct 15). Journalist sentenced under FCR. P. National, file

Dawn (1994, Feb 25). The hoodlums destroy newspaper’s office in Peshawar. P. National, file

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152
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 Chapter 4

Journalists killed in Pakistan: Incidents and progress in judicial

enquiries

4.1 Introduction

The toll of journalist killed had reached to one hundred and twenty four in Pakistan
since it came into being on August 14, 1947. According to a report published in daily
“The Nation”, one hundred and five journalists and media workers have been killed in
Pakistan since 2005 of which seventy three have lost their lives for the sake of their
duties in the field in the spin of last seven years (Nation, November 10, 2016).
Committee to Protect Journalists estimated sixty journalists that were killed with
impunity; twenty two were killed with no motive confirmation while seven media
worker other than journalists were murdered. The investigation and prosecution
remained problematic in its nature and processing. Up to January 2011, only two
murder cases of journalists out of 47 were resolved (The News, January 16, 2011),
the killing of U.S. journalist Daniel Pearl whose assaulters were procecuted under
concentrated American Pressure and the other that of Wali Khan Baber was
resolved after much prodding locally (Dawn, November 24, 2015). According a report
by Sadia Qasim Shah, published in Dawn, on July 18, 2015, in most of the cases;
killers of journalists have been tagged as “untraced” by the police and shelved, and
journalist killed in the line of duty have been unsung and forgotten by all except their
families.

The sub-committee on information asked the arrest of accused of journalist’s killing

all over the country. The committee articulated serious reservation over no-arrest of
the killers (PPF, March 22, 2014). The report published in daily times further says
that in KPK and Baluchistan police told the committee that most of the killings were
reported in the incidents related to terrorism. They confessed that was majority of the
killers are at large because in most of the case, the acuused are not directly
nominated.

In a letter by Amnesty International to the Home Minister of Pakistan dated March 1,

2017, deep concern was shown over the attacks on journalists and human rights

161
activists. The letter was titled as “Journalists and Activists under Threats”. The
Senior Advisor David Griffiths expressed his concerns over the killings and threats to
journalists in Pakistan and asked for adequate actions to be taken in that regards.
He further said suggested the authorities to make the media and press friendly
(Griffiths, 2017).

The report issued by the Amnesty International 0n April 30, 2014, says that Pakistani
and foreign journalists in the country are living under under threats and pressure and
facing with other forms of violence. The report declares that intelligence agencies,
political parties and militant groups are involved (A.I, 2014).

The overall situation about the cases and procecusion of the killers of journalists is
not very well but still the national and international oriented struggle is in progress to
bring the assesens under trail and stop the impunity. In a report by Freedom Network
(2018), it was revealed that during 2013-2018, twenty six journalists were killed in
the line of their duty but only 16 cases were registered and 6 of them were decided
(Jang, October 31, 2018).

4.2 Prosecutions of cases: incidents and progress

Zamir Ahmad Qureshi: The fatal history of murdering journalists starts with the
killing of Zamir Ahmad Qureshi of Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), on January
28, 1965, in Lahore. The firing was opened when the late journalist with his
colleague Abdul Baqi Baluch was meeting with member of provincial assembly
(MPA) Malik Ghulam jilani in his residence. They were filming the opposition member
of the provincial assembly of West Pakistan in his home. The target of the assailants
was the MPA. Abdul Baqi Baluch who got injuries. The case went in darks after filing
with unknown assailants (Khan, 2014; JM, 1965).

Waseem qazi: Waseem qazi a free lance was found dead with cut throat in his
home in Lahore on November 27, 1987. He was covering heroin trafficking in
Punjab. Signs of torture on his body were found. The case could not be followed
behind unknown killers. A foreign based journalist Syed B. Majrooh of Afghan
Information Bulletin was shot dead in Peshawar on Februry 11, 1988 (JM,1988).

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Rahat Kazmi: Rahat Kazmi president of Khairpur Press Club and correspondent of
daily Jang was shot dead by unknown killer on June 01, 1990. The killer was
masked and fired him when he was leaving a press conference called by Sindh
Nationalist leader Qamar Bhatti. The political situation in Sindh was deteriorated due
to linguistic contentions. This was followed by the killing of Mutahir Hussain Naqvi of
daily Nawa-e-Waqt and Ahmad Kamal of Pakistan Press Internation (PPA) on June
02, 1990 in the same place. They were covering Qamar Bhatti’s visit (Dawn, June
12, 1990; JM, 1990). The case could find it decision due to no traces of culprits were
investigated by police.

Mian Abdur Ur Rashid: Mian Abdur Ur Rashid, columnist of daily Nawa-e-Waqt was
killed at his home in Karachi by 2 unknown gunmen on September 16, 1991. The
motive behind his death was irritation of some unspecified people on his writings.
The FIR was registered but investigation could not meet the ends (JM, 1991).

Maulana Syed Salahuddin: Maulana Syed Salahuddin of weekly Takbeer was gun
shot by two unknown motorcyclist while he was leaving his office in Karachi on
December 04, 1994. The investigation entered into blind channel due to family
stance on the case (JM, 1994).

Ghulam Samdani: Business manager of daily Parcham, Ghulam Samdani was shot
killed by unknown assailants at the office of newspaper in Karachi on December 06,
1994. The killers were searching for the editor to kill but they could not found him
and then spotted their hand with the blood of the manager. The cause of the killing
was the hitting editorial policy of the paper. The paper was backed by the Mohajir
Qaumi Movement (Mutahida Qaumi Movement) (CPJ, 1994; JM, 1994). No one
could be nominated in the case due to political pressure and the nature of killing.

Zafar Iqbal: Zafar Iqbal, the editor of Nawa-i- Banker, was shot twice in the neck
while he was back to home from his office on April 27, 1996. He died instantly (IFeX
(1996; JM, 1996). Case was filed against unknown as usual and so that could not
find decision.

Z.A.Shahid: Z.A.Shahid, a photographer for daily “Khabrain” lost his life during a
bomb blast outside session court in Lahore on January 18, 1997. The bombing
targeted the leader of Sipah Sahaba Pakistan Ziaur Rehman Farooqi. Farooqi and

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his deputy, Maulana Azm Tariq were on the way to trial court from kot Lakhpat
prison on charges related to the murder of rival Shiite Muslim leaders, Farooqi died
after injuries in hospital . 19 people killed and more than 100 injured. Five of them
were journalists. According to daily “The News”, Z.A Shahid was included, who were
killed while performing in dangerous assignments (The News, Janury 16, 2001; CPJ,
2001; CNN, 2001; Dawn, January 23, 1997). No traces of the judicial enquiries were
found.

Sufi Muhammad Khan: Investigative reporter of daily Ummat, Sufi Muhammad

Khan was killed on May 02, 2000 at his home in Badin (Sindh). He was shot by drug
trafficker Ayaz Khatak. As reflection of his paper’s policy, he had a reputation for
hard line reporting. Sufi Muhammad Khan had filed a story on Khatak’s suspected
connections with a local prostitute that was published on May 02, 2000 in daily
Ummat, the same day the reporter was killed. The killer surrendered to police after
30 minutes of murder. Prior to his death, Sufi had written an article alleging Khatatk
on drug trafficking in Badin. He was being threatened to be killed. Sufi was exposed
to all threats and that resulted in his death. Police also suspected the Arbab family
was allegedly involed in the business of prostitution. After a failed struggle to silent
Sufi, the family had registered a case of defamation against him and his newspaper
(CPJ, 2000) but the investigation couldn’t find way to sentence the killers.

Daniel Pearl: Daniel Pearl, bureau chief for The Wall Street Journal, was kidnapped
from near the Metropole Hotel in Karachi on January 23, 2002 and then killed. The
militant group in the name “The National Movement for the Restoration of Pakistani
Sovereignty” claimed the responsibility for kidnapping the Pearl. They put a series of
demands for freeing Pearl. The magor deman was the repatriation the detainees in
Guantanamo Bay. The link with Guantanamo Bay was clear that the Organization on
hot mail confessed that Pear was kept in circumstances like that in the prison there
in Cuba. The Wall Street Journal asserted that Pearl was reporting on Richard Reid,
the terrorist who allegedly had tried to gust up a flight with a bomb planted in his
shoes. According to CNN report, Richard Reid’s relation with Al Qaeda was
confessed by him under interrogation. He had stayed in Afghanistan, Pakistan,
Kuwait, Qatar and many other countries in connection with Al Qaeda operations.
After Danny was kidnapped on January 23, a mail on Hot- mail was sent to several
Pakistan and US based newspapers. The e-mail contained photographs where

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Danny was holding a copy of English language newspaper Dawn in his hand bearing
date, January 24, 2002. Another e-email on January 30 was sent to media, accusing
Pear of being an agent of the spy agency of Israel “MUSAD” and that they would kill
him within 24 hours if their demands did not meet. Daniel Pearl's wife, Mariane told
in an interview with “The Nation that the kidnappers are preventing a man from
writing about their concerns. She was explicated that Peal was working to bridge the
cultures to facilitate true solutions to the in the world. Daniel Pearl had made trips to
the Russia, China and Europe in his early stage of career. In 1996, Pear was
allocated to the London bureau and then in 1999 to Paris. He worked out a range of
topics, including the story of Stradivarius. The most notable investigation was his
covering of the Balkan’s and genocide in Kosovo. He also investigated the U.S’s
attack in Khartoum. Danny came from Mumbai to Karachi. According to the “The
Guardian”, Pearl was working on al Qaeda network in Karachi. The report says that
Mr. Pearl was killed after the instruction of Khalid Sheikh. Ahmad Omar Saeed
Sheikh was sentenced to death by anti-terrorism court while three of his partners in
crime imprisoned for life. But the fact is still unclear as affirmed by a Wall Street
Journal’s correspondent "Everything we know from before and after Danny's murder
indicates his reporting effort focused on Richard Reid." And that the appeals of
Danny’s wife revealed the causes of his killing as his investigative approaches.
Despite of Danny’s ambition, ethnicity and origin, the grounds behind his death was
his reporting as a journalist. The current position of the case is that the main accused
Ahmad Omar Saeed Sheikh is behind the bars in Karachi Central Jail [Prison] and
under the life imprisonment which is 25 years in accordance to the law (BBC, 2002;
CPJ 2002; Saulino, 2011).

Shahid Somroo: Correspondent of Sindhi newspaper daily “Kawish” publishing from

Hyderabad Shahid Somroo was assassinated outside his house in Kandhkot, on
October 21, 2002. Soomro’s killing spread anger among Journalists allover the
province (Dawn, October 22, 2002). According to Pakistan Christian Post, Shahid
Soomro was killed for his stories of rigging in the general election. The reason
behind his murder was his reporting on the abuses in general elections. The younger
brother of the late journalist, Mr Aziz filed a case against the slaughterers Wahid Ali
Bijarani, Muhammad Ali Bijarani and Muhammad Saddiq. All the three killers had
fled after they shot Shahid Soomro dead in his home. Mr. Aziz witnessed the crime.

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The criminals were arrested on October 24, 2002 by the Sindh police but not
charged (CPJ, 2002). Daily Kawish is famous for objective and critical reporting
under the editorship of Ali Kazi and is the most influential paper in Sindh province.
The late reporter had also reputation for his courage and independent reporting. On
the other hand the murderers belong to the powerful Bijarani family in affiliation with
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) which is the no sharing political giant in Sindh. In the
general elections on October 10, 2002, the third brother of killers Mir Mehboob
Bijarani won the seat for Provincial Assembly and their uncle Mir Hazar Khan
Bijarani was elected Member of National Assembly. The battle and field is clear in
the legacy of exercise of power and the proceedings of case. In due itinerary, the
killers were arrested and had admitted the murder but as the commiters were
influential feudal lords and they were not punished. Illahi Bux Soomro with 30 feudal
lords went to the affected family and got signature on the paper proving pardon of
the murders of Shahid Soomro who were later exonerated by anti-terrorist court
(PCP, 2002).

Fazal Wahab: Fazal Wahab was shot dead by four unknown assailants in Mangora
Swat Khyber Pakhtoon Khwa (NWFP) on January 21, 2003 while he was sitting in
front of a shop in his home town. The shopkeeper and his assistant also got bullets
and died on spot. Police entered the case and reportedly started inquiring the
incident but as usual in such cases in Pakistan no progress is still reported. Fazal
Wahab worked as a free lance and had published several books in his National
language Urdu and Mother tong Pashtu. One of his book Mulla ka Kirdar (The
Mulla’s Role) was published in 2000, while the other “Osama Bin Laden and the
Taliban” was completed in 2002 but was a manuscript. His book had aroused the
anger of local clergy and the Islamist organizations. The book “Mulla ka Kirdar” was
banned amid protest, where the clergy declared him a Kafar (non- believer). Swat
was a centre of Taliban and the militants at that time. Fazal Wahab had received life
threats for many times but no security was provided. Event after his murder the case
was not taken seriously. According to “Infex”, Pakistan’s Human Rights Commission
had start on a investigation on it own accord into Wahab’s murder and that the
organization found that police had taken no action to find the killers or to protect the
berieved family.

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Sajid Tanoli: Reporter for daily “Shumal” Sajid Tanoli was killed on January 29,
2004 in Mansehra Khyber Pakhtoon Khwa (NWFP) supposedly by the Nazim (Local
Government Representative) of Union Council No.3 Mansehra. Sajid had received
four bullets, two on head, one on neck and one on his chest that expose the intention
of the assailants. Ali Asghar, a brother of the deceased Journalist registered a case
against the nazim Khalid Javid in the Model Police Station Mansehra city. He alleged
that Khalid was engaged in the business of liquor and that his brother had uncovered
his business filing report which was published by daily Shumal. He also suspected
that Khalid Javid, his brother Mubarak and son Osama had been threaten Saijd
Tanoli for publishing investigative report. According to police, the car, property of the
accused nazim Khalid Javid was found near the murder scene. Local journalists
condemned the murder of Sajid and set a 24-hour deadline for the arrest of the
accused. According to CPJ, police filed murder charges against Khalid Javid and
prompted him to flee and even after the return of murderer, the charges were not
revived. Christopher Warren, the then president of IFJ condemned the killing of
Tanoli and said that the act of local government representative is above the law.
According to IFJ, Tanoli had named Javed in an article that he was involved in the
business of liquor. Javed had filed a suit of libel against the daily Shumal in which
the repot was published. Reporters without Borders, condemned the murder of
Tanoli after his story against the liquor trafficking. The organization also accused the
federal authorities of sustaining a climate of violence against the press that increases
the risks for journalists who are constantly under pressure from politicians and local
elites. The Director General of UNESCO, Koïchiro Matsuura condemned the killing
of Sajid Tanoli. He said that the killing of was tragic and an illustration of the clash of
interests between crimes and press freedom. He further said that the media should
be allowed to do its work freely and that those resorting to violence to muzzle the
press be brought to justice and punished. He asked the authorities of Pakistan to
arrest the killer.(CPJ, 2004; Dawn, January30, 2004; IFJ, 2004; RSF, 2004;
UNESCO, 2004).

Amir Nawab: Amir Nawab, a correspondent of daily “The Nation” and Allah Noor
Wazir of AVT Khyber were shot dead by unknown masked men in Wana on
February 7, 2005. Amir Nawab and Allah Noor were back on the way after covering
a peace agreement between Baitullah Mehsud, leader of Taliban and the law

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enforcement agencies there in Sararogha. The masked men opened fire on the
vehicle carrying the journalists. As a result four journalists Allah Noor Wazir, Amir
Nawab, Anwar Shakir of AFP and Dilawar Khan of Al-Jazeera were badly injured.
They were rushed to nearby hospital but Nawab and Wazir succumbed to their
injuries. The killers fired with AK-47 assault rifles and they fled with no fear to be
caught. Militant group Sipah-e-Islam (Soldiers of Islam) claimed responsibilities
faxed a letter English newspapers “The News”. In their letter they It accused the
journalists of “working for Christians” and of “being used as tools in negative
propaganda against the Muslim mujahideen”. In this regard further CPJ reports that
journalists were blaming officials for not doing more when journalists were killed.
Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao said that that was an act of terrorism aimed at
sabotaging the government’s efforts regarding peace. The then Governor of Khyber
Pakhtoon Khwa (NWFP) Iftikhar Hussain Shah said that the government would get
rid of the miscreants with the help of the tribal groups. Khan and Wazir were known
for their objective stories. Both had had suffered several times. The footage made by
Khan was used for several times by APTN for its reports on the Pakistani Army’s
offensive against the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. This makes clear that they were
targeted. The deaths revived fear within the journalists in tribal areas. Lt.Gen. Safdar
Hussain, the head of the then military’s operation promised in a meeting with the
delegators of the Tribal Union of Journalist (TUJ) on February 12, 2005, that the
killers would be arrested. But no arrest or nominations has been made till the day
(Dawn, February 08, 2005; CPJ, 2005; RSF, 2005).

Munir Ahmed Sangi: Munir Ahmed Sangi, cameraman for Sindhi Language
Television KTN (Kawish Television Network), was shot dead on May 29, 2006, while
recording a gun battle between two tribes Unnar and Abro in out skirts of Larkana.
According to his colleagues Sangi was targeted deliberately for the station’s
reporting on Jirga. The uncle of deceased journalist was already attacked in this
connection. Police said that Sangi was killed in crossfire. Sangi had received threats
from the then provincial minister Altaf Hussain Unnar in connection with his covering
of alleged abuses. The provincial government arrested four men and suspended
three police officials after Sangi’s death. Altaf Hussain Anr was an exemption. None
of the said arrested men was brought to trial. According to CPJ, Resham Sangi, wife
of deceased journalist received threats even after the killing of her husband. The

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then Sindh Minister Dr.Arbab Ghulam Rahim suspended surgeon of CMCM Hospital
DR. Abdul Karim Bozdar and Medico Legal Officer Dr. Akhtar Daiyo for negligence
in discharge of their duties in connection with the photojournalist Munir Ahmad
Sangi. The chief minister silenced the bereaved family by promising the arrest of
culprits, announcing three lacks rupees for the family, providing government job to a
relative of the deceased and the allotment of a piece of land. According to daily “The
News”, after his promises and condolence of the death of Sangi and meeting with
the bereaved family, the Chief Minister went to meet the land lord Altaf Hussain
Unnar who had reportedly threatened the killed journalist. The journalist community
was consoled by naming the Journalist’s Society in the name of Sangi. Deploring the
killing of Munir Sangi, the then Director General of UNESCO, Koïchiro Matsuura told
that understanding the respect of mediapersons is necessary for all armed groups in
conflict zones. Further he said that Sangi would likely be targeted due to his report
on Jirga of Unnar tribe where the elders ruled on the punishment of two children
(Dawn, May 30, 2006; CPJ, 2006; The News, June 08, 2006; UNESCO, 2006).

Hayatullah: Body of the freelance Hayatullah was found on June 16, 2006 in Miran
Shah; headquarter of tribal area North Waziristan. He was abducted on December 5,
2005. Hyatullah was working as a reporter for Peshawar based Urdu daily “Ausaf”
and English language daily “The Nation” and as photographer for European Press
photo Agency (EPA). Hayatullah was abducted by five persons from Miran Shah
where his younger brother Ehsanullah was present but powerless. Hayatullah had
photographed the bits and pieces missile which was said to strike a house in Miran
Shah on December 1, 2005. In the incident senior Al-Qaeda figure Hamza Rabia
was claimed to kill. The photographs were disseminated by EPA. The pictures
created contradiction on the part of Pakistani government’s statement about the
killing of Rabia. At the same time the fragments in the pictures were indetified as part
of American’s Hellfire missile. Hayatullah Khan had also received threats for his
journalistic works. During his 6 month disappearance, government officials presented
odd accounts of his location to his family for several times. On June 16, when
villagers found his dead body and brought to hospital, the doctors told that he had 5
or 6 wounds caused by bullets and one of his hands had been chain up signs.
According to BBC, about the handcuffs his brother Ehsanullah told that they were of
the type usually used by security force. But the Pakistani ambassador in USA

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dismissed and said the cufdfs could have been planted to incriminate the
government. Haytullah would be harshly tortured before his murder as he had lost a
lot of weight. On November 16, the widow of Hayatullah Khan was killed by a planted
bomb next her bedroom outside her home in Mir Ali in North Waziristan. She was a
school teacher and was active to find the killers of her husband. In an interview with
daily “The Times” his wife had confessed that Hayatullah had told her about the
threats to his life and had named individuals who would know he had been killed and
that would be the cause behind her killing. According to Reporters without Borders,
Ehsanullah, the younger brother of Hayaullah said that he wants the government to
protect Hayatullah’s children, who are afraid of being the victim of a new attack after
their mother was killed in a bombing. The children of deceased Journalist were five
in number and all under ten in age at the time. Investigation of kidnapping and killing
of Hayatullah was conducted by High Court’s justice Muhammad Raza Khan and
report was submitted to the authorities on August 18, 2006 but that has not been
published till the day. According to Reporters without Borders, authorities have two
other investigation reports on the murder but none of them has been published.
According to Wikipedia, Hayatullah Khan wrote extensively on Al-Qaeda and on
heavy fight among tribes in Waziristan.(CPJ, 2006; RSF, 2006; BBC, 2006).

Hayatullah: Noor Hakeem correspondent for English language newspaper “Daily

Pakistan” and vice president of the Tribal Union of Journalists was killed by a
roadside bomb blast in Dara Khar area of Bajaur Agency on June 2, 2007. Along
with the journalist, the tribal chief Nazukai Salarzai, Malik Muhammad Ayaz and his
son Muhammad Pervez and political tesildar Wisal Khan and constable Hassan
Muhammad were also killed. All the five victims died on the spot. The bomb was an
improvised remote control bomb and the vehicle in convoy was on third position,
which affirms the attack was targeted. They were back to Khar, headquarter of
Bajaur agency after covering the demolition of a house in Mallsaid Banda in Salarzai
tehsil, belonging to the perpetrator of a February car bombing that had killed Dr.
Abdul Ghani Khan, the agency’s topmost surgeon. The case went in darks behind
the unknown (Dawn, June 03, 2007; CPJ, 2007).

Mehboob Khan a freelance photographer lost his life in suicide attack in District
Charssadda of Khyber Pakhtoon Khwa (NWFP) on April 28, 2007. The blast killed 28

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persons and a number injured. The target was the then home minister Aftab Ahmad
Khan Sherpao. Three other journalists were injured in the incident (CPJ, 2007).

Javed Khan: The photographer of daily “Markaz” Javed Khan was shot bullets in the
chest and neck while caught in crossfire between security forces and the students of
Lal Masjid in Islamabad on January 3, 2007. Javed was also working for U.K-based
DM Digital TV as a cameraman. According to daily Business Recorder Javed Khan
was working as photographer for local newspaper who was killed in front of the
Ministry of Environment building, in the firing four other photographer were seriously
injured. Cameraman for CNBC, Israr Khan got three bullets and was treated at Shifa
Hospital (BR, July 04, 2007; CPJ, 2007).

Muhammad Arif: On October 19, 2007, Muhammad Arif was killed in bombings
during a rally held to celebrate the homecoming of the chairperson of Pakistan
People’s Party, Benazir Bhutto in Karachi Sindh. Muhammad Arif was working as a
cameraman for “ARY” TV channel and at the time was working on the assignment to
cover the event. More than 135 other people were killed in the bombing. The two
bomb blasts that occurred just midnight also injured several number journalists
including Rashid Ali Panhwar, reporter for Electronic News Gathering (ENG) service
for the Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), Talay Anjum, cameraman with” Apna”
TV and Syed Athar Hussain, photographer for the daily “Jurrat” . The case and
investigation ended with condemnation from the then president Parvez Musharraf of
Pakistan and others. Musharraf promised that the government would track down and
punish those responsible (CPJ, 2007; PPF, 2007).

Zubair Ahmad Mujahid: Zubair Ahmad Mujahid, bureau chief of daily “Jang” in
Mirpurkhas was shot dead in the limits of Satellite town police, on November 23,
2007, while traveling on motorcycle with another journalist Wahid pehalwani,
associated with daily “Kainat” in Mirpur Khas (Sindh). He was targeted by unknown
killers, riding on a motorcycle. As per the requirement of his regular column Jurm o
Saza (Crime and punishment), Mujahid was known for his critical writing on issues
like the mistreatmenst with poor by landlords and police. His articles had led to
arrests and suspensions of police officers. According his son Salman Mujahid, his
father had received death threats from the then District police Officer Abdullah
Sheikh, once the deceased, Mujahid was arrested on the directions of Abdullah

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Sheikh and he and his friends were being threatened. Mujahid had told his wife to
register the complaint against DPO if he was killed as he had sensed the threats to
his life before his murder. According to South Asia Plus, Ahmad Mujahid was
believed to be killed after his report published in daily Jang on June 6, 2007, where
he had explored the bonded labour and private torture cells, allegedly run by
landlords with the support of police. The main issue was the torture of two brothers,
Noor Muhammad and Nangar Keerio by Station House Officer, Assistant
Superintendent Police and their driver in Mirpurkhas. According to Reporters without
Borders, the brother of deceased journalist said that they have no enmity or conflict
and that his brother was killed due to his writings about the poor’s and that he was
killed by the influential people. The case was filed by his brother Iftikhar Arain, ateam
of six members, supervised by Sub-Divisional Police Officer Atta Muhammad
Nizamani was investigating the killing but according to Pakistan Press Foundation,
no fruitful results had been seen. Director General of UNESCO Koïchiro Matsuura
condemns the murder of Zubair Ahmad Mujahid and he declared that by killing
Mujahid a voice to the poor was silenced. The director said that the media
environment in Pakistan not favourable and sfae for journalists so that the
authourities workto assure freedom of expression. According to daily Express tribune
no arrest had been made to date (CPJ, 2007; SAP, 2007; Dawn, November 26,
2007; RSF, 2007; UNESCO, 2007; Tribune, 2007).

Abdus Samad Chishti Mujahid: Dr.Abdus Samad Chishti Mujahid, senior columnist
and photojournalist was killed by gunmen in the Satellite town in Quetta
(Baluchistan) on Februry 9, 2008. Chishti mujahid was writing for weekly “Akhbar-e-
Jahan”. On the morning of February 9, he came out of his house with his wife to go
the hospital. When they approached the van, a young gunman opened fire at him.
Mujahid received two bullets on chest, he was taken to a hospital but he succumbed
to injuries and died. The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) claimed responsibility for his
murder. According to CPJ and Dawn, the spokesman of BLA Meerak Baloch phoned
to the Quetta Press Club and admitted the killing, saying that Dr. Chishti Mujahid had
been killed because he was reporting against Baloch cause. Doctor Mujahid was
ethnically Punjabi and had received threats for writing about the murder of Balach
Marri, the Baloch Separatist leader in November 2007. According to Pakistan Press
foundation, police took 90 minutes to go to the spot. Senior journalist Mazhar Abbas,

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who wrote in an article for the “Express Tribune”, declared that Chishti Mujahid was
killed for his journalistic work and that was his article published in weekly Akhbar-e-
Jehan about the BLA’s leader Mir Balach Mari. He said that was for the first time that
an organized group admitted responsibility of murdering a journalist. According to
daily “Pakistan Tribune”, police shifted the dead body to the civil hospital and
initiated investigation. The then acting Chairman of Senate Jan Muhammad Jamali
visited the bereaved family and prayed, Allah rest his soul in eternal peace and grant
patience to the members of the family. That was the start and the case went into the
dark tunnel as others of this kind (Dawn, Februry 10, 2008; CPJ, 2008i; PPF, 2008;
Tribune, 2008).

Sirajuddin: Senior journalist Sirajuddin, correspondent for daily “The News”, lost his
life in a suicide attack in Migora Swat while covering the funeral prayer of a slain
Deputy Superintendent of Police Javed Iqbal on February 29, 2008. As a result of
the bombing 70 people died, including 5 members of the family of the slain Journalist
and more than seventy were injured, 3 of them were journalists covering the event.
No organization claimed responsibility for the killings. No investigation was
channeled to reach the killers. In 2012, after four years of his death, Sirajuddin was
named for the President’s Award for Pride of Performance (CPJ, 2008; JP, 2008).

Muhammad Ibrahim, representative of “Express TV” in Khar , the headquarter of

Bajaur Agency, was shot dead by unknown motorcyclists on May 22, 2008, when he
was back to home after interviewing the spokesman of Tliban Maulavi Omar in the
area. According to CPJ report, the assailants took the footage along with them after
killing the Journalist. The cause of his murder was the content of interview with
Talban’s spokesman. No one was arrested as the case was put on the part of
unknowns (CPJ, 2008).

Abdul Aziz Shaheen: Abdul Aziz Shaheen, reporter for local daily newspaper
“Azadi” and “Khabarkar” in Swat was killed on August 29, 2008, in an attack by
jetfighter on the Taliban hideout in the area, where Shaheen was being held by
Taliban after kidnapping him. Shaheen was kidnapped from Peuchar area of Tehsil
Matta in Swat, where his car was set on fire earlier, he was investigating that. This
was admitted by the Taliban spokesman Muslim Khan, according to Pakistan Press
Foundation, after the attack on Taliban hideout in the area. Muslim khan said that

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Shaheen was among the 20 people killed an air attack. Shaheen was famous for his
bravery and objective reporting that had earned the anger of local Taliban (CPJ,
2008; PPF, 2008).

Abdul Razzaq Johra: On November 03, 2008, journalist Abdul Razzaq Johra was
killed. The journalist was dragged from his home in Mianwali district of Punjab, by six
masked armed men and shot him dead. He was reporting for “Royal TV” and a day
before his murder, a report about drug trafficking in his area was on aired. According
to the Reporters without Borders, Johara had previously worked on several cases
involving drug trafficking in his area and that he had received threats for several
times, police said that local drug smugglers were suspected of killing, they have
arrested several but other remaining, to reach the killers.CPJ quoted local journalist
saying that police took no evident steps to investigate the murder. The Director of
UNESCO, Koïchiro Matsuura condemned and said that Abdul Razzak Johra was
reporting on crime and became the cause of his murder which makes direct
associations between press freedom and rule of law (RSF, 2008; CPJ, 2008;
UNESCO, 2008).

Muhammad Imran: Muhammad Imran, a cameraman for the Urdu language TV

channel “Express” and Tahir, a freelance reporter for newspapers “Eitedal” and
“Apna Akhbar”, lost their lives in a bomb blast on January 4, 2009 in Dera Ismail
Khan,Khyber PakhtoonKhwa( the then NWFP). On January 4, a hand grenade was
thrown in front of Polytechnic College, where the paramilitary force Frontier Corps
(FC) had established a check post for security concerns during Muharram. After the
explosion, police and forensic officers along with the journalists came to examine the
site. When people gathered, who were on the target, the suicide bomber exploded
with 10 to15 kilogram materials killing 10 people including four policemen and two
journalists, Imran and Tahir while 28 people were injured. After the attack, patrolling
was enhanced in the city but that proved fruitless as fatal to such incidents. The
bomber was aged 15 to 18. Later, the ambulance transporting the wounded to
hospital, was fired by unknown gunmen, wounding two relatives of the victim and the
driver (CPJ, 2009; Dawn, January 04, 2009).

Musa Khankhel: Musa Khankhel, reporter for “Geo TV” was kidnapped and killed
while covering a celebration march led by Sufi Muhammad, father-in-law of Taliban

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leader Maulana Fazlullah, as a truce between Taliban (the Sufi Muhammad group)
and the government in Matta Tehsil of Swat, Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa on Februry 18,
2009. According to CPJ and the New York Times, quoting Imran Aslam the president
of Geo TV, Azhar Abbas, Geo’s Managing Director and Hamid Mir, supervisor of the
Geo team for the event, saying Musa Khankhel disappeared from the four member
reporting team during the rally organized by local Taliban and after that his body was
found in Matta. He suffered gunshot wounds to the trunk and back of the head.
Hamid Mir said that he had called him before he was kidnapped, telling about life
threats to him. His brother talking to BBC, saying his brother Musa Khankhel was
abducted from peace march by gunpoint and then his hands and feet were bound
when his body was discovered. The case was blinded and listed in unknowns (NY,
2009; CPJ, 2009; BBC, 2009).

Janullah Hashimzada: Janullah Hashimzada, Bureau chief for Afghan TV

“Shamshad” in Peshawar, was killed in the Tribal Area Khyber Agency, at
SoorKaram near Jamrud on LandiKotal road on August 24, 2009. Janullah was
traveling in a public minibus along with his colleague, Ali Khan, four unidentified
gunmen opened fire on the journalist, killing him and injuring his colleague.
According to report published in newspaper daily “Dawn”, Janullah was targeted
from very close. Khasadar force personnel took him to Jamrud civil hospital from
where his relatives took his body to Afghanistan. Janullah had started his career as a
reporter for the Peshawar-based Pashto language newspaper “Wahdat”. He had
also worked for daily “Sahar” and “Pazhwak, news agency of Afghanistan.
Sometimes he had reported for Arabic TV Al-Arabia. At the time of murder, he was
serving “Shamshad TV” as a bureau chief in Peshawar. According to CPJ, Janullah
was killed for his critical reporting about Taliban. Janullah had received threats four
week ago to leave Peshawar and not to report Taliban and Al-Qaeda. BBC reported
that Janullah was coming from Afghanistan while he was shot dead. No one
admitted his killing and the case closed paving way to no investigation (Dawn,
August 25, 2009; CPJ, 2009; BBC, 2009).

Malik Arif: Malik Arif, camera man for Samma TV lost his life in a suicide attack in a
local hospital in Quetta (Baluchistan) on April 16, 2010. Five journalists were injured
in the attack along with other people while 8 civilians died in bombing. Arif along with
other journalists was covering the demonstration of Shiite Muslims they had staged

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after the killing of a prominent bank manager belonging to their sect. in Quetta.
Investigation did not forward as the incident was put behind sectarian clashes (CPJ,
2010).

Azmat Ali Bangash: Azmat Ali Bangash, a cameraman for Samma TV lost his life in
suicide attack in Tribal Area of Orakzai Agency on April 17, 2010 where he was
covering the food distribution in a refugee camp. He was the second journalist killed
in suicide blast the same year, belonging to Samaa TV. Proclaimed terrorist group
Lashkar-e-jhangavi claimed the responsibility of attack. According to CNN, in the
said attack, 41 people died including the journalist of Samaa TV Mr. Azmat Ali
Bangash. The spokesman of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi Al Almi, Umar called CNN and
admitted the responsibility of attacks. He told that the attack was retaliation for recent
Sunni conversions (CPJ, 2010; CNN, 2010).

Ghulam Rasool Birhamani: Ghulam Rasool Birhamani, reporter for Daily Sindhu
Hyderabad, was killed on May 9, 2010 in Wahi pandhi near Hyderabad (Sindh). He
was kidnapped a day earlier from his hometown. According to CPJ and Dawn
reports, Birhamani was killed for his story of an illegal marriage between a 12 years
old girl Najama Lashari with a 22 years old guy Mumtaz Lashari arranged ethnically.
Police lodged a case in this respect against five accused including Akbar Lashari,
Aziz Lashari and three unidentified persons on the complaint of Shah Muhammad
Birhamani, the cousin of the slain journalist. He was reportedly threatened by the
members of Lashari tribe of the area. Journalist staged strong protest for the early
arrest of killers, they told that the feudal lords were trying to dominate and the
journalists had to bear the major brunt because of poor situation of law and order.
Police arrested two of the accused, Aziz lashari and Akbar Lashari. The accused
Aziz Lashari admitted the murder. According to a report, published in Dawn, on June
4. 2010, three accused were arrested but the relatives of the slain journalist are not
satisfied. The remaining two undisclosed accused in the murder are approaching the
bereaved family for negotiations. According to a report published in daily Express
Tribune on June 3, 2011, investigation in the case of slain journalist Ghulam Rasool
Birhamani could not be furthered because of the involvement of local feudal lords
(Dawn, May 14, 2010; CPJ, 2010; Tribube, June 3, 2011).

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Ejazul Haq: Ejazul Haq, reporter for City-42 TV was shot dead on May 28, 2010,
while live reporting on mobile phone from the scene of firing, where a grenade attack
was going on the mosque of Ahmadi sec. in Model Town Lahore. According to his
colleagues a bullet struck him coming from unseen side and he fell dead. Police
detained a suicide bomber from the site and the other terrorist was found seriously
injured in cross firing who succumbed the injuries and died (CNN, 2010; CPJ, 2010).

Misri Khan: Misri Khan, a report for daily “Ausaf”, lost his life in a suicide bombing in
Hongu Khyber PakhtoonKhwa) on September 14, 2010. Misri was president of the
Hangu union of Journalists. He also reported for daily Mashriq and had founded a
news agency in the name of Misri Khan News Agency. At the time of his murder, he
was waiting newspapers outside press club in Hangu. According to daily “The
News”, unidentified gunmen opened fire on Misri Khan. The assailant escaped after
hitting him. He was rushed to hospital but he died due to injuries in the heart. Case
was registered against unknown killers. According to Farooq, the son of the slain
journalist Misri khan, his father was being threating but he was brave saying that he
would not budge from reporting the truth. He said that the murder of his father was a
result of his reporting. Some miscreants were unhappy with his reporting and the
office of his agency “Misri Khan News Agency was burnt for four times before his
murder. The then spokesman of Tliban Ehsanullah Ihsan claimed the responsibilities
of his murder, saying we killed him for twisting the facts (The News, September 15,
2010; CPJ; 2010).

Abdul Wahab: Abdul Wahab, a reporter for “Express News” and Pervez, a reporter
and cameraman for “Waqt TV” lost their lives in twin suicide bombing in Tribal Area
Momand Agency’s headquarter Ghalanai on December 6, 2010. They were covering
a grand meeting discussing the formation of Anti-Taliban militia. More than 40 people
were killed and more than hundred injured including Tribal elders and government
officials. Taliban claimed the responsibility of killings. According to BBC, Taliban
were active in Mohmand Agency under the strong leadership of Umar Khalid who
was providing sanctuary to Al-Qaeda and Taliban leaders as they fled after
operations by the Army (BBC, December 6, 2010; CPJ, 2010; Dawn, December 7,
2010).

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Wali Khan Baber: Wali Khan Baber, reporter for “Geo TV” was shot dead on
January 13, 2011 in Liaqatabad Karachi. Wali Babar was on the way home from his
office when two assailants stopped the car and opened fire on him. The killers shot
him 6 bullets, five in head and one in the neck and flew away. According to CPJ,
Wali’s murder was prompted by his aggressive reporting on violent political turf wars,
extortion, target killings, electricity theft and land grabbing in Karachi. According to
CPJ, 17 people were involved in the murder of Wali Khan. The joint Investigation
Team described, the plot was organized by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement
(MQM).Report said that the order of killing was given by Murtaza, a South Afriqa-
based MQM operative. Police Arrested five suspected in April 2011, saying
additional are at large. The case of Wali Khan proved bloody, following 5 killings
related. According to “Express Tribune”, two policemen, constable Arshad Kundiand
and Asif Rafiq, a police officer’s brother Naveed Khan and one informer, Rajab Ali
Bengali, linked have been methodically targeted in the investigation of Wali khan
Baber’s case, over four months. The most terrible aspect was that the Karachi Police
Chief Saud Mirza admitted in a press conference that there were threats to the lives
of investigators in the case. A report of the Express Tribune, published on April 9,
2011, quoted the investigative officer of the case Noor Sabir saying that at least 12
people are involved in the killing of Wali Baber. He said that detained men are
Muhammad Sharukh Khan, Faisal Muhammad, Muhammad Shakeel, Syed Tahir
Naveed and Muhammad Ali Rizvi while Faisal alias Mota, Asad, Nasir, Kamran and
Saeed alias Commando are absconding. The special Anti-Terrorist Court convicted 6
defendants on March 3, 2014, for their role in the murder of Wali Khan Baber.
Neveed Polka, Muhammad Ali Rizvi, Faisal Mehmood and Shahrukh Khan were
sentenced to life imprisonment while Kamran alias Zeeshan and Faisal alias Mota
were awarded death penalty. According to a report published in daily “The News” on
August 17, 2017, Sindh High Court overturned the death sentence of Faisal alias
Mota and order a retrial by the lower court, he was detained on March 10, 2015
during a raid on Nine Zero, the head quarter of MQM in Karachi (CPJ, 2011; Tribune,
April 16, 2011).

Nasrullah Khan Afridi: Nasrullah Khan Afridi, a reporter for daily “Mashraq” was
killed when remote controlled grenade was blown that ripped his car in the parking
area of Khyber Super market in Peshawar Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa on May 10, 2011.

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The unknown assailants detonated the explosive when, Nasrullah came out of the
office of the Tribal Union of Journalists and reached his car, as they were present in
the area watching him. He was a regular visitor of the place as he was the president
of the Khyber Unit of TUJ at the time. According to” Dawn”, Nasrullah belonged to
the Shalobar clan of Bara (Tribal area adjacent to Peshawar). After the blast, the
then Provincial Information Minister Mian Iftikhar Hussain visited the spot and said
that the militants have killed the journalist, and that their war against militancy would
continue and that was his resolve to eliminate militants as they were killing innocent
citizens. According to CPJ, in May 2006, unidentified assailants had thrown tow
grenades in the house of Nasrullah Khan and that he was being threatened by the
miscreants continuously. For that he leaved his home town and was shifted to
Peshawar. Nasrullah khan and the journalist’s union had requested security for him
but no measure were taken in that connection. Nasrullah Khan Afridi was openly
threatened on a private Radio run by Lashkar-e-Islam in Bara, after Afridi reported
that the authorities suspected Lashkar-e-Islam of being responsible for an attack in
which a paramilitary soldier was injured. His case did not get proceeding as the
assailants were unknown and could not be followed as usual in such cases (Dawn,
May 11, 2011; CPJ, 2011).

Saleem Shahzad: Saleem Shahzad, who was working for Italian news agency,
Adnkronos (AKI) and as a Bureau chief for online news site “Asia Times”, registered
in Hong Kong, was missing on May 30, 2011 but his dead body was found the other
day. On the day he was abducted, he had left his home in Islamabad to participate in
a television talk show. The dead body was found in Mandi Bahauddin and his car
was there in Sarai Alamgir, some 150 kilometer away from Islamabad. According to
daily “Dawn”, Saleem Shahzad missing when he published investigative news in
Ashia Times Online about the involment of Al-qaeda in an attack on naval air base in
links with the arrest of naval officials on doubt of Al-Qaeda relations. “Dawn” quoted
the senior South Asia researcher Ali Dayan Hasan saying “The other day he [Saleem
Shahzad] visited our office and informed us that ISI (Inter Services Intelligence) had
threatened him. He told us that if anything happened to him, we should inform the
media about the situation and threats.” The naval base was attacked on May 22,
2011, which took 17 hours to fend off. Taliban claimed the attack saying, “That was a
revenge of US killing of Osama Bin Laden.”. Saleem Shahzad was kidnapped by

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Taliban in Helmand Province of Afghanistan for being a spy but was released after
seven days in 2006. According to the annual report for the U.S. State Department,
Saleem Shahzad was tortured before his murder and that some NGOs and others
observers suspected that government was involved. According to CPJ, the release
of his book “Inside Taliban and Al-Qaeda” followed the death of Shahzad. The
judicial inquiry concluded in January 2012 that the perpetrators were unknown.
According to BBC report of July 8, 2011, the ISI denied an involvement in the murder
of Saleem Shahzad (Dawn, May 31, 2011; CPJ 2011; U.S. report, 2010; BBC, July
8, 2011).

Saleem Shahzad: Asfandyar Khan, a reporter for the newspaper “Akhbar-e-Khyber”,

was killed in a double bombing on June 11, 2011 in Peshawar, Khyber
Pakhtoonkhwa. Shafiullah Khan, a trainee reporter at daily “The News” lost his life
after sex days; he was injured in the blasts. According to CPJ, the attacks took place
near the city centre and that was a place were the media outlets have their offices
but that could not be cleared that the target was the journalists. No one claim the
responsibility of killings and the case went into darks behind condemnations.
According to “The Guardian” the blast took place in Super market that injured five
other journalists and killing two [ Asfandyar and Shafiullah] (Guardian, 2011; CPJ,
2011).

Faisal Qurishi: Faisal Qurishi, editor of “The London Post”, was found dead at his
house in Lahore on October 7, 2011. Qurishi’s throat was cut and there were signs
of torture on his body. According to CPJ, the killers took his laptop and cell phone
along with. Qurishi was editing the paper “London Post” that was popular for criticism
on the Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and its leader Altaf Hussain. Qurishi had
written a series of articles in that connection. CPJ quoted Shahid, the brother of the
slain journalist, saying that he and his late brother had received threats from MQM.
According to daily “Express Tribune”, police registered case against unidentified
culprits in Johar Town Police Station and then arrested Faisal Hameed, a Childhood
friend of Qurishi in December 2011, alleging monetary motives. According to daily
Dawn’s report, the motives were unclear and the elder brother of Faisal Qurishi
named no one to be identified. According to a press release from CIA (Criminal
Investigation Agency) published in daily “Express Tribune” on December 9, 2011,
arrested culprit in the case, Faisal Hameed Qurishi admitted the murder as due to

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monetary motives and that the stolen laptop and two mobile were recovered.
According to the “The London Post”, the court of Additional Session Judge Saeed
acquitted Faisal Hameed from the charges of murdering journalist Faisal Qurishi on
April 12, 2016. Dr. Shahid qurishi, the brother of the slain journalist demanded from
the chief minister of Punjab Shahbaz Sharifi and the then Interior Minister Chaudhri
Nisar to re-investigate the case of the murder of his brother but till the day no further
results were found (Dawn, October 8, 2011; Tribune, April 12, 2016; CPJ, 2016;
London Post April, 12, 2016).

Javed Naseer Rind: Javed Naseer Rind, a sub-editor for daily “Tawar” was killed in
Khuzdar (Baluchistan). His body was found on November 5, 2011, after two months
of his abduction by unknown culprits. He was shot multiple times in the head and
chest and was tortured before his murder. According to CPJ, Javid Naseer Rind was
kidnapped from his home town Hub (Baluchistan) on September 11, 2011. Daily
Tawar was popular for covering the conflicts between government and the
Separatists, Baloch National Movement while Rind had relations with Separatists
and was active in the movement. The case remained blind behind unknowns (Dawn,
Novembwr 05, 2011; CPJ, 2011).

Mukaram Khan Aatif: Mukaram Khan Aatif, a reporter for the U.S. funded radio
“Voice of America”, was killed at a mosque in Shabqadar, a town in the Tribal Area
of Mohman Agency adjacent to District Charssadda, Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa on
Janury 17, 2012. The assailants shot him multiple times before fleeing on
motorcycle. The injured journalist and the imam of the mosque were rushed to
Peshawar Lady Reading hospital where Aatif succumbed to his injuries. Taliban
spokesman Ehsanullah Ihsan took responsibility of killing of the journalist saying
“Aatif had been warned a number of times to stop Anti-Taliban reporting but he didn’t
do so, He finally met his fate”. According to CPJ, Aatif was killed after his report for
“Deewa Radio” covering the U.S.-led NATO forces attack on Pakistani Army check
post at Salal in November 2011. Aatif had told his friends before his murder that he
had received threats from intelligence agencies but a Pakistani security official said
that the speculations were unsubstantial as reported by CPJ. According to BBC’s
repot of January 18, 2012, the militants had threatened him for not conveying the
Taliban‘s point of view. The case and investigation ended the claims after the
responsibility of killing was admitted by Taliban. In an article, published in daily

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“Dawn” on February 01, 2012, Syed Irfan Ashraf, says that Mukaram Khan had
received threats and after that he had shifted home to settle area from the Tribal to
get safety but the killers did not left him to be safe (CPJ, 2012; BBC, January 18,
2012).

Razzaq Gul: Razzaq Gul, a reporter for “Express News” TV in Turbat, was
kidnapped from his home town Tubat (Baluchistan) on May 18, 2013 and the next
day his dead body was found. There were signs of torture on his body and bullet
wounds. According to CPJ, Razzaq Gul was associated to Baloch National
Movement and that he had received no the threats reportedly. No one admitted the
killing and no signs were there to be investigated. According to daily “Express
Tribune”, Razzaq Gul was associated with Express TV for 10 years as a district
correspondent from Turbat. Gul had received threats but he had not exposed. The
Acting Inspector General of police Baluchistan ordered inquiry into the murder but
no result were found while colleagues of the slain journalist did not open lips for
security reasons (CPJ, 2012; Tribune, May 19, 21, 2012).

Abdul Qadir Hajizai: Abdul Qadir Hajizai, a reporter for Wash TV, a Balochi langue
channel, and head master of middle school, was killed on May 28, 2012 in the Bisma
area of Washik district near Shamsi Air Field (Baluchistan). According to CPJ,
Baluch Liberation Front claimed responsibility for his killing, called him the
government informer and that made the case blind (CPJ, 2012).

Abdul Haq Baloch: Abdul Haq Baloch, a correspondent for ARY TV, was killed by
unidentified assailants when he was leaving Khuzdar Press Club for home on
September 29, 2012 in Khuzdar (Baluchistan).He was Secretary General of Khuzdar
Press Club at the time. According to CPJ, tensions with the Press had escalated
after the Baluchistan High Court barred news coverage of banned groups in October
2011.On one side journalists are bound by the law for not covering while on the
other, the militants and banned groups were threatening them to convey their point
of view. Daily “Dawn” in its reports, published on September 29 and October2, 2012,
said that Abdulq Haq baloch was injured when the assailants shot him and that he
lost life during treatment in the local hospital. He was the fifth journalist killed in
Baluchistan during a short span of time. Journalists lodged a protest in front of the
office of the Chief Minister. Leaders of the community said that government

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organizations, intelligence agencies, militant groups, political and religious parties
were exerting pressure on journalists to publish reports according to their willing and
in their interests and that the harassment and killing of Journalists was meant to
silence freedom of the press. According to a report of web news site “E Newspaper”,
issued on September 28, 2016, the killers of Abdulhaq Baloch are at large till the day
(CPJ, 2012).

Mushtaq Khand: Mushtaq Khand, a repoter for Dharti Television Network and
newspaper Mehran, was killed in Khairpur (Sindh) on Octoer 7, 2012, when fire was
opened by two rival groups during a rally of Pakistan People’s Party. Mushtaq Khand
was the President of Khairpur Press Club at the time. Three other journalists,
Mukhtiyar Phalpoto (correspondent for daily Awami Awaz), Faheem Mango
(Correspondent for daily NaunSij) and Allahdad Rind (freelancer) were injured in the
firing. According to “E Newspaper” police arrested the main accused Azizullh on
October 14, 2012 from Bahawalpur district of Punjab. While Azizullah was shifting,
Saadullah and his companions attacked the police party and during cross firing he
[Azizullah] was killed. Sadullah was arrested in 2014 from Lahore who had fled
before. Saadullah and Mujahid Ali were sent to Sukkur Prison while the other
arrested accused Qayum, Shakeel, Feteh and Ubaidullah were declared innocent by
police investigations. The prosecution is in progress and final judgment has been
issued according to the report issued on October 10, 2016 (E.Newspaper, October
10, 2016; CPJ, 2016).

Rehmatullah Abid: Rehmatullah Abid, a reporter for Dunya News TV and daily
Intikhab, was shot dead in Panjgur (Baluchistan) on November 18, 2012. According
to daily Express Tribune, Abid was shot by unidentified motorcyclist when he was
sitting in a shop in Washbood area of Panjgur. Police rushed the crime scene and
cordoned the area but no one could be arrested. The family of the slain journalist did
not nominated cuprit in FIR as they told they had no enmity. The then Chief Minister
of Baluchistan Nawab Muhammad Raisani condemned the killing and said that
certain elements targeting ordinary people and specially journalists to destabilize
Baluchistan and stop the journalists from to perform their duties. According to a
report of “Journalism Pakistan” five suspects were arrested in the connection of the
killing of Rahmatullah Abid after a police raid in the Rakhsaan Nala area. Two of
them belonged to Kalat, two were from Panjgur and the fifth belonged to Karachi but

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no decision had still made in that connection and proceedings are in progress
(Dawn, November 18, 2012; CPJ, 2012; JP, 2012).

Saqib Khan: Saqib Khan, a photogrpher for daily “Ummat”, was killed in Karachi
(Sindh) when a remote control bomb was blast after a suicide bombing in the
procession of Muharram under the Shiite sect of Islam on M.A Jinnah road on
November 22, 2012. Photographer was covering the procession and at the time.
Taliban spokesman Ehsanullah Ihsan claimed the responsibilities of the twin
bombing and that the target was the Procession of Shiite Sect (CPJ, 2012).

Imran Sheikh, Mirza Iqbal Hussain and Saif-ur- Rehman: Three journalists lost
their lives in a suicide attack near a billiard hall in Quetta (Baluchistan) on January
10, 2013. Imran Sheikh, a cameraman for Samaa TV died on the spot while Mirza
Iqbal Hussain , a photographer for a Pakistani independent news agency, “News
Network International” and Saif-ur- Rehman,a reporter for Samaa Tv died in hospital
due injuries got in the blasts. According to CPJ, they were reached to cover a suicide
blast when the second bombing took their lives. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi claimed
responsibility of the killing. The spokesman of the militant group Bakar Saddiq said
that the first was a suicide attack following by a car Bomb explosion detonated by
remote device (CPJ, 2013; Samaa, 2013; Dawn, January 11, 2013; The News,
January 10, 2013).

Aslam Durrani: Tariq Aslam Durrani, a news editor of “Daily Pakistan” was killed in
a suicide attack in the rally of Awami National Party (ANP) in Peshawar
Khyberpakhtoonkhwa on April 16, 2013. Two other journalists, Ehtesham Khan, a
correspondent for Express TV and Azhar Ali Shah, a reporter for Daily Pakistan were
injured in the blast. Nearly 20 other people were also killed. Tehrik-i-Tliban Pakistan
claimed responsibility for the suicide bombing. According to Dawn, two children, a
journalist and six police officers were among 16 people killed in the attack (CPJ,
2013; Dawn, April 16, 2013).

Ayub Khatak: Ayub Khatak, a reporter for daily “Karak Times” was killed in Takht
Nusrati area of Karak district of Khyber Pakhtoon khwa on October 11, 2013.
Unknown assailants shot him dead, when he came out of his house. The assailants
were riding on a motorcycle and fired him with a 30 bore pistol. According to daily
“Dawn” the motive of killing was not clear as the bereaved family said they had no

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enmity with anyone else. According to CPJ, Khatak was killed after his story on sale
of illegal drugs by a local gang of drug peddlers. He had received threats from the
gang. Later on police arrested Aminullah for killing the journalist Ayub Khatak and
according to “Journalism Pakistan” the District and Session Court in Karak convicted
him of the murder and sentenced to life imprisonment (CPJ, 2013; Dawn, October
12, 2013; JP, 2013).

Shan Dahar: Shan Dahar, bureau chief for “Abb Takk” Television in larkhan, was
killed near Badah Press Club in Larkana (Sindh) while filming the illegal sale of drugs
on January 2014.Dahar was shot on back and rushed to Chandka Hospital (CMCH),
where after 9 hour, he succumbed to injuries due to reportedly negligence of doctors,
Dr. Abdul Ghaffar Kandhro and Dr. Ali Gohar Chandio were suspended by the
investigatory committee. While under treatment Dahar named two men Amir Zehri
and Irfan Zehri that were threatening him for his reporting on drugs. According to
“Ifex”, Shan Dahr had filed a complained on December 25, 2013, with Station House
Office of Badh Police Station bearing that Shah Jahan Jakhrani had threatened him
because of his work but after the murder of Dahr, the file mysteriously disappeared.
At the time of his murder, he was filming a pharmacy selling drugs bearing stamp
“Not for sale” provided by an NGO. In spite of all that, the investigation committee
reported the killing as an accident by stray bullet fire in the celebration of New Year.
“Ifex” reported on June 19, 2016, saying that nine of the perpetrators have not been
brought to justice although the re- investigation application have been submitted by
his brother-in-law Riaz Hussain Khushk on Februry 24, 2014. According to “Abb
Takk TV report of June 8, 2017, the sister of the slain journalist Shan Dahr, Fauzia
Dahr had expressed her dissatisfaction over the previous two investigations and
demanded the government to launch a free and fair one so as to unearth the truth
(IfeX, 2017; CPJ, 2014; AbbTakk, June 8, 2017).

Ghulam Rasool: Ghulam Rasool, a trainee reporter, Irshad Masoi, the Bureau chief
and Muhammad Younus, an accountant of the Online International News Network,
were shot dead in their office by unknown assailants in Quetta (Baluchistan) on
August 28, 2014. The assailants fled the scene safely while shot them several times.
According to “Journalism Pakistan” the incident took place in Kabirwala Building on
Jinnah road Quetta. Irshad Mastoi was the general secretary of Baluchistan Union of
Journalists and he had also worked as an Assignment Editor at ARY News. “IFEX”

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reported that the then Home Minister of Baluchistan Sarfaraz Bugti announced a
tribunal on September 29, 2014 to investigate the three murders. The tribunal, under
Justice Muhammad Hashim Kakar of Baluchistan High Court prepared the report
and sent to the Chief Minister and Chief Secretary of the Province but that was not
been made public. Sarfaraz Bugti announced the arrest of two suspects Shafqat Ali
Rodani [alais Naveed] and Ibrahim Nachari [alais Shah Jee] and presented to media.
The Minister said that they were affiliated with the separatist’s militant group
Baluchistan Liberation Front (BLF). The family, the friends and colleagues of Mastoi
were not satisfied with the confession of the arrested culprits. Later on the two
arrested were killed in a raid on a house in Quetta and with this the case for the time
ended. According to “Ifex”, the family members of slain journalists believe that Randi
and Nichari were not the actual killers so they demanded for re-investigation of the
case but the case is on the way with no progress (JP, August 28, 2014; CPJ, 2016;
IfeX, August 29, 2016).

Zaman Mehsud: Zaman Mehsud, a correspondent for daily Ummat and Daily Nai
Baat, was killed when he was riding his bicycle in Tank, Khyber pakhtoonkhwa on
November 03, 2015. Mehsud was the Secretary General of Tribal Union of
Journalists, South Waziristan Chapter. He was also coordinator in Tank for the
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. According to CPJ report, Zaman Mehsud
was killed for his journalistic work. Taliban claimed responsibility of killing the
Journalist for writing against them, as the Spokesman, Qari Saif Ullah Saif told to the
“Reuter on Phone. According to daily “Dawn”, Zaman Mesud was shot a day after
the International Day of “End Impunity” against Journalists was observed all over the
world. His murder was message by the miscreants. The report said that Mehsud was
going to Tank from Gomal bazzar on his motorbike; he was fired near Dabara
refugee camp. He was injured and was taken to District Headquarter Hospital (DHQ)
but was shifted to DHQ Dera Osmail Khan as the injuries were serious. There he
succumbed to his wounds. The assailants managed to escape safely on motorcycle
after shot him ten times. The First investigation report FIR was registered by Aslam
Khan, the brother of the slain journalist against unidentified killers. He said that they
had no enmity with anyone. The Human Rights Watch urged the authorities to
conduct prompt and impartial investigation into the killing of Zaman Mehsud but till

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the day no investigation could reached the killers (CPJ, 2015; Dawn, November 4,
2015; HRW, 2015).

Mehmood Khan: Mehmood Khan, a cameraman for “Dawn News” and Shezad
Ahmed, a cameraman for Aaj News were killed in a massive blast in Quetta
(Baluchistan) on August 08, 2016. Memood and Shezad were covering the murder of
Bilal Qazi, the president of Baluchistan Bar Association, who was brought to Civil
Hospital Quetta after being killed in firing on his car. Bombing took place when a
large number of lawyers rushed to hospital after their leader was brought there.
Shehzad lost his life on the spot while Mehmood was shifted to another nearby
hospital where he succumbed to his wounds. According to CPJ, the terrorist
organization, Jmaat-ul-Ahrar, claimed responsibility of the killings. According to
Dawn News, Mehmood had run to the emergency ward to get footage of the hospital
where the slain lawyer Bilal Anwar Qazi’s body was being kept, at that time the
bomber struck, ending his life selfishly with so many others (Dawn, August 10, 2016;
CPJ, 2016; CPJ, 2016).

Taimoor Khan: Taimoor Khan, an assistant cameraman for Samaa TV, was shot
dead by unknown assailants in Karachi (Sindh) on February 12, 2017. He was
covering the aftermath of a grenade attack on a police vehicle in North Nazimabad
area of Karachi. The slain journalist was shot in the head and chest and died while
being treated in a nearby hospital. According to CPJ, Tehreek Taliban Pakistan
claimed responsibility for the attack on police and on the Samaa TV van. According
to Samaa TV, the Digital satellite News Gathering (DSNG) vehicle came under
attack when the team was on the way for coverage of alleged grenade attack on
police vehicle at KDA round about. Report published in daily “Dawn” says that the
incident occurred at KDA Chorangi. The injured cameraman was rushed to Abbasi
Shahieed Hospital where he died while under treatment.TTP claimed the killing in a
statement to journalists. Superintendent Sindh Police Muqaddas Haider told that the
suspects might be the same in both the incidents. He said that the assaulters
attacked the police mobile using cracker to attract the attention of press and when
the Samaa team arrived that was chased and attacked. Inspector General Police
Sindh, A.D Khowaja sought a detailed inquiry from DIG immediately. According to
CPJ, Police arrested 30 suspects during raids across Karachi following the attack
and monetary awards were also offered for information leading to the capture of the

187
perpetuators but till the date no achievement was seen in the prosecution (Dawn,
February 12, 2017; CPJ, 2017; Samaa, 2017).

Anjum Munir: Journalists Anjum Munir was shot dead by unknown assaulters in
Rawalpindi on March1, 2018. He was working for daily Qaumi Pukar as a sub editor
and was on the way to home after his duty when unknown gunmen opened fire on
him. The site of incident is near the GHQ under the jurisdiction of civil line police.
Muneer Raja was shot six times and died on the spot while the assailants fled. Police
declared the incident as target killing after investigating the spot and the manner in
which murder was carried out. The family of the victim denoted that Muneer didn’t
have a personal enmity with anyone. Police initiated investigation after registering
the FIR (Dawn, March 2, 2018). As recent developments in the case, police have
arrested a suspect culprit Qaiser Rehman who used to work with the victim in the
same organization as page maker. Police said that killer had strained relations with
Muneeb which led to the latter's (Dawn, March 15, 2018).

A report published in Dawn, declares “to date, in only three cases have the
murderers of journalists been brought to book — Daniel Pearl, Wali Babar and Ayub
Khattak. In other instances investigations have not been carried out, let alone taken
to the trial stage” (Dawn, June 13, 2017). The situation is very drastic in this regard.

Zeeshan Butt: Most recently journalists Zeeshan Butt was reportedly killed by UC
chairman Imran Cheema on March 27, 2018 in Sialkot. Zeshan was the former
president of Sambrial presss club and a journalist for daily Nawa-e-Waqt. At the time
of his murder, he was at the Begowala Union Council arguing with the chairman
Imran Cheema on a monetary issue. During the talks the journalist asked a question
and the chairman opened fire on him. Zeshan died at the spot and Cheema fled.
Police have registered FIR and investigations are in progress but the culprit is at
large.

The General Secretary of International Federation of Journalists Anthony Bellanger

condemned the murder of journalist Zeeshan in Sialkot. He urged immediate justice
to the slain journalist. He declared Pakistan as one of the most dangerous countries
for journalists (Dawn, March 28, 2018). In April, an audio clip of the last telephone
calls came on front where Butt is talking to district council chairman telling about

188
threats hurdled at by Cheema. Police told, special teams are raiding to arrest
Cheema (Dawn, April 4, 2018).

A recent development in the case of journalists Wali Khan Baber was carried out
when an accused of the murder was arrested. According to Dawn’s report, the
Special Investigation Unit (SIU) maintained the arrested of Faisal alias and Shah
Faisal (Dawn, August 27, 2018). Police said that the accused have confessed the
murder who carried on at the command of Dilawar, who was the sector incharge of
MQM in Pal colony and Sabir of PIB Colony.

According the report issued by Freedom Network (2018), in the last five years (2013-
18) twenty six journalists were killed in Pakistan, judicial enquiries were launched of
which six were decided while in only one case the culprit was sentenced (daily Jang,
Oct 31, 2018).

The circumstance describes and the low progress in the judicial enquires fore say
that the future of the proceeding is not hoping and there is no way to end impunity in
the media environment of the country.

4.3 Statistics and Data Analysis

Data is quantified and presented in tables and graphs as below, to make it result
oriented and generalized. Causes and agents, actors and factors behind the killings
are explored in the media history of Pakistan using secondary data from national
reports, books and newspapers.

189
 Table 5.1: Journalists killed from 1990 to 2017 categorized by beats

Years Reporter Photographer Editors Sub- Anchor F. Total percentage

Ed. lancer
1990 3 0 0 0 0 0 3 5
1991 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2
1992 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1993 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1994 0 0 1 0 0 1 2 3
1995 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1996 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 2
1997 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
1998 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1999 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2000 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2
2001 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2002 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 3
2003 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2
2004 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2
2005 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 3
2006 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 3
2007 2 3 0 0 0 0 5 8
2008 4 1 0 0 0 0 5 8
2009 2 2 0 0 0 0 4 6
2010 4 3 0 0 0 0 7 11
2011 5 0 1 1 0 0 7 11
2012 6 1 0 0 0 0 7 11
2013 2 2 1 0 0 0 5 8
2014 3 0 0 0 0 1 4 6
2015 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2
2016 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 3
2017 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
Total 41 17 4 1 0 2 65 100

190
 anc
hors Journalists killed from 1990 to 2017
/pro
duc categorized by beats
ers sub-editor/copy
0% free lance
editor
4%
3%
editor/news
editor
8%

reporters
/correspondent
49%
photgrphers/cam
eraman
36%

Table 5.1 reveals that most 63% of the journalists, killed during last 27 years in
Pakistan were reporters or correspondents. The second highest part (25%) is that of
photographers and cameramen. This confirms that journalists that are on the
fieldwork are directly confronting the dangers. Journalists working in offices are
relatively safe. The data also suggests that the threats reside in origin of news.
During the last 70 years, only two Editors and News Editors were killed while two
Sub-Editors lost their life for their work but there are traces of their political
involvements and partisan approaches. No anchor person or producer has been
killed for their work. Two account managers were killed but they were not the target.

Years, 2010, 11, and 2012, remained the deadliest (11%). The data shows a gradual
decrease in coming years. The percentage in 1990 is 5, followed by 2 and zero for
next three years. The same graph goes to 2006 and an upward trend is seen
reaching its peak in the following 6 years. The last three years are making a hope of
peace for the media landscape in the country.

191
 Table5.2: Journalists Killed by Medium in the time frame 1947-2017(70 years)

Medium Frequency Percentage

TV 25 37
Radio 1 2
Newspapers 29 43
Online 5 7
Newspapers
News Agencies 5 7
Free Lance 3 4
Total 68 100

Journalists Killed by Medium in the

time frame 1947-2017
News Agencies Free lancers
7% 4%
Online News
7% TV
37%

Newspapers Radio
43% 2%

Table 5.2 shows that Since Pakistan appeared on the map of the world, 68
journalists have been killed with impunity; the data shows that most of them (43%)
were employees of newspapers while 37% were working for Televisions. Only one
journalist was related to a foreign radio that is funded by America (Voice of America).
No journalist belongs to Radio Pakistan or any private owned FM radios were
affected nor that of government owned TV “Pakistan Television Network” (PTV). The
death lost in relation to Online Newspapers was 7% and the same in News
Agencies. Only 4% Freelancer were killed in the last 70 year in Pakistan.

192
 Table5.3: Journalists Killed in the time frame 1947-2017(70 years) categorized by
Media Ownership Status

Ownership Private Public Total

Frequency 67 1 68
Percentage 98% 2% 100

Journalists Killed in the time frame 1947-

2017(70 years)categorized by Ownership

public
2%

private
98%

Table 5.3 affirms that the most (98%) journalists that embraced death in the line of
their duty, were employees of private media enterprises with an exception of one,
that was affiliated with Associated Press of Pakistan (APP).No journalist of PTV or
Radio Pakistan nor that of former Progressive Papers Limited (PPL) neither of
National Press Trust (NPT) was threatened, killed or injured.

Table5.4: Journalists Killed in the time frame 1947-2017(70 years) categorized by

type of killing

Mode of attack Firing Bombing Cut throat Total

Frequency 42 23 3 68
Percentage 62% 34% 4% 100

193
 Journalists Killed in the time frame 1947-
2017(70 years) categorized by type of killing
cut throat
4%

bombing
34%

firing
62%

Table5. 4 proves that most (62%) of the journalists were killed by firing on the way to
their offices or from office to home. Some were shot dead in their offices and a few in
their houses for connection with jobs whereas 34% lost their lives in bomb blasts
where they were not on the targeted.

Table: 5.5 Journalists Killed in the time frame 1947-2017 categorized by Sources of
threats

Agents of Terrorists Political Feudal Traffickers Not others total

attacks Parties Lords threatened
Frequency 10 5 3 6 40 4 68
Percentage 15% 7% 4% 9% 59% 6% 100

Journalists Killed in the time frame 1947-

2017 categorized by sourcesof threats
Terrorists
15%
Political Parties
7%
Feudal Lords
Not threatened 4%
59%
Traffickers
9%
others
6%

Table 5.5 calculates that in Pakistan during 70 years, most (59%) of the journalists
were not been threatened before they were killed whereas 15% were threatened by

194
terrorist for their vested interest to be covered or not to be published about them or
some time they suspected journalists to be a spy of their opponents. Drug trafficker
and others also used threatening tactics before killing the journalists. in this respect
9% of journalists ignored threats and embraced Shahabad for their duty to the
nation. Political Parties and Feudal Lords have share by 7% and 4% respectively in
threatening journalists and killing them for their specific designs.

Table5.6: Journalist killed in between 1990 and 2017 categorized by Location

Year KPK Baluchistan Sindh Punjab FATA Capital Frequency

1990 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
1991 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
1992 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1993 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1994 0 0 2 0 0 0 2
1995 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1996 0 0 1 0 0 0 1
1997 0 0 0 1 0 0 1
1998 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1999 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2000 0 0 1 0 0 0 1
2001 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2002 0 0 2 0 0 0 2
2003 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
2004 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
2005 0 0 0 0 2 0 2
2006 0 0 1 0 1 0 1
2007 1 0 2 0 1 1 5
2008 2 1 0 1 1 1 6
2009 3 0 0 0 1 0 4
2010 1 1 1 1 3 0 7
2011 3 1 1 1 0 1 7
2012 0 4 2 0 1 0 7
2013 2 3 0 0 0 0 5
2014 0 3 1 0 0 0 4
2015 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
2016 0 2 0 0 0 0 2
2017 0 0 1 0 0 0 1
Total 14 15 18 4 10 2 65
Percent 22% 23% 28% 7% 16% 4% 100

195
 Journalist killed in between 1990 and
2017 categorized by Location
Capital Islamabad
4%
KPK
FATA 22%
16% Punjab
7%

Baluchistan
Sindh 23%
28%

Table 5.6 indicates that Sindh remained the most (28%) deadly land for journalists in
the last 70 years followed by Baluchistan with 23% and Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KPK)
with 22% respectively. Federally Administrative Tribal Area (FATA) with 16% is on
the fourth place and Punjab with 7% is on number sixth, while Capital area of the
country is relatively safe with 4% of killings.

Table 5.7: Pakistani TV journalists killed during last 70 year categorized by Media
houses

Channels Frequency Percentage

Geo 2 9
Express 4 17
Samma 5 21
ARY 2 9
Dunya News 1 4
Abb Tak 1 4
AaJ 1 4
Waqt 1 4
KTN 1 4
AVT Khyber 1 4
Wush 1 4
Royal TV 1 4
DND 1 4
City 1 4
Dharti 1 4
Total 24 100

196
 Pakistani TV journalists killed during last
70year categorized by Media houses

Dharti Geo
City 4% 9%
Royal 4%
DND
4% 4%

Wush
4% Express
17%
AVT
Khyber
4%

KTN
4%

Waqt
4%

Aaj
4% Samaa
21%

Abtak
ARY
4%
9%
Dunya
4%

Table 5.7 reveals that Samma is the most (21%) affected channel followed by Express TV with 17%,
followed by Geo TV and ARY with 9% . Dunya, Abb Takk, Aaj, Waqt, KTN, Wush, Royal, DND, City
42 and Dharti with 4% are on the same position. According to Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory
Authority (PEMRA) list, there are 89 TV channels working in the country where as the data explored
shows that journalists belong to 15 Channels are among the affected making a part of 17% in the
total.

197
Table 5.8: journalists killed categorized by media
groups

S.No Newspaper frequency percentage

1 Jang 2 7
2 Dawn, 1 3
3 The News 3 9
4 Ummat 3 9
5 Daily Pakistan 2 7
6 Parcham 1 3
7 Ausaf 1 3
8 Mashriq 1 3
9 Akhbar-e-Khyber 1 3
10 Nawa-e-Waqt 3 9
11 Kawish 1 3
12 Shumal 1 3
13 Azadi 1 3
14 Etimad 1 3
15 Daily Sindhu 1 3
16 Tawar 1 3
17 Karak Times 1 3
18 London Post 1 3
19 Online News 3 9
20 Ashia Times 1 3
21 Daily Khabrain 1 3
22 Takbeer 1 3
23 Akhbar-e-Jahan 1 3
Total 33 100

198
 journalists killed categorized by media groups
Takbeer
3% Akhbar-e-Jahan
3%
Daily Khabrain Daily Dawn
Ashia Times 3% Jang 3%
3% 7%

The News
9%
Online News
London 9%
Post
3%
Ummat
Karak 9%
Times
3%
Tawar
3%
Daily Pakistan
7%
Daily
Sindhu
3%
Etimad
3%
Parcham
Azadi 3%
3% Ausaf
Shumal Nawa-e-Waqt
9% 3%
3%
Kawish Mashriq
3% Akhbar-e-Khyber 3%
3%

Table 5.8 confirms that the mostly (9%) targeted media houses are daily The News,
daily Ummat, daily Nawa-e-ewaqt and Online News International. These are followed
by daily Pakistan with 7% and daily Kawish 3% each. According to the bureau of
statistics, 539 newspapers and periodicals are published in the country (PBS, 2016).
The data retrieved indicates that only 4 percent newspapers and periodicals were
affected.

199
 Table 5.9: Journalists killed categorized by beats
(1990-2017)

Journalists Frequency Cumulative percentage

Editors/news editor 4 4 6
Sub-editor 2 6 3
Producers 0 6 0
Reporters 27 33 41
Correspondents 12 45 18
Representatives 0 45 0
Photographers/cameramen 16 61 25
anchor person 0 61 0
Freelance 2 63 3
Columnists 1 64 2
Others 1 65 2
Total 65 100

columinists
2% journalists killed categorized by beats
others Editors/newseditor
Freelance 2% 6%
Sub-editor
3% 3%
anchor
person Photographers/ca Producers
0% meramen 0%
25%
Reporters
41%
Representatives
0%

Correspontents
18%

Table 5.9 reveals that most (61%) of the journalists killed during the last 17 years
were reporters seconded (41%) by photographers or cameramen while the third
greater number is that of the correspondents. Producers and anchorpersons are

200
completely on the safe side while editors, subeditors, columnists and free lancers are
relatively less affected.

4.4 Summary

Review of reasons and motives behind the killings of journalists and judicial
proceeding and investigations of cases, reveals that they are different from region to
region and from time to time but can be categorized in three sections, i.e. killings by
terrorist’s organizations including Taliban and separatists. Taliban factor is spread
over the whole country while separatists are confining to Baluchistan only with some
trace in Sindh. Killings by Taliban and separatists are admitted by them and no
progress could be possibly seen in the cases and judicial position of all of them.

The second section is political where powerful politicians are involved in killings of
journalists. In such incidents, political pressure on police for weakening investigation
and deafening the case has been observed. Social pressure for compromise and
dealing has also been made its way to settle the matter before prosecuting the case
and to make silent the bereaved and this trend is mostly found the Sindh province of
Pakistan.

The third section is the Mafias, trafficker, land mafia and target killers. They are
directly targeting journalists for their reporting against their interests. Usually such
incidents are investigated and culprits are arrested and relatively have been
sentenced but in some cases, the powerful groups and their political backing have
blinded investigation and the bereaved were threatened to withdraw the cases.
These types of incidents are common in small cities and town all over the country
especially in Khyber Pakhtonkhwa, Punjab and Sindh.

201
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 Chapter 5

Role of Journalists’ Organizations (APNS, CPNE and PFUJ) in the

struggle for of press freedom

5.1 Introduction

Unions are a key type of professional organization and that coincide with strong
professional standards with in journalism (Örnebring, 2009). Press Freedom is
basically a fundamental right of the citizens to know and that all over the world,
political parties and civil society organization play crucial part to be granted but in
Pakistan the situation is not in support. Here in Pakistan only and solely the
journalist’s associations i.e. All Pakistan News Papers Society (APNS), Council of
Newspapers Editors (CPNE), Pakistan Federal Union of Journalist (PFUJ) and All
Pakistan News Employees Confederation (APNEC), are grappling and gearing the
interests of working journalists and untiringly struggling for to promote and achieve
the best standards of Press Freedom. APNS is shielding, safeguarding and
upholding the owner’s interest [Owners of the media houses], and have played
magnificent part in this connection since its birth in 1956. The CPNE protects, caring
and promoting the Editor’s concerns. CPNE is consistently contesting the case of
editors of newspapers, magazines and other periodicals since 1956. PFUJ is the
sole agent that fights for the rights of working journalists after its establishment in
1950. APNEC was founded in 1976 and since then plays its part to endorse the
interests of the employees related to media industries (Khan, 2014).

Dr.Sajjad Ahmad Paracha and Dr.Seemi Naghmana Tahir concluded in their

research paper “Role of All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS): call for change”,
conclude that APNS has apparently worked for the freedom of press but the fact is
that its best efforts were seen concentrated on the finances member organization to
be boosted and less was done for the interests of the journalists’ community but on
several coccasions as in the eve of Wage Board Awards, it has opposed the
interests of working journalists (Paracha &Tahir, 2012).

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The Council of Newspapers Editors (CPNE) is representative organization of the
editors of news papers and is conscientious for to maintain and enhance the editorial
standards of the press but in practice the ever-increasing influence of APNS and the
presence of non professional editors as its members have weakened its role play for
the freedom of press and minimized its share in the struggle for the interests of
journalists’s community as a journalists’ organization (Paracha, Tahir& Khan, 2012;
Khan, 2014).

The recent enlargement in media landscape in Pakistan with the addition of privately
licensed TV channels added another organization in the name of Pakistan
Broadcasters Association (PBA). PBA has come in place to offer optimum advantage
to all stakeholders of media industry-Broadcast Houses (PBA, 2017).

The first decade, after Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947, saw a number
of hurdles for almost all fields of collective and individual life and institutions both
public and private to promote and make progress. A fight for the survival seems
there all over, exploring the history. The press was not quite developed in Pakistan
during the first decade (Iqbal, 2010), even then the professionalism in the in the field
of journalism made significant progress. At the time of partition there were only four
newspapers published from Lahore and two shifted their office from Bombay
(Mumbai) to Karachi. Organizational trend for private sector enhanced after
independence where the previous political affiliation of journalists oxygenated the
pace and a number of new newspapers and periodical were originated. Nearly all the
proprietors were journalists of high caliber in the field but soon their publications
were grabbed by financial crises due to low readership and no governmental
support. The trend of mass’s financial support was changed as that was entertained
by papers in the movement for freedom in united India against the British rule.
Newsprint was shot to meet the needs of newspapers. As there was no Paper
making industry in the state and newly created country was facing problems in
exports, so that quota system was introduced but the political volatility and instability
after the demise of father of the nation Muhammad Ali Jinnah on September 11,
1948 and the killing of Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan in 1951, entangled the
government’s elites and bureaucracy to use it for plotted designs. Government
advertisements were the steering power to run the media industry and that was also
subjected to pressurize the industry for their desires. Organized and institutionalized

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efforts for collective gains, protection and development were inevitable and that led
journalists and owners of newspapers to found APNS, PFUJ and CPNE. PBA was
also a product of necessities of such caliber.

5.2 All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS)

All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) is an organization of the owners of

newspapers in Pakistan. It was founded as a provincial organization in the name of
Pakistan Newspapers Society (PNS) in 1950 in the then West Pakistan while a
similar organization in the name of East Pakistan Newspapers Society (EPNS) was
already operational in the eastern part of the country. Both the organizations were
merged in 1956 as All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) to get the desired
weight for assuring the protection of press freedom in general while that of the
member publications in particular. Veteran journalists Hameedullah, Hamid Mehmud,
Mir Khalil-ur-Rehman, Hameed Nizami, Mian Iftikhar Uddin, Fakhri Matri, Qazi
Muhammad Akber, Yousuf Abdullah Haroon and Muhammad Abdullah Haroon
played magnificent role in the creation of APNS and in merging the two
organizations. From the first day, it worked with a head quarter in Lahore but the
office was shifted to the port city and the then capital of Pakistan Karachi in 1956.
Up to date the head office is working on 33-Fareed Chamber Victoria Road Saddar
Karachi Sindh Pakistan (APNS, 2017).

APNS as a protector of newspapers in Pakistan is a well organized union of the

owners of newspapers. The organization elects its President, Senior Vice President,
Vice President, Secretary General, Joint Secretary and Finance Secretary every
year as Office Bearers Committee. The Society has an Executive Committee
comprising of the members of Office Bearers Committee, twenty nine formal
members and 8 emeritus members with Executive Director as for the year 2017-
2018(APNS, 2017)

The job and work specification is followed in All Pakistan Newspapers Society. There
are twenty Sub-Committees to enhance the credibility and strengthen the working
capability of the Society. They are, Government Press Relation Committee, Wage
Board Committee, Constitution Reformation Committee, Advertisings Committee,
Scrutiny-Cum-Enrolment Committee, APNS Annual Awards Committee, APNS

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Arbitration Committee, Sindh Provincial Committee, Punjab Provincial Committee,
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Provincial Committee, Baluchistan Provincial Committee,
Federal Capital Committee, Periodicals Press Committee, Distribution ,Whole sale
and retail Marketing Committee, Regional Press Committee, Medium Sized
Metropolitan Publications Committee, Digital Committee, Training and Development
Committee, Young Publishers Committee and Women Publishers Committee. All
these Committees have their Chairperson and members as per requirements of the
job (APNS, 2017).

APNS also awards annual Awards in different fields of journalism to promote

standard journalism within the landscape in the country. Annual awards are
classified into two categories, Advertizing Awards and Journalists Awards.
Advertizing Awards which were initiated in 1981 and are given on a first, second and
third basis. The field is categorized in six categories. They are Business
Performance Awards, Client Performance Awards, Product Launch Awards, Best
Copy Awards (English and Urdu), Best Visual Design Awards (Color and black and
white) and Public Service Campaign Awards. The Journalist Awards were followed
by 1982 and each since are granted in seven categories. They are Best Scoop
Award, Best column Award, Best Feature Award (English and Urdu), Best
Investigative Report Award, Best Cartoon Award, and Best Photograph Award, Best
Article Award (English, Urdu, and Regional). These awards are given on only one
winner basis (APNS, 2017).

All Pakistan Newspapers Society was established to achieve designated objectives

including to encourage and promote the science of journalism and newspaper
industry, to originate and improve the laws related to press, to safeguard the rights of
newspaper’s owners and to govern and make rules for the development of the
products of members, to regulate the business of press and to accumulate force to
resist any hand over against the newspaper industry (Paracha &Tahir 2012).

All Pakistan Newspapers Society actively advocated the cause of press freedom and
try its best whenever journalism was under threats. It had also played its role to repel
the black laws in connection with freedom of expression and freedom of press. On a
number of occasions APNS has joined hands with CPNE and PFUJ to insure
freedom of the press and protect and promote journalism. With a few exceptions

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where its vested interests were in conflict with that of working journalists, APNS
strived best to safeguard journalism in the country (Paracha & Tahir 2012).Going
through the history of APNS as compiled by Dr. Tauseef Ahmad Khan in his book
“Azadi-e-Sahafat ki Jadojahad mein Akhbari Tanzeemon ka Kirdar” (Role of
Newspaper Organizations in the Struggle for Freedom of the press) from its birth to
2004, each incident against the freedom of press has condemned by the society and
for a number of occasion it had materially been taken part in protests and strikes. For
the first time owners of newspapers, journals and publishers met in Karachi on May
5, 1949 to discuss the hardship and hurdles facing by newspaper industry. Here a
committee was formed under the founder of daily Jang Mir Khalil Ur Rehman and the
owner of advertizing agency “Thawar” Ghulam Hussain Thawar, who prepared plan
for the payment to journalists and other matters related.

As a colonial legacy, it was common by the government to use advertisements for

lodging pressure on the press in favors. Imposition of taxes was another tool to
subjugate the already jolting press in the newly created state. A class distinction was
observed in approach to English and Urdu Press, even after partition. APNS
condemned the distribution policy of advertisements to newspapers and the
discriminatiive approach towards the Urdu Press. In the same way, when the
government, under the premiership of Liaqat Ali Khan, imposed taxes on
newspapers on March 14, 1951, APNS was the first to condemn it and demanded
the government to withdraw the taxes (Dawn, March 14, 1951)

During the annual meeting on December 16, 1951, the then president of the
society,Ghulam Hussain Thawar condemned government actions against daily
Nawa-e-Waqt (Lahore) on political basis and demanded to provide a time period of
one month least to make its way for publishing paper. It was believed that the
paper’s declaration was annulled by government for not supporting Mian Mumtaz
Daulatan in Punjab against the leader of Muslim League Iftikhar Hussain Mamdut
(Dawn, December 16, 1951).

The shortage of newsprint led to quota system for newspapers but government
began to use this for vested interests and a disparity in distribution worsened the
situation due to government monopoly over the import of paper. Along with, rates of
Dock Tickets were increased in 1952 which expanded expenditures while

216
newspapers were breathing hardly. During the annual meeting held in Karachi on
April 26, 1952, the forum demanded the government to abolish restriction on the
import of newsprint and lower the rates of postage. Demands for newsprints import
and impartial distribution of advertisements were repeated in the annual meeting of
1953, 54, 55 and 1956 (Dawn, April 26, 1952). The government policy and
procedure of distribution was criticized in connection with advertisements (Khan,
2014; Paracha&Tahir, 2012).

Political disparities and monetary hurdles were under harsh criticism between the
two parts, East and West Pakistan (Sayeed, 1959) that paved way into the media
landscape of the country. During the annual meeting of APNS, held in Dhaka on July
21, 1957, a resolution was passed, demanding the central government to stop
discriminatory approach towards newspapers of East Pakistan. Similarly the next
year meeting re-demanded to ease the process and procedure of imports for
newspaper industry.

Political unrest and palace intrigues reached its peak and brimmed over as General
Ayub Khan imposed Martial Law in the state on October 7,1958 the fundamental
rights were abrogated and newspapers were banned (Sayeed, 1959). Martial Law
government took possession of the Progressive Papers Limited (PPL) taking
advantage of the Security Act and editors of the newspapers put behind the bars,
which is the darkest ichapter of the media history of Pakistan. The despotice inciative
badly impacted the media industry of for decades after but APNS remained silent
besides the fact that the papers were member of the Society (Parach&Tahir, 2012).
Dr. Tauseef Ahmad Khan quotes the then Deputy editor daily Jang Muddasir Mirza
saying “there was no concept of joint effort for Press Freedom among the members
of APNS at the time and they were of the opinion to avail opportunity of increasing
demand due to confiscation of PPL” (Khan, 2014). But on the taking over of
Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) on June 15, 1961, APNS called upon a meeting
in Karachi on May 5, 1962, discussed the situation and decided to inform the
governments about the grievance and to negotiate the matter.

Ayub government issued the Press and Publication Ordinance 1960 after the
recommendations of The Press Commission, in the name of regularization of press.
But the fact was that the freedom of expression and that of Press was contained.

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Zamir Niazi has termed it as “Black Law” in his book “The Press in Chains”. With the
promulgation of PBO 1960, the Press and Registration of Books Act, 1867 and the
Press Emergency Powers Act 1931 were repealed. Four main and several minor
amendments were made to the Press and Publication Ordinance 1960 of which most
binding provision was the pre- permission of news related to the Courts and
Assemblies to publish and the province was ordered to issue amended Ordinance on
September 6, 1963. APNS rejected the amended Ordinance and joined hands with
PFUJ to go on strike against the government. All the member publications observed
a day strike and there was no newspaper to read on September 6, 1963. Dawn,
leaded the story as “There will be no Dawn tomorrow”. As recognition to the country
wide agitation and anger of journalists, the government had to soften the Ordinance
and amended that on October 10, 1963 after consultation with the leaders of Press
unions (Niazi, 1987; Khan, 2014).

Another achievement of the Forum was the restoration of declaration to the printing
press for daily “Ittefaq” Dhaka, edited by veteran journalist Taffazul Hussain and his
release as he was arrested under the Defense of Pakistan Rules (DPR) in June
1966. The reason was his political affiliation with Awami League an opponent of the
government (Khan, 2014). APNS made that possible by joining hands with CPNE
and PFUJ under a Joint Action Committee. But in the due course, when Agha
Shourish Kashmiri was arrested and his paper “Chattan” was closed by the
government APNS remained silent for its vested interests.

APNS rejected the Excise Duty on newsprint imposed by Yahya Khan Government
after assurance of no censorship on newspaper, and launched a strike as there will
be no newspaper on the twentieth day of March 1970. This stance on the Duty
compelled the government to reconsider (Dawn, March 22, 1970).

The forum condemned, in September 1973, the sanctions against the weekly
“Zindagi” and monthly “Urdu Digest” and Bhutto’s government actions against the
editor of daily “Dawn” Altaf Gauhar on political basis and personal desires (Khan,
2014).

In due course of linguistic riots in Sindh after “Sindhi” was proclaimed to be the
Official Language of the Province, declaration of daily “Sun” was annulled for
publishing a proposed amendment draft. At the same time news about the riots in

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Sindh which annoyed the government and Punjab government issued notices to
daily Jang, Nawa-e-Waaqt, Imroz. The Society along with CPNE and PFUJ lodged
powerful demonstration against the government and condemned the actions against
the freedom of press (Khan, 2014).

APNS instructed its members not to accept advertisements on reduced price as

Bhuto’s regime had decided on August 29, 1972.

Bhutto’s government impose ban on Jassarat and in the due course, took actions
against daily Hurriat, daily Mehran. APNS decided in a meeting on September 9,
1973, to have a joint force of action along with CPNE and PFUJ to stop the
government of curbing the freedom of the press. In a joint statement of all the three
unions condemned attacks on the newspapers and declared that there will be no
dialogue with the government due to the failure of promises of release of the
arrested journalists (Dawn, September 19, 1973).

In a meeting of Executive Committee on January 24, 1974, the Society demanded

full security for journalists and media houses against un known culprits after they
took away and ransacked the printed copies of daily “Maghrebi Pakistan” Lahore and
fired on the Chief Executive of Dawn, Karachi(Dawn, January 29, 1974).

A number of newspapers were closed and several journalists were arrested for
criticism on the government in the last days of Bhutto regime, this situation led
prostration and unrest in the newspaper industry, APNS urged the government to
have dialogues with journalist’s unions to refrain the establishment from actions
against the freedom of press (Khan, 2014).

After general elections in March 1977, Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) refused to
accept the results and blamed rigging by the government. Pakistan National Alliance
(PNA) launched protest movement against the Bhutto government deteriorating the
law and order situation in the country. During prolonged and rigorous movement a
number of media’s office were flamed. In a meeting on April 14, 1977, APNS
condemned the mob’s actions against media houses and demanded to protect the
industry (Parach&Tahir, 2012).

All Pakistan Newspapers Society in a meeting held on August 31, 1978, urged the
Zia government to resolve the issues related to declaration of daily Masawat Lahore

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(Dawn, August 31, 1978). Government had canceled the declaration of daily
“Masawat” Lahore, on political basis as a representative paper for Pakistan People’s
Party (PPP) and a number of journalists were arrested and tortured after they lodged
a movement; present themselves for arrest as a protest (Khan, 2014).

APNS condemned attacks on the offices of daily Jang and daily Nawa-e-Waqt in
Lahore and called for a day strike on April 25, 1982(Dawn, April 23, 1982). The
Forum demanded judicial inquiry of student’s attacks on media houses.

Resolution was passed by the Executive Committee of APNS, in a meeting held in

Karachi on November 30, 1982, saying that the government was using
advertisements and newsprint quota to pressurize the press and that was against the
expression of truth (Dawn, November 30, 1982). The government was curtailing the
press after the opposition parties had launched a movement against the government
under the banner of Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in the
country.

For the first time APNS said in a resolution passed in a meeting in Karachi on
February 13, 1983, that press freedom is necessary for an Islamic Society and that
in the prevailing situation that was difficult to maintain objective journalism. After that,
the Society agreed to reduce the number of pages of the newspaper to avoid
sensationalism, to limit the space for advertisement to 50% of the whole paper and
that there will be no photo of women in folk and ban on Film edition.

In a statement the then president of APNS, Hameed Haroon condemned attack on

the office of daily Nawa-e-Waqt Lahore by the students of Madrassa (religious
school) and said that government was not willing to take action against the culprits
(Paracha & Tahir, 2012).

A conflict of interest came to the stage when daily Jang launched its edition from
Lahore in 1981 and that affected the circulation of Nawa-e-Waqt. The then president
of APNS and CPNE, Majeed Nizami invited the government to take action against
daily Jang for publishing color pages. The imperative was to curb the paper. He also
call for the PFUJ to deal the matter in his support but PFUJ rejected the call and
condemned the statement of Majeed Niazami on the the ground to invite Martial law
regime for curbing press freedom(Khan, 2014).

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The precious job of APNS along with CPNE and PFUJ, in the struggle for press
freedom, was striving for repealing the black press laws of Ayub Khan’s and Zia’s
regimes. The Society in a joint meeting with CPNE, on January 2, 1986 demanded to
abolish the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963, and the nullification of
amendments in Pakistan Penal Codes (PPC). The goal was achieved in September
5, 1988 after a long but continuous struggle. APNS welcomed the new ordinance
“Registration of Printing Presses and Publishing ordinance 1988”, replacing the PPO
1963.

The Pakistan People’s Party’s government lifted restriction over the import of
newsprint but imposed three thousands rupees per ton as a Duty on the import.
APNS demanded the government to lift the duty and appealed the law makers not to
support the bill on the floor of National Assembly for the sake of press freedom
(Dawn April 26, 1989).

Through a resolution passed in a meeting held in Islamabad on October 12, 1989,

APNS condemned the increasing violence and attacks on journalists and media
houses and appealed the government to play role and condemn the agitations
(Dawn October 13, 1989).

APNS along with PFUJ and CPNE observed a day strike on June 6, 1990, after the
killing of three journalists in Sindh. All the three unions demanded the arrest of the
killers (Dawn, June 2, 1990).

The Society condemned the government’s attempt to stop advertisements for Dawn,
on July 10, 1990. This was followed by attacks on the “Dawn” group on Mach 1990,
correspondent of “Herald” Zaffar Abbas was attacked by unknown assaulters in his
house injuring him and his brother Azhar Abbas and Anwar Abbas. On March 20, the
copies of Dawn, were confiscated by unknown culprits and did not make possible to
be distributed in Karachi, for that the administration of the paper stop publishing for
the safety reasons of its employees as the governments had kept silence over the
occurrences. APNS, CPNE, PFUJ and the Hawker’s association demonstrated
against the occurrences and the silence of the government. Meanwhile the leaders
of the journalist’s unions met the leader of Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) Altaf
Hussain and settled the matters by compromise (Khan, 2014).

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APNS condemned the killing of Maulana Salahuddin, the editor of weekly “Takbeer”
in Karachi and decided a day strike. December 7, 1994. The Society also
condemned and demand for the arrest of the culprits after the killing of Ghulam
Muhammd of daily “Parcham” in his office on the same day (Dawn, December 08,
1994).

A joint action committee was formulated by APNS, CPNE, APNEC and PFUJ after
newspapers, daily Awam, daily Public, daily Qaumi Akhbar, daily Aghaz and daily
Evening Special were banned and cases were registered against the editors and
publishers for publishing news about Operation in Karachi. The committee decided a
strike for a day on July 5, 1995 and met the then Chief Minister Abdullah Shah. On
the assurance, the committee took back the call for strike (khan, 2014).

APNS rejected the draft Code of Conduct and the Press council prepared by the
federal government on September24, 1997. The then president of the Society
Majeed Nizami said that the draft was a black law (Dawn, September 24, 1997).

Another conflict of interest got its way when the president of APNS Majeed Nizami
again opposed the interest of member publication daily Jang. He said during a joint
meeting of APNS and CPNE held on September 28, 1998, that withdraw of official
advertisements for daily Jang is not a new thing to be addressed. Before this the
Chief Executive of the Jang Group had complaint about the government’s
advertisements that were stopped for daily Jang (Khan, 2014).

APNS condemned the abduction of Zia Shahid of daily “Pakistan Observer” on

October 5, 1998 in Islamabad and that of Shakeel Sheikh of daily The News and
demanded the government to take action against the culprits. The Society also
condemned the attack on the office of Nawa-e-Waqt (Karachi) in 1995, 0n the office
daily Mashriq (Quetta) in 1996 and bomb blasts in the office of Dawn, (Karachi) and
in the office of daily Nawa-e-Waqt (Karachi). In a meeting held on November 5, 1998
the society urged the government to save the press and journalists from the attacks.

On December 12, 2001, APNS made clear in a meeting that there would be no press
freedom without a law for Access to Information (Dawn, December 12, 2001). This
was a reaction to the initiatives taken by Pervez Musharraf’s government to
formulate new laws for the press.

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The real facet of APNS became vivid when it opposed the imposition of Wage Board
Award in 2002 after a long struggle by the PFUJ. The Society termed it illogical as an
action to curtail the freedom of press. In the due course the Wage Board Tribunal
issued arrest warrants of the several publishers. Hameed Haroon, the president of
APNS said in a statement on July 23, 2002, that the action is a try to ban the
newspapers.

The Executive Committee of APNS condemned the ban on the advertisements for
newspapers, daily “Dupher” daily Ausaf and “Shehrag Pakistan” by the government.
The Committee urged the government to make sure that the distribution would be
impartial and just. On May 2003, the Committee repeated the demand in its meeting.
Qazi Asad Abid, the secretary general of APNS, demanded the government to
restore advertisements for daily Nawa-e-Waqt (Parcha &Tahir, 2012).

APNS expressed concern over the demand of federal minister of information from
provinces to link government advertising to the implementation of the 7 th Wage
Board Award. The Society said that the government’s advertisements were already
being distributed in a discriminatory manner so as to intimidate, coerce and browbeat
dissenting newspapers and that had been challenged in courts and that the demand
was unconstitutional (Dawn, May 23, 2004).

The All Pakistan Newspapers Society condemned attack on the office of newspapers
in Sukkur and urged the Sindh Government to provide protection. The Society also
appealed all the political parties and groups to refrain from such acts (Dawn,
December 25, 2005).

APNS condemned the publication of blasphemous caricatures by Danish and

European newspapers and termed it an abuse of freedom of the press and
expression. The resolution passed in a meeting by the executive committee of the
Society said that freedom of expression had natural boundaries and limits and
should be exercised with a sense of responsibility (Dawn, February 19, 2006).

The executive committee of APNS demanded action against the adviser of the chief
minister of Sindh on information, Salahuddin Haider for threatening journalists. The
Adviser as according to the complaint of “Dawn” remarked “unprovoked and

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reprehensible”. The APNS urged the government that the charge should be
investigated without delay (PPF, May 25, 2006).

The All Pakistan Newspapers Society expressed concern over the reports saying
that government had the intention to establish a Press and Publications Regulation
Authority on the same lines as PEMRA. The Society said that the government’s
intention appeared to control the print media through a bureaucracy-dominant
authority which would become a lever to curb freedom of the press (Dawn,
December 12, 2006).

During the annual meeting, APNS pointed out that suggestions relating to
amendments to the Newspaper Employees Act 1973, formation of the Press
Council, amendments to the freedom of Information Ordinance, cross media issues
and amendments to the Defamation Ordinances had still not been addressed,
despite assurance given by the prime minister (Dawn, March 30, 2007).

APNS assailed the statement of Muhajir Rabita Council (a political group in affiliation
with MQM) against journalists. APNS said that the Society was concerned over the
statement of MRC “denouncing journalists and analysts in the print and electronic
media as being anti-Mohajir and biased chauvinists”. The Society said that such
deliberations might generate hatred against the press. APNS also condemned the hit
list of journalists (enemies of Mohajirs) including 13 leading journalists (Dawn, May
26, 2007).

APNS concluded that the government was consistently curbing the expression of
press freedom through arbitrary actions. The statement of the executive committee
of APNS said that the government had failed to honour it pledges to hold bilateral
talks with the management of Jang/Geo TV as a confidence-building measure
(Dawn, December 16, 2007).

APNS urged the government to announce a bailout package for the newspaper
industry in the budget. The Society demanded the government to exempt the
industry from withholding tax, general sales tax and other levies on related imports
(Dawn, April 30, 2009).

APNS expressed grief over the assassination of Salman Taseer, the publisher of
Daily Times and Daily AajKal. The Society termed the killing as an attack on the

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freedom of expression and urged the government and democratic forces to join
hands against the trend (Dawn, January 5, 2011).

APNS confirmed the email sent by the slain journalists Salim Shahzad concern over
the threats he had received. Hameed Haroon, the then president of APNS,
confirmed that threatening messages were from Inter-Services Intelligence and that
they were received on three occasions (Dawn, June 2, 2011).

The executive committee of the APNS at a meeting held in Islamabad strongly

condemned the blame on anchorpersons for being beneficiaries of secret funds of
the Ministry of Information (Dawn, September 19, 2012).

APNS expressed concern over the threats by the spokesman of Tehrik-i-Taliban

Pakistan to media persons of dire consequences. The executive committee of the
Society urged government to provide foolproof security to media establishments as
well as media personnels (Dawn, October 16, 2012).

The executive committee of APNS rejected the notification issued by the ministry of
information on the formation of 8 th Wage Board Award, saying the nomination of
APNS office-bearers has been made without consent (Dawn, September 21, 2013).

APNS expressed concern over the law and order situation in Rawalpindi. The
Secretary General of the Society Masood Hameed said that the delivery of
newsprint, distribution of newspapers and attendance of employees pose a big
problem (Dawn, November 17, 2013).

All Pakistan Newspapers Society condemned Accountant General of Pakistan

Revenue’s who it said has been refusing to approve payments against
advertisements bill issued by government departments. APNS said that the
Accountant General seems to be determent to destroy the government-press
relations (Dawn, February 20, 2014).

The Sindh committee of APNS condemned the delay of long outstanding dues in
respect to the government’s detriments, by Sindh Information Ministry. The
committee decided that all advertisements of the Sindh Government will be
suspended (Dawn, December 15, 2015).

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APNS criticized the Ministry of Information for not honoring commitments made over
three years including over payment of outstanding dues, increase in advertisement
rates, allocation of print advertisement budget, fixation of quantum of advertising and
implementation of the regional quota (Dawn, November 16, 2016).

APNS expressed its pleasure over Baluchistan’s government decision to raise

advertising budget by 40 percent (Dawn, November 26, 2016).

The executive committee of APNS urged the government to take step for
rehabilitation of newspapers distribution network in Baluchistan. The committee also
deplored the cancellation of the declaration of dallies “Sahafat” and “Dopahar” by a
magistrate in Islamabad (Dawn, October 28, 2017).

The leaders of the All Pakistan Newspapers Society expressed their concern over
the dithdraw of official Ads. APNS requested Supreme Court to consider media’s
problems (Dawn Mar 01, 2018).

APNS has wasted no time to condemn any action against theinterests of its
members. The Society welcomed the new minister of information Fawad Chaudhri
and hoped to that he would support their demands (Dawn Aug 19, 2018).

The advertizing poicy of Government was criticized by APNS. The Society said that
the press and information department misuses the rules (Dawn Jan 15, 2019).

The review of efforts of the All Pakistan Newspapers Society shows that the Society
has left no leaf unturned to safe guard the interests of the owners of media
organizations but very little has been done for the betterment of journalists.

5.3 Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editor (CPNE)

Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editor (CPNE) was founded in1957 by the leading
editors of the print media of the country to serve the cause of media freedom,
freedom of expression and other human rights (CPNE, 2017), but according to Dr.
Tauseef Ahmad Khan, CPNE came into being in 1956 after other organizations of
editors merged for a single one (Khan, 2014). Dr. Seemi Naghmana Tahir, Dr.Sajjad
Paracha and Dr.Tauseef Ahmad Khan affirmed that CPNE was established in 1956
terming that as the common belief (Paracha, Tahir&Khan, 2012).

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Organized struggle for the freedom of press dates back to the British India where for
the first time Raj Ram Mohan Rai presented an undersigned “Charter for the Press
Freedom” to the viceroy ratified by a number of Indian editors of the newspapers
(Natarajan, 1962). This was followed by the establishment of Press Association of
India in 1891 and the Press Association in 1915 that led to the birth of All India
Newspapers Editor Conference in 1940 and gave way to the establishment of All
India Muslim Newspapers Editors Association in 1947 and then All Pakistan
Newspapers Editors Conference in 1948. The scattered force of editors was
centralized as a unified organization in the name of Council of Pakistan Newspapers
Editors (CPNE) in 1956 (Khan, 2014).

CPNE urged the Ayub’s government to repeal the laws against the Press in its first
meeting held in Karachi after its establishment on December 15, 1957. But the
council remained silent over the arrest of Sibt Hassan, Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi and
Faiz Ahmad Faiz by the Martial law government following APNS in October 1958
(Khan, 2014).

As an enlargement and protector of APNS interests (Khan, 2014), CPNE demanded

the government to lower the prices of newsprint. Here in a meeting on May 30, 1960
in Karachi, the Council issued a statement saying that the Press and Publication
Ordinance 1960 was engulfing the freedom of press by increased curtails (Dawn,
May 30, 1960).

The Standing Committee in a meeting on August 19, 1963, urged the government
not to impose new barriers for the press and co-operate the Council to follow the
Code of Ethics of the Council (Dawn, August 19, 1963). This stance was taken after
the takeover of Progressive Papers Limited (PPL) by the government.

CPNE became a part of Joint Action Committee for the restoration of daily Etifaq
(Dhaka) and demanded the government on July 8, 1966, to issue stopped
advertisements for daily Nawa-e-Waqt (Lahore) and daily Kohistan (Rawilpindi). The
Council demanded the annulment of PPO 1963 once again on February 15, 1969.
An undersigned statement by the then editor of Dawn, Jamil Ansari, the editor of
daily Pakistan Times, the editor of Nawa-e-Waqt Lahore Majeed Nizami, the editor of
daily Jang Karachi, Mir Khalil Ur Rehman and the managing director of Pakistan
Press International (PPI) Muazzam Ali was issued demanding the government to

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abolish all the laws restricting the freedom of press and creating hurdles in the way
of journalists in the lines of their duties.

CPNE did not play any role when the government of Yahya Khan arrested a number
of journalists and banned several newspapers in 1971, but welcomed Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto for his promises press freedom on January 9, 1972.

On February 2, 1972, CPNE called an urgent meeting and discussed its concerns
over the arrest of the editor of Dawn, Altaf Gauhar and condemned the government
for that act of atrocity. The Council termed the arrest as an attack on the press and
urged the government to release Altaf Gauhar (Dawn, February 19, 1972).

CPNE condemned the arrest of Altaf Qurishi of “Urdu Digest”, Mujeeb Ur Rehman
Shami of “Zindagi” and Hussain Naqi of “Punjab Punch” and ban on their papers.
The then president of the Council Majeed Nizami said that Press Advisory
Committee is not acceptable and that they would not participate in the committee
under the Bhutto made Press Consultative System (Dawn, April 7, 1972).

Bhutto reduced the newsprint Quota of daily “Jasarat” by 75% for its opposition and
criticism on government and affiliation with Jamat Islami. The then president of
CPNE Mir KHalil Ur Rehman expressed his concerns over the reduction of Quota
and urged the government to restore newsprint in accordance to the certificate of the
Audit Bureau of Circulation (Dawn, April, 14, 1972).

CPNE joined the one day strike against the government’s actions in connection to
the press freedom after the Bhutto’s government banned the daily “Sun” and send
Show Cause Notice to daily Nawa-e-Waqt (Lahore), daily Imroz (Multan) and daily
Jang (Rawil Pindi) for publishing news about linguistic riots in Sindh (Khan, 2014).

The Council demanded provisions for the freedom of press in the newly formulated
constitution for the state in 1973. The Standing Committee of the Council also said
that the press shouldn’t be contained by laws (Dawn, March 6, 1973).

CPNE approved the draft to formulate the Press Council and suggested the
government to include representatives of CPNE, APNS and PFUJ (Dawn, April 19,
1973).

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The then president of CPNE Majeed Nizami said that the government was using the
advertisements and newsprint to curb the freedom of press. He further said that the
arrest of Sardar Alishah of daily “Mehran” is an action to contain the press. He said
that that was injurious to the talks between the government and journalist’s
organizations (Dawn, August 26, 1973).

The Bhutto government used press laws against daily “Jasarat” and dilay Huriyat for
several times and their editor remained under custody, each the time, the CPNE
condemn the government atrocity and demanded their release (Khan, 2014).

When Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) was pressurizing and threatening

newspapers for coverage against the Bhutto’s government, the CPNE raised his
effective voice for the freedom of the press, the then president of the Council Zaheer
Baber said that the trend to threaten the newspapers is dangerous for both the press
and democracy. He urged the involved political parties to avoid such actions (Dawn,
January 31, 1977).

CPNE assured the government that the editors are patriotic and want to play role in
national unity to develop (Dawn, February 8, 1980).This was stated after, the then
Martial law administrator General Zia Ulhaq imposed censorship over the press
linking that to patriotism for justification. Daily “Masawat” Lahore and daily
“Sadaqat” Karachi was banned in due course (K.Hashmi, 2018).

For several times during Pre-Censorship, the council repeated demand for the
annulment of the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 and tried its best to assure
the government to following the mutually attested Code of Ethics for Press. When
the government withdrew Pre-Censorship after 817 black days, the partial
arrangements were criticized by the Council in its meeting saying that that was to
curb right to know for citizens (Dawn, February 23, 1981).

CPNE supported the one day strike called by APNS and PFUJ after student’s
attacks on the offices of daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqt in Lahore. The newspapers
had published news about the Nazim of Islami Jamiat Talba. No newspaper was
published on April 25, 1982 as a protest against public atrocities (Khan, 2014).

The Council demanded the government to abolish all the types of measures leading
to Censorship on the Press. During a meeting held in Karachi, CPNE said the

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actions taken against daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqt were not acceptable and that the
government should formulate High Court Press Bench for the promulgation of Code
of Ethics (Dawn, March 20, 1983).

CPNE arranged the “Qaid-e-Azam Convention on April 8, 1983 and planned the
President (Zia Ulhaq) to inaugurate. During the convention a number of resolutions
were passed including the abrogation of PPO 1963, the annulment of amended
provisions of PPC 499 and 500 and the abolished of Censorship. But that didn’t get
any achievement (Zaidi, 2018).

The dark facet of CPNE appeared when the then president of the Council invited the
government to curb the right of daily “Jang” through Martial Law Regulations for
publishing Color Pages. The motive was the increasing circulation of Jang that
believed beating daily Nawa-e-Waqt owned by the president of CPNE (Zaidi, 2018)).

CPNE bravely denounced Zia’s plan for Press Advisory System and affirmed that
that would continue its efforts for the freedom of press. The government had
announced to gradually democratize the system. The Council said that the Press
Advisory System would snatch the rights from the editors (Hashmi, 2018).

The greatest achievement for the press was the cancelation of Press and Publication
Ordinance 1963 and the annulment of amendments in the PPC provisions 499 and
500 on September15, 1988. CPNE along with APNS and PFUJ had struggled for 28
years continuously for the job. After that the Council advised its members to be in
connection with the Information Ministry for any updates in relation to the Press. The
Council urged the government to make the new law “Registration of Press and
Publication Ordinance more effective (Shahid, S., 2018).

CPNE condemned every time every action against the freedom of press and each
attack on the media houses and journalist by the masses, political parties or the
forces. On March 11, 1989, the then vice president and secretary general of the
Council expressed their concerns over the Mutthida Qaumi Movement’s atrocities
against daily “Jang”. In the same way in March 29, 1989, the Council condemned the
actions against daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” Lahore, weekly “Takbeer” Karachi, monthly
“Urdu Digest” and daily “Pakistan Times” by Nawaz Sharif’s government. The then of
CPNE Arif Nizami said that the government is curtailing the press for its political

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gains and the central and provincial governments are targeting the press (Tahir,
Khan&Paracha, 2012).

The Benazir first era brought no change in the prevailing attacks by the political
parties and the government to curtail the freedom of the press in spite of promises
and expectations. CPNE, as a representative organization of the editor and of the
journalist in broad sense, left no stone unturned to free the press of the clutches of
pressure groups. The council condemned the arrest of Iqbal Khawaja of Dawn, by
police in Thatha on April 16, 1989, in the same way the council condemned the
abduction of Khawaja Javid Ahmad of daily “The Nation” in Sakkhar and that of Atiq
Ahmad Atiq of the daily “Huryat” in Karachi on August 11, 1989. The Council also
condemned the arrest of Zahid Malik of “Pakistan Observer” for writing a book in the
name of “Islamic Atom Bomb” in September 1989 (Ibrahim, M., 2018).

CPNE condemned attacks on news outlets and on the journalists and recorded its
protest. The council expressed its concerns over the attack on the office of daily
“Jang” Karachi by the workers of Pakistan People’s Party on October 10, 1989 after
news in relation with Benazir Bhutto. In the same way the Council appealed the
political parties not to threaten and pressurize media and respect the freedom of
press after the editor and workers of daily “Ibrat” were being threatened by political
elites in Hyderabad. The Council also condemned attack on daily “Haider” in
Islamabad on February 18, 1990 (Khan, 2014).

The Council protested over the killings of journalists in Sindh in June 1990. CPNE
said that the killings of journalists will not be tolerated. The Council observed a day
strike on June 6, 1990 (Dawn, June7, 1990).

In a joint meeting held in Karachi, CPNE, APNS, PFUJ and Hawker’s Association
condemned the political aggression against media after Altaf Hussain of Muttahida
Qaumi Movement openly threaten media houses and instructed his party works for a
boycott. The meeting protested over the behavior of political parties and against the
meaningful silence by the government (Dawn, March 21, 1991).

CPNE in a meeting urged the government not to amend the Registration of Press
and Publication Ordinance of 1988(Dawn, August 01, 1991).

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When the Chief Minister of Singh Jam Sadiq Ali threatened Ghulam Nabi Mughal, a
representative of daily “Frontier Post” during a press conference, the Council
condemned the threats and said the Chief Minister was openly speaking against the
freedom of press (khan, 2014).

On the call of CPNE and APNS a day strike was observed by journalists in Karachi
after the increased attacks on journalists and media houses by workers of political
parties in the city. There was no newspaper on September 30, 1991(Dawn, October
1, 1991).

The government withdrew a case of “treason” against Mir Shakil Ur Rehman, Maleha
Lodhi and Saeed Ahmad Khan of daily “The News” after the protest of CPNE on
October 30, 1992(Khan, 2014).

When the government blamed journalist for financial gains, CPNE condemned the
government’s attitude and said that would be useless to threaten the editors (Dawn,
July 24, 1994).

CPNE condemned police raid on the house of Jabbar Khatak, editor of daily “Awami
Awaz” and the arrest of his father Ghafar Khatak in July 1993, in the same way the
President of the Council Mir Shakil Ur Rehman expressed his concerns over the
attack on the office of daily “Mashriq” in Peshawar and asked the political leaders to
play role for safety of Press (Khan, 2014).

M.A Zuberi, the then president of CPNE, condemned attacks on the offices of daily
Nawa-e-Waqt and daily “The Nation” and said that that was an attack on the National
Press. Some unknown assailants had flamed the office on February 26, 1995 in
Karachi (Dawn, February 26, 1995).

CPNE condemned attacks on the offices of daily “The Muslim” in October 1995, on
daily “The News” in November 1995, on daily “Kawish” in December 1995 and the
arrest of Zahid Qurishi and Farhan Afindi of daily “Parcham” (Khan, 2014).

CPNE rejected the draft of Code of Conduct and Press Council presented by Nawaz
Sharif Government (Dawn, September 24, 1997).

The Council advocated law for Right to Know and urged the government to
promulgate that. In a meeting held in Karachi, CPNE decided not to accept any law

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related to press without the consultation of newspaper’s organizations. But the
Council remained silent when Nawaz’s government took action against Jang Group
of Newspapers on political basis and withdrew advertisements for the paper (Khan,
2014).

CPNE condemned government’s actions against monthly “News Online” after the
paper was targeted for publishing news about Riwand Farms owned by the then
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

The Council played crucial part to release the editor of “Friday Times” Lahore Najam
sethi. He was arrested on May 8, 1999 after presenting a paper in a seminar held in
New Delhi. The government had announces that Najam was arrested under Army
Act is under the custody of Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). The editor was released
by Punjab High Court (Zaidi, 2018).

CPNE demanded the government to enact the Press Council, Registration of Press
and Publication Ordinance and Law for Access to Information at one time. The
Council rejected the draft ordinance of Access to Information as not in accordance
with the agreement between the Ministry of Information and journalists bodies
(Dawn, September 5, 2000).

The Council condemned the kidnapping of Shakil Sheikh, representative of daily

“The News” in Islamabad in March 2001 and that of Muzaffar Ijaz, editor of daily
“Jasarat” in Karachi in July 2002 and expressed its concerns over the occurrences.
CPNE also denounced blasphemy cases against the editor and workers of daily
“Frontier Post” Peshawar. The Council deplored actions against daily “Kainat” and
daily ”Janbaz” in Karachi in January 2001 and a police raid on the office of daily
“Sahafat” in Islamabad in December 2001(Khan, 2014).

CPNE expressed concern over the demand of federal minister of information from
provinces to link government advertising to the implementation of the 7 th Wage
Board Award. The Society said that the government’s advertising were already being
distributed in a discriminatory manner so as to intimidate, coerce and browbeat
dissenting newspapers and that they had been challenged in courts and that was
unconstitutional (Dawn, May 23, 2004).

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The Standing Committee of CPNE, expressed hope over the assurance of the then
Prime Minister Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, to withdraw proposed amendments in the
Defamation Law and to make other related laws, after considering the requirements
of press freedom including the restoration of official advertisements to “Nawa-e-
Waqt” group (Dawn, August 13, 2004).

On September 14, 2004, CPNE promised the journalist’s community that the
struggle for the freedom of press would be continued with ever jubilant zeal. The
then secretary general of the Council Jabbar Khatak said that newspapers are being
threatened for not to use their right. He summed up that the situation was not
favorable and contravene of the article 19 of the constitution of Pakistan (Dawn,
September 14, 2004).

CPNE established “Press Freedom Monitoring Desk (PFMD)” which would operate
from the CPNE Central Secretariat in Karachi, would keep record of violations of
press freedom and would recommend appropriate actions to be taken in due core .
PFDM would have also serve as a watch-dog and would work in coordination with
national and international media organizations to ensure appropriate response to any
breach of press freedom by government or political/religious/ social quarters (Dawn,
January 15, 2005).

The resolution passed in a meeting of the Standing Committee of CPNE, held in

Karachi, stated that the government, through advice, tried to stop reports regarding
tragic incidents in Gilgit and Sui. The then president of the Council, Arif Nizami said
that although, presenting an incident in a sensational manner would be an
irresponsible act, reporting of facts was the right of the press. The Council said that
freedom of the press was vital for democratic stability and demanded that the
practice of taking punitive measures against newspapers particularly suspension of
advertisements for not following government directives regarding publication of
news, display of news and editorials must be stopped forthwith (Dawn, January 18,
2005).

The CPNE in a meeting held in Karachi, expressed its concern over the incidents of
violence against the press. The meeting also criticized the police action against
journalists in Lahore and Quetta (Dawn, May 4, 2005).

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The Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors in a meeting held in Karachi, urged the
government to withdraw the ban on government advertisements to Nawa-e-Waqt,
The Nation, Sahafat, Ausaf, Business Recorder and Frontier Post (Dawn, June 8,
2005).

CPNE in an emergency meeting held in Karachi condemned police action against

journalists in Karachi and termed that as an attack on the press. The council also
called for immediate release of all detained editors, newsmen and hawkers and
withdrawal of all cases registered against them. The meeting noted that police had
detained about 80 hawkers and some 4500 members of the community in Karachi
were living in a state of fear (Dawn, July21, 2005).

CPNE condemned the remarks given by the then advisor to the Chief Minister of
Sindh Salahuddin Haider against the chief executive of “Dawn”. The Council
decided not to invite the said advisor to any CPNE event until the matter was
satisfactorily resolved. CPNE stated that Mr Haider has attempted to force the Dawn
Group to change its reasonable and varied reporting of activities of the Sindh
government and his party, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, by resorting to restrict
and ban government advertisement (Dawn, May 24, 2006).

The Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors condemned the killings of ournalists

and denying the right to information. In the meeting held in Karachi, the Council
declared its total obligation to defend press freedom and to get right to information
(Dawn, July 1, 2006).

CPNE opposed the proposal by the government to set up a press and publication
regulatory authority and stated that that would be another stab to keep the press
under official. The meeting held in Karachi evolved consensus to iniciate a campaign
against the bill along with other representative bodies of the media. A committee was
also set up to handle the situation. The Council resolved to defend the freedom of
press at all costs (Dawn, December 18, 2006).

The Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors reiterated its determination to protect

and expand the press freedom in Pakistan. In a meeting of the Standing Committee
held in Karachi, the CPNE approved the formation of a committee to present the
Council on the joint committee with the Federal Information Ministry in Islamabad.

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The joint committee would take up all matters of urgency requiring discussion and
resolution so that the working relationship between the CPNE and the government in
respect of issues concerning the media is promoted in the interest of free press and
in the services of democratic practices (Dawn, March 29, 2007).

CPNE condemned the breakdown of law and order situation in Karachi, along with
the deplorable armed attacks on the offices of the daily “Business Recorder” and Aaj
TV. The Standing Committee passed a resolution demanding a comprehensive
judicial probe at highest level into the happenings (Dawn, May 20, 2007).

The Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors reiterated its commitment to defend

and uphold freedom of press in Pakistan in order to strengthen democracy and rule
of law. The then president of the Council Syed Fasih Iqbal said in a statement, that
electronic media should be facilitated and not impeded to do its job freely. Fasih also
called upon the Muttahida Qaumi Movement to persuade the Mohajir Rabita Council
to officially dissociate itself from a press release, purported to have been released by
it, containing threats to journalists (Dawn, June 2, 2007).

The CPNE and APNS condemned the Competition Commission of Pakistan (CCP),
what they say, against the Pakistan Broadcasting Association (PBA) and urged the
CCP to immediately reverse the “arbitrary” actions against a body that was a
legitimate functioning part of a free and fair press under the Article 19 of the
constitution of Pakistan (Dawn, January 9, 2015).

CPNE condemned raid by rangers on the house of resident editor of Nawa-e-Waqt,

Saeed Khawar in Karachi. The Council expressed solidarity with the journalist and
called upon the director general of Pakistan rangers Sindh to investigate the matter
(Dawn, January 20, 2015).

The Baluchistan Chapter of CPN in a resolution passed in a meeting regarding the

government-press relations in the province declared that press freedom situation is
extremely poor and unsatisfactory and urged the government to take steps in the
support of press freedom in the province. The meeting also decided a two member
committee to make efforts for arranging a meeting with the chief minister in that
regards (Dawn, September 8, 2017).

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During a meeting with the then Chief Minister of Baluchistan Sanaullah Zehri, the
delegation of the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors expressed its concern
over the poor press freedom situation in the province. The Chief Minister alleged that
people sitting outside the country were involved in disturbing peace in Baluchistan
(Dawn, October 24, 2017).

In a meeting of the standing committee of CPNE held in Quetta declared the press
freedom situation in Baluchistan as extremely bad and contrary to democratic
standards. According to the resolution passed during the meeting, intolerant
behavior of certain forces and groups against the media in Baluchistan has become
a norm and that journalists are, media workers and newspaper vendors find
themselves in an untenable situation due to the multidimensional sources of
pressure around them. The CPNE expressed solidarity with journalists, media,
media workers and newspapers vendor and demanded the government to take steps
that can strengthen the press freedom in line with basic human rights (Dawn,
October 25, 2017).

CPNE expressed concern over curbs on media in the country. The president Arif
Nizami and the Secretatry general Jabbar Khatak issued a statement condmend
actions agaisnts “ The Nation” and said that political and religious groups are
responsible for the attacks who should be considered (Dawn May 24, 2018).

CPNE urged the couvernment to consult all the stake holders in any legislation
regading the press laws. The council said that there is no need for special press laws
(Dawn Aug 31, 2018).

Leaders of the Council of Pakistan Newspapes Editors in a meeting told that the
present condition of press is worsen. A resolution was passed condemning the
undeclared censorship imposed on media in the country (Dawn Dec 02, 2018).

The struggle of CPNE is indicated by the review of the history the Council’s action in
support of press freedom.

5.4 Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) is the representative body of working

journalists in true sense that its history corroborates. From its birth on August 2,

237
1950 to the day present, it had been employed all of energies, time and resources to
secure press freedom for national press and safeguard the rights of working
journalists in Pakistan as well in the world for being a part of International
Federations of Journalists.

A review of the union’s struggle to protect journalistic interests and assure press
freedom in the country visualizes the role it has been playing to meet the objectives
for which the union was established. PFUJ came into existence after the Punjab
Union of Journalists, East Pakistan Union of Journalists and Sindh Union of
Journalists merged (Khan, 2014).

Before PFUJ, Punjab Union of Journalist, East Pakistan Union of Journalist and
Sindh Union of Journalist were actively shielding the interests of journalists and
raised voice for justice against highhandedness while the occupied forces used all
possible means to suppress the rising decent voices of press and pressmen from the
direct rule of British government in1857 to the independence of India and so that the
press-government relation had not been pleasant all over the occupied era (Iqbal,
2010). The press was contained under a number of laws, confining the freedom of
press. The press and registration of Books Act 1867, the State Act 1922, the Official
Secret Act 1923, the Press Emergency Act 1931, the State Protection Act1934,
Indian Penal Code 1860, the Code of Criminal Procedure 1898, the Sea Customs
Act 1885, the Telegraph Act 1885 and the Post Office Act 1898 were excessively
used against the vernacular press by the foreign ruler. After the partition these laws
and regulations remained in force with a slight change but the Provincial Public
Safety Act 1949 and the Security of Pakistan Act 1952 were added hardening
clutched around the press (Niazi, 1987). In such a situation collective and effective
struggle was inevitable to survive and that led to the establishment the PFUJ.

PFUJ continued the mission to free the press, initiated by the three unions of
journalists. After the Karachi convention of journalists in April 1951, PFUJ waste no
time to guard the national press and journalists as the prevailing political incidents
were calling for to be active.

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists for the first time condemned the arrest of M.A
Shakoor and Ahmad Hassan of daily “Dawn”, Anis Hashmi, Muhammad Akhter and
Erik Rahim of daily “Times of Karachi” and termed the arrests as a breach of

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Fundamental Rights. In the same way the Federation denounced ban on daily
“Nawa-e-Watan and the arrest of its Editor Ghulam Ahmad Shahwani. PFUJ also
condemned the arrest of Malik Muhammad Hayat of daily “Rehabar” in January 1958
(Khan, 2014).

In a meeting held in Dhaka in February 1960, the Executive Committee of PFUJ

passed a resolution censured the seizure of Progressive Papers Limited (PPI) and
urged the government of General Ayub Khan to retrocede the papers to owners. In
the same way PFUJ condemned the sequestration of Associated Press of Pakistan.

PFUJ played its role, when the editor of “Kainat” Bahawalpur, Wali Ullah Ahad and
the representative of the paper, Sher Anwar sentenced by Martial Law Court in
February 1960. The Federation protested and asked the government to release the
journalists and at last they were freed after three months. Similarly the Federation
condemned cases against the Israr Ahmad and Salamat Ali of daily “Pakistan Times”
under Secret Act in November 1960 and demanded the government not to nag the
journalist.

The Federal Executive Committee of PFUJ Passed a resolution in a meeting held in

Rawalpindi, saying that the Press and Publication Amendment Ordinance 1963 is
not relevant to the requirements of journalists in Pakistan. The Federation instituted
a movement against the curtailing laws which met attainment in 1988 after a hard
struggle for 28 years. In the first phase PFUJ along with APNS and CPNE
formulated a Joint Action Committee to supervise the movement for smoothening
press curtailing law (The Press and Publication Ordinance 1963). The leaders met
the officials of Ayub Khan’s government and secured some triumph to bring
amendments in the Ordinance (Niazi, 1987).

This was for the first time when administration of PPL suspended its representative
of daily “Pakistan Times”, Minhaj Barna and Edition In-Charge R .A Khan for not
disclosing the source of news published in the paper. PFUJ came to support the
journalists and protested over the action of PPL administration and the struggle
achieved the annulment of suspension (Dawn, July 26, 1964).

PFUJ initiated protest against the government for ban on a number of newspapers
and the arrest of journalists after presidential election in 1964 and appealed the

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editors and owners of newspapers to enter into a collective strive to secure safety for
the press in the country (Dawn, September 25, 1964). The government was banning
the papers and arresting journalists for the support of opposition parties especially
Fatima Jinnah in the election.

The president of PFUJ, Israr Ahmad, played magnificent role to restore daily “Ittefaq”
Dhaka of Tafazul Hussain. The Federation made a Committee comprising 6
members to lay the movement on the line. The Committee requested support from
CPNE and APNS and the goal was achieved (Niazi, 1987).

A protest campaign was launched by PFUJ, in spite of legal ban on protest under the
provision 144 in Karachi. This was the first time when journalists committed a breach
of law for the freedom of press (Dawn, December 17, 1968). PFUJ demanded the
arrest of Muslim League Workers who had fired a protest rally in Rawalpindi injuring
journalist Shahid Naem.

PFUJ condemned flaming of the offices daily “Morning News” and daily “Dhanak” in
Dhaka by protesting mob. Two journalists got injuries due to fire and flames in the
building (Dawn, January 24, 1969). Federation issued a statement declaring the
attack as a reaction of government involvement in the editorial policies of
newspapers under the banner of (NPT) National Press Trust.

The Executive Committee of PFUJ in a meeting held in Rawalpindi, urged the

government to repeal the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963, Security Act of
Pakistan and other curtailing laws (Dawn, March11, 1969).

PFUJ also deemed to cover the other side of threats to journalists, that the pressure
groups and political parties were turning aggressive toward the press in the last days
of Ayub regime. Threats and attacks were multiplying curbs on the press. The
Federation appealed the political parties not to stop the way for objective journalism
as blames and atrocity against the press and journalists would lead to an
atmosphere of unreliability and that would be dangerous for democracy (Dawn,
March 12, 1969).

Syed Nijullah and Shamsul Ghani of daily “Pakistan Observer“ were released by the
Martial government of Yahya Khan after the appeal of PFUJ on March 13,
1971(Dawn, March 13, 1971). Both of the journalists were sentenced by Military

240
Court for writing and publishing an article criticizing policies of the Military
Government.

PFUJ expressed its concerns over the dearth of newsprint and reducing the size and
number of pages in newspapers. The Federation’s president Minhaj Barna stated
that these circumstances would cut jobs for journalists and would be drastic for
National Press (Dawn, May 22, 1971).

A “Demands Day” was observed by PFUJ and asked the Bhutto government to
release all journalists in custody or in prison for their journalistic work and that no law
would be shaped without consulting PFUJ. The Federation also urged the
government to abolish the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963(Dawn, January 2,
1972).

PFUJ condemned ban on daily”Sun” and notices to daily “Nawa-eWaqt and daily
“Imroz” Lahore and appealed for a day strike in newspapers. CPNE and APNS
joined the strike (daily Dawn, July 23, 1972). The government had blamed the
papers for not following pre-censorship in the eve of language riots in Sindh. PFUJ
decided to instigate a movement after the government did not withdraw the ban and
that after a regular hunger strike of 24 hours setting in front of the office of daily
“Sun” the ban was withdrawn on August 13, 1972.

A rally of journalists was organized by PFUJ in Peshawar against the atrocities of

political parties and government. Minhaj Barna led the procession and a number of
journalists participated (Dawn, January 12, 1973). The Federation also observed
strikes and condemned attacks on the offices of newspapers in Baluchistan and
(NWFP) Khayber Pakhtoonkhawa.

A great achievement of PFUJ was its meeting with President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
where the delegation of the Federation discussed the overall problems and
hindrances in the way of journalistic job. The President assured to solve problem
related to Wage award, the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 and other (Khan,
2014).

For the first time PFUJ condemned APNS for its silence after the arrest of the editor
of Dawn, Altaf Gauhar (Niazi, 1987).

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A great job of PFUJ was the stance for the soul of news. The Federation issued
instructions to its units to keep a glance over the subject matter of news and make it
sure that there would be no purposely intrusion by the editors, owners, government,
political parties , pressure groups or any other (Dawn, March 12, 1973). This action
was the most valuable for a true journalism.

FUJ also raised its voice for Publications. Minhaj Barna, the then president of the
Federation issued a statement declaring that Federal Government set pressure on
cinema owners not to give advertisements to Dawn, that causes a loss of 40
thousands per month to the paper. He said that the venture would be taken as attack
on the freedom of press and would harm the interests of journalists (Dawn, May 9,
1973).

The Central Executive Committee rejected the Press Commission on the basis that
that was devised without the consent of PFUJ and there is no representation of the
Federation (Dawn, December 11, 1973).

In a meeting, PFUJ passed resolution and condemned the instructions of Sindh

government not to publish news about the occurrences in Punjab. It asserted that
such action would lead to deprive citizens of Sindh and would dig a gulf between the
people in both the provinces. The Federation also appealed the APNS and CPNE to
support journalists against the atrocities of government (Dawn, October 14, 1975).

PFUJ prepared and issued a draft of demands covering five aspects of clutches
around the freedom of press in the country. The first was to repeal the black laws
containing the press, the second was to abolish discrepancy toward newspapers, the
third was to smoothen the procedure for declaration, the fourth was to dissolve the
National Press Trust and the fifth and final was to re organize the Press
Commission(Dawn, November 5, 1975).

The president of PFUJ Minhaj Barna demanded the Martial Law Government of
General Zia Ul Haq, immediately after he took over the reign, to repeal the Press and
Publication Ordinance 1963 and dissolves the National Press Trust (Dawn, April 15,
1977).

PFUJ condemned Zia Government for ban on opposition papers and the arrest of
journalists on a number of occasions. The Federation also stopped the way of

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political interference in the affairs of journalists union. When the secretary general of
Pakistan People’s Party Maulana Kausar Niazi attempted to prepare a Code of
Conduct for PFUJ, Minhaj Barna not only condemned the intrusion but declared that
newspapers will do that by it (Dawn, September 13, 1977).

The Federation also resisted and expressed its concerns over the dissolution of
Peoples Foundation Trust (PFT). Minhaj Barna and Nisar Usmani of PFUJ pushed
for the economical interests and future of journalists associated with the newspapers
published under the Trust (Dawn, October 12, 1977). The Trust was established by
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Zia regime was on the way demolish all the sign related.

Ten leaders of PFUJ including two women journalists were arrested as they were on
hunger strike for the ban on daily “Masawat” (Dawn, December 4, 1977). The paper
was allowed to change the printing press and journalists were released.

PFUJ expressed its apprehension over the Press Council announced by Zai Martial
Law. The then President of Federation Minhaj Barna affirmed that PFUJ would not
be a part of the Council in the presence of black laws like Press and Publication
Ordinance 1963. He asked for to repeal the curbing laws first (Dawn, March 27,
1978).

The historic stance of PFUJ on press freedom was the movement against the ban on
daily “Masawat” and other newspapers for which it presented “arrests”. Journalists
faced suits under Martial Courts and put up with sentences of wipes “kora”. The day
May13, 1978 is termed the as the Black Day in the history of journalist in Pakistan,
when four journalists Masudullah Khan, Iqbal Ahmad Jaffari, Naeem Hashmi and
Nisar Zaidi were ordered to be whipped by summary military court. This was
followed by a country wide agitation of journalists and 150 journalists were arrested
after their desire to court themselves for the sake of press freedom. At last the
government bent before the historical sacrifice of journalists (Hashmi, Zaidi, 2018).

PFUJ stood against the National Press Trust for restoring rusticated journalists. The
Federation denounced the action of NPT administration and journalists set on
hunger strike for the restoration of rusticated journalists and others demands in
connection with press freedom. Three hundred journalists were arrested in due
course. A number of newspapers’ employees, students, intellectuals, lawyers, labour

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and peasant leaders accompanied the movement for the cause of press freedom.
The hunger strike was continued even in the prison (Zaidi, 2018).

Zia Ul Haq’s government changed the strategy to curb the press and imposed Pre-
Censorship on newspapers. In this itinerary of action to curtail the press, a number of
journalists were arrested tortured and newspapers were closed and banned. Each
and every measure against the freedom of the press was condemned and resisted
by PFUJ (Hashmi, 2018).

PFUJ censured amendments in the provisions 499 and 500 of Pakistan Penal Code
(PPC) and said that would even wipe out traces of objective journalism (Dawn,
March 10, 1980). The amendments restricted reporting of proceedings of National
and Provincial Assemblies and that in Courts. The amendments in provisions 499
and 500 were repealed in July 1986. PFUJ welcomed that but demanded the
government to repeal the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 (Dawn, July 14,
1986).

In a meeting held in Lahore the Federal Executive Council of PFUJ decided to

observe a Protest Day against new bans on newspapers and the abductions of
journalists. Instructions were issued to units to initiate a Signature Movement for the
release of journalists under government custody and assure the participation of
Lawyers, students, teachers, Doctors and women in the movement to strengthen the
move for press freedom (Dawn, November 13, 1983).

When Majeed Nizami, the then president of ANPS, expressed his consent to curb
the freedom of press while appealing the government to take action against daily
Jang for publishing color edition, PFUJ was the sole body to condemn the selfish
desire, as the objective behind was to block the increasing circulation of daily Jang
that was beating the Nawa-e-Waqt of Majeed Nizami (Khan, 2004).

During the linguistic crises in Sindh, police and other were threatening journalists for
their duties to cover the occurrences; PFUJ came to shield the freedom of press
guard journalists. The then president of the Federation, Wahid Bashir and secretary
general Zafar Abbas condemned the government and its police department for
aggressive behavior and urged to stop the harassment of journalists (Dawn, March
10, 1988).

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PFUJ welcomed the revocation of the blackest press law in history of Pakistan, the
Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 (Dawn, September 5, 1988). The government
was replacing the Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 with the Registration of
Press and Publication Ordinance 1988.

The president of PFUJ openly blamed the government of Punjab for curtailing the
press to dunghill election riggings while he was addressing a protest setting before
the Provincial Assembly. He said that police arrogance will not be tolerated against
the freedom of press (Dawn, February 24, 1990).

PFUJ actively reacted against the statement of the then Prime minister Mian
Muhammad Nawaz Sharif blaming journalists for their monetary relation with
opposition political parties. The statement was condemned and asked for to reveal
the names of journalists involved in such unhealthy practices. The Federation said
that such gesticulations empower political elements and pressure groups to coerce
the press (Dawn, July4, 1992).

The Federation condemned the harassment of journalists by police and agencies

during the Military Operation in Sindh. PFUJ urged the government to allow
journalists to perform their duties objectively. It labeled the measurements a move to
curtail the freedom of press (Dawn, September 14, 1992).

PFUJ condemned army personnel’s attacks on the offices of newspapers in

Islamabad after a news story was published. The Federation appealed the then
Chief of Army Staff General Abdul Waheed Kakard to take action against the officers
involved (Dawn March, 15, 1993).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists also raised its voice against discrimination on
the basis of religion with journalists. When a Christian journalist Aneel Datta was
refused to visit the Atomic Power House (KANUPP) in Karachi, PFUJ not only
denounced the behavior of KANUPP’s administration but also affirmed that
deprivation on the basis of religion is not tolerable (Dawn, May15, 1993)

PFUJ condemned the blame on 34 journalists for taking monetary benefits from
Intelligence bureau. Nine journalists were named and some details were also issued.
The PFUJ demanded to public all the names and details of blamed against
journalists (Dawn July28, 1994).

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A joint Committee of PFUJ, APNS, CPNE and APENC made that possible to
withdraw a two months ban on four eveninger dailies ie Awam, Evening Special,
Qaumi Akhbar and Public (Dawn, July 4, 1995).

PFUJ agreed with government to establish the Press Council but declared that the
Council should be free from the clutches of government. It also urged the
government to work for the freedom of press (Dawn March 8, 1997).

Pakistan Federal Union of journalists also played role for the rights of Newspapers.
When Nawaz’s government tried to ensnare daily Jang by cutting advertisements of
the paper, PFUJ came forward and fully supported and shielded the interests of the
paper. It condemned the government atrocities and asked to restore the
advertisements stopped for political gains. Journalists were tortured by police when
they were going to Karachi Port to bring newsprint of daily Jang, PFUJ staged
hunger strike and registered writ in Supreme Court of Pakistan (Dawn, February 5,
1999).

PFUJ expressed concern over the formation of Press Council. In a statement issued,
the federation said that ministry of information was being constituting Press Council
to safeguard vested interests and gag the voice of free press. The federation pointed
that 16 black laws designed to scuttle the dissent voice were already enforce and the
presence of these laws, the Press Council, could act as military courts for journalists
(Dawn, February 21, 2002).

A memorandum over the killing of Daniel Pearl was submitted to US ambassador in

Islamabad by PFUJ. The memorandum conveyed the grief of journalists to the family
of Pearl (Dawn, February 23, 2002).

PFUJ and APNEC rejected the proposed setting up of Press Council and Press
Regulatory Laws, and said that the government has decided to introduce to
“regulate” the press through an ordinance. They stated that the reported government
moves had brought to one’s mind the reminiscences of the era of Field Marshal Ayub
Khan, who had introduced a number of black laws, including the outrageous Press
and Publication Ordinance, 1963, to curb the press freedom (Dawn, March 15,
2002).

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PFUJ asked the governor of Punjab Lieutenant General Khalid Maqbool to beg
pardon for saying harsh words against newspapers. The Federation also condemned
police Lathi-charge on protesting journalists in the due course (Dawn, April 14,
2002).

Pakistan Federal union of journalists expressed its deep concerns over the
defamation law of 2002 and expressed in joint statement with Karachi Union of
Journalists that the law would further restrict and curtail the freedom of press (Dawn,
May 30, 2002).

PFUJ denounced firing on photo journalists in Islamabad for making pictures of

police raid on slum dwellers. The Federation termed that a new tactics to block the
way of objective journalism (Dawn July 30, 2002).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists expressed concern over the cabinet’s approval
of the draft of new defamation ordinance and the decision to set a Press Council.
The then president of the Federation I.H Rashid said that the ordinance would further
the curtailing of freedom of press. He also expressed his concern over the approval
of Press Council by the CPNE and APNS where the PFUJ unanimously voted
against that in the biennial meeting (Dawn, September 3, 2002).

The Federation condemned the killing of journalist Shahid Somoroo by the son of
Lord of Bajarani Tribe in Sindh and said that attack was on the freedom of press
(Dawn, October 22, 2002).

FUJ reacted against the harassment of journalists by police and investigative

agencies and termed the actions to contain the freedom of press (Dawn, May 6,
2003).

In a joint statement PFUJ, KUJ and Hyderabad Union of Journalists condemned the
killing of Raja Ejaz and Amir Bakhsh Brohi in Sindh and asked for the arrest of
culprits (Dawn September 17, 2003).

Ahfazu Rehman, the then president of PFUJ appealed the government to release
Khawar Mehdi and launch open trial if convicted (Dawn December 17, 2003).
Khawar Mehdi was arrested along with a French journalist for going to Afghanistan
illegally. The French journalist was released but Khawar was abducted.

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PFUJ criticized the statement by the then Information Minister Sheikh Rasheed
Ahmad for the remarks that newsmen should accept the 7 th Wage Board Award
according to the formula given by newspaper owners. The Federation said that the
Award was for the newspaper employees and was instituted under an act passed by
parliament. The minister should have endeavored to ask the newspaper owners to
abide by the law (Dawn, January 16, 2004).

The president of PFUJ, Ahfazu Rahman demanded the government to arrest the
killers of journalist Sajid (Dawn, January 30, 2004). Sajid Tanoli was killed by
assailant in Abbotabad.

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists demanded the government to restore

government’s advertisements to daily The Nation and daily Nawa-e-Waqt. The
Federation declared the ban on government advertisements to the papers as
contradictory to the spirit of freedom of the press. The Federation urged the
government to immediately revoke the step so that a culture of freedom of
expression can be developed in the country (Dawn, March 11, 2004).

PFUJ denounced misbehavior with journalists in Lahore Airport (Dawn May 17,
2004). Police had tortured journalists for their assigned work on the arrival of
Shahbaz Sharif. Possessions of journalists Zafar Abbas, representative of British
Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and Muhsin Naqvi of CNN, covering the event were
confiscated.

To shield Karachi Press Club, PFUJ came forward and asked the government to
arrest the attackers on the Club. In Joint statement PFUJ and KUJ urged the
government to stop arrogation against the Club. The Club was attacked by
demonstrators blaming non covering by journalists (Dawn, March 1, 2004).

PFUJ planned a protest demonstration against the non-implementation of 7th Wage

Board Award in view of the formation of a high-powered committee comprising
government and opposition members of the National Assembly and Senate (Dawn,
June 23, 2005).

After a three days Biennial Delegation Meeting, PFUJ reiterated its pledge to
continue struggle for the freedom of press and for the cause of journalists in the

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country. A resolution was passed demanding the government to abrogate all the
black laws aimed against the press and journalists (Dawn, March 8, 2005).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists welcomed the National Assembly decision to

refer the PEMRA (Amendment) Bill to a mediation committee. The Federation
suggested that the clause 27, section (a) should be deleted from the PEMRA bill.
PFUJ also expressed reservations on clauses 33, 33-A, 33-B, 34-A (Dawn,
September 24, 2005).

Movement for the freedom of expression was announced by the PFUJ in

collaboration with APNEC (All Pakistan Newspapers Employs Confederation) from
March 21 to May 3. The meeting where decision was taken was held in Faisalabad
on March 14, 2006).

PFUJ and APNEC declared that they would continue struggle for freedom of the
press and expression. A resolution was passed in a joint meeting expressing that
the situation in regards to press freedom was better than the past but still black laws
were being used to curb freedom (Dawn, march 18, 2006).

PFUJ in collaboration with APNEC set up protest camps in Islamabad, Lahore,

Karachi and Peshawar against irregular employment and non-implementation of 7th
Wage Board Award (Dawn, April 6, 2006).

PFUJ called for the formation of an independent judicial commission to investigate

the attack on Geo TV’s offices in Islamabad. The federation also condemned the
government’s interference in the working criterion of media’s organizations (Dawn,
March 18, 2007).

A report titled “A State of Denial: The Crisis of Press Freedom and Journalist Safety
in Pakistan” was released by PFUJ and IFJ. Findings of the report revealed the
increasing horror faced by journalists in Pakistan including restrictions, government
intervention, low wages, violence and murders (Dawn, April 5, 2007).

PFUJ accused PEMRA of suppressing the freedom of expression and pressurizing

private TV channels and demanded a new PEMRA set-up with its chairman and
members nominated by parliament (Dawn, April 28, 2007).

249
Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists appealed the media groups to take immediate
measures for the safety of journalists including life insurance in view of increasing
incidents of violence and threats against them (Dawn, May 25, 2007).

PFUJ condemned the murder of Nisar Ahmed Solangi in Sindh and the kidnapping
of Abdul Latif Gola in Baluchistan. A protest demonstration was also held in Quetta
demanding the recovery of the reporter Gola (Dawn, June 19, 2007).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists planned to launch a campaign for the

implementation of 7th Wage Award. In a meeting held in Quetta, PFUJ reaffirmed its
commitment to the freedom of the press and expression and resolved to wage
campaign against the newspaper owners if they failed to implement the 7 th Wage
Award (Dawn, August 21, 2007).

PFUJ expressed concern over the kidnapping of journalist Riaz Mengal, the acting
president of the Khuzdar Press Club. The Federation accused the government of
using such tactics to pressurize the journalist community and impose curbs on the
freedom of the press (Dawn, October 8, 2007).

PFUJ expressed concern over the closure of the murder inquiry of journalist, M.
Ismail Malik, who was killed on Nov 1 2006 in Islamabad by unidentified assailants.
The Federation also demanded the arrest of the killers (Dawn, November 1, 2007).

A “black day” was announced by PFUJ after an emergency meeting was called at
Islamabad-Rawalpindi press club. The Federation took decision observe a “black
day” on Friday, boycott all functions organized by government and hoist black flags
on all the press clubs and set up hunger strikes in all cities of the country. The action
was to support the movement for the press freedom of the press against the curbs
on the press by government (Dawn, November 8, 2007).

PFUJ condemned the killing of journalists Chishti Mujahid in Quetta and said that the
murder added a new dimension to the rising trend of violence against journalists.
The claim for killing a journalist is more dangerous and that would discourage
journalists. The Federation demanded the government to order thorough
investigation into the murder and adopt security arrangements for journalists (Dawn,
February 28, 2008).

250
PFUJ welcomed the statement of Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari promising radical
changes in PEMRA assuring the freedom of press (Dawn, February 22, 2008).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists in collaboration with the International

Federation of Journalists announced an international conference on “Journalist’s
Safety and Ethics” (Dawn, July 28, 2008).

PFUJ welcomed the Media Bill introduces in the National Assembly to replace the
amended ordinance of 2007. In a statement the Federation said that although the
amended PEMRA ordinance had been removed but the controversial code of ethics
was still part of the PEMRA ordinance (Dawn, August 13, 2008).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists condemned the killing of journalist Abdul Aziz
in an attack on a Taliban hideout in Swat. The Federation said in its statement that
the government appears to be non-serious towards security issues confronting
journalists (Dawn, August 31, 2008).

PFUJ condemned attacks on the Team of Dawn News and Sindh TV in Sindh. The
general secretary of PFUJ Mazhar Abbas urged the government to initiate an
independent probe into the alleged takeover of the Makli graveyard, where the
journalists were attacked (Dawn, September 28, 2008).

PFUJ condemned attack on the office of daily Awami Awaz by political activists in
Sindh. The federation demanded action against the responsible. It said that
threatening journalists was an attack on the freedom of the press and not acceptable
(Dawn, January 3, 2009).

PFUJ expressed its concern over the working condition for journalists in the Malaknd
Division, where journalists and media personnel were under threats and have lifted
their home due to unsafe situation in the area. The Federation called upon the
government to support the effected journalists (Dawn, May 12, 2009).

In a resolution passed after a meeting in Karachi, the KUJ and PFUJ leaders
affirmed that journalists will resist attempts by the government, the PEMRA or any
other quarter to impose any restraint on electronic media. The resolution came in the
backdrop of the statements by the government functionaries after the August 15

251
standoff in Islamabad, suggesting restrictions on live coverage (Dawn, August 26,
2013).

PFUJ organized a seminars and references to pay tributes to its founding leaders
and highlight the struggle rendered by these brave leaders who paid no heed to
personal benefit and worked for the collective growth of the community (Dawn,
August 31, 2013).

PFUJ expressed concern over the code of conduct for media. At a seminar held in
Karachi, Rana Azeem said that the code of conduct was unsatisfactory and some of
its points amounted to gagging of freedom of expression. He urged the government
to redraft and issue that after consultations with journalist’s organizations (Dawn,
August 27, 2015).

PFUJ expressed solidarity with the staffer of Dawn, Cyril Alameda and demanded
the government to immediately withdraw all restrictions on the journalists. The
Federation said that “It is tantamount to harassment of journalists which is
unacceptable to the PFUJ” (Dawn, October 11, 2016).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists rejected the government’s decision to ask

APNS to take action against “Dawn” over a report on civil-military divide. The
Federation said that that would defend freedom of the press at all cost (Dawn, April
30, 2017).

PFUJ staged rallies in different part of the country to mark the press freedom day
and to show solidarity with “Dawn”. The show of solidarity came amid reports that the
government had recommended disciplinary action against the “Dawn” and its editor
over the publication of a report on civil-military divides (Dawn, May 4, 2017).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists urged government to take steps for the safety
and security of journalists in Baluchistan. The Federation expressed concern over
the threats hurdling over working journalists in the province by militants and religious
groups (Dawn, November 10, 2017).

A break was observed among APNS, PFUJ and APEC over the matter of
amendments in the services condition act 1973. APNS criticized the stance of PFUJ

252
and APNEC which reflects the clash in interests between employer and employee
(Dawn, Jun 20, 2018).

PFUJ asked the Committee to Protect Journalists and the Primenister of Pakistan
Imran Khan to take prompt actions against the physical intimidation and coercion
against the press and journalists in the country (Dawn Jun 22, 2018).

To protect journalists and to make sure the freedom of press, PFUJ began a drive all
over the country. Journalists’ launhed the move to record protest against the
unanounces censorship imposed on the pres (Dawn, July 04, 2018).

PFUJ hold protest all over the country to express solidarity with the Dawn News
against the government pressure. The protest was joined by Lawyers and civil
society groups too (Dawn, Jul 12, 2018).

PFUJ asked the Committee to Protect Journalists and the Primenister of Pakistan
Imran Khan to take prompt actions against the physical intimidation and coercion
against the press and journalists in the country (Dawn Jun 22, 2018).

PFUJ condemned the murder of journalist Sohail in Haripur. The Federation

expressed concern over the low level of rule of law in the state and urged the
government to protect journalists (Dawn, Oct 18, 2018).

The president Afzal Butt and seretory general Ayub Jan Sarhindi expressed their
commitment to continue struggle till the complete independence would be acquired
(Dawn Nov 04, 2018).

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists condemned a police’s raid on the house of

journalist Azami in Karachi. Afzal but said that the action against a paralysed
journalists is openly an attack on the peesdom of press.and exposes the ill-intention
of government (Dawn, Dec, 11, 2018).

Review of the struggle of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists reveals that the
Federation has always done all possible efforts to support journalists and chapion
the mission to promote freedom of press in Pakistan.

253
5.5 Summary

Journalists’ organizations are believed to be the representatives, protectors and

promoters of the interests of journalists and that of press freedom. The Pakistan
Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editor
(CPNE) and All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) were established for the
purpose to represent the media community on the country stage and safeguard its
rights. The study explored their role for the freedom of press and for the protection
and promotion of the interests of the journalists’ community. The study found that
PFUJ has played crucial role for the press freedom and for the protection of
journalists’ rights and its leaders like Minhaj Burna, Nisar UsmaniAbdul hameed
Chapra. They pay much more for the sake of ensuring press freedom in the state. In
the same context CPNE also played its role and on a number of occasions it stood
with working journalists for the protection of journalists’ right and press freedom.
Similarly, APNS also has played its role for the freedom of press.

Sometimes in the media history Pakistan, split have also been witnessed in the
journalists’ organizations but as a whole the role of all the three suited organizations
is well and worthy to be praised.

254
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Dawn (2018, Aug 21). CPNE felicitates information minister. Retrieved from
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Iqbal zafar,Dr. (2010), Pakistan’s Press and Politics in the First Decade(1947-1958):An Analysis in
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Khan, Ahmed, Tauseef, Dr. (2014). Azadi-E- Sahafat ki Jidojhd Mein Akhbari Tanzemoon ka kirdar.(
Role of Newspaper Organizations in the Struggle for Freedom of the Press) Multi Printers,
Karachi Press Club.

Natarajan, S (1962), A History of Press in India. Retrieved June 20, 2017, From
http://www.odia.org/books/A_Story_Of_The_Press_In_India.pdf

Niazi Zamir (2004). The web of Censorship. Royal Book Company, Karachi.

Niazi Zamir (2006). The Press Under Siege. Karachi. University of Karachi.

Niazi, Zamir (1987). The Press in Chains. Royal Book Company, Krachi.

Örnebring, H. (2009). The two professionalisms of journalism: journalism and the changing context
of work. Oxford: University of Oxford, Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.

Paracha, S. A., & Tahir, S. N. (2012). Role of All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS): Call for a
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PPF. (2006, May 25). APNS seeks Sindh adviser’s apology for remarks against Dawn chief.
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apology-for-remarks-against-dawn-chief/

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Sayeed, K. B. (1959). Collapse of parliamentary democracy in Pakistan. The Middle East Journal,
389-406.

Shahid, Saleem (May 30, 2018). Press Freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan. Personal
interview in Quetta Press Club, Quetta
Zaidi, Nasir (May 2, 2018). Press Freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan. Personal interview
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 Chapter 6

Press freedom and Threats to journalists in Pakistan

6.1 Introduction

Freedom of press is the free flow of news content from origin to the target and
feedback. According to the classical liberal approach, “A truly free press would be
free not just of state intervention but also of market forces and ownership ties and a
host of other material bonds” and that would inculcate a sense of freedom in
journalists to professionally do their job without any fear of state and no state agents
in terms of finances and life (Nerone, 1995). Press freedom in its nature is the true
sense functioning in a fearless environment, free from all the clutches of state and
non state agents, from the establishing of a press company or media house to the
gathering of news, editing, publishing and distribution. Freedom of Press resides in
“the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas”, in accordance to the
Article 19 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, 1948), that recognizes
freedom of opinion and expression and its collection, decimination as a fundamental
through any medium regardless of frontiers. The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights asserts the signatories to promote respect for human rights and freedoms and
by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and
effective recognition and observance, among the peoples of territories under their
jurisdiction.

Article 19 of the constitution of Pakistan 1973 also recognizes the freedom of press
as fundalmental right of citizen in term of freedom of speech and expression but
subjects to reasonable restrictions by the law in the interest of the state and its
institutions. Whereas the Article 19A of the constitution 1973[Amendment]
guarantees access to information in all matters of public importance but at the same
time, subjugate it to regulations by law (CoP, 1973).

The constitution of Pakistan guarantees the freedom of press and by the law access
to information is protected but at the same time, this right is subjected to restrictions,
reasonable in the sense to guard the interests of the state. Here, interests are

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counted as the Glory of Islam [state religion], the Integrity, Security, Defense, Public
Order, Decency, Morality, Contempt of Court, Incitement to Offence and Friendly
Relations with Foreign States. This is all fair and universal in the sense that similar
restrictions are imposed in nearly all the states of the world. But the editor of daily
Jang (the mostly circulated Urdu newspaper in Pakistan) Mudasir Mirza proclaims
that national interests have priority over the freedom of expression and press but
criteria and scale for national interests differ from institution to institution and
individual to individual and that makes it impossible to democratize standards for it
and this ambiguous situation increases threats to journalists and confines press
freedom in the state (Mirza, 2018). The fragility of the right was confirmed by court in
a decision in the case “the State v. Abdul Ghaffar Khan” PLD 1957 Lahore.142,
which placed that the restrictions imposed by this section are in the interests of the
security of the state and every inch of the territory of the state is more valuable than
the liberty of speech which cannot be used for liquidating the state.

But this is a universal approach towards press freedom as the African (Banjul)
Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, in its Article 9[1] guarantees Access to
Information and states: every individual shall have right to receive information. And
the Article 9[2] asserts: every individual shall have right to express and disseminate
his opinions within the laws (Bonjul, 1986). The Charter subjugates the “right” to
country’s laws which confine its freedom under the chapter of national interests.

The European Convention on Human Rights warranties the freedom of expression in

its Article 10 [1] recognizes right to freedom of expression in term of freedom to hold
opinions and to deciminate or express those without any interference by state
authorities regardless of frontiers. But the second integral part of the Article 10[2] put
restrictions inaccordace to law in the interests of the state and society (ECHR, 1950).

Similarly the constitution of India guarantees the freedom of expression and that
Article 19[a] states: All citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and
expression but subjugates this right in 15(2) as; Nothing in the sub-clause (a) of
clause (1) shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the State from
making any law, in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the
exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause in the interests of the
sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of state, friendly relations with foreign

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states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court,
defamation or incitement to an offence (CoI.1949).

Here, it is substantiated that press freedom is guaranteed by constitution of Pakistan

as that in the developed and developing states of the world but this approach
towards the Press affirms that the aim and goal is not the freedom of expression and
press but the consolidation and solidification of state and its system rather media is
dealt as a communicator and mediator to protect the interests of the state. It is
evidently makeable and measurable to observe the status of press freedom and
threats to journalism and journalists in the country. The media history in Pakistan,
from its birth to the day present, is governed by high diversification. It remained
always under constant pressure by government, exercising the laws in its vested
interests, by Political parties to fabricate political motives, by religious groups for
smoothening and molding the minds of believers, by traffickers to suppress the
daring investigators, by advertisers to promote the business by tricks, by street
criminals to create an atmosphere of fear to escape from the watching eyes and
hearing ears, by the establishment to make an unseen corruption, by terrorists for
not to be disclosed or to promote terror in the masses and by the owners to safe
guard their economical interests. This is the ground on which the press has been
dwelling since the first day of independence in 1947 (Khattak, 2018).

Circumstances show that the press in Pakistan is under multidimensional threats.

Tools used for favoritism are, ban on the newspapers, using country laws for
personal interests, blockage of government advertisements, suspension or reduction
in newsprint quota, fines and annulments of registration, arrests of journalists,
owners and publishers, harassing and threatening working journalists, public attacks
on media houses and journalists, killing and injuring journalists, threatening the
families of journalists and that of owners, financial constraints from the owners of
media enterprises, low salaries, no guarantee of jobs, no proper training system for
journalists working on dangerous assignments or investigation and no governmental
support in case of jobs, salaries, insurance for injuries or death and no medical
benefits for journalists or for their descendants.

The content “threat” and “freedom” is being searched in the history of press in the
country on the basis of events and incidents, because the exercise of threatening

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tactics are inherited and inculcated by the ruling part or by opposition parts in main.
To measure the strength of threats and the status of press freedom, a threefold
approach is applied. The first fold is the content search, unfolding the status of press
through the prism of time. The second is the survey launched for working journalists
to find out the unreported and personalized threats and the ground realities. The
third fold is to interview the experts to calculate the inners and basis of threats and
pressure flourishing in the media landscape of Pakistan and to authenticate the
results.

Press in Pakistan has never enjoyed freedom and is still under multidimensional
threats, the difference is that in past, the targeting agents were known and their tools
were conventional but now the attackers are unknown, hidden and their tactics are
non conventional (W.Khan 2018).

To portray attacks on the press, an overview of incidents is given below.

6.2 The Press under attacks in Pakistan: An overview

First attempt to curb the freedom of express was made when a part of the inaugural
address of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the first Governor General and Founder of
Pakistan, to the first Constituent Assembly of newly independent state on August 11,
1947, was by some hidden hands tried to tamper with and a call in the office of
Dawn, (Leading English Language newspaper) was received, advising to black a
particular part of the speech but the active journalistic approach of the then editor of
the paper stopped the way and the temptation met a failure ( Niazi, 1986).

The Weekly Pakhtoon was closed in 1948 on the order of the then Chief minister of
North Frontier Province (NWFP) now Khyber Pakhtoon Khwa (KPK), Khan Abdul
Qayyum Khan on political basis.

Three periodicals, Saveera, Naqoosh and Adabe Latif were prescribed by the
Muslim League government in Punjab in 1948. Naqoosh was banned for publishing
a story of Sadat Hassan Minto with a title “Khol Do” (open up). Saveera was asked to
furnish a security deposit of Rs. Six thousands after that was brought in market
completing the ban period in 1949 (khan, 2014).

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Editor of daily Imroze Lahore Faiz Ahmed Faiz was arrested under section 2 of the
Safety Act, for publishing a news story in connection with a police officer in Lahore
(Imroze, April 12, 1948).

Weekly Khursheed and Al-Islam were closed (both the papers were being published
from Quetta) and the editor of the papers, Faiz Ahmed Ghazi was arrested in 1948,
on political basis (Niazi, 1986), as he was the Propaganda Secretary of Baluchistan
Muslim league and General Secretary of Baluchistan Labor Federation.

Weekly Bolan (Quetta) was banned and the Press was confiscated in 1948 for
criticism on Government. Bolan was edited by a veteran journalist Mir Hassan
Nizami.

Daily Al-Waheed (Sindh) was closed for six months for publishing an editorial that
had distasted the ruling class at the time. The editor of the paper Abdul Ghafoor was
arrested under Safety Act (Imroze, May 21, 1948).

Editor of daily Aaghaz (Lahore), Mian Ihsan Elahi was arrested under Safety Act for
criticism on government (Imroze, August 31, 1948).

Representative of Dawn, in Badin (Sindh), M. Hameed was arrested on the decree of

local land officer (Imroze, November 11, 1948).

Three journalist, Chancier, Aasim and sachendar Narain of weekly East Bengal
Times were arrested under Special Powers Act in East Pakistan (Imroze, December
6, 1948).

The Federal Government, under the premiership of Pir Elahi Bukhsh, banned Dawn,
in Sindh Province in 1949 but by the intervention of the then President of All Pakistan
Muslim League Chaudhry Khaaliquzzaman, the order was withdrawn (Niazi, 1986).

Weekly News Orient (Karachi) was forced to wind up for its bold criticism on the
government in 1949. The editor of the paper, Ghayur ul Islam published an editorial
affirming his stance and defended his faith in the freedom of press and that of
expression. The declaration of the paper was cancelled after the establishment failed
to cool the heroic blood (Khan, 2014).

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A joint editorial under signed was published by a number of daily newspapers on
May 6, 1949, demanding “Penal Action “against the daily “Civil & Military Gazette”.
The paper was closed for six months for publishing a news story about Kashmir
(Niazi, 1986). The paper had also published an apology on the next day but the
government took action against the paper. PFUJ termed that an unjust and
unnecessary action.

Declaration of daily “Sarhad” was cancelled and the editor Rahim Bukhsh Ghaznavi
was arrested by the Provincial Government of Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan (NWFP),
under the Safety Act. But the motive behind the action was political (daily Imroze,
May 9, 1949).

The editor of daily “Al- Jamiat”, Syed Sutan Shah was arrested for criticism on
Qayyum Khan’s government (NWFP) and the paper was asked to furnish a security
deposit of Rs. two thousands as that was forfeited (Imroze, May 15, 1949).

The government advertisements were blocked for daily “Inqilab” (Imroze, May 20,
1949). This was the first time that advertisements were used to punish a newspaper
and curb the freedom of press while threatening the finances of a media outlet in
Pakistan. Daily Inqilab was targeted by the Punjab government of Mian Mumtaz
Khan Daulatana for supporting the opponent group led by Nawab Iftikhar Hussain.
The newsprint quota was also withdrawn and the Hawkers were ordered not to lift
the paper. The NWFP had already banned the entry of the paper in the province. At
last the paper “Inqilab” breathed its last in November 1949 under the pressure of
tricky hands.

Daily “Safina” was closed by Punjab Government for violating sanctity of the British
Governor of the Punjab Province Mr. Francis Mudie (Times, July 20, 1949). The
Paper had published a story, exposing the transferring of a truck to London loaded
with secret papers.

Daily “Muslim” was banned under political interests but after the protest by Sindh
Union of Journalist, the order was withdrawn (Times, July 22, 1949).

A very interesting aspect of Self-Censor ship was revealed by Zamir Niazi in his
book “The Press in Chains” he quoted Ahmad Bashir of daily Nawa-e-Waqt, saying
that he along with Tufail Ahmad Khan, prominently published a Satire of Ibrahim

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Jalees, bearing the title “Public Safety Zaror”, after the promulgation of Punjab Public
Safety Act in 1949. The Chief editor and owner of the paper Hameed Nizami
summoned them and asked for publishing an apology. When they refused, the next
they were dismissed and apology was publish in the name of Hameed Nizami (Nizai,
1986).

Journalist Abdul Rauf was taken into police custody on June 26, 1949, for to crave
out the source of a news item. On the refusal, he was harassed (Khan, 2014).

Seven journalists of daily “Sindh Oserver” were tortured and arrested on October 7,
1949. Journalists were on hunger strike against the intervention of the General
Manager of the paper, M.P Tahilrama, in the editorial matter. The police action was
engineered by the editor and owner of the paper, Pir Ali Muhammad Rashidi. This
was the excellent stance of journalists for the freedom of press.

Editor of daily “Ehsan” Abu Seed Bazmi and Publisher Noor Ul Nabi, were asked by
Punjab Government to furnish a bail of Rs. Five hundred in a case of Defamation
(Imroze, October 17, 1949).

Daily “Aghaz” Hyderabad was banned by Sindh Government under Public Safety Act
(Imroze, October 27, 1949).

The editor of daily “Insaf” Sadiq Lodhi was arrested under Public Safety Act by
Punjab Government (daily Imroze November26, 1949). The fact behind the scene
was criticism on police for failure to arrest the kidnappers of Maulana Bakhshul Haq,
a leader of the All Pakistan Muslim League.

Weekly “Sarhad Ghazi” and “Khurshed” were banned by NWFP under Safety Act
(Imroze, January 11, 1949) but the reason was a news item in connection with the
visit of the then Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan to Peshawar.

Punjab government arrested the editor of daily “Tasneem” Maulana Nasrullah Kahn
under the Public Safety Act in 1949. The action had its roots in the Maulana Maududi
and League Government strife (Khan, 2014).

The editor of daily “Istiqlal” Quetta, Abdus Samad Khan Durani was arrested under
the Public Safety Act in 1950 (Niazi, 1986).

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The editor of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” Hameed Nizami was arrested under section17 of
the Punjab Safety Act for publishing a letter regarding Safety Act. The Government
of Punjab charged the editor for defamation of the Home Secretary (Times, August
10, 1950).

The editor of daily “Helal-e-Pakistan” Muhammad Ismail Munshi was tortured by

police officer in Hyderabad Railway Station (Imroze, September 26, 1950).

The printing press for daily “Pakistan Times” was issued a show cause notice by
Punjab Government. The press was asked to show why a letter was printed in daily
“Imroze”(Imroze, December 23, 1950).

Journalists Ahmad Ali, Zahir Babar, Hamid Hashmi, Mumtaz Hussain and Ghayur ur
Rahman were arrested under Safety Act (Dawn, June 5, 1951).

The declaration of weekly “Satlaj” and weekly “Insaf” were cancelled in 1951 by
Muslim League Ministry of Makhdomzada Hassan Mehmood. Charges against the
papers were, the writings, evaluating the existing gulfs and stifles among the factions
within All Pakistan Muslim League. But the timely and firm reaction of the journalists
and labour unions bowed the government and the cancellation order was withdrawn
(Niazi, 1986).

The chief reporter of daily “Imroze” Abdullah was banned to report the Punjab
Assembly’s proceedings. The government said that that was decided for security
reasons (Imroze, December 24, 1951).

Registration of a literary paper in Pashto language “Aslam” was cancelled and the
editor. Sanober Hussain Mohman was arrest under Public Safety Act in 1952 by
Qayyum Khan’s ministry (Muslim League) in NWFP. The sin was his political
approaches which were in opposition with that of the Sahib Zada Abdul Qayyum
Khan, the Chief Minister (Niazi, 1986).

The editor Abdus Salam and printer of daily “Pakistan Observer” Dhaka, was
arrested under Public Safety Act. According to Zamir Niazi, he was released on bail
but within a week, was aducted again in another case that blamed him of flaming
rival journal’s premises. The fact was that he was critical of All Pakistan Muslim

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League and the Prime Minister Khwaja Nanimudding for deteriorated political
circumstance in East Pakistan.

Weekly “Chattan” and “Asia” were banned for using indecent and immoral language
(Dawn, June 10, 1952). The establishment had plotted behind the controversies
between the editor of weekly Chattan, Agha Shorish and the editor of weekly Asia,
Zahuru Hasan Dar. The key role was played by the then Director Information of
Punjab Syed Nur Ahmad.

Fifteen journalists of daily “Evening Times” Karachi were arrested under the Security
Act, after a protest against the administration of the paper (Imroze, July 5, 1952).

Veteran journalist, Mian Muhammad Shafi was harassed and was taken into custody
by police under Security Act for to disclose the subject matter and findings of his
interview of the Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan (Imroze, October 18, 1952). Ghafar khan
was leading an ideology of Nationalism and was considered to be the opponent of All
Pakistan Muslim League (the ruling party).

The editor of daily “Evening Time” Z.A Sulehri, the printer and publisher Khurshid
Alam and Cartoonist N.M Katpal were arrested on sedition charges. The paper had
published a cartoon sketching the government of plunging the state in chaos (Dawn,
December 25, 1952).

Action was taken against daily “Star” Lahore in 1952 for criticizing arrangements
during an official visit of the King of Iraq to Pakistan; the paper was edited by a
veteran journalist Aziz Baig (Niazi, 1986).

The office of daily “Morning News” was set on fire by angry Bengali youths in 1952.
This was the first mob attack on a newspaper’s outlet after the birth of Pakistan. At
the time the country was ripped with political unrest and the Bengali and Punjabi
groups were busy in palace intrigues while the fire was rushing on the basis of
Language and casts. The cause of flaming of the office of daily “Morning News” was
its advocacy for regional status of Bengalis (Khan, 2012).

The offices of daily “Civil &Military Gazette” were attacked by angry mod raising
slogans against the paper. The further damage was stopped by police guarding
there (C&MG, August 28, 1952).

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Journalist and an active member of journalist’s union, Manzur Haq was arrested
under Safety Act in Karachi (Imroze, January 15, 1953).

Security deposit of daily “Porab” was forfeited by a magistrate in Chittagong and the
paper was asked to furnish a new Security of Rs. one thousands (Imroze, October 5,
1953). The amount was heavy to pay so the editor and owner of the paper went on
hunger strike.

Government postponed advertisements for daily “Dawn” and all the supports were
taken back, the reach to functions and events under government were also banned
for journalists affiliated with the paper. The paper was fully contained and the
freedom of press was suppressed barley (Dawn, October 23, 1953). The action was
taken to punish the paper for asking investigations into the killing of the first Prime
Minister of Pakistan Liaqat Ali Khan.

Deputy editors of daily “Dawn”, M.A Shakoor and Ahmad Hasan, Manager
Advertisements, Anis Hashmi, Sports reporter Muhammad Akhtar of daily “Times of
Karachi” and representative of daily “Pakistan Times”, Erik Rahim were arrested
under Security Act (Dawn, June 1, 1954). These journalists were punished for
signing a pact in the name of “Baghdad Pact”. The motive behind was to curtail the
Progressive School of Thoughts prevailing in the state.

Weekly “Nawa-e-Wattan” was banned for two months and the editor of the paper
Ghulam Muhammad Shahvani was put behind the bars under Public Safety Act
(Dawn, June 26, 1955). The action was taken against the paper and its editor for not
disclosing the source of a news letter in connection to the plot for blaming a medical
doctor. The organs of government were involved. Shahwani was sentenced for two
years prison and a fine equal to Rs. Ten thousands by Magistrate in Quetta.

Daily “Pegham” Karachi was banned for six months under the Security of Pakistan
Act by the Central Government (Dawn, November 29, 1957). The paper was
targeted for its sensational but true stories of crimes in Karachi.

Daily “Rehbar” was banned under Official Secrets Act and the editor Bahawalpur,
Malik Muhammad Hayat was arrested (Dawn, April 16, 1958). The paper had
published a news item regarding a scandal in V.V hospital Bahawalpur.

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The editor of daily “Morning News” was asked for to furnish a bail of Rs. three
thousand (Dawn, April 24, 1958). The editor was punished for publishing news letter
complaining deficient arrangements for Eid-Prayer in the polo ground in Karachi.

General Ayub Khan took the reign of the state on October 8, 1958. This was a
turning point in the history of Pakistan that changed and channeled everything on a
new way. He imposed Martial Law in the country for the first time. On one hand the
coup ended a decade long tricky game and a cluster of palace intrigues for political
powers to gain, not only within the ruling and founding party, All Pakistan Muslim
league and its fractions but the epidemic was spread over all the country and among
all the political, ethnical and regional interest groups. On the other hand everything
came under the wisdom of single body with no murmuring to be heard. The feeble
plant of power of the people was beneath the shadow of merciless dictatorial tree
that could not flourish until the present day. Ayub Khan in the first phase (1958-1965)
of his regime seems progressive liberal in his political and administrative approaches
and exercises. He governed the country in authoritarian manner in the fist while in a
quasi-authoritarian in the second (1965-1969) of his 10 years long rule from 1958
to1969 (Ansari, 2011). But the fate of the press, journalism and journalists did not
change and remained under more triggered action against them.

Daily “Zamindar” of Maulan Zafar Ali Khan was banned for fourteen days under the
Special Powers Act for criticism on the government of Khwaja Nazimuddin (Iqbal
2010). The government was surrounding by a number of crises as that was natural
for a newly created state and the colonial legacy was still guiding the bureaucracy. In
such a situation the press and government relations were passing through a tough
time of the history.

The editor of weekly “Lelu Nahar”, Sibte Hassan was arrested under Public Safety
Act (Dawn, October 15, 1958). The editor was punished for journalistic approaches
towards the political dilemma of the country.

Editor of daily “Pakistan Times”, Faiz Ahmad Faiz, editor of daily “Imroze” Ahmad
Nadeem Qasmi and Abu Al-Asar Hafeez Jalandhari were arrested under Public
safety Act (Khan, 2014). The action was a part of actions to curb the progressive
school of thoughts in the eve of Pak-U.S relations in the mayhem of Cold War.

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Four publications of Progressive Papers Limited (PPL), daily “Pakistan Times”, daily
“Imroze”, weekly “Lelu Nahar” and weekly “Sports Times” were taken in government
possession. The process of Nationalization was supervised by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
and General K.M Sheikh (Dawn, April 19, 1959).

This was a turning strategy to curtail the press. The predecessors of Ayub had tried
the laws, government advertisements and newsprint quota to subjugate or buy the
press as the over view of events in the first so called democratic era reveal. At the
same, according to Zamir Niai (the Press in chains p.45) the National press, with a
few exceptions had toed the official lines. Ayub Khan and his advisers plotted to
have their own mouth piece in the landscape of the country. The motive behind the
nationalization of PPL was a two side cut on the National press. On one hand the
cold war scenario and coalition with Capitalist Block was in need to suppress the
Progressive Voices and on the other, there was the protection and promotion of
vested interest through newspapers. But that was not enough to dictate the press so
Martial Law regulations and other curtailing laws were heavily used to silence the
unwanted sounds.

Editor of weekly “Tanzeem”, Muhammad Hassan Nizami was sentenced for a year in
prison and also was fined under section 70 of Martial Law Regulation (Dawn, July
12, 1960). The punishment was granted for publishing an essay, addressing the law
and order and political situation in Quetta.

Editor of “Kainat”, Wali Ullah and correspondent Sher Anwar were prosecuted by a
military court and were imprisoned and finned in February 1960 (Khan, 2014). They
were blamed for spreading unrest and blackmailing the government.

A case was registered against the reporter of daily “Pakistan Times” Israr Ahmad
under Secret Act in Rawalpindi (Dawn, November 21, 1960). The hidden story
behind the proceedings was a refusal to show the source of a news item.

The Ayub regime took over Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) to enlarge the tribe
of speakers for him and to control the flow of information (Dawn, June 15, 1961).

Daily “Kohsar” was banned and the editor Ali Rizvi, executive editor Shekh Hamid
Mehmood and the executive editor Naseem Hijazi were arrested under the Press

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and Publication Ordinance 1963 (Dawn, November 8, 1963). This was the first action
under the generally known Black Law of the history of Press in Pakistan.

Daily “Itefaq “Dhaka was asked to furnish a Security equal to Rs. Twenty five
thousand under the Press and Publication Ordinance (Dawn, April 17, 1964). The
paper was punished for supporting the Awami League in East Pakistan. The editor of
the paper Tafazul Hussain was also a fan of Hussain Saravardi which led to his
punishment.

Representative of daily “Pakistan Times” Menhaj Barna and in charge, Rawalpindi

edition of the paper, R.A Khan were dismissed by PPL administration for not
disclosing the source of a news item (Dawn, July 26, 1964). PPL was then under
the government and such dares were not admissible for the administration.

Ayub’s administration did not stop to curb the press and silence the voices opposing
his thoughts about everything. The last traces were demolished in West Pakistan,
when weekly “Out Look” and weekly “Aqdam” were closed for criticism and erecting
hurdles of truths in the atmosphere where there was no space for “No” (Khan, 2014).

Press photographers were beleaguered by Karachi police and their cameras were
broken for covering Lathi-Charging on students of D.J Science College by police, in
a rally (Dawn, December3, 1964).

The editor of daily “Mashriq” Lahore Abdul Waheed Qurishi was dismissed for not
supporting the government (Dawn, January 1, 1965). The paper was brought under
the banner “National Press Trust”. Ayub’s government had nationalized 11
newspapers for to promote the vested interests of the ruling lords.

Journalist affiliated with Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), Zamir Ahmad Qurishi
was killed by unknown assaulters in Lahore (Dawn, January 29, 1965). Journalist
was not the target but the assaulters did not spare him while firing on the Member of
West Pakistan Assembly, Abdul Baqi Baloch in his residents.

Reporters and photographers were tormented while covering strikes agitations

against Ayub Khan for rigging in presidential election (Dawn, April 22, 1965).

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Police tortured journalists while they were to picture the insufficient arrangements for
a welcome to Shah Faisal Bin Abdul Aziz. Administration made the malignance for
hiding the malevolent.

Journalist Raja Muhammad Azfar was arrested under Public Safety Act in Peshawar
for not disclosing the source of his news item (Dawn, September 18, 1965).

Fashion Press Dhaka was closed under Defense of Pakistan Ordinance (Dawn,
June 17, 1966). The press had printed the Six Points of Awami League that had fired
the political situation in the country.

The editor of daily “Itefaq” Dhaka, Tafazul Hussain was arrested and the paper was
closed for the press was already banned.

Editor of daily “Anjam”, Ibrahim Jalees became a prey of National Press Trust
(Dawn, June 25, 1966). Jalees was dismissed for not following the lines of
government.

Weekly “Chattan” Quetta was banned under Defense Rules of Pakistan and the
editor of the paper Agha Shorish Kashmiri was arrested (Dawn, July 11, 1966). The
paper was punished for a price for criticism on Ayub Khan’s Policies.

Declaration of daily “Sang Bad” Dhaka was cancelled and the editor Naseer Ahmad
was arrested under the Defense of Pakistan Rules. The hidden motive of the ban
was its support for the opponents of the Ayub’s Government (Dawn, March 28,
1967).

Journalist Naeem Shahid was injured by the worker of Ayub Khan’s Muslim League
in Rawalpindi (Dawn, December 8, 1968). The workers of League were Lathi-
Charging students during a rally against Ayub’s Government.

The offices of daily “Morning News” and daily “Danak” were set ablaze by angry
protesters on the call of Opposition, in Dhaka (Dawn, January 25, 1969). Zamir Niazi
in his book “The Press under Siege” concludes that the rage behind the flaming of
newspaper’s outlet was their blind support of the Government under the banner of
National Press Trust for which the papers were nationalized.

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Press photographers, Riaz for daily “Jang” Iqbal Zaidi and K.Ali Akhtar Rezvi for
daily “Mashriq” , Ikram Mehdi for daily “Daily News” and Iqbal Jaffari for Pakistan
Press International were injured by police while covering agitation against Ayub’s
Regime in Karachi (Dawn, January 26, 1969).

Police broke cameras of Press photographers and tortured them in Lahore.

Muhammad Tufail for daily “Jang” and Muhammad Usman for daily “Mashraq” got
serious injuries (Dawn, January 27, 1969).

Government’s Advertisements were blocked for daily “Mashriq”(Dawn, February 13,

1969). The paper was targeted for covering riots and public agitations against the
government in Karachi and Lahore.

In the last days of Ayub Khan Regime, leader of Democratic Action Committee
Maulvi Farid Ahmad used highly objectionable language against the press during a
public meeting held in Rawalpindi on February 23, 1969, setting aside all the
manners and literates. This was a new leaf to threaten the press (Niazi, 2006).

Student’s mob attacked on the offices of Pakistan Press International in Karachi and
Lahore on March 10, 1969. They also ransacked books shops in Multan and
Hyderabad.

The activists of Jamaat-i-Islami attacked the offices of PPI in Lahore and demolished
the possessions of the news agency for breeding a news story in connection with the
religious party (Niazi, 2006).

Photographer for daily “Jang”, Zaigham was attacked and beaten by the activists of
Jamaat-i-Islami in Rawalpindi while he was covering a protest rally of the Party.

General Yaha Khan acquired the reins of the government while imposing Martial law
in the state on March 25, 1969. For a while breathed peacefully and a hope for
betterment was made but after some time he continued curbing the press freedom
and journalists remained under threats (Khattak, 2018.

Journalists Ashaq Hussain Jaffary, Abdul Rashid and Faiz Ahmad Faiz were
arrested in Sargodha under Martial Law Provincial Order (Dawn, September 9,
1970).

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Activists of Pakistan People’s Party attacked Karachi Press Club on February 16,
1971, and damaged the office. This was a part of the move against the press, which
was named “the treacherous behavior of a particular news agency” (Niazi, 2006).

Representative of daily “Pakistan Observer” Syed Naji Ullah and Shamsul Ghani
were sentenced by a Military Court in Rawalpindi for their journalistic work (Dawn,
February 20, 1970).

The office of daily “the People” was demolished in Dhaka (Dawn, March 26, 1971).
The paper was punished for supporting Awami League. The paper has a reputation
as mouth piece of Awami League.

Daily “Itefaq” was banned for two months under Martial laws Regulations (Dawn,
March 27, 1971). The paper was supporting Awami League in Dhaka.

All the foreign correspondents were issued orders to leave Dhaka (Dawn, March 30,
1971). Journalists left for Calcutta which proved fatal for journalistic values in the
country.

Cases were registered against daily “Nawa-e-Waqt”, daily “Kohistan” and “Masawat”
under Martial law Regulations (Dawn, May 14, 1971).

Member of editorial board of daily “Azad” was sentenced by Military Court for an
address (Dawn, May 22, 1971).

Editor of weekly “Afaq”, Shaukat Hussain Shaukat was sentenced by Summary

Court and his paper was banned for three months under section 77 of Martial Law
Regulations (Dawn, July 1, 1971).

Daily “Masawat” Lahore was banned for two weeks under Martial Law Regulations
(Dawn, October 1, 1971). The paper had a history of support for Pakistan People’s
Party.

The Bhutto starts with the break of the country in to two parts, giving way to
Bangladesh on December 20, 1971. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto became the Civilian Martial
Law Administrator and president of Pakistan.

The new era planted expectations to free the press in the state but the plant could
not grow as the change of governing elites did nothing but continued brutalities

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against the true voices as no one was ready to hear that or allow the masses to
enjoy their right to know.

The editor of daily “Dawn” became the first prey, Altaf Gauhar was arrested under
section 78 of Martial Law (Dawn, February 6, 1972). The editor of daily “dawn” was
punished for his differences with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

Weekly “Punjab Punch” was banned and the editor Hussain Naqvi was arrested by
Punjab Government (Dawn, March 23, 1972). According to Dr. Tauseef Ahmad
Khan, Hussain Naqvi had suffered long for Pakistan People’s Party and had a history
of support for Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto but a pierce question from Zulfi, while he was
addressing students during a visit of Punjab University fatted him [Hussain Naqvi]
the arrest and the closer of his paper.

Offices of daily “The Times” Rawalpindi were attacked by the activists of Pakistan
People’s Party. The activists were led by Absar Rizvi, they warranted and threatened
the editor and the staff for dire consequences (Dawn, March 31, 1972). The
administration suspended publication in the face of violence. This was the first
incident in the history of journalism in Pakistan that a publication was suspended for
the security of its employees and recorded protest for the freedom of press
seconded by daily “Dawn” Karachi.

Declarations of weekly “Zindagi” and monthly “Urdu Digest” were cancelled by

government and the editor Altaf Hussain Qurishi and Mujeeb Ur Reman Shami were
arrested (Dawn, April 1, 1972). Altaf Hussain and Mujeeb Ur Reman Shami were
punished for publishing stories of Bhutto’s family in the past.

Daily “Jasarat” was warned by Pakistan People’s Party while passing a resolution
against the editorial policies of the paper towards the Party (Dawn, April 18, 1972)

In the eve of language riots, three photo journalists were tortured by police in Karachi
and their cameras were snatched and smashed on the ground for they were
covering a street fight between the masses and police in Karachi (daily The Sun July
16, 1972). According to Tauseef Ahmed Khan, as he writes in his book “Azad-e-
Sahafat ki jidojahd Mien Akhbari Tanzeemon ka Kirdar” when Chief minister Mumtaz
Ali Bhuto presented a bill that Sindhi will be the Official language in Sindh, the
opposition parties and Udru speaking MPAs rejected the bill. The issue speeded

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hates and the non Sindhi speaking people in the province were strongly protesting
against the thinkings behind the bill. The protest was tried to be suppressed by force.
National Press suffered a lot for its voice and covering the occurrences.

Pre-censorship was imposed on press in Sindh, for repressing the unpleasant voices
and criticism. The then Sindh’s chief minister Mumtaz Bhutto criticized and blamed
the press for angling the language bill and threatened media outlets to be closed
(khan, 2014).

Declaration of daily “The Sun” Karachi was cancelled by Sindh Government under
Press and Publication Ordinance 1963, and defense of Pakistan Rules (Dawn, July
17, 1972). The reality behind the punishment was projecting the language riots in
the province. The government had blamed the paper for publishing an incorrect
version of the Language Ordinance.

Show cause notices were issued to daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” Lahore and daily “Imroze”
Lahore asking to clarify the publishing of objectionable news items (Dawn, July 18,
1972). The papers were being harassed for covering the Language riots in Sindh.

News print quota was cancelled for daily “Jang” Quetta (Dawn, July 26, 1972). The
government was blaming that the paper was using illegal newsprint and that was
breach of the Newsprint Control Ordinance.

Press photographers were tortured in the premises of Sindh Baluchistan High Cout
while they were covering the event where member Sindh Assembly Usman Kanedi
was brought to be presented before the court (Dawn, September 15, 1972).

The office of daily “Mashriq” Quetta was ransacked by unknown people. The
attackers also injured photographer Mumtaz Hussain Zaidi and the manager
Khurshed Ejaz (Dawn, November 1, 1972). Attack was made when political leaders
in the province were expressing their hates for the press and a few days prior they
had told journalists to be like prostitutes.

Declaration of daily “Azadi” was cancelled by a district magistrate in Quetta and

declared that the publication was not in accordance to the Press and Publication
Ordinance 1963.

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Offices of daily “Mashriq” were attacked by unknown assailants in Peshawar. The
attackers left nothing untouched and destroyed the office completely. They also
looted cash present in the office (Dawn, January 9, 1973). The attack had political
roots.

Government threatened daily “Dawn” Karachi for publishing an article in connection

with the president of Uganda Idi Amin (Dawn, January 22, 1973). The matter of
article was lifted from a newspapers published in London.

Bureau chief of daily “Pakistan Times”, Syed Shabir Shah was kept under police
custody and the representative of the paper in Quetta Ghulam Tahir was arrested by
police (Dawn, January 25, 1973). The paper was publishing under the banner of
National Press trust and the journalists were being harassed by the provincial
government as they had grievances and differences with the central Government.

Bundles of daily “Jasarat” were burnt in Sindh, that of daily “Masawat” in NWFP and
the members of Pakhtoon Students Federation blocked the papers of daily “Pakistan
Times” in Peshawar to be distributed. All the events were due to illogical reaction to
the Center-Provincial government differences (khan, 2014).

Offices of daily “Jang” were ransacked by unknown people in Quetta (Dawn,

February 1, 1973). The paper became a prey of the Center-Provincial crises.

Editor of daily “Jasarat” Karachi, Salahuddin and the publisher of the paper Zakir Ali
were arrested under Defense of Pakistan Rules (Dawn, February 5, 1973). The
motive behind the action was political and criticism of the ruling elites.

Editor of daily “Dawn” Karachi was arrested under the Defense of Pakistan Rules
(Dawn, February 17, 1973). The editor was punished for previous grievances with
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

Warrants were issued to arrest the editor of weekly “Sangat” Rauf Warsi in
Baluchistan under Defense of Pakistan (Dawn, March 5, 1973).

The office of daily “Sachhai” was attacked by the activists of Pakistan people’s Party
threatening the editor and the staff with dire consequences if news stories were
published against the leader of their party (Dawn, March 10, 1973).

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Publisher of daily “Jasarat” Qasim Baghio was arrested by Karachi Police in Dawn
House (Dawn, march 16, 1973). The press was printing daily “Jasarat” and daily
“Dawn”.

Assistant editor of weekly “Sangat” manzor baloch was arrested in Quetta (Dawn,
May 11, 1973)

Daily “Hurriyet “ daily “Jasarat” Karachi and daily “Mehran” Hyderabad were banned
and editors Anwar Khali of “Hurriyet” Salahuddin of “Jasarat” were arrested (Dawn,
September 3, 1973). The papers were charged for publishing objectionable
editorials.

Daily “Star” Karachi was banned under Public Safety Act (Dawn, January 3, 1974).

Daily “Sachai” Quetta was closed by the order of Deputy Commissioner Quetta
under Public Safety Act (Dawn, March 6, 1974).

Daily “Elan” Karachi was banned and the editor and publisher of the paper Rahim
Akhtar were arrested under Defense of Pakistan Act (Dawn, July 17, 1974). The
action was taken by Sindh Government.

Weekly “Out Look” Karachi was banned under Public Safety Act (Dawn, July 21,
1974). The paper was punished for its criticism on the Government.

Representative of daily “Star” Karachi, Saddiq Baloch was arrested under the
Defense of Pakistan Rules in Quetta (Dawn, October 19, 1974). He was the press
secretary of the Ex-Governor of Baluchistan Mir Ghaus Bizinjo.

Editor of daily “Amn” Karachi, Afzal Siddiqi was arrested under the Defense of
Pakistan Rules (Dawn, October 14, 1974). The editor was punished for a news story
in relation with National Awami Party (NAP), although the paper has reputation as a
mouth piece of the ruling party (Pakistan People’s Party).

Daily “Sadaqat” was banned by Sindh Government for publishing news statement of
the Pakistan National Alliance (Dawn, March15, 1977). The National Alliance was
formed against the ruling party “Pakistan People’s Party”. The paper was punished
for political purposes.

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Offices of daily “Pakistan Times” and daily “Imroze” were attacked by angry mob
during a protest rally organized by the opposition alliance PNA (Dawn, April 13,
1977). The papers were being published under the National Press Trust in
government’s supervision.

General Zia Ul Haq got the governing reins on July 5, 1977. He imposed Martial Law
and postponed the constitution.

The action was taken against daily “Masatwat” which had enjoyed government
support while other publications were under sword during PPP government. The
paper was considered a spokesman for Pakistan People’s Party. The editor of the
paper, S.G.M Badruddin became the first prey and was arrested under the charges
of ignoring orders of Martial Law Administrator (Dawn, July 20, 1977).

Editor of monthly “Urdu Digest” Altaf Hussain Qurishi and the ex-editor of daily
“Jasarat” Salahuddin were arrested for addressing a public meeting in the University
of Karachi (Dawn, July 24, 1977).

Editor of weekly “Mayar” Memood Sham was arrested for publishing a news story
containing the names of citizens that were being ordered not to go out of the country
(Dawn, August 16, 1977). The letter was leaked from the interior ministry of Sindh.

Journalist Minhaj Barna was dismissed by NPT administration for writing an article
which was published in weekly “Al-Fatah” (Dawn, September 3, 1977). Minhaj Barna
was working for daily “Pakistan Times” and that was bought for to be a mouthpiece
for the government while the article published in weekly “Al-Fatah” was urging for the
dissolution of National Press trust.

Editor of daily “Hayat” Rawalpindi, Zafar Lodhi and editor of daily “Masawat” Lahore,
S.G.M Badrudding were arrested under Martial law Regulation (Dawn, November 2,
1977).

Daily “Hayat” Lahore was asked to furnish a bail equal to Rs. Two thousands under
Press and Publication Ordinance 1963, for publishing a statement of the wife of
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Begam Nusrat Bhutto (Dawn, January 10, 1978).

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Editor, Asghar Rizvi, Deputy Editor and a typographer of daily “Sun” Lahore were
sentenced by Military Court for publishing words in connection to Chief Martial law
Administrator (Dawn, January 21, 1978). The next day, they were pardoned.

Declaration of daily “Hayat”Lahore was cancelled by Punjab Government and the

editor of daily “Masawat” Badruddin and Zaheer Kashmiri were arrested under
Martial Law regulation (Dawn, March 13, 1978). They were sentenced by Summary
court on March 15, 1978.

Daily “Amn” Karachi was asked for a Security equal to Rs. eighty thousands (Dawn,
March 22, 1978). The show cause notice was issued under the Press and
publication ordinance 1963. The motive behind the action was to stop the way for the
newspapers having soft corner for democracy and Pakistan People’s Party or
Progressive School of Thoughts.

Daily “Maswat” Karachi was banned for not to publish the details of Bhutto trail
(Dawn, March 26, 1978). This was a part of the actions to curtail the press.

Regional editor of daily “Masawat” Abbas Athar and editor of daily “Pegham”
Sargodha were arrested for publishing an appeal for reconsideration of the death
sentence granted to Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (Dawn, April 11, 1978).

Editor Bashir Rana and Publisher Iftihar Hussain of daily “Sadaqat” Karachi were
arrested under Martial Law Regulations (Dawn, April 18, 1978).

Four journalists, Khawar Naeem of daily “Masawat” Lahore, Nasir Zaidi of daily
“Nawa-e-Multan and Al-Fatah” Mulatn, Iqbal Jaffari of daily “Sun” Lahore and
Masood Ullah Khan of daily “Pakistan Times” were imprisoned for a year and were
sentenced of wipes (Dawn, May 13, 1978). They were punished for raising voice for
the freedom of press.

More than three hundred journalists presented themselves for arrest for the sake of
press freedom, showing their solidarity with the bereaved and bleeding Nation Press.
This is the golden chapter in the history of journalism in Pakistan.

The president of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalist (PFUJ) was banned to

address or issue any statement, by Sindh Government (Dawn, June 2, 1978). The

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action was taken under public Safety Ordinance. He was arrested for a meek charge
of hitting a bicycle rider on Shahrah-i-Faisal Karachi.

Pre-Censorship was order to be imposed by the provincial administrations on

selective newspapers (Dawn, October 17, 1978).

Representative of daily “Imroze” in Bahawalpur, Usman Nasim was imprisoned for

one year by Military Court under the charge of a breach of Martial Law Regulations
(Dawn, November 1, 1978).

Editor of weekly “View Point” Mazhar Ali Khan and Bureau Chief of NPT Hussain
Naqvi were arrested under the Official Secret Act (Dawn, December 3, 1978). They
were punished for publishing a letter exposing the advice to curb the freedom of
press.

Censorship was imposed on weekly “Veiw Point” under Public Safety Act (Dawn,
December 9, 1978). The freedom of the paper was curtailed after publishing a letter
revealing the intentions of government in relation to National Press.

Journalists had covered the rallies against the hanging of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto were
punished (Dawn, April 5, 1979). Correspondent of news agency United Press
International (UPI), Daud Subhan was put under custody, editor of weekly “Loh-o-
Qalam” Irshad Rao was issued Arrest Warrant and assistant editor of daily “Sadaqat”
Baseer Naveed was interrogated in police station in Karachi.

Associate editor of daily “The Muslim” Ayaz amir was arrested under Martial law
Regulations (Dawn, April 10, 1979).

Pre-Censorship was imposed on all newspapers under Martial law regulation 49

(Dawn, October 18, 1979). This was the full black out and the last nail on the coffin
of the freedom of press. There seemed no trace of freedom of expression all over
the country under the dictatorship of General Zia Ul haq. The sword continuously
hung over the naked throat of National Press for 832 days next.

Daily “Masawat” Karachi and daily “Sadaqt” became a prey of the pre-censorship
and the Sindh Government banned the papers under Martial law Regulation 49
(Dawn, October 18, 1979).

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Daily “Itemad” and daily “Quaid” were banned under Martial Law Regulation by
Baluchistan Government (Dawn, October 18, 1979). The declaration was cancelled
of both the dailies by Deputy Commissioner Quetta.

Editor of weekly “Sada-e-Watan” Lahore was imprisoned for one year and was
sentenced of ten wipes and a fine equal to Rs. fifty thousand (Dawn, October 28,
1979).

Representative of weekly “Far Eastern Economic Review”, Salamt Ali Khan was
arrested under Martial Law Regulation 13, 14 (Dawn, November 13, 1979). The
paper was based in Hong Kong.

Executive editor Irshad Rao, Editor Wahab Siddiqi, associate editor Wahid Bashir,
composers Zamen Ali and Abdul Salam were arrested during a raid on the office of
weekly “Al-Fatah” (Dawn, January 1,1981). Police showed the cause for raid to stop
secret printing and publishing.

Veteran journalists, Mazhar Ali Khan, Amin Mughal, Abdullah Malik, Hameed Akhtar
and I.A Rahman were arrested under Martial Law Regulation (Dawn, March 1,
1981). The arrests were part of the movement to block the way of leftists.

Military Court sentenced Executive editor Irshad Rao and composers Zamen Ali of
weekly “Al-Fatah” to be wiped five times each under the charge of spreading
instability and chaos (Dawn, October 30, 1981).

Representative of daily “Amn”, Idres Butt was arrested in Lahore (Dawn, December
27, 1981). Action was a motive for to silent the voices once raised for the support of
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

Journalist K.Shabir of daily “Hilal-i-Pakistan”, Saed Qaim Khani of daily “Amn”,

Zubair Ahmad Mujahid of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt”, M.Ayub Chandio of daily “Jang” and
veteran journalist Nisar Buledi were arrested by Sindh Government under Public
Safety Act (Dawn, March 22, 1982).

Workers of Islami Jamiat Tulba attacked the offices of daily “Jang” and daily Nawa-e-
Waqt” in Lahore and ransacked the media outlets. The attackers injured 8 members
of the staff in the office of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt (Dawn, April 24, 1982). The mob had
back in the government. They were protesting against the papers for publishing a

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news item in connection with the Nazim of Jamiat Tulba, Bashir Ahmad. The activists
of IJT also attacked the office of the news agency PPI to punish the agency for
breeding the news. Later on the leaders of Jamaat-i-Islami regretted the incident.

Bureau Chief of daily “Hilal-i-Pakistan” Ihsanullah Khan was abducted by Sindh

Police (Dawn, August 21, 1982). The journalist was harassed for his political
approach.

Associate editor of weekly “View Pont” Amin Mughal was arrested by Lahore Police
(Dawn, August 21, 1982). The journalist was punished for his leftist thoughts.

Advertisements for daily “Jang” were blocked by Central Government (Dawn,

February 24, 1983). The then Information Minister Raja Zafrul Haq expressed that
the paper had ignored the advices of the Government.

Correspondents of daily “Jang” and daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” were kept under Police
custody and were harassed for their journalistic work (Dawn, July 9, 1983).

Photographer Zahid Hussain was tortured by Karachi Police (Dawn, July 27, 1983).
The journalist was covering an event in Mid-East hospital.

Ten journalists were dismissed by National Press Trust (NPT) for signing a
document having appeal for the restoration of democracy (Dawn, September 12,
1983). The document was prepared by artists, journalists and poets.

Representative of daily “Dawn” in Faisalabad, Shamsul Islam was arrested under

Public Safety Act (Dawn, October 5, 1983). The journalist was kept for a month in
the district prison there.

Correspondent of daily “Star” Anwar Pirzada was abducted in Karachi by city police.
Police did not show the cause and charges behind the action (Dawn, October 17,
1983).

Executive Editor of daily “Hyder” Rafi Butt was arrested in Rawalpindi under Martial
law Regulations (Dawn, October 18, 1983).

The office of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” was attacked by the students of a Madrasa and
damaged everything found there for publishing an article (Nawa-e-Waqt December
4, 1983).

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The office of daily “Jasarat” Karachi was attacked by students of Sindh Medical
College, and ransacked the possessions of the paper. They threatened the editor
and the staff and warned for its editorial policy (Dawn, January 18, 1984).

Show-Cause notice was issued to monthly “Herald” for publishing some

objectionable matter on the part of government. A Security equal to Rs. Ten
thousand was also asked (Dawn, January 7, 1984).

Ex-deputy editor of daily “Sindh News” Sohail Sangi was arrested by police in
Karachi (Dawn, February 11, 1984). The journalist was a veteran figure of journalism
in Sindh. He has reputation for progressive thoughts in his writings.

The office of “Jasarat” was attacked by workers of a pressure group. The attackers
ransacked the office (Dawn, April 23, 1985). The attackers were members of
student’s organization. The paper was considered to be a mouth piece of Jamat
Islami. Motive behind ransack was some reports published in the paper.

The bureau office of daily “Jang” Hyderabad was attacked and destroyed by armed
gang (Jang January 3, 1986).

Photographer for daily “Dawn” Lahore, Tariq Mehmood was beaten by Punjab Police
while he was covering a protest rally in front of Governor House (Dawn, February 14,
1986).

Representative of daily “Pakistan Time” in Jehlam, Pervez Butt was arrested under
Public Safety Act (Dawn, August 16, 1986).

Police tortured photographers in Session Court in Hyderabad (Dawn, October 17,

1987). Photographers were targeted while they were covering the presence of culprit
in the court.

Office of daily “Mashriq” was attacked by mob and destroyed the outlet for political
reasons (Dawn, February 13, 1988).

The office of daily “Dawn” Islamabad was attacked by unknown people and
damaged everything in the outlet (Dawn, March 12, 188).

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The office of daily “Jang” Karachi was attacked by workers of a political organization.
The attackers ransacked the office (Dawn, April 24, 1988). The aggressors threw
explosive material in the office.

After the death of Zia Ul Haq in an airplane crash on August 7, 1988, Pakistan
People’s Party under the leadership of Benazir Bhuto got the government by winning
the general election held in November 1988.

The state got rid of dictatorial rule but the press remained the under the same
circumstances. No change was observed to create a hope for the press to be free
from the curses of subjugation, curtailing, threatening and pressuring for vested
interests.

The Punjab Government reduced official advertisements for daily “Pakistan Times”
Lahore (Dawn, January 18, 1989). The paper was punished for its previous links with
Pakistan people’s party.

The office of daily “Jang’ Quetta was attacked with petrol bombs by a mob (Dawn,
May 2, 1989). The angry mob put the staff in a room and ransacked the office.

Corresponded of daily “Jang” Khairpur was shot dead by unknown assaulters (Dawn,
June 1, 1990). The deceased journalist was the president of Khairpur Press Club.

Ahmad Hassan Kamal, representatives of Pakistan Press International, and Syed

Muzaher Hussain of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt was killed by unknown culprits in Larka
(Sindh) for their journalistic work (Dawn, June 2, 1990).

Photographer for daily “Dawn”, Hasan Sangrami was tortured by police while he was
covering protest demonstration before the Chief Minster’s House in Karachi (Dawn,
May 16, 1990).

The student wing of Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) All Pakistan Muhajir
Students Organization (APMSO) threatened the administration of daily “Dawn” in
Karachi (Dawn, May 28, 1990).

Editor of daily “Pakistan Observer” Islamabad, Zahid Malik was arrested under
Official Secret Act (Dawn, August 24, 1990). The journalist was punished for

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publishing a book. The subject matter of the book was the Atomic Installations of
Pakistan.

The president of Pakistan dismissed the government of Benazir Bhutto and Muslim
League under the leadership of Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif got the reins of the
government after wining majority of seats for National Assembly in general election
held in October 1990.

The representative of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and monthly

Herald Karachi, Zafar Abbas was attaked by unknown assaulters in his house
(Dawn, March 18, 1991). Herald had published a report of the Torture Cells of
Mutahida Qaumi Movement prepared by Zafar Abbas. He and his younger brothers
Azhar Abbas and Anwar Abbas were injured by the attackers. Zamir Niazi affirms in
his book “The press Under Seige” that Azhar Abbas and his brother were saved by
the neighbors as they rushed the spot hearing the noise. He said that the assaulters
were known by them as the workers of MQM (Niazi, 1996).

Administration of the daily “Dawn” decided not to publish the papers for the sake of
security of its employees after continuous threats and harassment by MQM for her
vested interests. The freedom was put on stake when CPNE and APNS bent their
heads before a wicked political power. Salahuddin of weekly “Huriytat” was the
heroic blood that stood aside and did not compromise on principles of the profession.
He asked the leaders of journalists to go to the government as that was the duty of
state but later he was punished for his stance and was killed (Niazi, 1994).

Photographers, Hasan Sangrami of daily “Dawn”, Ilyas of daily “Mashiq” and Qadeer
of Agence France-Presse (AFP), were beaten and injured by police while they were
covering protest demonstration near Mazar-e-Qaid in Karachi (Dawn, August 16,
1991).

Journalists were harassed and looted by police while they were back from a press
conference in the embassy of Iraq in Islamabad (Dawn, September 3, 1991). The
female journalists were also included in the effectees.

Senior journalist reporter of daily “The News” Karachi, Kamran Khan was stabbed a
dagger and injured by unknown assaulters near his office (Dawn, September 24,

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1991). The then Chief Minister of Sindh Jam Sadiq Ali and his minister Irafanullah
Marwat had agonies with the journalist.

Government’s advertisements were stopped for daily “Frontier Post” Peshawar

(Dawn, October 12, 1991). Nawaz sharif’s government punished the paper for its
criticism on him [Nawaz Sharif].

The house of the editor of weekly “Huriyat”, Maulana Salahuddin was set ablaze by
workers of a political party in Karachi (Dawn, October 15, 1991). They attackers
were angry for a report published in the paper.

Representative of news agency Reuter, Raja Asfar, Shaheen Sehbai, Ahmad Hasan
Alvi and Zafar Akbarabadi of daily “Dawn” were arrested and harassed by police in
Islamabad while they were back after a visit to the embassy of India (Dawn, October
11, 1991).

Police confiscated copies of monthly “Herald” in Karachi for the issue had a report
exposing the hidden features of Irfanullah Marwat, the then Adviser for Interior in
Sindh (Dawn, October 16, 1991).

Twelve journalists were arrested in Sindh on the order of the then Chief Minister Jam
Sadiq for their affiliation with Pakistan People’s Party (Dawn, November 28, 1991).
The abducted journalists were included Bashir badar Bhutto, Hazagat Pardesi,
Hassan Jatoi, Zajid Somooro, Abdul Zano, Tariq Bhatti, Ismail Bhatto, Abdul Qadir
Bugti, Shafi, Abdul Turab Sangi and Abdul Satar. They were punished for being
journalists that have political affiliations.

The workers of Islami Jamiat Tulba tortured journalists in the Punjab University while
they were on an assignment to cover an event in the university (Dawn, November
29, 1991). The Vice Chancellor was also present on the occasion.

The house of correspondent of daily “Dawn” in Islamabad, Shaheen Sehbai was

attacked by unknown assaulters (Dawn, December 13, 1991).

Editor of weekly “Sunday Times”, Tariq Usman was arrested by Punjab Police
(Dawn, December 22, 1991).

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Representative of daily “Jang” Quetta, Majid Foz was injured by unknown culprits
hitting him gun (Dawn, January1, 1992). The journalist was given threats in
connection to his journalistic work.

Correspondent of daily “Frontier Post” Peshawar in Dadu, Dr. Amin Chandio was
arrested (Dawn,February 9, 1992). The journalist was punished under the curtailing
process of daily “Frontier Post”.

Khalid KhasKheli of daily “Kawish” and Ishaq Tenue of daily “The nation” were
arrested (Dawn, April 28, 1992). Journalists were also tortured by police. They were
visiting the polling stations during bi-election in sanghar Sindh.

The office of daily “Frontier Post” Hyderabad was attacked by unknown thugs and
damaged (Dawn, May 4, 1992).

Veteran journalist Aziz was arrested in Shadadpur by Sindh Police for nothing to be
charged against him (Dawn, May 5, 1992)

The Bureau Chief of daily “jang” in Hyaderabad, Rais kamal received threats from
unknown aggressors on phone (Dawn, May 19, 1992).

Islamabad Police afflicted photographers Razaq and Bashir Khan for covering the
demolition of houses in the sides of the capital (Dawn, June 2, 1992).

Photographer Suhail Rafiq of daily “Jasarat” was attacked and injured by armed
forces for making pictures of scene where a citizen was being beaten (Dawn,
September 2, 1992).

Journalists were abducted by Sindh Police while they were attending the press
conference called by Ghulam Mustafa Korai (Dawn, September 13, 1992).

Journalists Ishaq Chaudhri, Naveed Akram, Iqbal Zaidi, Tanveer Sheraz, Ilyas
Shahid, Shah Nawaz Siddiqi and Farooq Khel were injured by activists of Safah-e-
Sahaba, a religious organization now banned (Dawn, September 14, 1992).

Editor of daily “Amn” Ajmal Dehlvi, was arrested from his office in Karachi (Dawn,
September 16, 1992). Editorial policy of daily “Amn” was against the Armed
Operation in Karachi.

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Cases were registered in Anti Terrorists Court against the Chief Executive of Jang
media group, Mir Shakil Ur Rehman and the editor of daily “The News”, Maliha Lodhi
for publishing a “Nazam” poetry written by Ex- Army personnel (Dawn, September
29, 1992).

Case of high treason was registered against the correspondent of daily “Dawn” in
Thatha, Iqbal Khwaja for filing a news story in connection with the death of a woman
during traffic jam due to protocol (Dawn, April 14, 1992).

Correspondent of daily “Ebrat” Hyderabad, Ghulam Khokhar was arrested (Dawn,

November 27, 1992).

Correspondent of daily “Khabren”, Malik Khan was killed in Fatah Jang Punjab, for
his journalistic work (Dawn, January 11, 1993).

Six journalists were injured by police while they were covering a protest rally of
students in University of Punjab (Dawn, January 18, 1993).

Offices of Javed Printing Press were attacked by with explosive material (Dawn,
January 30, 1993). The press was printing publications of Jang Group of media. The
attackers were wearing turbans showing to be activists of a religious group.

Benazir Bhutto took over the premiership of the government of Pakistan after
winning the general elections held in October 1993.

Christian journalist Aneel Datta was not allowed to enter the Atomic Power House
(KANUP) in Karachi (Dawn, May 15, 1993). The action based on religious
discrimination.

Correspondent of daily “Jang” and daily “The News”, Selaab Mehsood was
imprisoned for 10 years under Frontier Crime Regulations (Dawn, October 14, 1993).
The Political Agent even did not public the charges against the journalist sentenced.

The office of daily “Mashriq” Peshawar was attacked by armed men (Dawn, February
24, 1994). The assaulters were angry with the editorial policy of the paper which was
disclosing illegal involvements.

Photographer Aftab Baig of daily “Jang” was tortured by the activists of a political
party in Karachi (Dawn, February 20, 1994). According to Tauseef Ahmad Khan, the

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attackers were belonging to Mutaheda Qaumi Movement (MQM) and were angry for
the news photos having no pleasant taste for them.

Police tortured photographers while they were picturing the riots in Liqatabad
Karachi, Photographers Association decided to raise voice for their right in the favor
of the press freedom in the country (Dawn, July 4, 1994).

Correspondent of daily “The News” Kamran Mansur was threatened by Deputy

Inspector General of Sindh Police and used openly a harsh tune against the
journalist (Dawn, July 16, 1994). The police officer was annoyed due to the crime
stories by Kamran Mansur, exposing the involvements of police, published in daily
“The News”.

Correspondent of daily “Nation”, Amir Mateen was attacked by unknown thugs in

Islamabad; the assailants fled untouched injuring the journalist (Dawn, August 7,
1994). Some ministers were angry with the news reports of the journalist.

Journalists were kidnapped and beaten by the employees of Agricultural Farms in

Rivand belonging to Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif (the former Prime Minister of
Pakistan). Journalists were preparing a research report in connection to the farms
(Dawn, August 16, 1994).

Editor of weekly “Takbeer” Salahuddin was shot dead in Karachi near his office
(Dawn, December 4, 1994). The assassinated journalist had a reputation for critical
and objective approach toward the profession. Political elites of the city were angry
with him. His house was set a blazed prior to his killing.

Correspondent of daily “The Muslim” Bajva received threats (Dawn, January 19,
1995). The journalist had prepared an investigative report in connection with the
activities of a religious group.

The offices of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” and daily “Nation” were attacked by unknown
hoodlums in Karachi (Dawn, February 26, 1995). The attackers destroyed the office
of the papers that had published news item not favorable to them.

Activists of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) entered Karachi Press Club by force and
ransacked the office (Dawn, March 12, 1995). The aggressors were protesting in

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favor of PPP leader Munawar Sahraverdi. This was the second time that the Press
Club was attacked.

Correspondent of daily “The News” Ahmed Masti Khan was abducted by police from
his resident in Clifton Karachi (Dawn, June 4, 1995). The charges and reasons for
the arrest were not shown.

Veteran journalist Zafaryab was arrested by Federal Investigative Agency (FBI) in

Islamabad (Dawn, June 7, 1995). He had prepared an investigative report about
child labour in Punjab.

The office of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” Karachi was attacked by unknown assailants with
rockets; they also open fire on the premises (Dawn, June 24, 1995). The attackers
were angry with the editorial policy of the paper.

Daily “Awam”, daily “Qaumi Akhbar” daily “Public” and daily “Evening Special” were
banned for two months under Public Safety Act by Government of Sindh (Dawn,
June 26, 1995). The government was irritated with the sensational news published
by the papers in correlation with the ongoing Operation in Karachi. All the banned
newspapers were being published as Evening Papers.

Editor of monthly “News Line” Karachi, Razia Bhatti was arrested during a raid by
Police on the office of the periodical (Dawn, August 17, 1995). The female journalist
was punished for publishing an article critical of the then Governor Sindh Kamal
Azfar.

Journalists were beaten and beleaguered by police in Islamabad in front of the

President House while they were protesting against the dismissal of their colleagues
from Associated Press of Pakistan on political basis (Dawn, September 7, 1995).

The office of daily “The News” Hyderabad was raided by police with a warrant order
from court (Dawn, November 6, 1995). The action was a part to curtail the freedom
of press for vested interests.

Cases were registered by Government of Sindh against the editors of daily “Awam”,
daily “Star”, daily “Parcham”, daily “Public” and daily “Qaumi Akhbar”, under Pakistan
Penal Codes (PPC) section 505 (Dawn, December 12, 1995). They were charged
for defaming the State.

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Copies of daily “Kawish” were burnt by activists of a political party in Hyderabad and
were deprived the reader to receive the paper (Dawn, December 20, 1995). The
attackers were forfeiting the right of freedom of the press by force and that was the
rule of the day under the aggressors.

Copies of daily “Public” Karachi were set a blazed for not following the lines of a
political party in Karachi (Dawn, January 10, 1996).

Representative of daily “Bakhatawar”, Mumtaz Ali Shar was tortured by a land lord in
Sanghar Sindh (Dawn, March 19, 1996). The landlord was angry for his reporting.

Photographer of daily “Frontier Post” Karachi, Mehmood Ali QUrishi was harassed
and tortured by Ranger Personnel for his journalistic work (Dawn, May 5, 1996).

The office of daily “Mashriq” Quetta was ransacked by the activists of a political
party. The aggressors were trying to change the editorial policy of the paper in
accordance to meet their vested interests (Dawn, May 25, 1996).

Journalists were attacked and injured by the supporter of a Member of Provincial

Assembly of Sindh (Dawn, May 25, 1996). Journalists were protesting against the
atrocities of local land lords for their threats and attacks on the press and journalists.

Editor for special editions of daily “Dawn” Sheikh Aziz was abducted by agencies
and was interrogated (Dawn, July 12, 1996). The reason and findings were not
public even after his release.

Case was registered against the representative of daily “Dawn” in Hyderabad M.H
Khan after a report prepared by him was published in daily “Dawn”. The report
exposed the violation of human rights in central prison of Hyderabad (Dawn, July 27,
1996).

The press remained under pressure even during the interim government under the
caretaker premier Meraj Khalid.

Representative of daily “Intekhab” Ghulam Sarwar Khatak was killed in Dera Murad
Jamali Baluchistan (Dawn, September 9, 1996). The attackers fled and remained
unknown.

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Peshawar Press Club was attacked by the activists of a religious Party (Dawn,
January 3, 1997). The aggressors were angry for celebrating New Year in the Club.

Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif took oath on February 17, 1997, for the second time
as a premier of Pakistan after winning general elections held in February 1997.

Copies of daily “Dawn” Karachi were burnt by activists of the ruling party Muslim
League. The attackers also suspended the distribution of the paper in Sindh (Dawn,
May 8, 1997). The party was angry with the editorial policy of the paper in its part.

Journalist Manzar Imkani was killed at his residence in Karachi (Dawn, June 18,
1997). Imkani was working for daily “Jang” Karachi. He was punished for daring to
report the atrocities of a political party in Karachi.

Bureau Chief of daily “Mashriq” Hemayun Far was abducted in Islamabad by

investigative agencies in connection to his journalistic work (Dawn, June 29, 1997).
The reason and objectives behind the arrest were not shown.

Editor of daily “Pakistan” Lahore Jamil Chishti was arrested for publishing an article
in his paper which was said to be objectionable (Dawn, January 20, 1998).

Representative of daily “Jang” Raja Tariq was harassed by police in Karachi (Dawn,
January 28, 1998). Police broke the door of his house while entering there without
any legal authority.

Office of daily “Dawn” Karachi was targeted by aggressors for its editorial policy and
two bombs were blast in the premises of the paper (Dawn, July 10, 1998). The
motive behind the blasts was to harass and threaten the administration of the paper
for the completion vested designs.

Representative of daily “Awami Awaz” Shakil Naich was attacked by the activists of a
political party (Dawn, August 14, 1998). The activists were constantly pressurizing
the paper for their vested interests. Copies of the paper were also stopped by force
not to be distributed in Sindh.

Photographer Shoab Ahmad of daily “Jang” Karachi, Riaz Sheikh of daily “Ebrat”
Hyderabad, Javid of daily “Kawish” Hyderabad and Ashraf Memon of daily “Qaumi

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Akhbar” Karachi were tortured by the activists of a religious group in Karachi while
they were covering an event (Dawn, September 28, 1998).

Multan Press Club was attacked by the activists of the ruling party Muslim League.
They made damages to the offices but police registered case against journalists
(Dawn, October 13, 1998).

Veteran journalist Lakhano Sial was killed in Hyderabad (Dawn, October 18, 1998).
He was found dead in his residence. The murder had clues to be due to his
journalistic work as he was being threatened for that.

Correspondent of monthly “Herald” Karachi Idress Bakhtiar and his family was
harassed by police while they made a raid on his residence (Dawn, November 25,
1998). The motive and reason was not disclosed.

Office of daily “Jang” Islamabad was raided by Federal Investigative Agency and
took away the dummies of advertisements along with (Dawn, December 15, 1998).
After that the government’s advertisements were blocked for the paper. The
Executive editor of the media group blamed the government for its desires to set
aside some journalists affiliated to the Group and all the actions had that motive
behind.

Journalists were beaten by police while they going to Karachi Port for collecting
newsprint, for daily “Jang” (Dawn, February 5, 1999).

Editor of daily “Frontier Post” Peshawar was arrested under the charges of
smuggling narcotics (Dawn, March 25, 1999). The paper had a history of critical
policy in regard to the government.

Car of the editor for special edition of daily “The News” Imtiaz Alam was set a blazed
outside his residence in Islamabad (Dawn, May 6, 1999). The action was an alarm to
the journalist to be careful in respect to his reporting.

Editor of weekly “Friday Times” Najan Sethi was arrested under Army Act and the
government announced to be tried by Court Martial (Dawn, May 7, 1999). He was
charged with an objectionable speech he had made in India.

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Editor of journal “Pakistan news” Karachi, Irshad Arain and Nasir Mehmood were
arrested by police after a raid on the office of the journal (Dawn, July 9, 1999). Police
also damaged the holdings of the paper. The paper was blamed for having
objectionable news stories and was taken out of stall in the city.

Representative of daily “The News”Karachi, Musa Kaleem was arrested and was
interrogated by police after a raid on his residence (Dawn, August 8, 1999). He was
released after being harassed.

Photographer Saeed Iqbal of daily “Hilal-i-Pakistan” and Khatar Farooqi of news

agency Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), were tortured by police while they were
performing their duty in Karachi (Dawn, September 12, 1999).

General Pervez Musharraf coup d’état and took over the government on October
12, 1999. The political and strategic stage and priorities turned a new leaf but the
media landscape saw no hope to be free of the clutches of personal likes and
dislikes. The press containing policies remained unchanged.

Nine journalists belonging to Swat (KPK) were abducted by police while they were
performing journalistic duty (Dawn, October 26, 1999).

Police tortured journalists in front of Anti Terrorist Court in Karachi where trail against
the dismissed prime minister Mian Nawaz Sharif was in progress (Dawn, November
20, 1999).

Journalists were beaten by police outside the residence of Mian Nawaz Sharif while
they were busy to perform their duty (Dawn, December10, 1999).

One hundred and fifty journalists were attacked and arrested by police in Islamabad
during a peaceful protest (Dawn, April 29, 2000).

Representative of daily “Ummat” Sufi Muhammad was killed in Mirpurkhas (Dawn,

May 13, 2000). Journalist was killed for preparing a report in connection with
smuggling of women for prostitution. According to International Federation of
Journalists (IFJ), the journalist had been reporting on the illegal activities of a local
mafia involved in drug trafficking and organized prostitution. Khan had received
threats.

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Offices of daily “Business Recorder” Karachi was set a blazed by the activists of a
religious group soon after the assassination of Maula Yousuf Ludhiani (Dawn, May
19, 2000).

Journalist Shuja Ahmed was harassed by local army monitoring cell in May 2000
(U.S report, 2000-2001). Shuja at the time was president of local organization of
journalists.

Journalists Mazahar Tufail of daily Awam was attacked by unknown assailant on

August 21, 2000. The journalist accused government’s agents and said that they
[culprits] attacked him for to get professional information from him (U.S report, 2000-
2001).

Four journalists were arrested by Sindh Police in Dadu on August 30, 2000 (U.S
report, 2000-2001). Police charged them with theft but the reality behind was their
criticism on police.

Weekly “K-2” was banned by Federal Government in Islamabad. The order was
issued by the Deputy Commissioner of Skardu (PPF, October 26, 2000). The action
was motivated by the move to curtail the press in the Northern Part of the country.

The offices of daily “Nawa-e-Waqt group of publication” were stroked by a bomb

explosion on November 6, 2000. The bomb blasted in the building was using for
advertizing staff. The bomb was brought by a woman in the office of advertizing
manager. Three people died in the explosion (IFJ. 2000). The killed persons were
including the manager Najmullah Hassan Zaidi, the computer operator Said
Mehmood and Ziaul Hahaq. The woman taking the explosive also died in the blast.

Daily “Frontier Post” was banned by KPK government (Dawn, January 29, 2001).
The paper had published a letter having matter in connection to Blasphemy. A mob
also attacked the office of the paper and destroyed in due course. Five staff
members were arrested for a letter published that contained derogatory
characterizations of the Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon him).

Correspondent of daily “The News” Shakil Sheikh was kidnapped and tortured in
Islamabad (Dawn, March 28, 2001). The abductors were angry with his reporting and
they warned him if continues such type of reporting.

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The press for daily “Mohasib” was sealed in Abottabad (KPK) on June 4, 2001 and
the resident editor, the shift manager and a sub editor were arrested under section
295 for publishing an article derogative of Islamic verdict in relation to beards (U.S
report, 2001-2002).

Representative of daily “Dawn” Islamabad, Faraz Hashmi was harassed, attacked by

a military officer for his dare to report objectively (Dawn, November 17, 2001).

The American Journalist Daniel pearl was killed in Karachi (Dawn, February 21,
2002). According to IFJ report 2002, the exact date of the killing of Pearl is not
confirmed but the news came after the official announced of his death after receiving
digital video containing the scene of slitting of Pearl’s throat.

Veteran journalists Shakil Sheikh was attacked by unknown assailants in Islamabad

on March 28, 2002. According to U.S embassy report for state department 2001-
2002, the journalist was detained for several hours, he was severely beaten and then
released. No one claimed for the atrocity (U.S report, 2001-2002).

Journalists were tortured by police while they were protesting against the use of
derogated language for the Press by Governor of Punjab. Lieutenant General Khalid
Maqbol (Dawn, April 4, 2002).

The editor of daily “Kohistan” was killed by unknown persons on May 4, 2002 in
Lahore (U.S report, 2002-2003). The assailants opened fire while he was on the way
home from his office.

Fire was opened on photographers while they were on the assignment to cover the
demolishment of houses in the outskirt of capital city Islamabad (Dawn, July 30,
2002).

Representative of daily “The Nation” Karachi Aziz Sangho was harassed and
lamented by the officers of the Karachi Electric Supply Corporation (KESC, now KE).
He was called in the name to take a cup of tea there (Dawn, August 21, 2002). The
officers were angry for his investigative reports in connection with their corruptions.

Journalist Shahid Soomro was killed by a feudal lord in Jacobabad in Sindh (Dawn,
October 21, 2002). The tribal lord was angry with the journalistic works of the
assassinated journalist.

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Representative of daily “Pakistan”, Rashid Qamar was fired and injured in
Faisalabad for his professional job (Dawn, December 25, 2002)

Correspondent of daily “Lashkar” Quetta was arrested and interrogated by police

(Dawn, January 1, 2003).

Journalists were arrested after they participated in a press conference called by

lawyers in high court branch in Rawalpindi (Dawn, January 1, 2003).

Journalist Amir Mateen and Kamran Khan were harassed and interrogated in
connection with their journalistic work by intelligence agency (Dawn, May 6, 2003).

Journalists were tortured by police in front of Punjab Assembly while they were
covering a speech of the opposition leader in the Provincial Assembly (Dawn, May
29, 2003).

Journalists were arrested for covering a protest demonstration of women against

Pervez Musharraf during his visit to Hyderabad (Dawn, August 28, 2003). Cases
were registered against Kaleem Chandio, Nadeem Panhor, Sharif Abro, Irfan,
Shahid Khatak and Khan Sial to punish them for their journalistic work.

Journalist Munawar Hassan was punished by the Court under Blasphemy after a
letter was published in daily “Frontier Post” having a matter of contempt (Dawn, July
11, 2003).

Representative of daily “Mashriq” Nasrullah was kidnapped by a religious group to

punish him for his reporting (Dawn, September 1, 2003).

Journalist Raja Ejaz was killed in Attock by unknown assaulters in connection with
his journalistic work (Dawn, September 17, 2003).

Representative of daily “Kawish” was shot dead in Hyderanad (Dawn, October 6,

20013) he was killed for his professional work.

Journalist Khawar Mehdi was arrested along with two French journalists, Marc
Espetein and Jean-Paul Guilloteau, for a try to go out of the country illegally, the
French journalists were charged with visa violations (Dawn, December 16, 2003).

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Journalist Sajid Tanoli was killed in Abbotabad for his investigative reports in
connection with drug trafficking (Dawn, January 30, 2004). He was a reporter for
daily “Shumaal”. According to U.S embassy report for state department, the Mayor of
Mansehra killed Tanoli for his reports on the smuggling of alcohol.

The offices of daily “Jang” were attacked with a bomb in Quetta, causing no injuries
but the action was to harass and warn the paper and concern journalists. Baloch
Separatists claimed responsibilities for the blast (RSF February 24, 2004).

Karachi press club was attacked and ransacked by Shiite protesters on February 29,
2004 (U.S report, 2004-2005). A guard of the Club was injured. The Shiites were
protesting against Geo TV for broadcasting disparaging remarks made during a
debate (Dawn, March 1, 2004).

A former correspondent of daily “The News”, Sami Yousaf Zai along with American
Journalist Eliza Griswold was arrested in Bannu (Dawn, April 22, 2004). The
American Free Lance was released but Sami was interrogated for nearly two months
and was freed on June 4, 2004 without filing any charge against him.

ARY TV cancelled an interview with Shabaz Sharif on May 9, 2004, due to

government pressure and had to suspend its news program “News and Views” after
the then Information Minister Sheikh Rashid threatened the media (U.S report,
2004-2005).

Representative of BBC Zafar Abbas and representative of CNN Mohsin Naqvi were
arrested, harassed and their possessions were forfeited in Islamabad Airport (Dawn,
May 17, 2004). They had come with Shahbaz Sharif while he was back to home from
Saudi Arabia after exile.

Journalist Majid was shot dead in Mansehra for his reporting in connection with
smuggling wines (Dawn, June29, 2004).

Journalist Arshad Javed, working for daily “Nawa-e-Waqt”, was arrested for reporting
the protest of peasants against military farms in Okara (Dawn, August 30, 2004).

Journalist writing for daily “Nawa-e-Waqt” Sarwar Mujahid was detained on

September 29, 2004 by Punjab police. The sin was a series of articles in relation to
Okara Farms land dispute (U.S report, 2004-2005).

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The government shut down an Urdu-language newspaper “The Islamabad Times” on
August 31, 2004 before it could bring its first edition in to the market (U.S report,
2004-2005).

Nearly 30, Islamists youths attacked the offices of “Jang Group of Newspapers and
Geo TV” in Karachi on January 19, 2005. The attacker damaged the property and
injured a security guard. The attackers were angry for publishing an interview of the
then Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Shimon Peres in daily Jang and that in the Talk
Show aired from Geo TV (U.S report, 2005-2006).

Ameer Nawab, a correspondent of the daily “The Nation” and Allah Noor Wazir of
AVT Khyber were shot dead by unknown masked men in Wana on February 7,
2005(Dawn, February 7, 2005).

The Federal Government withdrew official advertisements for daily “Nawa-eWaqt”

and daily “The Nation” on May 21, 2005 while provincial and local governments were
free to advertize in the said papers (U.S report, 2005-2006).

Sindh Government banned provincial advertisements for Dawn Group in June 2005,
for publishing critical reports in relation to a financial scandal involving the chief
minister (U.S report, 2005-2006).

The office of daily “Zarb-e-Islam” was raided and its editor Nisar Ali Jhangir,
Associate editor Mazhar Abbas and M. Irfan were arrested (CPJ, July 20, 2005). The
action was a part to check and contain the Islamist’s publications in Karachi.

The office of weekly “Friday Special” Karachi was raided and the associate editor
Abdul Latif and Abu Shamil was arrested (CPJ, July 20, 2005). The paper was a
subsidiary of daily “Jasarat” Karachi.

Offices of weekly “Wajood” Karachi were searched and its editor and publisher
M.Tahir was arrested under Safety Act (CPJ, July 20, 2005).

The office of weekly “Ghazi” Karachi was raided under the charges of publishing
reports creating incitement against the state (CPJ, July 20, 2005).

The offices of daily “Ummat”, Karachi were raided by police to search the reports
said to be a causing for chaos and inculcating hates in the minds of reader against

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the government. The raider had no legal justification other than an oral order of high
ranks (CPJ, July 20, 2005).

The Sindh police detained Rashid Channa, the senior reporter for daily “Star”
Karachi on July 24, 2005. According to U.S embassy report for state department
2005-2006, the journalist was kept under custody for 12 hours. The reporter was
detained on the order of the then Chief Minister of Sindh for writing stories critical of
him and the provincial cabinet (U.S report, 2005-2006).

Weekly “Zarb-e-Momin” Karachi was banned by Sindh Government under the Public
Safety Act (Dawn, August 15, 2005).

Punjab government baned two Printing Presses in “Jhanabad” and police took the
editor Sami Khan, of Magazine “Al-Fazl” into custody. The move behind was a
complaint of a religious leader that the magazine was involved in insulting the
sentiments of the Muslims as that was belong to Ahmadddiya community (U.S
report, 2005-2006).

The broadcasting house of radio “FM Mast 103”, were raided and equipments were
confiscated for re-broadcasting BBC’s report in connection with disasters made by
Earth Quake in Northern Areas of Pakistan (Dawn, November 14, 2005).

Journalist Hayatullah Khan was kidnapped by unknown assaulters (Dawn,

December 1, 2005).

Two journalists were briefly detained on January 14, 2006, in Bajaur Agency (FATA),
they were reporting on the missile fires in Damadola village of the Agency. Security
forces and militants warned bureau chief of daily “Daily Times” Iqbal Khatak and
corresponded of BBC Urdu Services Haroon Rashid against reporting in the area
(U.S report, 2006-2007).

Correspondent of Geo TV Mukesh Rpeta and his cameraman Sanjay Kumar was
detained by intelligence agencies on March 6, 2006 and were charged with the
violation of Official Secret Act. They were filming the air force base (U.S repor,t
2006-2007).

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Cameraman of Sindhi Language TV “Kawish Television Network” (KTN), Munir
Ahmad Sangi was killed in Larkana. He was covering a gun fight between the Unar
and Abro tribes (Dawn, May 30, 2006).

Political activists attacked the office of journalist, Sarmad in Sindh on June 6, 2006.
The office was ransacked. According to the U.S embassy report (2006-2007),
Sarmad was targeted for his reporting on a murder case and the men who tortured
him were backed by leaders of Pakistan People’s Party Sorab Sarki and Bijarani.

Reporter for daily “Kawish” Meruddin Mari was arrested by Sindh Police on July 2,
2006 for reporting the human rights abuses on road blocked near Golarchi, where
police were facilitating VIP movements (U.S report, 2006-2007).

Provincial government of NWFP (KPK) closed radio station FM 103 on August 23,
2006 for reporting on the victims of the Earth Quake under PEMRA instructions. The
report unveiled the biases in the rehabilitation assistance program. According to U.S
report (2006-2007) the radio had received threats from the Earthquake Relief and
Rehabilitation Authority (ERRA).

Editor of daily “Chamag” Rafiq Ajis was arrested in Turbat Baluchistan on September
3, 2006. According to U.S report (2006-2007) intelligence agencies and Baluchistan
Police were behind the arrest.

Journalists Abdul Sattar was arrested by Punjab Police on September 3, 2006 in

Chiniot. The motive and charges behind the arrest were not disclosed (U.S report,
2006-2007).

Senior journalist C.R Shamsi was severely beaten by the private guard of the then
Federal Minister Ghulam Sarwar Khan inside the parliament lodges on September
13, 2006. He had asked the minister about a legal case pending against him (U.S
report, 2006-2007).

Maqbool Hussain Sail was shot dead in Dera Ismail Khan (Dawn, September 15,
2006). He was working for Online News Network and at the time he was targeted,
the journalist was on the way to interview a leader of Pakistan People’s party.

The crew member of AVT, Malik Zahid, M.Nazir and ARY’s Wadood and Mushtaq
were arrested after they attended a congregation of Sunni Tehrik at Minar-e-Pakistan

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Lahore (Dawn, September 16, 2006). According to U.S state department report
(2006-2007), journalists filmed the police impounding buses false pretenses. Police
officer Mukhtar Shan was involved in the atrocities.

The official in Punjab ordered the cable operators to stop airing the ARY
transmissions for repeatedly broadcasting the beating scene of the three journalists
at the Minar-e-Pakistan in Lahore.

Correspondent of daily “The News” Shakeel Anjum was included in a case involving
a triple murder on September 17, 2006 in Islamabad. According to Committee to
Protect Journalists, the journalist was punished for his criticism on the police.

The arrest and detention of Journalist Sarbazi was confirmed by the intelligence
agencies after his release on September 23, 2006. According to U.S report 2006-
2007, he was interrogated about his personal and professional life and his
connection with Baloch Liberation Army (BLA).

Bureau Chief of Pakistan Press International was found dead in a park located in
Islamabad where he used to go for a walk. He was stroked on head with an iron rod
(Dawn, November1, 2006).

Journalist Rehmanullah was fired in Shabqadar in KPK and was injured by unknown
(Dawn, November 1, 2006).

Transmissions of Sindhi Language channel “Sindh TV” were suspended by cable

operators on the order issued by PEMRA (Dawn, November 8, 2006). According to
U.S state department report 2006-2007, the channel had gained popularity for
highlighting government mismanagements.

Correspondent of BBC, Dilawar Wazir was abducted (Dawn, November 20, 2006).
But he was released without any charges after two days. According to U.S state
department report 2006-2007, Dilawar Wazir was kept under interrogation for 30
hours and during his detention, he was beaten and questioned about his reporting
about Waziristan.

Photographer for daily “New York Times” Akhtar Soomro was detained in Quetta and
was harassed (Dawn, December 22, 2006). He had a foreign journalist Carlotta Gall
but was released soon.

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The editor of Sindhi language newspaper “Daily Nijat” Makhdoom Hashmi was shot
dead on January 13, 2007. According to U.S state department report Hashmi was
critical of feudal lord in Sindh. He was receiving threats.

The offices of Geo TV in Islamabad were raided by police (BBC March 16, 2007).
Police forcefully entered the premise; they punched the employees and damaged the
equipments.

PEMRA issued a show-cause notice to AaJ TV on April 23, 2007 for broadcasting a
talk Show in connection with judicial crisis. The TV was also threatened with a closer
(U.S report, 2007-2008).

The offices of Aaj TV in Karachi were attacked and ransacked by young gunmen on
May 12, 2007. According to U.S state department report, the president of KUJ
blamed MQM for the attack as MQM Coordination Committee reportedly identified 12
“enemy journalists” including those who covered the May 12 violence. The TV was
punished for live broadcast of the violence. Dawn, quoted the chief executive of the
network Arshad Zubairi saying, the building was under fire from MQM supporters
who wanted the airing of live footage of the unrest in the city stopped (Dawn, May
13, 2007).

The editor in chief of South Asian News Agency (SANA) Shakeel Turabi was
battered by unidentified culprits in Islamabad on May 18, 2007. The assaulters
threatened the journalist for antigovernment coverage (Dawn, May 19, 2007).

A school boy aged 14, Hasan Sharjil, son of Shakeel Turabi was severely beaten by
unknown assaulters in Islamabad. The attackers told him that that was a lesson to
his father. The boy was hospitalized but the assaulters ware not reached (U.S report
2007-2008).

Threatening letters were received to daily “Ausaf” and others, sent by unidentified
persons (CPJ, November 5, 2007).

Daily Ausaf and Express were suspended for the breach of Code of conduct (CPJ,
November 8, 2007).

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Transmission of “Geo” and “ARY” were closed from Dubai. According to a senior
member of Geo Network, Dr. Shahid Masood “No reason was given for the move but
apparently that was done on the pressure from Islamabad”(Dawn, November 17,
2007).

The government used its influence over cable operators to pull the plug on News
channels before the imposition of State of Emergency in the Pakistan on November
3 2007. The effected channels were included, Dawn News, Aaj, Geo, ARY, News
One World, BBC World, CNN and Al-Jazeera (Dawn, November 17, 2007).

More than 180 journalists were tortured by police while they were protesting in
Karachi. 12 journalists were injured (Dawn, November 20, 2007). Crackdown on
journalists proved a historical event in the history of journalism in Pakistan.

Cases were registered against the leaders of journalist’s union Pakistan Federal
Union of Journalists (PFUJ) for the protest of journalists (CPJ, December 3, 2007).

PEMRA issued a letter to all private TV channels and radios to stop live news
coverage. According to U.S state department report (2007-2008) the channels were
threatened of fines, prison, sentences and bans. The instruction was to stop criticism
on the government.

Reporter of Geo TV, Jahangir was harassed by the activists of ruling party Muslim
League (CPJ, December 31, 2007).

Journalists Auin Sahi was physically assaulted by police on February 9, 2008 in

Sialkot (U.S report, 2008-2009).

Pakistan People’s Party won the general elections and Yusuf Raza Gillani was
appointed as the Prime Minister in 2008, while Chairman of the party, Asif Ali Zardari
made choice the Presidency.

Journalists Chishti Mujahid (Dr.Abdul Samad “real name”) was killed in Baluchistan
on February 9, 2008 (Dawn, February 9, 2008). Baloch Liberation Army admitted the
responsibility for the murder. The separatists blamed him for sabotaging the
liberation movement. Mujahid was writing for Weekly Akhbar-e-Jehan.

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Journalist Khadi Hussain was shot dead in Hub Baluchistan. He was working for
“Sindh TV” and “Khabrein” (CPJ, April 14, 2008).

Journalist Munir Sangi was killed in Sindh. He was working with “KTN” TV (CPJ,
April 16, 2008).

The Geo TV and daily Jang were order to cease reporting on the restoration of
Judiciary and proceedings of court (The News, May 12, 2008). According to U.S
state department report 2008-2009, the group was asked to confirm their reports with
the courts before making them public.

Reporter for Express TV, Muhammad Ibrahim was killed on May 22, 2008, while he
was coming back home after an interview with Taliban leader Maulavi Umr in Bajaur
Agency (FATA). The killers also took his mobile phone and the video footage of the
interview (U.S report, 2008-2009).

Journalists were attacked and injured by forces in Turbat (CPJ, August 25, 2008).

Reporter for daily “Khabar Kar”, Qari Muhammad Shoaib was shot dead in Swat on
November 8, 2008. According to U.S state department report 2008-2009, the
journalist was shot by the security forces after warning him for a stop.

Journalist Sami Yousaf Zai and Japanese journalist Yatsu Kura Motika were
attacked in Peshawar (CPJ, November 14, 2008). According to U.S state department
report, the journalists were returning after an interview with Taliban Commander in
FATA (Khyber Agency).

Canadian journalist, Khadija Abdul Qahar was kidnapped in Bannu KPK. She was
publishing the website “Jihad Unspun” (CPJ, November 13, 2008).

Journalist Abdul Shaheen lost his life in an air strike against militants in FATA. He
was working foe daily “Azadi”. Journalist was been abducted a month ago by the
militants and was in their captive at the time they were bombarded (Dawn,
December 2, 2008).

Two journalists Muhammad Imran, cameraman for Express TV and Saleem Tahir
Awan, a free lance, lost their lives in a suicide bomb blast in Dera Ismail Kahn

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(Dawn, January 4, 2009). The bomb was blasted in front of Polytechnic College.
Security forces and journalists were targeted.

Reporter with Geo TV Musa Khan Khel was killed in Swat while covering peace
march organized by Taliban (daily The News February 18, 2009). The journalist was
abducted before his body was found dead. He had informed the administration of
Geo TV about the threats he had received an hour before his killing.

The transmissions of Geo TV were blocked by cable operators in some part of the
country (daily The News, March 12, 2009). According to U.S state department report
2009-2010) the Independent Media Corporation claimed that operators had stopped
airing the Geo News on the instructions of federal government to curtail media
coverage of the “long March” by lawyers. Sherry Rehman, the then Information
Minister resigned after the proceedings.

Correspondent of Aaj TV, Bacha Khan was shot dead in Mardan, a district of Khyber
Pakhtoon Khwa (CPJ, August 14, 2009).

Afghan journalist Janullah Hashamzada was killed in Khyber Agency Tribal Area
near Peshawar. He was working with Afghan news agency Pajwok (Dawn, August
24, 2009).

The government blocked the transmissions of Geo TV, ARY and Samaa for several
hours and Express TV for a short period (APP, October 10, 2009). According to U.S
state department report the channels were punished for the coverage of attack on
the Genaral Head Quarter (GHQ) in Rawalpindi.

Firing was opened on the residence of columnist for daily “Dawn” Kamran Shafi
(Dawn, November 27, 2009).

Peshawar Press Club was attacked for the second time. Four journalists were killed
and nearly 30 were injured (Dawn, December 22, 2009).

The house of Aizaz Syed, a reporter for Dawn News TV was attacked by unidentified
culprits in Islamabad. The attackers damaged the property but did not hurt the
reporter or his family. The action was taken for to harass and threaten the reporter
(Dawn, January 20, 2010).

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Reporter for Din TV, Imran Khan was attacked on July 7, 2010 in Bajaur Agency
(FATA). According to U.S state department report (2010-2011), some unidentified
militants threw grenades in the house of Imran, injuring 8 members of his family
including him.

A unique resolution was passed by the Punjab Assembly on July 9, 2010, criticizing
certain section of the media for their “irresponsible role” against the political and non
political personalities while reporting on the education degrees of the
parliamentarians (U.S report, 2010-2011).

Chief reporter of daily “Ebrat” Sarfaraz Wistro was attacked by unknown assaulters
on July 22, 2010. He was beaten by five men near his house in Hyderabad Sindh
(U.S report, 2010-2011).

Daily “Asaap” Baluchistan was closed for security reasons on July 9, 2010. The
decision was made after consistent threats, the paper received in the wake of its
editorial policies (U.S report, 2010-2011).

Senior reporter for daily “The News” Umar Cheema was kidnapped in Islamabad and
was tortured. He was threatened and warned not to write articles critical of the
government (The News, September 4, 2010). According to U.S state department
report, he was hanged upside down and his hairs were shaved off head.

Journalist Misri Khan was shot dead in Hango, a district of KPK. He was working for
daily “Ausaf” and daily “Mashriq” (Dawn, September 14, 2010). Tahreek Taliban
Pakistan claimed the murder for not following their way to report.

Correspondent of daily “Pakistan” Mujeeb Siddiqi was killed in Dargai Malakand

Agency, the Provincially Administrative Tribal Area in KPK (Dawn, September 20,
2010).

Correspondent of daily “Intikhab” Lala Hameed Baloch was kidnapped in Gawadar

Baluchistan in connection with his journalistic work, his dead body was found in
Turbat Baluchistan with gun shots wounds (CPJ, November 22, 2010).

President of MirpurKhas Press Club was shot dead for the sake of journalism; he
was the Bureau Chief of Awaz TV (Dawn, December 6, 2010).

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Wali Khan Baber, reporter for Geo TV was shot dead in Liaqatabad Karachi. Wali
Babar was on the way home from his office when two assailants stopped the car and
opened fire on him. The killers shot him 6 bullets, five in head and one in the neck
and flew away (Dawn, January 13, 2011). According to CPJ, Wali’s murder was
prompted by his aggressive reporting on violent political turf wars, extortion, target
killings, electricity theft and land grabbing in Karachi.

Journalists Saleem Shehzad was abducted in Islamabad (Dawn, May 29, 2011). His
body was found dead, after two day. He was working with “Asia Times Online”. He
had reportedly received threats in connection with journalistic work. At the time of
abduction, he was going to discuss a report in relation to attacks on the Naval base
in Karachi.

Correspondent of daily “Guardian” Waqar Kinai was beaten in Islamabad on June

19, 2011. According to U.S state department report (2011-2012), Waqar was told to
be made an example of him for those reporting on the line he was following.

Reporter for daily “Ausaf” and Aaj TV, Rehmatullah Darpakhel was abducted in a
market place in Miran Shah, the Headquarter of Tribal Area of North Waziristan
(Dawn, August 12, 2011).

Journalist Munir Shakir was killed in Khuzdar Baluchistan. He was working for Sabz
Batt TV as a correspondent (Dawn, August 15, 2011).

Crew member of “Khyber” TV, Syed Waqas Shah and Hazrat Khan were attacked in
Peshawar (Dawn, August 22, 2011).

Journalist Faisal Qureshi was found dead in his house in Lahore. He was apparently
killed for being a journalist (daily Dwan, October 7, 2011).

The body of missing journalist Javid Rind was found in Khuzdar Baluchistan (Dawn,
November 7, 2011)

Correspondent of “Waqt” TV got injured by a bullet in Karachi while he was busy

reporting a protest demonstration (Dawn, November 28, 2011).

Senior editor Murtaza Rizvi was found dead in his flat, he was the head of Magazine
section of daily “Dawn” (Dawn, April 19, 2012).

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Journalist Aurang Zeb was killed in Lalu Ran Wak village in Sindh, he was the
Bureau Chief for Sindhi language TV “Kawish”. He was punished for his reporting an
illegal marriage (Dawn, May 11, 2012).

Correspondent for Wush TV, Qadir Hajizai was shot and killed in Baluchistan on May
28 2012. According to U.S state department report (2012-2013), the journalist was
on the way home when motorcycle riders opened fire on him and fled safely after
killing him.

The offices of Aaj TV were fired by militants. Two security guards were injured
(Tribune, June 25, 2012).

Correspondent of ARY TV, Abdul Haq Baloch was shot dead in Khuzdar (Dawn,
October 1, 2012).

Muslim League (Nawaz) won majority seats in National Assembly and in general
election 2013 and got the rein of the government.

Journalist Mukaram Khan Atif was killed in Peshawar (Dawn, January 21, 2013).

Journalist Ahmad Ali Jatoi was fired and injured for his journalistic work. He was
constantly receiving threats (Dawn, May 24, 2013).

Offices of “Express Media Group” were attacked by four men riding motorcycles.
The culprits sprayed with gunshots. Two employees of the media group, security
guard Mir Ali and Raheela Zohair from marketing department, were injured (The
News, August 16, 2013).

Missing Baloch Journalist Abdul Razaq was found dead in Karachi. He was working
for daily “Tawar” (Dawn, August 22, 2013). Journalist was missing since March 2013.
The body of journalist was mutilated and had torture marks.

Senior reporter for daily “Itehad”, Shafique was attacked with iron rod and was
seriously injured on October 10, 2013 in Abbottabad (KPK). According to U.S state
department report (2013-2014), the motive behind the torture remained unknown.

Journalist Ayub Khatak was killed in Karak district of KPK outside his home (Dawn,
October 11, 2013). Khatak was working for daily “Karak Times”. He was killed
reportedly by the local drug traffickers.

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Three journalists were injured in bomb blast in Karachi; they were covering the
procession of a religious event on M.A Jinnah road (Dawn, November 14, 2013).

The offices of daily Express were again attacked with hand grenades by unknown
culprits in Karachi. The blasts brought damages to the cars in parking area of the.
Several people also got minor injuries but harassment spread over as that was the
ambition behind the attack (Tribune December 2, 2013).

Three members of Express TV crew, Waqas Aziz, Khalid Khan and Ashraf Yusuf
were killed in Karachi Sindh (Tribune January 18, 2014). Motor cycle riders opened
fire on the vein and fled unhurt after killing the journalists in Nazimabad area at
evening.

Journalist Hamid Mir of Geo TV was fired in Karachi. He was severely injured (The
News April 19, 2014).

The then Defense Minister Khawaja Asif lodged PEMRA complaint against Geo TV
on behalf of Inter Services intelligence (ISI), after the TV Broadcasted allegations
that the ISI director general orchestrated the attack on journalist Hamid Mir.
According to U.S state department report 2014-2015, many cable operators dropped
Geo News from their services.

Editor daily “Jang”, Magazine Section, Zafar Aheer was attacked and beaten in
Karachi (The news, June 3, 2014).

PEMRA suspended Geo TV’s license and was fined R.s 10 million (daily The News,
June 6, 2014). According to U.S state department report (2014-2015), Geo TV in
return, sued ISI and PEMRA for defamation and requested an apology.

The house of the reporter for daily “Express Tribune”, Jamshed Baghban was
attacked with a bomb in Peshawar (Dawn, July 2, 2014).

Crew members of Aaj TV were beaten by the activists of Pakistan Tehreek Insaf
(PTI) in Islamabad while they were covering their protest setting in the capital city
(Dawn, August 25, 2014).

Columnist for daily “Dawn”, Kamran Shafi was threatened in Karachi for his
journalistic work (Dawn, August 27, 2014).

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Three journalists were killed in their office in Quetta Baluchistan. They were working
for an Online News paper “Online International News Network”. Mastoi was also
working for ARY News TV (Dawn, August 28, 2014).

PEMRA suspended the License of ARY TV and was fined Rs.10 million (CPJ,
October 20, 2014).

Journalist Zafarullah jatak was killed in Quetta on June 28, 2015. According to U.S
state department report (2015-2016), Jatak was abducted in November 2014 and
was interrogated about his family and professional life. He was also questioned
about the phone calls from Baloch Lebaration Army (BLA). He was targeted at his
home.

Bureau Chief of Geo TV, Fahim Siddiqi was abducted and robbed in Karachi (The
News, July 27, 2015).

The broadcasting van of Geo TV was attacked, technician was killed while the driver
was injured (The News, September 8, 2015).

Journalist working for Geo TV Aftab Alam was killed outside his house in Karachi
(The News September 9, 2015).

Correspondent of PTV Abdul Azam was fired and injured in Peshawar (Dawn,
September 9, 2015).

Correspondent of daily “Ummat” Zaman Massod was shot dead in Karak Tonk, a
district of KPK (Dawn, November 2, 2015). According to U.S state department report
(2015-2016), TTP admitted the killing of Zaman Masood saying the journalist was
writing against them.

Journalist Afzal Mughal was abducted from his home on November 10, 2015 in
Quetta. The journalist was abducted by unidentified persons. The abductors
interrogated him for 15 hours about his connection with BLA on phone (U.S report,
2015-2016).

Journalist Hafeez Rehman was killed in Kohat district of KPK (Dawn, November 23,
2015).

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The offices of ARY TV were attacked with grenades in Islamabad, video editor Umar
Hayat was wounded (Dawn, January 13, 2016).

Camera man of “Dawn News” Mehmood Khan and cameraman of Aaj TV

ShehzadAhmad lost their lives in a bomb blast in Quetta (Dawn, August 8, 2016).

Executive director of Jang Media Group, Abid Abdullah was kidnapped and was
threatened, the kidnappers also told him that they would abduct two other journalist
of the group; they named Shazeb Khanzada and Hamid Mir to be hosted as he was
(Dawn, September 29, 2016).

The name of Cyril Almeida of daily “Dawn” was put in Exit Control List, after an
article with his name was published in “Dawn”. He was harassed and lamented
(Dawn, October 11, 2016).

Reporters for weekly “Sadhiti Awaz”, Ikhlaq Ahmad and Qurban Ali Gadehi were
imprisoned for defamation (Dawn, January 18, 2017).

Cameraman for Saama TV, Taimoor Khan was killed in Karachi KDA square. The
unknown assailants open fire on the DSNG Van of Samma TV and the journalist got
bullets on his head (Dawn, February 12, 2017).

Journalist working for “worlds One News” TV and a New Delhi based News Website.
Taha Siddiqi was harassed for his journalistic work (CPJ, June 13, 2017).

Journalist Bakhshish Elahi, working for daily “K-2” was killed in Haripur (Dawn, June
15, 2017). The Pakistan Tahreek-e- Insaf’s female councilor Hina Akbar and a man
Hanif Akhtar were arrested for murdering the journalist (daily Express tribune July
15, 2017).

Journalists were harassed and beaten by the guards of Agriculture University

Faisalabad for covering a student-related incident in the university (Dawn, June 20,
2017). Journalists of Samaa, Neo TV, Metro, Dunya, Aaj TV and Express TV were
injured and the DSNG vans were damaged outside the premises of the university.
Javeed, Shehroz Ebad and Waqas Shiraz were among the journalists whogot
injuries.

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Students of Madrras Haqani, injured cameramen of Din TV while they were covering
a protest demonstration; the students also attacked the van of Din TV. The
cameraman was admitted to an hospital and FIR was filed in Margala Police station
Islamabad. The Nazim of the mosque was arrested but was freed later on (Dawn,
June 21, 2017).

Editor of daily “Qudrat” Zafar Achakzai was abducted from his house in Quetta.
Achakzia was held for writing against security institutions on social media. He was
arrested by Federal Investigative Agency that was later on revealed. The court
granted him bail on July 5, 2017 (Dawn, July 5, 2017).

Journalist Saba Bajeer of “Channel 24” and Aitizaz Hassan of “Dwan News” were
illegally detained and manhandled by Federal Investigative Agency (FIA) officers and
family members of Security and Exchange Commission of Pakistan (SECP)
Chairman Zafarul Haq Hijazi in Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences (PIMS) in
Islamabad. (Dawn, July 21, 2017).

Editor of three magazines Daulat Jan Mattal was arrest for his journalistic work (CPJ,
September 20, 2017).

Journalist Zeenat Shahzadi was recovered from near the Pak-Afghan border; she
was kidnapped two year ago in August 2015 (Dawn, October 20, 2017). She had
raised voice for the missing persons and that she became a missing woman after the
struggle started.

Reporter for the daily “The News” Ahmad Noorani was attacked by unknown
assailants in Islamabad. The culprits attacked him and his driver with knives in Zero
Point Area near Urdu University. Both were injured and hospitalized. According to
First Investigative report filed by the injured driver Mumtaz, the attackers were six in
number, riding motorcycles, two of which bear no number plates (Dawn, October 27,
2017).

Separatists in Baluchistan warned media owners, journalists to black news and the
situation is so tangled and fearing that hawkers and transporters have refused to
distribute the papers (Dawn, October 27, 2017).

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6.3 Most recent atrocities against press and journalists

Abductions, attacks and killings of journalists are continued and the trend knows no
end. The media environment is fully under threats and terror. Journalists are fully
exercising self-censorship, national and international organizations are voicing for
ending impunity but there seems no progress in the situation and the cloud of fear
hovering over journalists.

Most recently journalist working for local newspaper daily Koshish, Rafat Ali Jarwar
was abducted by five persons in Tando Bago town of District Badin of Sindh.
According to reports some of the abductors were in police uniform while police
officers refused such action. The family of the victim said Rafat was abducted on
political ground to terrified (Dawn, February 15, 2018).

Journalists Anjum Muneer was shot dead by unknown assaulters in Rawalpindi on

March1, 2018. He was working for daily Qaumi Pukar as a sub editor and was on the
way to home after his duty when unknown gunmen opened fire on him. The site of
incident is near the GHQ under the jurisdiction of civil line police. Muneer Raja was
shot six times and died on the spot while the assailants fled. Police declared the
incident as target killing after investigating the spot and the manner in which murder
was carried out. The family of the victim denoted that Muneer didn’t have a personal
enmity with anyone. Police initiated investigation after registering the FIR (Dawn,
March 2, 2018).

Journalists Zeeshan Butt was reportedly killed by UC chairman Imran Cheema on

March 27, 2018 in Sialkot. Zeshan was the former president of Sambrial presss club
and a journalist for daily Nawa-e-Waqt. At the time of his murder,he was at the
Begowala Union Council arguing with the chairman Imran Cheema on a monetary
issue. During the talks the journalist asked a question and the chairman opened fire
on him. Zeshan died at the spot and Cheema fled. Police have registered FIR and
investigations are in progress but the culprit is at large (Dawn, March 2, 2018).

Local journalists Shah Zaman was abducted from his home in Tan KPK at night.
Family of the abducted journalists said he had recently arrived home after remaining
in captivity for a month and half (Dawn, March 27, 2018).

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Journalists in Islamabad were barbed wire on the road when they were protesting for
demands at D-Chowk on the World Press Day (Dawn, May 3, 2018).

Journalists Asad Kharal was beaten in Lahore by unknown masked men journalists
was an anchorperson for BOl TV. Kharal got injuries and was hospitalized (Dawn,
June 6, 2018).

Jang media group closed their three publications atonce with out any preior notice on
December 14, 2018 (Dawn, December 15, 2018). The publications were including
daily Awam (Urdu), daily Daily News (English), and daily Inqilab (Urdu). PFUJ, KUJ
and CBA unions lauched a protest and for the first time slogans against the APNS
were heard in a protest against the atrocities in connections press freedom in
Pakistan. According to Fahim Sidiqui (2018), journalists has always remained under
threats and they have lost their job in such a way but in past the media organization
were closed under pressure from government and now the media owners are closing
their outlets to pressurize their employees for financial gains. He said that the current
move was a government-media ownners’ tie to suppress the journalists.

This review of the incidents, reflecting attacks on the press and journalists in
Pakistan, portrays the deteriorating situation of press freedom in the land. It is also
important to note that the exploration of incidents identifies the agents and actors
behind the curtailing actions and it also depicts the tactics and tools used by them for
those purposes. But to dig up more consolidated and generalized results, this
research went through the country and managed one hundred structured interviews
with senior working journalists in all the five clusters (Islamabad, KPK, Baluchistan,
Sindh and Punjab) and search out their perspectives about the situation of press
freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan.

The interviewees were treated as theorists as David Kalp’s (1996), which he treated
contributions made by interviewees in his research and that, was followed by
Caroline Fisher (2014) in his thesis. The perception of interviewees is of cordial
importance as they are the component part of the media landscape and are
confronting the threats directly and that their contribution will help the researcher to
explore and indicate the conventional and non-conventional threats to journalists and
to locate the situation of press freedom in Pakistan. Discussions with the

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interviewee’s perspectives regarding the situation and status of press freedom and
the magnitude and directions of threats to journalist, are given below.

6.4 Perception of press freedom: perspectives and analysis

Absolute freedom of expression and that of press would be an ideal and its material
existence is impracticable in any part of the world where there is a collective life
under recognized political, religious, social and culture codes. Because the very
existence and persistence of the state is the aim and freedom of expression and
freedom of press is a supportive panorama, if it does not overlap the interests of the
state in the fields of the ideology, religion, foreign relation, internal peace, judiciary,
armed forces and culture. These values are safeguarded against the freedom of
expression and that of the press in nearly all (186) constitutions of the independent
states of the world community, including Pakistan. And this approach to press
freedom is justifiable with reference to the security of the state and is termed as
conventional. But there are non conventional tactics and activities of the curtailing
agents that confine the freedom of press and keep journalists under threats and
under pressure for vested interests, for example, the governments and its institutions
put pressure on the press using official advertisements, print paper, making arrests
twisting the existing laws and regulations of the state., the non state agents like
political parties, religious groups, social activists, mafias and individuals also
pressurize the press for particular gains. And theses violent activities become terrible
if there is no law and order and the position of rule of law is weak in the state.

The freedom of press, according to this research is the free flow of information and
news content and it attempts to locate its position within the conventional and non
conventional parameters of threats and pressures.

Media today hold greater potential as a resource for press freedom and freedom of
expression. Media serves as a platform for dialogue with in the country and across
the borders and allows for innovative approaches to the distribution and acquisition
of knowledge. These qualities are vital to the freedom of press but at the same time
these are undercut by attempts to regulate and censor both by access and content
(Schmidt, 2007).

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But the freedom of press within the declared parameters is guaranteed and any
action that deteriorates its spirit would be termed as violation and non-conventional.
Senior journalists, correspondent for British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC),
Wasatullah Khan perceived press freedom as:

Wasatullah Khan: Press freedom is to convey realities, directly or indirectly

to the consumers, as a sacred trust within the limits prescribe by the local
moralities and universal truth. Absolute freedom exists nowhere in the world,
you have to surrender something for other to be achieved; the origin of state
is also an output of this principle. You surrender some freedoms to the state
and the state guarantees you security of life, property and others things in
exchange. Freedom written on paper can be unlimited but freedom is that you
can use and you are capable to utilize. For example, in Pakistan journalists
continuously struggled for 50 years to get freedom of press but when
freedom was achieved, that was converted and is now present in the form of
journalistic anarchy (Khan, W., 2018).

The conception of Wasatullah khan is that freedom of the press has some
parameters and obligations. And the utilization of the freedom within its recognized
limits is professionalism otherwise that is an Anarchy. Article 10 of the European
Convention on Human Rights (1950) put parameters for the exercise of press
freedom that reads that the right to information dwells on duties and responsibility so
that needs to be subjected to conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed
by law in the interests of the socity and state.

Senior journalist ex-President and General Secretary of Pakistan Federal Union of

Journalists (PFUJ) and Karachi Press Club, analyst for Geo TV and anchor person
Mazhar Abbas also perceives responsible journalism and defines press freedom in
terms of responsibility.

Mazhar Abbas: Press freedom is the intervention free dissemination of facts

to the readers and viewers with responsibilities and under professional ethics.
Sometime realities deteriorate peace and create chaos and that excluded.
Freedom can be compared rather to define absolutely. Here in Pakistan the
concept of press freedom is very confused and that is based on market
orientations (Abbas, 2018).

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Jack R Herman, the executive secretary of the Australian Press Council, quotes the
Australian Constitution in his research paper; the freedom of the press is no more or
less than the freedom of the people to be informed (Herman, 2005). In the same
ground senior journalist, ex-Joint Secretary PFUJ, member Federal Execute
Committee of PFUJ, Nawaz Tahir makes out a non-conventional definition of press
freedom and says:

Nawaz Tahir: press freedom rests on two pillars and that are the freedom of
content and the freedom of dealing with the content. The freedom of content
is the free flow of information whereas freedom of person is the freedom of
journalists from the clutches of pressures both from external and internal,
hidden and visible actors and factors. So that freedom of the press is what
you saw, you sensed and what is reality, you published, you broadcasted as a
sacred trust for the people in the society (Tahir, 2018).

The perception of press freedom is the sense of freedom of journalists in relation to

their professional functioning within the limits prescribed by the constitution. In
practice, press freedom is the existence and subsistence of free media environment
where the flow of information is free of all types of interventions and personal,
institutional interests. If a journalist, having professional set of mind, is free of
pressure from all kinds, collect information and that is published or broadcasted with
the same zeal: that will reflect the real freedom of press and that is the conception
and perception of the interviewees, generalized after discussions with them.

6.5 Press freedom’s environment in Pakistan: Dimensions and

Specifications

Media in Pakistan is a legacy of colonial era which was a come back with the
nationalistic zeal, and that, most of the important figures in the movement for
independence from British were either part of the national press or were sympathetic
to it. In this way the press was completely partisian (Mezzera&Sial, 2010). But that
nationalistic project continued and gradually permeated ideological, political, cultural,
sartorial, regionalist, lingual and economical approaches in its structure and
behavior.

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Owing to the structural and behavioral dilemma, situation of press freedom has
always been remained in question. The press in Pakistan was always tried to be
captivated and be corrupted by consecutive regimes (Bakhtzada, 2018) and this is
proved empirically by this research in chapter 3.

Committee to protect journalists put Pakistan in the “10 Most Dangerous Country for
Journalists” in 2010 and was also included in its list (2015) where “immunity”
regarding the killings of journalists is on its peak which reflects the deteriorated
environment of press freedom in the country.

Similarly, the Press freedom measuring indices of RWB, IFEX and FH has placed
Pakistan in the lower position of press freedom every year in their exercise.

But to dig up the real situation of press freedom in Pakistan, the media environment
needs to be explored by consulting the very component parts of media landscape of
the country. Therefore this research got involved working journalists, owners of
media enterprises and unionists to evaluate and locate the position of press freedom
and its dimensions and specifications for better understanding and generalizations.

In this hold, senior journalist, ex- General Secretary of APNS and CPNE,Chief
executive and Chief Editor of Awami Awaz Media Group, Dr.Jabar Khatak describes:

Dr.Jabar Khatak: that the press freedom’s environment in Pakistan in not

ideal and we saw the press has never free in the history of country. But the
press freedom circumstance is comparatively better today than the past, as
before 1990. In past, collectively the press and journalists were under
pressure and the situation was tense and suppressive due to state
intervention in the form of censorship but now, the freedom is under the
abuses of self censorship due to aggression of political, religious and other
non state actors. Another dimension of the curbing of press freedom is the
indirect intervention and that is attack on the economy and physiology of the
industry by various interest groups and that is backed by the government.
Corporate interests and their ill usages are also responsible for deteriorating
the situation of press freedom in Pakistan (Khatak, 2018).

Jabar khatak (2018) evaluates the atrocities of state and non-state agents resulting
in censoring the content of news that lead to containing the freedom of press in

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Pakistan. But Ashraf khan (2018) describes some other dimensions of press
freedom that he says are confining and he terms them the most dangerous for the
freedom environment in Pakistan.

Senior journalist, working as a Chief Correspondent for AFP, formerly have worked
for AP, daily Business Recorder, News Week and other medias and have worked on
positions of presidency in PFUJ and KPC, Ashraf Khan specifies:

Ashraf Khan: that the very first pressure on the values of journalism is that
from the media organization based on the commercial interests of the owners.
If the commercial interests of media enterprises are in clash with the
professional values, the freedom of press is confined. And that is very
frustrated for professional and independent journalists and that snatches the
sense of freedom. There are some popular narratives from the state and the
state’s institution, religious and other interests groups which are to be followed
and that deteriorate the press freedom environment in Pakistan (Ashraf Khan,
2018).

A very important dimension of press freedom was indicated by Ashraf Khan (2018) is
the pressure from within the media organization based on the commercial interests.
He says that a journalist report a news, guided by professional zeal and that reaches
to the editorial board of the organization, there, the fate of the news is decided on the
very vested interests of the enterprise. It reveals that the freedom of press is under
curtailed from within the organization.

Describing the press freedom situation in Pakistan, senior journalists, ex-president of

Karachi Press Club and member of Press Council, Khurshid Tanveer (2018) links
press freedom with the rule of law and democracy which is another dimension of the
press freedom environment.

Khurshid Tanveer: The situation of press freedom is very drastic in

Pakistan. Press freedom is linked with the condition of rule of law and the
existence and consistency of democracy, if there is no democracy there will
be no press freedom and in Pakistan the condition of democracy is not better
and that is why the environment of press freedom in the country is not hoping.
The state remained under military dictatorship for 38 years, more than half of

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 its life. Therefore, if there is no democracy and democratic values, nothing
and no one will enjoy freedom even guaranteed by the constitution because
the presence of law has no value if there is no implementation of it (Tanveer,
k., 2018).

Regarding the democratic freedom, political rights and civil liberties, annual reports
and indices of Freedom House places Pakistan in the last of the lists where the
situation of freedom is on its lower position (F.H., 2015, 2016, 2017). Similarly
Pakistan has its place in the lower 10 countries of the world where the rule of law is
on its lower position, under the study of World Justice Project (WJP, 2015, 2016,
2017). Whereas the same position of Press Freedom is depicted in the press
freedom indices of the FH, RWB and IFEX regarding Pakistan. This condition of
democratic values and status of rule of law, declares that the situation of press
freedom are interlinked. This situation and dimension of press freedom environment
in Pakistan is reflected by most of the interviewees. For example:

Ahmed Malik: The press in Pakistan is not free at all because where there is
no rule of law and better position of law and order, no one can freely exercise
his right of expression and that is the position and situation with the freedom
of press. In Pakistan there is no rule of law and journalists are under pressure
and under threats and anxious about their lives. The concept of establishing a
press is quite different from that in the world. Here, the press is established for
vested interests and the investors are not professional and have no respect
for professional journalism rather they use the press to achieve their
economical goals or protect their businesses under the cover of press. So
that, the environment of press freedom in the country, is declining and is not
hoping (Malik, 2018).

Another dimension of press freedom in Pakistan is that press freedom environment

differs in different regions of the state. This context is echoed by Amir Latif. Ex-
General Secretary of Karachi Press Club, Member International Crime Investigative
Journalists, Ex-General Secretary of KUJ, Amir Latif said, when he was asked about
the press freedom environment in Pakistan that the situation of press freedom is
alarming and he cannot says that the situation is satisfactory.

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 Amir Latif: In current circumstance we can say that press in Pakistan is
partially free. It is not ideal but better as to compare to that in 1980s, 1990s or
even that in the first decade of 2000. When we call it partially free, it does not
mean that we are satisfied with it but the situation is still alarming. In some
areas of Pakistan it is satisfactory, in some areas it is not good and in some
areas it is bad. For instance, in the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas
(FATA) and Baluchistan, excluding Quetta, the environment of press freedom
is grim. In Baluchistan the press and journalists has become a sandwich
between the security forces and the terrorists. Both of the parties put pressure
on journalists to follow their lines and journalists and press are facing dual
threats. The same situation prevails in FATA. Whereas, in the interior parts of
KPK, Punjab and Sindh, the press and journalists are facing threats from local
tribal lords, local mafias and local administration but more than that ill training
and ill equipment, this is a major threat to press freedom because they don’t
know how to report, how to protect themselves, because they are not well
paid but even not paid. And that is a reflection of very alarming situation and
dimension of the press freedom there. But situation of press freedom in
Karachi, Lahore, Islamabad, Peshawar and Quetta, is better. The better
situation in big cities is due to strong press clubs, strong unions, strong writ of
the government and the growing sense of understanding that why a free
media is helpful for the democracy and for government (Latif, 2018).

Amir Latif perceived a very strong dimension of the media environment in Pakistan
that the writ of government is very important for the freedom of press. Along with, the
sense of understanding the role of press in promoting democracy is also of crucial
importance. These aspects in relation to press, determine the status of press
freedom and where there is writ of government and sense of the importance of
press, the freedom of press will not be curtailed. Another dimension set by the
interviewee (Latif, 2018) is the strong hold of press clubs and that of journalist’s
organization. It indicates that where there is back support for journalists, the situation
of press freedom is better and a stand for professional values is vibrant but the areas
where there is no support or strong forum of journalists, the environment of press
freedom is deteriorating.

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Media plays magnificent role in the development of democracy and in the
sustainability of democratic values. Michael Lavarch summaries that free media is a
bedrock element of a functioning democracy and a market economy and that those
proposing restrictions and regulation of media, must carry the onus of justifying the
restrictions (Lavarch, 2012).

Another dimension of the press freedom environment in Pakistan, denoted by the

interviewees, is the variation of the press freedom on the subject matter of the media
content. What Haroon Rasheed, country [Pakistan] editor for British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC) described is that the press in Pakistan, is free or some time more
than free on some ground while some where the field is a no go area.

Haroon Rasheed: In Pakistan, there are three categories, levels and

dimensions of press freedom. Media entertain full freedom in the field of
politics, some time media crosses the borders of professional ethics and goes
behind the freedom regarding politicians. The second category of press
freedom is regarding the state institutions and that is partial. That is not like in
the western world but this dimension is gradually promoting and the situation
is hopeful. The third category of press freedom is regarding the religious
content and that is completely no go area where there is no press freedom
(Rasheed, 2018).

Haroon Rasheed (2018) divides the media landscape of the country into three parts
based on the behavior and response from the field. This approach provides the
dimensional scenario of press freedom that prevails in Pakistan. The politics, where
the environment of press freedom is full free, the state institutes, where there is
partial freedom for the press and the religion where there is no freedom of press and
is no go area for journalist to enter in. This approach is supported by most of
interviewees regarding freedom of press and its dimensions and specifications.

Senior journalist, ex-president and Secretary General of Quetta Press Club, Station
Head of Bol TV Baluchistan, Shahzada Zulfiqar finds out and says that the freedom
of press in Pakistan is based on power reflection strategies. He says that some
where the press is more than free and somewhere the press is confined by the force
of self interests and some where it bows under power and pressure pu by others.

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 Shahzada Zulfiqar: The press is free to work in soft zones like politics, road
accidents and others but if the content belongs to powerful origin, there is no
press freedom. Some time the powerful zones uses force in the form of
advertisements or threatening directly (Zulfiqar, 2018).

The environment of press freedom in Pakistan is not uniform and it differs from area
to area and from content to content. Khursheed Abbasi (2018) is describing the
environment of press freedom in Pakistan on the bases of news beats and says if
the beat is soft like culture and education, the press is free to do its job but if a
journalists reports on crimes, politics, religion or law and order, his freedom is
curtailed. The way a journalist reporting, also determines the status of press
freedom.

Khursheed Abbasi: The freedom of press is based on the content of news.

There is freedom where the interests of the powerful are not at stake but if
that coincide with the interests of the owners or the stake holders, there is no
press freedom. There are fields where the freedom of press does not exist
and can be differentiated as the forces, the religious groups and the mafias.
An interesting situation regarding the freedom of press is that if a journalist is
reporting professionally and does not become a party to the content and
remains impersonal, he will enjoy full freedom but if he becomes personnel
and use angling in his content, he will be pressurized and will face threats
(Abbasi, 2018).

Discussion on the press freedom environment and its dimensions and specifications
reveals that the situation of press freedom in Pakistan is very complex and multi
dimensional. The conventional and non-conventional tools are in exercise to curb the
freedom of press there where the interests of a party are at stake. The magnitude of
the curtailing tactics depend upon the power of the stake holders and this is due to
the lack of rule of law and intolerance or miss understandings or ignorance of the
role of the press.

6.6 Threats to journalists in Pakistan: Perspectives and Analysis

A journalist is the component part of the press and play pivotal role in the process of
communication. The realm of journalism is based on the information and reports he

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collects. In practice, he informs the public about matters of societal interest and
holds the authorities and other powerful forces to scrutiny. These roles of journalists
are vital for a democracy and democratic value to flourish and these explain why a
journalist is referred to as public watchdog. It is obvious that an interference with
their right to impart information has societal repercussions as there is simultaneously
an interference with the public’s right to receive information.

The role of journalist in a democracy is also vital in the sense that he is the actor that
keep update the public about their rights they have submitted to the state to be
protected by all against the possible rapacity of any other. Therefore, whenever
journalist, his family, friends or associates are killed, tortured, abducted, threatened,
harassed or intimidated on account of his professional activities, inevitably it have a
very chill effect on the overall system. And when the prevalence of atrocities is
compounded by a culture of legal impunity for their perpetrators, the chill factor is all
the more piecing.

Threats were highlighted in a conference held in Islamabad on December 21, 2011

under the Inter Media Support (Non Governmental Organization that is advocating
the safety of working journalists in the world). The threats were categorized by
journalists in the region of FATA but the overview of the history affirms that they are
valid for the whole country exclusive of the Frontier Crime which is specific to the
Tribal Areas. The threats were, the non-state and armed groups, the state
authorities, the traffickers, reporting tribal disputes, Frontier Crime Regulations
(FCR), the intimidation by state and non-state actors, blasts of bombs, target killings
and threats from warning groups who would like to control the news content or
reports on incidents in the way that favor them (IMS, 2011). But that’s not the end,
other threats like the interests of the owners of media enterprises, the interests
groups, the advertisers, laws and regulations are also means and origins of threats
that, this research is trying to explore.

During an official launch of the safety hubs project in Islamabad on 5 November

2015, citing the organization’s own research statistics, Freedom Network official
Shaukat Ali said that 116 journalists have been killed in Pakistan since 2000 with
over 2,000 attacked, injured, kidnapped, and arrested in the same period. He said

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these statistics were based on cases reported in the media only rather than actual
numbers (MS, 2015).

During the conference, “Keeping Journalists and Journalism Safe in Hostile

Environments” held in Islamabad from 12-13 December 2011, Adnan Rehmat, the
then Director Intermedia Pakistan , said that The safety of journalists in Pakistan has
deteriorated since the country became a frontline state in the War on Terror in 2001.
Violence has swept through the border regions of Afghanistan with the increase of
Pakistani Talibans, Al Qaeda and other armed groups, who are engaged in a
prolonged conflict with the Pakistani military. Journalists are being harassed,
threatened, beaten, kidnapped, tortured and killed.

The overall circumstances of press freedom is not satisfactory in Pakistan,

journalists are under consistence pressure by unseen and some time visible threats.
A recent report submitted to UN Human Rights Committee by IFEX, PPF and RIDH
during its 138th session in Geneva on July 3-28, 2017 notifies: Overall, we find that
the situation for the right to freedom of expression and media freedom in Pakistan
has not improved since the ratification of the ICCPR. The constitutional, legal and
institutional framework has, with few exceptions, deteriorated. The report further
describes that killings and attacks on journalists and media workers remain alarming
and are characterized by ongoing impunity.

In such prevalence of circumstances, it is the only way to exercise self-defense

strategy for to be alive and perform journalistic duty in Pakistan (Faran, 2018).
Journalists are the actors to peep into the power-games prevailing in the society and
bring out all the hidden, unlawful, not recognized, nontransparent subjects which are
necessary for the public and have a news value in the market. This brings with it
indispensable threats and pressure for both journalists and the press and that is an
open practice in Pakistan (latif, 2018) which makes it necessary to take self-defense
measures i-e to exercise self-censorship, to cutout names and to smoothen the
langue and presentation.

The overview of such incidents and factor in the history of media landscape in
Pakistan reflects the more drastic dimensions on the part of government, political
parties, religious groups, militants, extremists, mafias and other interest groups who
have used all the means and tactics to intimidate, harass, threaten, torture, detain,

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abduct or even kill journalists for their vested interests on the account of their
professional activities.

Pakistan has been selected as one of the five pilot countries of the world for
implementation of UN plan of Action on Impunity against Journalists because it is
considered one of the most dangerous countries of the world to practice journalism
in.

Adnan Rehmat, in an interview with Dawn, described that an attack on journalist was
not only an attack on individual but an attack on freedom of expression, and in a
sense an attack on whole society and also on the state. He further contemplated that
Over 100 journalists had been killed since 2000 and over 2,000 injured, battered,
kidnapped, detained, tormented and intimidated in a variety of ways and means
(Dawn, April 25, 2014).

This study attempts to explore more empirically the magnitude and dimensions of
threats to journalists engaging senior working journalists in structured interviews.
The interviewee’s perspectives will make it possible to locate the directions and
origins of threats and it will also point out the causes and objectives behind the
threats.

Despite the high casualty rates, little is known of the dangerous conditions in which
journalists in Pakistan impart their duties, the risks they take and the often
precipitous price they pay to be the custodian of the public interests. What the
working journalists confront and perceive are discussed below.

Senior journalist, chief editor of monthly Atraf and ex-group editor of Jang media
Group, Tariq Mehmood Sham illustrates threat to journalists:

Tariq Mehmood Sham: Throughout the history of Pakistan, journalists never

saw media environment free of threats. Threat are not only directed from the
government but their roots are there in all segments of society such as
religious groups, linguistic groups, Separatists, nationalists organization and
journalists have to work under their pressure in this country of Pakistan. The
government is relatively soft corner but where there is emotional connections,
the threats become more sweeping which have engulfed lives of many
journalists in past (Sham, 2018).

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The religious groups in the state have always influenced and have checked the
national and even international press. The state ideology and social and ethical
layout permits them to impede everything in the country including media. The
perceptive of Sham (2018) is very clear and that denotes the emotional dimension of
threats from where a severe reaction comes to be faced by journalists. Haroon
Rasheed (2018) terms this as a no go area for journalists. For being an ideological
country, the area of religion is very sensitive and the field is very narrow for criticism.

Syed Abdul Siraj denotes in his research paper that the religious and middle class
are criticizing some of the TV channels for western orientations in their contents
(Siraj, 2009). In the same way Abida Ejaz finds out that the social pressures work as
driving force and journalists in Pakistan do their duties according to the perceived
ethics (Ejaz, 2012).

Regarding threats to journalists and their dimensioning in Federally Administrated

Tribal Areas (FATA), senior journalist, Acting General Secretary of Pakhtoon
Journalists Association, Representative of Turkish newspaper and Daily Times,
Rehmat Masood says that threats are direct and have no face behind and that are
advising to follow the official line of the news content.

Rehmat Masood: I personally belong to FATA and perceive that there is total
censorship in the area. There are security reasons and militant element and
any time the threat can prevail to make journalists a sandwich between the
two. Another aspect of the threats to journalists is economical and that is in
the first categories of pressure and threats. No job security makes journalists
vulnerable and degrades the professional standards. The media market is
saturated and any time a journalist can be handed termination letter without
any notice which is the very severe facet of the situation (Masood, 2018).

The way of honesty passes though the stomach; if it is full and satisfied, the person
will follow ethics and will go by principles and honesty otherwise its needs
necessitate to compromise on the morals and rules (Tahir, 2018). There is no job
security in media industry in Pakistan and even one can say that there is no
mechanism of jobs in the field (A.Khan, 2018). The perception by Rehmat masood
determines the economical dimension which is on stake and directly pressurizing the
profession and its spirit. The militants, the unseen and political or burning issues

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were also depicted by the interviewee, which are the origin of threats and
untouchable or needed to be tackled under the cover of self censorship.

Director Media Development at Civic Action Resources Adnan Rehmat suggests that
in a multi-national, multi-linguist, multi-sectarian, multi-religious, multi-ethnic state it
is important that journalists are safe so that all these political pluralisms can be heard
and assert their stake holding in the fragile state(Dawn, April 25, 2014).

Threats to journalists are multi facet and are governed by multiple factors. Senior
journalist, President of Hyderabad Press Club, Anchor Dharti TV, Abdul Khaliq
Chnadio declares that journalists are under fulltime pressure.

Abdul Khaliq Chnadio: Pressure starts over journalist as he steps into a

news story. When you get information and try to investigate the content or get
the opposite version, you will face threats, intimidation, insults, and even you
can face attacks and some time that job kill you and your family because
journalists are not safe and are vulnerable as they have no legal protection
nor the organization supports them for which they do all that. The feudal lords,
the criminals, the state institutions, the political elites and landlords are openly
targeting journalists on account of their professional duties (Chandio, 2018).

The peoples that live only for themselves and have no national or humanistic values
and are mean to their interests only, are the core and origin of threats to journalists.
And they exist in all the segment of society. Chandio nominates the powerful forces
as landlords, feudal lord and other power holders that try to confine the news content
and he declares them as the origin of threats. The Chandio’s perspective is
supported by most of the interviewees. Senior journalist, Representative of daily
Jang Vice President of National Press Club Islamabad, Ex-president of PFUJ, Bilar
Dar portrays two types of threats:

Bilal Dar: In Pakistan, journalists are facing with two types of threats, the first
is security based threats and the other is job security threats. Most of the
journalists have become victim of mafias including land grabbers, human and
drug traffickers and corruption mafia and that is grimmer as compare to state
actors. The second type, job security threats is more dangerous and that

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 affects not only the professional values but also health and capacities of
journalists (Dar, 2018).

Reporting on wars and conflicts is inherently dangerous but the spread of insurgents
and criminals poses an unprecedented risk to journalists. The risks including
kidnapping for pressurizing and killing by insurgents who see journalists as
surrogates of an enemy too powerful to attack directly and such actions of brutality
are said to be warning for other unwelcome journalists.

Dr. Sherry Ricchiardi, in a report for American Journalism Review (AJR), explores
that reporters have exposed corruption, scandals and abuses that once had been
swept under the rug, highlighting issues, setting trends and amplifying the voices of
coverage citizens. This description reveals that the pressures on news content are
not new but that was also present in the past in the media landscape of Pakistan.

The review of draconian approaches toward the press and journalists in Pakistan
since its birth on August 14, 1947, also reveals that the media landscape in the state
has always been remained under pressure. The actors seem to have the same goal
but diverse methods. The ruling elites, the policies engineering section
(establishment), the political barons, the clergy, the financial interest groups, the
trafficking mafia, the land-grabbers, the press moguls and even the individuals, have
consciously used psychological and physical force, including intimidation, coercion,
suspension, repression and finally destruction of lives and properties to attain
conformity or to silence the press in order to achieve their real or imaginary goals
(Tanveer, K., 2018).

Joint Secretary of Baluchistan union of journalists, In-charge editorial page for daily
Mashriq Quetta, Chaudhri Imtiaz also identifies the financial dimension of threats to
journalists but his perceptive slightly varies from the main stream perception. He
points out the capitalistic approach of the owners of the media outlets and the
industrial make out rather than the profession insinuate of the press in Pakistan.

Chaudhri Imtiaz: The professional pattern of journalism is polluted due to the

entries of non-professional journalists for low salaries because they come to
satisfy their vested interests rather to promote the truth and the owners also
prefer their recruitment as they both are driven by the same motives. The

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 owners establish the press to provide a cover to their other businesses and
use the press as a pressurizing tool for that (Imtiaz, 2018).

The same dimension of threats to journalists was perceived by the Joint Secretary of
Karachi Press Club, Nemat Khan. He considers the low salaries dilemma and fragile
position of professional journalists in this regard as the major threat to journalists and
the profession in Pakistan.

Nemat Khan: The standards of journalism are deteriorated due to

paratroopers and non-professional entries of people in the name of journalists
in the media landscape of Pakistan. Such people come for other interests
rather to follow the ethical codes of the profession. They work for the owners
and usually demand no salaries or very nominal because they have no
professional zeal and such impeders suit the owners as they fulfill their
desires without any resistance for professional morals. In this way these
paratroopers endanger the senior and professional journalists (khan, N.,
2018).

The perspective of Nemat Khan was holed up by the Ex-president of The News
Employees Union Karachi, member legal Committee of KUJ, Training Head of PFUJ,
Sheher Bano. She perceived as:

Sheher Bano: There are dynasties of media owners and they have
capitalistic approaches rather than professional and they openly claim these
approaches. In such a pattern, paratroopers can flourish well because they
owe no commitments to their profession and this trend has become major
threat to journalists and to the freedom of press. Paratroopers meet the
commercial interests of the owners and they are threatening the finances of
professional journalists. And that is why in 2010, Committee to Protect
Journalists (CPJ) included Pakistan in the 10 most dangerous countries of the
world. The other aspects of threats to journalists are job security, no training,
no insurance. And the situation is that the Camera is insured but the person
holding that device [cameraman] is not, because the camera is owned by the
owner while the employee is not owned by the owner. Therefore journalists
are vulnerable and have no back support for to work professionally (Bano,
2018).

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Sheher Bano also added another aspect of threats in the form of gender
discrimination and sexual harassment in the working place which is very
embarrassing for the part of women journalists in the profession. In an interview with
the researcher on the subject “gender discrimination in media in Sindh”, Sheher
Bano had also denoted that discriminatively low wages in economic market is also
the base of low productivity position of a women in the family financial model.
Women and men working on the same position get different salary package which is
very illogical but this discrimination exists even in media industry which is believed to
abolish discrimination and insure rule of law performing its duty as a watch-dog
(Bano, 2018).

The gender discrimination is centuries old and deep rooted because it has been
practiced and recognized as a part of cultural norms and values (Morna, 2002). On
the account of media the Global Media Monitoring Project’s report (2010-2015)
reveals that the participation of women in electronic and print media is only 24% all
over the world whereas the situation in Pakistan is more fading where cultural norms
and values are not in the favor of women’s participation in industries like the press.

On the other hand GMMP report published in 2010 affirms that percentage of news
stories in print media by female journalists has increased since 2005 to 35% while
that enhancement is up to 40% in electronic media. But the report shows that female
journalists are limited to soft beats like arts, entertainment and lifestyle coverage
(Sharda, 2014). The report portrays the growing participation of female journalists in
media in Pakistan.

King (2002) denotes that there are global patterns to inequality between women and
men. She further explores that women tend to suffer violence at the hands of their
intimate partners more often than men. Women’s participation in decision making
structures is far behind men and this positioning of gender based phenomenon
create imparity in population and family earning structure which leads to
discrimination and gender stereotyping. These issues need to be addressed in
efforts to promote gender equality.

Eventual stories of working journalists compiled under the title “Going it alone: More
freelancer means less support, greater danger” by Committee to Protect Journalists

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(CPJ) reveals that working alone is dangerous and that situation for women
journalists is the most dangerous job to do (CPJ, 2018).

Gender discrimination persists at the fundamental level of employment in news

organizations. Matias & Wallach (2015) find that the percentage of females in US
newsrooms has remained at 37% in the years 2001-2015. According to UNESCO
documents, women perform two-third of the world’s work but they earn only one-third
of the income. The documents further state that women comprise two-third of the
world’s illiterates and own less than one-hundredth of property (UNESCO, 2009).
Abbas, Hameed & Waheed (2011) concludes that the productivity and performance
of an organization is affected by the performance of employees and the performance
of the employees is affected by gender discrimination. This generalization was found
after a survey conducted in telecom sector in Pakistan but the media market is no
exemption.

Improvement in educational level gradually declines the difference between male

and female employment rates and that as a result is minimizing discrimination based
on gender because the productive placement in family institution is changing the
behavioral approaches (Adu& Arthur, 2015).

Perspectives of interviewees in this regard strengthen the conception of Sheher

Bano in connection to the gender based threats to journalists, especially women.
Media in Pakistan has always remained under threats under pressure. Press in big
cities like Karachi and Hyderabad, Lahore, Islamabad, Peshawar and even in Quetta
is freer than that in smaller towns of the country (Latif, 2018) and journalists in
smaller towns are exposed to threats and suffer more than in large cities (Sheikh,
2018). Because law and order situation in big cities is better than that in the smaller
towns. Journalists face double pressure for their journalistic work in small towns, on
one hand the institutions ask for filing reports while on the other hand, the interests
groups threaten journalists and demand them not to cover specific events and news
stories (Durani, 2018). This scenario on the stage of media multiply threats for
female journalists because they are more exposed to pressure and threats and they
have to combat more threats based on stereotyping perception of gender
discrimination.

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In a report published on February 21, 2017, CPJ urged that much work remains to
be done to improve the security of journalists in the face of unprecedented threats,
including the spread of violent non-state actors, the shrinking rule of law, resurgent
authoritarianism and an industry shift toward reliance on freelancers (CPJ, 2017). In
Pakistan this trend is prevailing speedily since mid 90s and more than 60 journalists
have become prey to the resurgences. Journalists have always been vulnerable but
the information is often anecdotal because there was no systematic tracking of
strictly journalism related murdering, threatening, intimidating and kidnapping before.

Senior journalist, General Secretary of Mardan Press Club, Correspondent for daily
The News and daily The Nation, Muhammad Riaz delineates the difference in area
wise content of threats to journalists:

M.Riaz: Journalists sitting in Islamabad are on safe side on account of

reporting on religious matters but we in local areas are in direct confrontation
to the threats from the violent actors. Local reporters work without any
security, without any salary or incentive and without back support. These
journalists are more vulnerable and easy prey. The origin of threats rests in
political elites, landlords, religious groups, state institutions, Khans and
Nawabs (Riaz, 2018).

No salaries criterion is another aspect that increases the content of threat to

journalists which make them more vulnerable for bribing and miss informing for
getting financial benefits.

Riaz (2018) considers the militant content as the major threatening factor for
journalists. The perceptive of the interviewee is authenticated by a report published
in Dawn, on January 23, 2014 on the part of (Tehreek Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The
report says: After killing thousands of members of various state organs, as well as
others, the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan has decided to extend its war by declaring the
country’s media as “party” to the conflict. They prepared a media hit-list. The initial
hit-list prepared by the TTP names nearly two dozen journalists and publishers. That
includes the names of a number of media-group owners, the news heads of various
television channels, prominent anchors, the editor of a leading English-language
newspaper and even some field staff (Dawn, January 23, 2014).

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Most of the interviewees made out the security based dimension of threats to
journalists in Pakistan. But the threats and their magnitude and severity differ from
region to region and from beat to beat. Journalist working on dangerous assignments
and investigative matters are facing with more and severe threats as compare to the
casual reporters like the sports reporter or cultural reporters (Abbasi, 2018).
Similarly, reporting in the rural areas and FATA are more dangerous than in the
cities (Latif, 2018).

The hoary threat of the government suppression persists but the enormity of actions
and the divertive mechanism of inserting pressure has increased. Authorities ill-treat
their own laws to imprison those who criticize or try to investigate the wrongdoings.
In Pakistan, the overview of incidents reveals that in past, threats to journalists were
open and visualized but now the scenario is blind and blow is from behind where the
threatening agent is hidden and unknown (Khan, W., 2018). Whereas, the repressive
powers have hired the threatening agents, who are of ghost nature and cannot be
traced due to their hideout under the power umbrella (Chandio, 2018).

It is very important to explore the agents behind the threats to journalists and their
objective and motive. In the unsafe and highly risky media environment of media in
Pakistan, it is more risky to dig up the threatening agents but the daring journalist
community made that possible to nominate them for to address properly and help the
inception of impunity to be terminated.

This study searches the actors who are trying to curtail the freedom of press and
using various means and tools which are used to threaten working journalists in
Pakistan and it attempts to involve the component part of the play for to get
consolidated results that are able to generalize the situation of press freedom and
threats to journalists.

6.7 Nature of Threats to Journalists : perceptions and analysis

Pakistan is faced with a huge task ahead if it is to establish democratic governance

and practices, internal peace and prosperity for its citizens. Aware of the important
role the media needs to play in this process, and alarmed by reports of the
deteriorating security situation journalists face in large parts of the country (IMS,
2009).

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Journalists play major role in insuring the fundamental rights of the public. As a
prospect to the profession, a journalist is often referred as watchdog because he has
challenged power and exhibiting courage even in difficult circumstances. Although, in
this process some journalists lost their lives, property, family members, friends and
have been intimidated, abducted, imprisoned, and mysteriously disappeared in the
course of their efforts to serve the public. Journalists are at the forefront of political,
economical and social transformation as well as in the struggle for transparency and
accountability in the democratic process. And in the transforming societies, where
every change is resisted, the job of a journalist embarks threats and he has to pay
for that in spite of his critical role in the society for betterment and transparency.

A report for the U.S state department for 2016, expresses that political parties,
militants and other groups are subjugating media organizations, journalists and their
families to brutality and aggravations (U.S report, 2016).

Imtiaz Alam, the Serectary General of South Asian Freedom Media Association and
Editor of South Asia Journal identifies security threats saying: Journalists in Pakistan
are faced with insecurity. Threats to journalists working in conflict areas are
mounting against the backdrop of Pakistani state’s fight against militants (SAFMA,
n.d) but Bilal Dar (2018) says that journalists are faced with insecurity more due to
the uncontrolled corrupt elements and mafias. Whereas M. Riaz and Chandio (2018)
are declaring threats in the feudal pattern of the society and say that the feudal lords,
the Khans, the Sardars, the Nawabs, Wadheras, political and religious elites are the
fountains of threats and pressure.

There is no way out other than to trace and identify the agents and actors behind the
attacks on the freedom of press and on journalists and the tools and tactics they
have used and are using for to meet their vested interests by implementing empirical
research tools that peep into the field and locate them.

The overview of incidents in relation to threats to journalists and press freedom in

Pakistan since 1947 to 2017 indicates the threatening factors and actors in
descriptive manner. The perceptions of senior journalists will authenticate and
visualize them.

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The pattern of threats to journalists and their origins vary in their patronage and
geographical distribution. So, these are further sub grouped as under for better
understanding as acknowledged by the interviewees.

6.7.1 Political patronage of Threats to Journalists and Press

Freedom

Political intrusion in the press has its history long roots in Pakistan that has always
resulted in threats to journalists and media proprietors. The overview of incidents in
connection to press freedom and threats to journalists reveals that for all the times,
political elites have tried to keep the press under pressure and the situation have
always threatened journalists. In past direct and identified attacks on the media
house and journalists and press clubs can traced in the overview while the current
indirect and unidentified patronage of threats by political actors can be estimated
from the perspectives of interviewees in the discussions with them.

The political stakeholders need to mobilize the public opinion and that run for media
to effectively convey their messages to masses. The political communication urges
them to insert pressure on the media for relatively more space and coverage
(Anwar& Jan 2010).

The review of the history of journalism reveals that this trend resulted in harassment,
boycotts, protests, kidnapping, injuring , flaming offices of newspapers’ outlets,
media houses, the houses of journalists, the properties of journalists, bribing the
owners and journalists and many other unfair means to influence and threaten the
media for their vested interests.

Yusuf and Schoemaker denote that in Pakistan, political parties put pressure on
cable operators to block channels that are critical of policies or to demand greater
media coverage of the party (Yusuf & Schomaker 2010).

Zamir Niazi, in his book “The Press under Siege” declares that political parties have
threatened journalists and raided the offices of newspapers. Force boycott and
snatching bundles of newspapers by political activists and setting them on fire have
become a routine (Niazi, 2006).

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Amnesty International in its report affirms that powerful political actors like MQM
Seek to block the transmission of broadcast channels with whom they are
displeased. The report further says that the party also pressurizing individual cable
operators or physically cutting the cable for vested interests to gain (A.I, 2014). In the
same lines the founder of Jang Group of Newspapers, Mir Khalil-ur-Rehman in an
interview confessed that political actors pressuring the press for space (Masood
et.el., 1990). In an article M.Haneef in the book “Sahafat avr Tashadud” edited by
Tahir Masood, summarizes that political parties like MQM, Muslim League, PPP and
other are directly involved in attacks on media houses for not following their lines.

In the same texture, Targeting, and terrifying the hawkers, is a new strategy of
political parties to insert pressure in the media landscape. The intention behind is to
pressurize the owners of the newspapers for economic penalization. The snatching
of newspapers bundle and setting them on fire is a strategy difficult to be brought
under control. Zamir Niazi named it the effective method throttle a paper
economically and this realization sent cold shivers down the back of owner-editors
(Niazi, 2006).

Sajjad Ahmed Paracha, in his PhD dissertation, present on the HEC repository
(3981H), affirms that the political parties in opposition of one another issued lists of
corrupt journalists disclosing that they were receiving amount from discretionary
funds and that was confirmed during the trial of Altaf Gauhar in 1972 where a
disclosure was made that quite a few members of the press succumbed to the
corruptive influence of the dictatorial regimes of Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan
(Paracha, 2008).

Cable operators consent to government request to censor content around politically-

sensitive material in exchange for lenient regulation around entertainment. This
practice is also seen on local level where political parties put pressure on cable
operators to block channels that are critical of policies or to demand greater media
coverage of the party (Yusuf &Schoemaker, 2013).

In the context of direct and open attacks on working journalists and their properties,
the history saw that the house of the editor of weekly “Hurriyat”, Salahuddin, was
burnt in Karachi by workers of a political party in Karachi (Dawn, October 15, 1991).
The attackers were angry for a report published in the paper and later on in 1994 the

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heroic blood sacrificed his breaths for the sake of his profession (Dawn, December
4, 1994).

Offices of daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqt were attacked by the activists of Jama-e-
Islami in Lahore and journalists were beaten, injured and threatened (Dawn, April 24,
1982).

On the same line, activists of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) entered Karachi Press
Club by force and ransacked the office (Dawn, March 12, 1995). The aggressors
were protesting in favor of PPP leader Munawar Sahraverdi.

In this queue next, reporter of Geo TV, Jahangir was harassed by the activists of
ruling party Muslim League (CPJ, December 31, 2007).

Similarly, crew members of Aaj TV were beaten by the activists of Pakistan Tehreek
Insaf (PTI) in Islamabad while they were covering their protest setting in the capital
city (Dawn, August 25, 2014).

Senior journalist, Deputy Editor daily Jang Karachi, Mudasir Mirza describes that the
perception of projection by force in society in general and in political arena in special,
is the worst aspect that ends in threatening journalists and deteriorating the freedom
of press.

Mudasir Mirza: Political pressure comes for more space in the paper and
some time that pressure leads to violence and threats to journalists if not
satisfied. We have directly faced such type of pressure in spite of heeding to
maintain a publishing balance for various political parties and groups (Mirza,
2018).

Pressure and threats from political elites to be faced by journalists on account of

their professional duties is a day-to-day practice in Pakistan. The motive behind the
threats resides in their desires to be published prominently and in accordance to
their agenda or in their anger due to exposition doing wrongs.

Leaders of political parties has been impatiently and aggressively tried to use the
media for political communication. According to Ranga Kalansooriya (2010), the
history of radicalization of Pakistani media goes back to its era of dependence where
the pro-partition political movements’ commenced agenda driven newspapers, since

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then Pakistani media especially the vernacular press became a victim of many
political interest groups. And that is why media in Pakistan has status of a highly
politicized media (Munir, 2002).

The lack of understanding regarding the democratic role of the press and journalist is
a major problem in Pakistani society (Khan, A., 2018). On the same lines, greater
intolerance in the political arena in the county for press’s criticism also increases the
content of threats to journalists.

Senior journalist, President of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) Station

Head 92 News Lahore, Rana Azeem says that in Pakistan it is threatening to file any
report in clash with the vested interests of powerful person, parties, group or
institution.

Rana Azeem: Pakistan was included in the most dangerous countries of the
world for journalists. The current situation is better but still alarming in the
sense that journalist cannot report about the abuses of powerful origin and if
you dare to file or able to publish a story of such type, the person try to
approach your employer and will terminate your job, if did not succeed, he will
warn and ultimately can kill you for that because journalists are insecure and
vulnerable for dangers (Azeem, 2018).

Senior journalist, chief reporter for daily Jang Rawalpindi, ex-president Rawalpindi
Islamabad press club, ex-general secretary PFUJ, Rana Ghulam Qadir also holds up
the perspective of Rana Azeem:

Ghulam Qadir: Apparently the constitution of Pakistan provides guarantee to

press freedom but unfortunately, the press and journalists are openly
threatened by political, religious and other pressure groups. The content of
threat become severe where the threatening powers are invisible and that is
the worst facet of political scenario prevailed in the country (Qadir, 2018).

6.7.2 Government and its tactics: curtailing the press freedom and
threatening journalists

From the very first day of the independence, the subsequent governments have
been interleaving pressure on the press. Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was in

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the favor of free press and believed in complete Press Freedom. He refused to sing
the first bill which was aimed to contain the press and to hold down the freedom of
expression. When the draft of Special Powers Act was presented to him, he told “All
my life I have been fighting against these black laws, now you expected me to sign it.
No, I will put my foot down on it” (daily Sindh Observer March 11, 1948). But after
the death of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and then that of Liaqat Ali Khan the press and
the government relation became bitter and bitter further and further.

Through the years, governments in Pakistan have implemented quite a lot of

measures to curb the freedom of press over and over again (Mezzera & Sial, 2010).

In recent developments, the tactics of governments in attacking media has shifted,

rather than targeting individual journalists as it had in the past, it began aiming at
media companies and the economical backbone. The companies are now being
harassed legally through attacks on their facilities (Ricchiardi, 2012).

The government has had substantial influence on the press in Pakistan, althrough its
extensive budget for advertizing and for campaigns of public interests and its control
over the supply of paper and its authority to enforce regulations. The Amnesty
International report (2014) denotes that state authorities have the power to revoke
the broadcasting licenses which they consider hostile to their interests (AI, 2014).

Successive governments in Pakistan have sought to influence privately-owned

media through censorship and regulations (Yusuf & Schoemaker, 2013).On the side
of legislation confining mission, press was circumscribe by the promulgation of first
Pakistani law “Public Safety Ordinance”. The law was signed by the then Governor
General of Pakistan Khwaja Nazimuddin after the demise of the founder of the nation
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who had refused to sign the curtailing law. Dr.
Zafar Iqbal (2010) declares in his research paper that Muhammad Ali Jinnah
respected the press while the coming after rulers imprecised the press and used that
as tool of exploitation. The law that was rejected by him got signed and became the
Public Safety Ordinance in 1948. The law is still in use to curb the freedom of the
press and has become a symbol of fear and threat for journalists.

The second law, Pakistan Security Act, was enacted in 1952 to further curtail to the
press. The Official Secret Act was again imposed and the process to control the

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press was speeded. All these laws were excessively used to silent the unwanted
voices (Iqbal, 2010).

The press commission was established in September 1954. The task was to look
into the affairs of the press but that only pointed out the weak aspects of the national
press. Its recommendations were set-aside for no use but the weaknesses were
used in excess by the consequent governments to exploit the press.

The press greeted every coming ruler and hoped them as liberators but each and
every government responeded in curtailing practices in the form of discriminative
distribution of official advertisements and some time used unseen activities to silence
the unwanted voices. On the other hand the government and its institutions played
with the professionality of the press with bestowed advertisements, more newsprint,
free trips out of the country, free plots and other financial paybacks (Iqbal, 2010).

Dr.Shamsuddin in his research paper, comments that the press in Pakistan has to
operate within the framework dictated by the government as the government
advertisement is the main source of revenue for the press (Shamsuddin, 1987).

Government makes use of advertising quota as a tool of putting pressure over the
press for not to stand against the government (kalansooriya, 2010). The review of
the events such as the blockage of advertisements and the use of print quota,
confirms the notion “Advertisements for favor”.

This dependence crafts the media to bow against professionalism as the

pressurizing agents are well aware of the weaknesses based on finances. As the
biggest share comes from government so the media is largely exposed to be
exploited and the history affirms this trend (Yusuf&Schoemaker, 2010). The print
media earns 25 percent revenue from subscriptions while the remaining 75 comes
from advertisements where the TV and radio fully dependents on that.

Whereas, in a research paper, Munawar Sabir declares tactics of using

advertisements as a pressure for particular designs in these words, “The media in
Pakistan is often pressurized by political spheres indirectly. The most widely and
commonly used tool by the government is to remove media from governmental
advertising” (Sabir, 2011).

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The government plays important role in the advertisement landscape and the under
economical dependency, the press have at times faced pressure from the
“advertising monopoly”. The consequences of this phenomenon are that the
government uses this mammoth advertisement worth Rs. 2 billion per annum, to
impose conditions on the regional newspapers’ publication policies.

Another aspect of the advertisements and its influence is the killing and suppressing
of unwanted news by multinational manufacturers and advertisers. Abida Ejaz finds
that the non media directors in media houses construct reality in the standpoint of
advertisers and adverse informations are withdrawn. She said that in Pakistan, the
multinational compamies and advertisers encompass substantial power to hold back
and kill unfavorable content (Ejaz, 2012).

In his PhD thesis “Pakistan Media Policy; A normative Approach”, Sajjad Ahmed
Paracha summarizes that every government right from the inception of Pakistan to
the day present, exploited the administrative control through advertisements and
print quota to compel the press to follow the official lines (Paracha, 2010).

The cable operators licensed to distribute digital satellite channels are the main
gatekeepers influencing viewer’s access. In this context it is oblivious that as the
access and consumption grow, the state authorities are making greater efforts to
control and censor content. Media channels and journalists are facing increased
threats and pressure to provide favorable coverage. The failure to comply with the
demand increasingly results in television channels being blocked by cable operators
(Yusuf, 2013).

A report for the U.S state department for 1999 concludes: there is credible evidence
that the government of Nawaz Sharif pressurized the Jang Group of Newspapers to
fire journalists critical of the government and on the refusal the government used a
number of tools to curb the group. Nawaz Government froze Jang’s bank accounts,
ceased placing government’s advertisements for the paper, filed approximately
Rs.676 million in income tax notice with the group, sealed Jang warehouses, and
limited Jang’s access to newsprint and raided the group’s offices in December 1998.
Police raided Jang premises and reportedly confiscated newsprint (U.S report 1999).
The history of media landscape in Pakistan confirms a number of such come ups by
the governments with the media (details in Overview).

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Figure 3.22 indicates that the most (31%) of attacks on media houses have been
made by the parties in the government. In the same context the political activists are
on the third position with 10% in regards to attacks on journalists (Table 3.20).

It is very important to note that most of the interviewees perceive the government as
an agent that threaten journalists and as a factor which is curtailing the freedom of
press.

Senior journalist, Editor daily Masawat Lahore, columnist daily 92, the heroic blood
who faced and suffered from whips for the freedom of press, during Zia’s regime,
Khawar Naem Hashmi portrays the government as the foremost threatening agent
regarding the curbs against press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan.

Khawar Naem Hashmi: The issue of curbs and atrocities against press and
journalists by the government and its institutions is as old as the country itself.
The most drastic situation was faced by journalists and the press during the
despotic rule of General Zia ul Haq. Each and every journalist during the Zia
regime was an effected (Hashmi, 2018).

The perspective of Hashmi (2018) was reinforced by senior journalist, resident editor
daily Masawat Faisalabad, Ex-President and General Secretary of PFUJ, Member
Federal Executive Council of PFUJ, Javid Sidiqui. He indicated the very important
factor which provokes violence against the critical approach of press and journalists.
He perceived that the increasing factor of intolerance for criticism on the part of
government, the political parties, religious groups and in the society as a whole is
responsible for the deteriorated situation of press freedom in Pakistan (Siddiqui,
2018)

Senior journalist, correspondent BBC in Baluchistan, and Bureau Chief Neo TV

Quetta Muhammad Kazim declared that the state institutions including government
are the major threatening actors regarding the freedom of press and threats to
journalists.

M.Kazim: Journalists have always lived under pressure from diverse

directions but the big volume is that inserted by the state institutions. Other
groups like Baloch Separatists, religious groups and nationalists are also

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 generating pressure for their narratives and if they are not satisfied, they use
violent means against the press and journalists (Kazmi, 2018).

Almost all the interviewees denoted the government as one of the threatening factor
against the freedom of press and threats to journalists in Pakistan. But the political
parties and government are not alone in the threatening club that generate pressure
and dreading environment for the press and journalists to promote or protect their
specific narratives and vested interests.

6.7.3 Radical Groups and their threatening influences on the press

and journalists

For being an ideological state, in Pakistan, it is obliging for the press to take care of
the social pattern and ethics, including culture and religion in support to safeguard
the national interests. Article 19 and 19 A also subjects the guaranteed freedom of
press, to restrictions including respect of the religion. But it doesn’t mean that the
religious powers can be freed to curtail the freedom of press and threaten journalists
for their vested interests in the name of the glory of religion.

The review of curtailing activities and attacks on the press and journalists in Pakistan
divulges that religious labeled groups and parties are on the third place both
regarding attacks on the press and journalists (Figure 3.20&Figure 3.22).

Police, political elites, ethnic lords, sectarian and religious groups, militants, social
activists, student’s organization, traffickers, landmafias, commercial interests groups
and other put gratuitous pressure on the press to carry their statements. According
to U.S embassy report (2001-2002) for state department, such pressure is common
in the media landscape in Pakistan. The report says that physical violence, the firing
on offices, the bullying and beating of journalists and intrusion in the process of
distribution of papers is common while in most of cases the culprits go unudentified.

In a report by Hasan Abdullah, published in Dawn, on January 23, 2014, the then
Amir of TTP, Ehsanullh Ehasan (now under custody) threatened journalists openly
saying: we know of journalists who are completely one-sided propagandists. We
even know of journalists who work as spies for the police and other departments.”
“Even at this stage the media could mend its ways and become a neutral entity,

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otherwise, the media should not feel secure. A few barriers and security escorts will
not help. If we can get inside military installations, media offices should not be too
much of a challenge.

In the course of actions powered by extremism, journalists Ishaq Chaudhri, Naveed

Akram, Iqbal Zaidi, Tanveer Sheraz, Ilyas Shahid, Shah Nawaz Siddiqi and Farooq
Khel were injured by activists of Safah-e- Sahaba, a religious organization now
banned (Dawn, September 14, 1992).

Another example of extremism driven was when the offices of Javid Printing Press
were attacked with explosive material (Dawn, January 30, 1993). The press was
printing publications of Jang Group of media. The attackers were wearing turbans
showing to be activists of a religious group.

Dozens of examples are there in the media history of Pakistan where religion was
used for vested interests in attacks on the freedom of press and journalists.

The perceptions of senior working journalists in this criterion are certifying the violent
intervention by religion labeled groups and entities which lead to threats and terror in
the media environment in Pakistan.

A report by International Media Support (IMS, 2009), proclaims that radical groups
have grown strong enough to threaten the main stream media with leverage that
their agenda be published or broadcasted. Quoting a study made by M. Azam
(2008), the report adds that 69% of journalists think that radicalization is crippling
freedom of expression (IMS, 2009).

Senior journalist, editor daily 92 News Karachi, Syed Khawar observes that press
freedom in Pakistan was a dream and would be, because the pen was and is in
chains.

Syed Khawar: The public in Pakistan are deprived from the real taste of
press freedom by small group of high influence. Form the day, we have been
diverged from the idealism to interest based ideologies, we [journalists] are
under bare threats and pressure on the account of the profession (Khawar,
2018).

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According to Arshad Aziz, the resident editor daily Jang Peshawar, member Federal
Executive Committee PFUJ, ex-president Khyber Union of Journalists:

Arshad Aziz: As the very establishment of Pakistan is a product of a long

struggle under the ideology of Islam, so, we [journalists] are bound not to
cross the borders of religious norms and values in the flow of expression. And
you have to think for hundred times before you touch the sensitive content of
your story. The state and non-state actors are threatening journalists and
curtail the freedom of press in general (Aziz A., 2018).

Senior journalist, the valiant blood that faced the whips (kory, lashes) during Zia
regime and hold up the decency of the profession of journalism, head of research
and references section of daily The News, member Federal Executive Committee of
PFUJ, Nasir Zaidi authenticates the perception of Arshad Aziz:

Nasir Zaidi: You [Journalist] can’t write an editorial freely, nor you can report
freely and not you can comment freely and all these three aspects are to be
compromised. The freedom of press has always been used for vested
interests by the forces behind the curtain. The circumstance is very harsh, in
the sense that different forces are in action against the press. There is the
government, the invisible forces and the religious mind set who don’t want to
be criticized or to hear the opposite version. The religious mind set represents
two categories, the rationales and irrationals. They have rifle in their hands
and you have a pen only, so you are vulnerable and exposed and there are
many examples that prove this perception (Zaidi, 2018).

In the year 2014 after Pakistan Taliban sent mails to prominent media groups, Jang,
Express and others, threatening of dire consequences for in their opinion one-sided
news about Taliban, the administrations of media outlets issued directives to
suspend reports across all platforms critical of the militant organization and its allies,
condemning any terrorists attack or against TTP or its establishments (A.I, 2014).
The report further unfold that the censoring trend and its effects has been evaluated,
saying: Harassment and other abuses faced by journalists seeking to discharge their
professional duties impartially have resulted in journalists reporting to self-censorship
in order to protect themselves. This leads to a diminish approach to open public
discourses.

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Most of the interviewees are of the opinion that intolerance and misunderstandings
about the role of the press on the part of radicalization are the main causes that end
in threats to journalists in Pakistan. And the section of the society that are living in
the utopias that they are the most righteous and can’t be criticized, are constant
origins of the threats to journalists and are the fountains of pressure against the
freedom of press.

6.7.4 Other Interest Groups and their tactics: curbing press

freedom and threatening journalists for vested interests

The review of attacks on the press and journalists indicates that interest groups often
behave like pressure groups and some time act like violent groups for their vested
social, economical, cultural and political interests. They have a large share in the
activities against the freedom of press and threats to journalists. These groups and
entities include advertisers, social activists, student’s organizations, business
tycoons, contractors, trade unions, nationalists, lingual groups, militants, separatists,
drug trafficker and land grabbers. Some time police and law enforcement agencies
also put pressure for the content of their interests and threaten journalists and curb
the freedom of press. Each and every person who is involved in any type of
corruption and breach of law tries to stop news content which is goining to expose
him, such person are free to use all means and soureces including verbal threats,
harassment, their tools are governmental mechanary, personal gangs, bribes and
owners of publications (Zilfiqar, 2018).

Interest groups in Pakistan deploy all means and sources to manipulate the editorial
policies, content for to get highest coverage. They threaten media by using boycotts,
popular protest and persuading and pressurizing sponsors and advertisers (Eijaz,
2012).

Saqib Riaz (2008) proclaims in his research paper that public and private
advertisements are indispensable for the survival of press and the fact is that as
bigger is the advertiser, the more power it has. So that the multinational companies
and advertisers have proper power to hold back unwanted content. He further
describes the influence of advertisers on the content as he conluded that the

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government is the biggest advertiser is the mostly invenning agent in the media
content (Riaz, 2008).

The discernments of senior journalists also point out these factors, as threatening
and pressurizing agents on the part of journalists and the press in Pakistan.
According to Ali Shah, Station head Dawn News Quetta, threats to journalists and
press resides in power:

Ali Shah: In Pakistan, journalists are facing with different textures of threats;
each and every person and institution try to curtail the freedom of press and to
pressurize journalists for their lines to be followed as per their powers and
capacities. They are including, security agencies, political parties, militant
groups and the powerful section of the society in general (Shah, A. 2018).

Senior journalist, ex-correspondent for British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC),

Station Head Hum TV, ex- General Secretary Baluchistan Union of Journalists, Ayub
Tareen also certified the perspective of Ali Shah:

Ayub Tareen: There are multiple factors that attempt to confine the freedom
of press and threaten journalists on the account of their profession. True and
professional journalists are not acceptable even for their employers and job
insecurity is the at most threat to the freedom of pres. Only the section of
journalist’s community and press is free and capable to survive that is
involved in corruption and power game mafias, either becoming part of the
team or to get financial and other benefits on the cost of truth and
professionalism (Tareen, A., 2018).

Corrupt section of the society and the power game players as threatening factors
were put forward by many journalists who were interviewed. If there is no corruption
in the society that will represent that the power gamers are abiding by the law and
the rule of law and if there is rule of law, there will be a better situation of law and
order and the journalists whose major job is to ensure the right of expression of
public, will be safe and will be able to continue their professional activities (Tanveer,
K., 2018).

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Another senior journalist, Ex-General Secretary Karachi union of Journalists
(dastoor), Ex-G.S Karachi Press Club, Station Head Neo TV Karachi, A.H Khanzada
summarizes the violent aspect of interests groups:

A.H Khanzada: Different types of people play their violent role, regarding
threats to journalists and curtailing the press freedom. It is almost important
that some of the journalists work as agents for the interests groups, they are
affiliated with some ideologies and they try to infuse them in journalism. More
speaking about, there is pressure and there are lucrative offers from interests
groups to inflict their ideologies. And when fear and craftiness combine, that
depreciate the media environment to the lowest degree of corrosion. These
agents can be journalists, can be spokespersons of a political party, can be
representatives of a pressure group and can be an instrument of mafia and
now the situation is that each and every stakeholder has its spokesperson
whose job is threaten or offer you [journalist] (Khanzada, 2018).

Ibrahim Khan, senior journalist, Ex-General Secretary of PFUJ, Treasurer of Khyber

Union of Journalists, Correspondent Weekly Akhbar-e-Jahan, abridges the
perception of Khanzada:

Ibrahim Khan: Any group and stakeholder whose interests are at stake, are
pressurizing journalists and are curbing the freedom of press, all are involved.
If you talk about these interests groups, they will not live you untouched,
because the whole society is corrupt including the owners of the media outlets
(Khan, I., 2018).

Most of the interviewees conceived that due to low level of tolerance for press’s
criticism in the society as whole and weak conditions of rule of law, encourage each
and every stakeholder to curtail the freedom of press and threaten journalists in
Pakistan. They come up with violent means to satisfy their ideological, economical,
cultural, ethnical, lingual, political and others interests.

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6.8 Professionalism in Press and Journalists : Perceptions about
responsibility, impartiality and maturity

The Press: After the birth of Pakistan in 1947 journalists were playing the role of
crusaders and their almost approach was to build the nation but during the first
decade, the weak governments and palace intrigues entangled everything including
the press. According to Dr. Zafar Iqbal, the Government of Ghulam Muhammad
(Governor General) and Muhammad Ali Bogra (Prime Minister) “corrupted the Press
as an institution”. The favorable newspapers were bribed and were gifted financially
for buzzing his words .Corruption has blossomed with proliferation and growing
influence of the broadcast media. In addition to government cash handouts,
journalists receive subsidized properties, business contracts, permits and other
perks such as accommodation or gifts to write favorable stories (Yusuf, 2013).

The older media organizations in Pakistan instigate in close up with the

Independence Movement. Most of them were claiming that they were operating
outside a profit-making system but the situation changed substantially and with the
passages of time, new players got entry in the media market with different political
and economical objectives in minds. According to a report by Marco Mezzera and
Safdar Sial for Initiative for Peace building (IFP), the new actors entered in media
landscape in Pakistan started to put profit and political power at the top of their
agenda. The press and media moguls also use their outlets to gain protective cover
to their other business ventures, to evade taxes or exhibit a “power” status.

The owners exercise influence on the space in the paper and coverage of the news
reports. They also fully control the administrative matters and play the role of editor.
The post of editor remains only as a coordinator and personal secretary. Along with,
the intervention of business manager has increased to the limits that he decides the
space and coverage on the paper (Mezzera & Sial, 2010).

Abida Ejaz in her research paper concludes that in Pakistan, the non media Boards
of Directors serves as journalists in media conglomerates and that is the real threat
to the profession of media. In this way, the advertisers influence the media content
and withheld unfavorable messages (Eijaz, 2012).

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In a report issued by International Media Support (IMS), it is revealed that media
sector in Pakistan is highly influenced by the ownership structures. The report
declares that there are three media moguls in Pakistan which to some extent, also
have political affiliations (IMS, 2009).

A very interesting aspect has been articulated by Abida Ejaz she classifies the media
organization to find out the way and procedure of power individuals that are
influencing the news content and coverage. The media personnel are classified into
three levels, the upper level, middle and the lower. The upper-level makes the
policies, the middle determine the media goals while the lower, concentrate on
information. The editorial as second staged personnel, get lower priority than the
upper as business managerial side in case of conflict over the news content and
coverage. The lower is as content provider, and suffer more in case of projecting
their interests. In the entire scene, “the higher an individual is in a media
organization, the more likely he or she is to have connections with non-media
organizations. Non-media organizations approach and develop relations with media
men to get coverage and projection. That’s why high officials of media organizations
are linked with closed social networks especially with power elites” (Eijaz, 2012).
This declares that power full individuals are in fact the agenda setters for news
outlets.

Michael Lavarch in his research article notes that the owners and journalists have a
range of motivations including economical self-interest and political ideology. These
types of motives invariably influence the exercise of media power (Lavarch, 2012).

Perspectives of senior journalists are not very different from the descriptions of
national reports regarding the biased ownership structure of the press in Pakistan.
Senior journalist, member Federal Executive Council of PFUJ, Ex-President of
Peshawar Press Club, senior reporter daily The News Peshawar, Bukhar Shah
(2018) perceives and proclaims that:

Bukharshah Bacha: The press under the current prevailing circumstances of

threats, terror and fear on one hand and the partial, irresponsible and
immature approaches towards national and international issues and contents
on other hand, are responsible for the worsening conditions of press freedom
and the increasing threats to journalists in the country (Shah, B., 2018).

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An illiterate person selling vegetables in the streets also points out the news
channels and comments that this channel advocates this political party and ideology
while that works for that. The public opinion which is the major job of the press as an
agenda setting role, has diverged and the moral of the press is so biased that that
had generated a public opinion and atmosphere of distrust on its part. This
observation was denoted by many senior journalists as response to the question;
whether the press in Pakistan is mature, responsible and impartial?

According to senior journalist, Ex-president Hyderabad Press Club, Bureau Chief

Geo TV, President Hyderabad Union of Journalists, Hamid Sheikh recognizes that:

Hamid Sheikh: As a whole, we can’t say that the press is immature, partial
and irresponsible but it is a general and public consensus that some part of
the media institutions is advocating political agenda of different political
parties and ideologies (Sheikh, H., 2018).

Generation of public consensus on the partiality of the press in the society is

alarming that not only increase distrust in the profession but also stimulates threats
to journalists.

According to senior journalist, Chairman Pakistan Film and TV journalists

Association, cultural reporter Jang Medias Group Athar Javed Sofi, the press in
Pakistan is no more a profession but it has become a business and the business that
follows no rules.

Athar Javed Sofi: Journalism in Pakistan is no more professional mission

and has turned out to be a business where the owners determine their
principles and priorities by themselves. The editors also have developed
affiliation with political and other stakeholders to promote their vested
interests (Sofi, 2018).

The perspective of Sofi was authenticated by most the interviewees. Senior

journalist, President Lahore Press Club Azam Chaudhri grieves over the dilapidation
of professionalism in the press:

Azam Chaudhri: Journalism in Pakistan has changed its route and working
journalists are anxious about the corrosive situation of the press freedom. At

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 the time not only the press institutions have become biased but some of the
senior and distinguished journalists are also seemed to be biased and that is
very lamenting. Everyone in the country knows and can illustrate; which
media house works for whom. So, the condition of impartiality, responsibility
and maturity is very embarrassing and that is all after the commencement of
electronic media. In print media there are still some traces of responsibilities
and maturity you can perceive (Chaudhri, A., 2018).

Media landscape of Pakistan is multi-dimensional having diverse structural

dynamics and doles out different approaches based on language layout, ideological
design, geographical subsistence and content format, which reflects different
feedback. The degree and formation of threats varies from section to section and
same are circumstances with their reflection of maturity, responsibility and
impartiality. The level of freedom also varies from fragment to fragment.

It is generally believed and also perceived by the seasoned journalists that the print
media is more mature as compared to electronic (Ziadi, 2018), English more
impartial than Urdu Press (Shah, A., 2018) and urban press is freer than rural (Latif,
2018).

The review of incidents and media history in Pakistan makes known that political and
ideological affiliation of the press has endangered threats due to its partial
approaches toward their news content. Partisan press in Pakistan is the noticeable
example of partiality that depreciates the media environment in the country.
Journalists and press are known by their content that having partiality although they
are living in the utopia for professionalism (Sofi, 2018) and that is why the press in
Pakistan has always faced threats in connection with partiality and favoritism.

Senior journalist, President Baluchistan Union of Journalists, Editor daily 92 News,

Bureau chief 92 News TV, Khalil Ahmad categorizes media into three sections in
respect to the maturity, responsibility and partiality:

Khalil Ahmed: A clear structural divide of media in Pakistan can be seen on

the part of maturity, responsibility and partiality. They are the print media,
electronic media and social media. The print media is the oldest and the most
responsible, mature and impartial to the greatest degree. There is complete

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 mechanism of sorting and filtering the news content. The second is electronic
media which is relatively new and initially its approach was immature but now
the circumstance is changing and it is learning and getting mature as it grows.
The third category and shape of media in Pakistan is the social media which
have no mechanism of check and balance and is quite immature and
irresponsible in its approaches and that is gowning to be uncontrolled and
drastic for the society (Ahmed, K., 2018).

Senior journalist, ex-managing director APP, ex-president of khyber union of

journalists and PFUJ, representative for Dawn, and The Muslim in Islamabad,
Muhammad Riaz declares that:

M.Raiz: The press in Pakistan today is a mono agenda business and that is to
increase and spread its sphere of effects. There are a few large media
enterprises in Pakistan like, Jang, Danw, Nawa-e-Waqt and business
Recorder, which have their history long existence and have credibility in the
profession. But now there are new incumbent in the field of journalism in
Pakistan whose sole motive is to make business in the name of the press.
They are blackmailing and work for political, ideological and business
interests. There are some industrialists who have established media houses
to use the press as protective shield for their corruption, for their tax theft, for
supplying unauthorized and illegal goods and items. The freedom of press is
in chain and the media environment is decaying due to the entry of such type
of people in the media industry in Pakistan. In fact, some of them are
administrating chain of schools; some are selling Ghee, some are selling Surf
and some have bakeries and these are main business of their owners
whereas the press is used only to pressurize the government and its
institutions not to put hand over their businesses (Riaz, M., 2018).

This feature of the press is very alarming and indicates that the press that is
expected to play a magnificent role in the eradication of corruption and to ensure rule
of law in the society, has turn out to be a protector of all those abuses in Pakistan.
For such a press, freedom would mean to promote corruption and malpractice under
the curtain of a prestigious and sacred profession of journalism.

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But the case is not with all the media enterprises and there are hopes that the
behavior would be better and the press would continue to play a pivotal role in the
promotion of accountability and in enhancing democracy and democratic values in
the state. Senior journalist, Editor reporting daily Jang Lahore, Parvez Bashir
classifies the media in Pakistan into two sections:

Parvez Bashir: There are two section of the press in Pakistan i-e. Print media
and electronic media. The print media is the oldest medium and is fully mature
and responsible because the editing mechanism is very strong and tested
where the electronic media is not only new but also immature in its domain
and structure. The criterion of the medium is not based on the principles of
journalism rather it is a show of the film. The person whose exposure is good
looking like an artist and he can speak without a pause and free of thoughts,
suits it (Bashir, 2018).

Angling in the news content and partiality has decayed the entire doom of the press
in Pakistan. Senior journalist, Group Editor of Ummat Publications, Ex-vice president
of Karachi press Club, member governing body KUJ (Burna), Sajjad Abbasi
describes the qualityof Pakistani press:

Sajjad Abbasi: At the time, electronic media is dominating the media

landscape of Pakistan and that is an uncontrolled creature. You can see that
a single and same content would be presented by different channel in a very
different way because there are different vested interests, grouping and
lobbing behind the angling of the content. And this is very devastating for
journalism (Abbasi, S., 2018).

This situation and these qualities of the press would need to mend and grow not less
than two decades. The journalist’s organizations can play better role in the scenario
to be professional and mature enough to boost the democratic values.

Senior journalist, Secretary General Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists Ayub Jan
Sarhendi clarifies that why the press is not mature:

Ayub Jan Sarhendi: Journalism in Pakistan is not mature and not

responsible but it is not allowed to be mature, if you don’t allow it to be mature
then how it can improve? Free press means the journalists and the press to

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 be free of any intervention and affiliation but unfortunately it is not allowed in
the society due to intolerance, bribing and stake holder’s interests including
journalist’s and the owner’s (Sarhendi, 2018).

The perspectives of senior journalists and the overview of events reveals that the
status and level of maturity, responsibility and impartiality in the press in Pakistan
varies from media to media and enterprise to enterprise depending upon the
intention behind the establishment of the venture.

Journalists: Pakistan came into being after a century long continuous struggle for
independence. The press and journalists played a crusading role in this struggle side
by side with the political leaders, religious influential’s, the feudal lords, nationalist
nobles and other stakeholders that developed a strong tie and influence overtime
between the press and the leading section of the society. This prototype of relation
continued even after the independence was achieved in 1947.

As a result, the press and journalists remained engaged in political and ideological
preaching making the media environment deteriorated and non-professional. But in
spite of political pressure and affiliation, the media and journalists enjoy
independence to large extent (IMS, 2009). At the same time the competitive
environment which was followed by economical interests became paramount and
quality journalism gave way to sensationalism.

According to Khursheed Abbasi (2018), the level of political affiliation is so high and
complex that that seems impossible to be traced because political parties have
trained and educated their workers on the lines to safeguard and promote their
vested interests and they manage them to enter in the media industry of the state.
For such journalists, profession is not an objective rather they use it for to promote
party’s stance on political and other issues.

Mazhar Abbas (2018) clarifies that journalists are responsible, impartial and mature
and have a grand sense of the importance of the profession but they are compelled
to be immature and irresponsible due to the prevailing trend of rating and the
commercial and other vested interests of the owners of media outlets.

In this context, the country report for U.S state department for 2000-2001, reveals:
Government leaks are not uncommon, but are managed carefully, and often are

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made to underpay journalists who are on the unofficial payroll of competing interests.
Reports of intimidation, heavy-handed surveillance and legal action to quiet unduly
curious or un-deferential reporters were common in the history of press in Pakistan
(U.S report, 2001).

An article titled as “Press ka Muhasera” by M. Haneef in the book “Sahafat avr

Tashadud” edited by Tahir Masood, concludes that some of journalists have political
affiliation and their motive behind joining the profession is only to promote the
interest of the party (Rehman, Masood, ed. 2010).

Senior and seasoned journalists are anxious about the quality of media and
journalists in terms they both have lost their goal on account of professionalism.
Some of the interviewees declare that there is no journalism in Pakistan at all. They
perceive that the press has become a merciless business which enslave the public
right of expression for their vested interests and journalists have assumed the status
of lap-dogs in spite to be a watch-dog of the society. Some of journalists are of the
opinion that press has become a pressure tool to safeguard vested interests and the
situation is so corrupted that every corrupt entity is thinking to establish media outfit
for to sustain pressure and to advance its business under the umbrella of the press.
A very little number of senior journalists are hopeful for the future of journalism in
Pakistan.

Senior journalist, Deputy General Secretary Rarawalpindi Islamabad union of

journalist, member editorial committee daily Jang Rawalpindi, Abbas Alam declares:

Abbas Alam: Journalists in print media are mature and responsible while that
working for electronic media are seems to be immature. Because they are
new in the field and less experienced and the content is not edited due to
pierce competition and rating dilemma in electronic medium (Alam, 2018).

The perspective of Abbas Alam was endorsed by senior journalist, Vice President of
PFUJ, Member Eighth Wage Board, Editor daily Aien Peshawar, Bakhtzada
Yousufzai.

Bakhtzada Yousufzai: Most of the journalists in Pakistan are immature in the

sense that they are short of information, have low level of education and have
no proper training. The problem rests here is that most of the journalists have

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 no accesses to information or don’t try to get access to the origin of the
information and so, they have no content verified and if you have no verified
information you can’t be impartial. There are some journalists of great caliber
and research oriented but many are not of the standard to be called
journalists and they are dominant in the media environment in Pakistan
(Yousufzai, B., 2018).

Senior journalist, Vice President of Peshawar Press Club, Editor Aaj media Group
Asif Nisar Ghayasi summarizes the qualities and dominant features of Pakistani
journalists:

Asif Nisar Ghayasi: Journalists in Pakistan are facing with two types of
threats and pressure. The first are known and are from the powerful section of
society and state institutions but the other rests in the journalists which are
due to irresponsible and partial approaches. So, for some extent journalists
are also responsible for deteriorated situation of press freedom in Pakistan
(Ghayasi, 2018).

Lack of professionalism, scarcity of educational qualification, dearth of proper

training, lesser quest for investigation and deficiency of skills are the common
qualities perceived by most of the interviewees. Whereas, these features are fortified
by insecure environment, low level of tolerance in society for criticism, low salary
paradigm, job insecurity, no insurance, vested interest based media structure,
political and institutional intervention, economical and ideological interests of the
owners and journalists, pathetic situation of law and order and weak position of rule
of law and that is the common perception of senior journalists about the media
environment of the country.

6. 9 Press’s and Journalist’s Economy Structures: A texture of

threats to journalists and freedom of press

Economy is the back bone of an industry and that provides bases for its quality.
Shoemaker and Reese declare that that financial structure has altered the very
structure of the press. In the current prevailing sircumstanmces the editors have
become finance managers and the advertizing directors have shaped as editors. In
such state of affairs, the nesw content is subjective to economic gains. The

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economical pressure forces the press to adjust the structure in favor of audience
(Shoemaker & Reese, 2011).

In this context, Jenny Wiik (2010) proclaims that The changing media system is
affecting professional working conditions in many respects which has resulted in
higher economic demands at all levels of the news process (Wiik, 2010).

Lee B. Becker and Tudor Vlad (2009) illustrate the economical facet of press
freedom while defining press freedom in these words “Press freedom has been
viewed as a characteristic of the nation state, linked in much of the western literature
to other state characteristics such as level of democratization, extent of civil liberties,
government transparency and even economic liberalization” (Becker&Vlad, 2009).
So, economical aspect also determines the degree of freedom for the press and is of
more importance in the market place economy of the communication.

In a research paper, Saqib Riaz denotes the press economy in Pakistan and says
that broadcast media behind the curtain is almost under control of the government
and the situation is so fierce that even a single word is impossible to be broadcasted
against the government on radio and TV. He declares that not only the present
government but each and every government have espoused similar policies to make
use of the pressin their promotion and outcrop and as a result media has turn out to
be the meager tool of the government (Riaz, 2018).

Discussing the economical dilemma of Pakistani press, Macro Mezzara and Safdar
Sial (2010) in a report for Initiative For Peace-building (IFP) describe that in Pakistani
media landscape, advertisements play an important role and with a stake of 25%,
government occupies an important position and has an advertizing monopoly. They
claim that the government uses advertising budget to impose conditions on the
policies of the national press (Mezzera&Sial, 2010).

There are only 464 newspapers and periodical that are published on regular bases in
Pakistan and members of newspaper’s organization, for 201 million population
(APNS) while according to Pakistan’s Bureau of Statistics (2016) an aggregate of
539 publications all across the country are being published to sharpen the nation‘s
appetite for news, among which 308 are dailies, 72 are weeklies and 137 are the

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monthlies, and 90 private owned TV channels and 17 radios that make the media
landscape of the country (PBA, 2018).

The following statistics illustrate that the print media landscape has shrank to lowest
level through the years.

Table 6.1: Frequency of newspapers published in Pakistan

Year Frequency
2001 763
2002 720
2003 945
2004 1279
2005 1997
2006 1464
2007 1820
2008 1199
2009 706
2010 952
2011 749
2012 646
2013 619
2014 694
2015 538
2016 539

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 line chart for newapapers by years
2500

2000

1500

1000

500

0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Frequency

Source: Pakistan’s Bureau of Statistics (2016)

Interpretation: The table and figure show that the number of publications has reduced through time.
The people of Pakistan found more newspapers to quench their information thirst in 2005 and 2007
but a gradual decrease was observed during the following years and in 2016 that touched the lowest
level 539.

But most of the newspapers are published only as dummy and have no share in the
market economy of the press. While, due to low purchasing power and weak market
place, the subscription revenue doesn’t meet the expenses of the paper, for
example, according to senior reporter for Dawn, the per-unit cost of Dawn is
estimated at 64 Rupees but its market value is 34 per copy excluding hawker’s
commission (Sidiqui, T., 2018).

This fragile situation of market place economy and the speedily collapsing structure
of print media are alarming for the press in Pakistan. No professional specialization,
no proper probe and no accountability, no training, no parameters, no feasibility and
no mechanism of check and balance are the salient feature of the media landscape
in Pakistan and in such a state of affairs and criterion, no press freedom can sought
to flourish (Ghori, 2018).

In the same context, a recent baseline survey of journalists for PhD by Syeda
Maleha founds that 40 percent of journalists draw the salaries ranging 18000 to
35000 per month where as Pakistan’s Bureau of Statistics (2016) calculates the

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average household expenditure as 32000 per month. In such a situation it is
impossible for a journalist to maintain sincerity to the profession (Ghori, 2018)
because the way of honesty passes through stomach (Tahir, N., 2018).

As a result, journalists and the press are involved in corruption (Zulfiqar, 2018) and
has become part of the game (Khanzada, 2018) and some of the journalists are
actively threatening for publishing corruptions and such other unlawful actions to get
financial benefits or to prove their supremacy, such journalists, even call after
publishing story and challenge the authorities (Abbasi, 2018) or exercise self
censorship which was described in the country report 1999(Pakistan), submitted to
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, U.S, state department that says:
the constitution provides for freedom of speech and of press and citizens are broadly
free to discuss public issues, however , journalists practice a degree of self-
censorship(U.S Report, 1999).

A research by Menhaz Gul, Zia Obaid and Shahid Ali illustrates that after the
liberalization of media in 2002, the rapid growth of electronic media has created
hurdles of ownership’s concentration, variegation of content and accomplishment of
personal wellbeing over interests of community. The researchers concluded that the
mounting capital in media industry is a challenge for the society and politics of the
Pakistan (Gul, Obaid & Ali, 2017).

A report published in Dawn, Karachi on April 30, 2014, quotes the Amnesty
International’s Deputy Asia-Pacific Director David Griffiths saying that the media
environment is full of fear and that has profound impact on freedom of expression in
Pakistan, he proclaimed that journalists are volnarable to abuses by state and non-
state actor all over the country. He also pointed out the aggressive struggle for
media space by the powerful actors. The report indicates those non-state actors’ i.e.
political and religious parties “stand accused of harassing or killing journalists they
consider critical”. The report breaks down cases of violence against journalists in all
the provinces with particular emphasis on Baluchistan along with Pakistan's largest
city Karachi (Dawn, April 30, 2014).

Although the permission granted by senate of Pakistan in 2003, the powers of media
concentrated in a few media companies that led to generate media giants and

370
conglomerates, the working journalists got no share of the economical growth and
expansion rather the working conditions were hardened and salary packages were
reduces. Now the situation is that journalists have resumed a status of factory
workers whose owners are under no law and regulation and at any time the workers
can be terminated without any care of laws or ethics (Ghori, 2018).

6.9.1 The press’s Economy

The press in Pakistan is very pulsating that persists and sustains in an environment
of no financial feasibility or economical mechanism because after repealing the
Registration of Printing press and Publication Ordinance 1988 in 2002 , no law or
provision exists to ask for these standards while assigning declaration to a person
rather an application on plain paper submitted to Deputy Commissioner makes him
owner of a very sensitive enterprise which owes the capacity to change or mould the
future of a nation (Ghori, 2018).

Senior journalist, senior reporter for Dawn, Karachi, ex- president of Karchi Press
Club and Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists, Habib Khan Ghori perceives that:

Habib Khan Ghori: The freedom of press in Pakistan has degraded recently
after release in the clutches of laws and regulations because the freedom of
press is cordially linked with the recognized values of the society but now the
media environment has polluted with corruption. The press economy is weak
and the industry is run by non professionals. There is no mechanism and no
rule and regulation to establish a press and that is why the businessmen have
jumped into the field. The owners that have no other enterprise and only run
media outlets are facing with financial crisis because the subscription revenue
is less than per unit cost and the ratio of advertisements is also lower and
particularly the print media suffers more. There is no rule of law in Pakistan
and the situation is duly deteriorated both in terms of freedom and
responsibility (Ghori, 2018).

The interviewee perceives financial biases in terms of advertisements, and rule of

law which is also perceived by Dr. Saqib Riaz and Sohail Taj in these words,
“Organization and its policies have a lot of influence on content and ethics, media
owners are business oriented and ethics are not their priority, control of content lays

371
in the hand of media owners therefore role of internal ombudsman can’t be effective
and that media shows polarity towards different pressure groups and political parties”
(Raiz &Taj, 2017).

The four giants of Pakistani media are Jang Media Group owned by Mir family under
the supervision of Mir Shakil Ur Rehman, the Nawa-i-Waqt Group owned by Nizami
family under the control of Majid Nizami, the Dawn media Group owned by Saigol
and Haroon family in the leadership of Hameed Haroon and the Express Group run
by Lakhani family. All these groups are business oriented and run other business
side by side. Mir Shakil is known for investing assets in the stock market, the Saigol
family runs textile factories, and the Express Group has diagonal relations with other
international businesses. ARY Media Group under the ownership of AbulRazaq
Yaqoob also owns gold, real estate and other businesses (Rasul&McDwell, 2012). It
is assumed that all these media tycoons use the press as a tool to promote and
safeguard other businesses and so, it is has become a common sense that the
freedom of a journalist is limited to the borders where the interests of the owners
meet.

The situation in this respect is so deteriorated that many other business oriented
persons are following the same pattern and establish media houses to shelter their
other businesses under the curtain of press. The edible oil’s company owners, the
bakery items sellers and other small business proprietors are rushing in the media
businesses.

The power of advertisements is also reflected in the financial model of Pakistani

media. In BBC briefing Huma Yusuf and Emerys Schoemaker (2013) denote that
one of the key aspects of Pakistani media is its financial model which makes the
industry vulnerable to coercion by different actors and thus compromises its
democratizing potential because media in Pakistan is reliant on the advertising
revenue and less than 25% of print revenue comes from subscription while the
remaining 75% is earned from government and private advertisements (Yusuf &
Schoemaker, 2013).

Senior journalist, President Faisalabad Press Club, Ghulam Abbas Tanveer

illustrates the press economy, and piercing attachment of owners with their vested
interests:

372
 Ghulam Abbas Tanveer: Freedom of press and freedom of journalists to
report sharply linked with the financial, political, ideological and other
interests. These interests are based on the structure and position of media
outfits, the local press has local interests while the mainstream media has
mainstream pay backs and a common feature is that if a journalist reports in
conflict to the vested interests of the owner that would endanger his job
(Tanveer, A., 2018).

The financial model of Pakistani media is very fragile and has no sound bases or
proper mechanism to sustain rather it is based on political, ideological or economical
structure, using blackmailing or favoritism as tool for earnings.

Most of the interviewees affirmed that the media in Pakistan follows no

professionalism but it is a merciless industry where the owners exploit not only rights
of their employees but also use the public right to know for their financial gains and
other vested interests. But still, there are few media institutions which reflect ideal
professionalism. Senior journalist, Senior Vice President Pakistan Federal Union of
Journalists, Editor daily Tejarat and daily Juraat, Malik Akram Bangalzai perceives
that:

Malik Akram Bangalzai: Most of the media institutions are commercial in

their nature that work for financial gains while a very small number of media
enterprises are professional in their character where journalists can write
freely with journalistic zeal. The others are policy oriented and are involved in
agenda journalism. Institutions use journalists for their vested interests and
provide no facilities and they are compelled to work without salaries. No
media section in Pakistan is impartial and each and every media group has a
political agenda to promote and everyone in the society knows that who is
affiliated and works for whom (Bangalzai, 2018).

It is embarrassing that even a common man has perceived the agendas of media
groups and this situation is not only exposing the political economy of the press in
Pakistan but this is a confirmation that media is losing its credibility in the society
which jeopardizes journalists and endangers the freedom of press.

373
On the other hand the press and journalists are facing with attacks and harassments
by state and non state actors continuously. The annual report for 2016 by Human
Rights Commission of Pakistan describes that security forces, political parties,
militants and other groups has subjected media outlets, journalists, and their
families to violence and harassment. Security forces abducted journalists and media
outlets that did not practice self-censorship were often the targets of retribution
(HRCP, 2016).

Perspectives of senior working journalists, the overview of incidents and review of

literature divulge that the press’s economical crumble is due to multilateral factors.
There is no proper mechanism to regulate the press’s economy. Small advertorial
market and monopoly of media giants, reliance on government and private
advertisements up to 70% and low subscription revenue on one hand and a lust for
personal interests and a perforate competition to boast financial status, on the hand,
deteriorate the media environment in the country.

6.9.2 The Journalist’s Economy Paradigm

Journalists in Pakistan are the most suffering employees compare to any other
industry’s workers in the country. The media environment is not favorable for
journalism at all. There is no rule or no implementation of rules in the profession and
that gives way to job insecurity, low salary or no salary package, no incentives and
monopoly of the owners and as a result, journalists are vulnerable to be bribed and
to compromise on the ethics of the profession or become a part of the malevolence.

The position of a journalist in a media industry is like a backbone in the body. The
over all process of getting information to the dissemination revolves around
journalist. The reporter, correspondent, representative, camera person or
photographer sense the content, gather information and submit report to his or her
institution while the editor sort the reports and copy editor edit the content which
goes for publishing or broadcasting, informing publics and makes revenue for the
paper or channel in reward.

But ironically, the journalist is only facing with the adverse consequences for his duty
and he gets no sufficient remuneration nor entertains any privileges for his work. He
has to work for a nominal salary under no proper mechanism and binding rules as

374
perceived by the interviewees and revealed by the overview of the media history of
Pakistan.

This is all because, media in Pakistan has become a mere commercial enterprise
that knows no professionalism (Bangalzai, 2018) and journalists are used as tool to
pressurize their targets for financial gains or for to get a hold on the political and
ideological influential’s. And for this purpose, the owners assign tasks, like ask them
to dig up and plot a story following a particular Heading (Anjum, S., 2018) which
sometimes becomes a cause of the reporter’s death and sometimes plants threats
for him while sometimes the reporter becomes a part of the game and gets his share
(Zulfiqar, 2018).

The situation turns worse there in the rural areas where correspondents and
representatives are awarded no salary (Riaz, 2018) and they are facing with double
threats, one from the institution to report a particular event and on the other hand the
target put pressure not to report or report as that suits the target (Usman, M., 2018).
It is a matter of common sense that why such type of journalists is present and
survive confronting threats and inculcating dangers for their families. This is very
simple and like an open secret that such class of journalists is involved in mal-
practices in the name of press.

There is a herd of paratroopers who demand no salary and work for to get famous or
to use the press card for vested interests in the form financial gains or in the outlines
of political or ideological promotions. In such circumstances, professional journalists
are on the stake; neither can they leave for other job nor can they meet their day to
day expenses (Khan, N., 2018).

The perspectives are supported by a report prepared for “BBC Policy Briefing” Huma
Yusuf and Emrys Schoemaker which declares that military and civil governments
alike have long influenced media content by bribing media houses and individual
journalists (Yusuf &Schomaker, 2010). The revelation of report is confirmed as on
July 1994, an officer of Federal Investigative Agency (FIA) disclosed that a number
of journalists were seeking financial benefits from the former chief of Intelligence
Bureau, Imtaiz. He also named a number of journalists in this respect, including
Majeed Nizami, Salih Zafir, Nusrat Javed, Nazir Nazji, Saud Sahir and others (Khan,
2014).

375
It is a widely held view that most of the news stories in media are biased because of
political and ideological affiliations of the media owners or that of journalists or then
the content is engineered due to threats, pressures or economical concerns. So, the
fairness and professionalism in the press is in question publicly (Dar, 2018).

A report by the Individualland (NGO) quotes a journalist saying that yellow journalism
is mostly refered to the misuse and exploitation of matters of public interest to serve
the personal gains of fraudulent journalists (Individualland, 2012) and that according
to the interviewees is very common in country’s media environment.

For to facilitate understandings about the economical paradigm of Journalists in

Pakistan, this research attempts to examine the conceptions and interpretations of
senior working journalists.

According to senior journalist, chairman APNEC, joint editor Online News, Morning
mail and daily Jinnah Islamabad, S.Ikram Bukhari, most of journalists, particularly
those working in country sides and small towns as correspondents and
representatives’ are compelled to experience corruption and act like beggars for
financial needs.

S.Ikram Bukhari: There are two categories of journalists, the city based and
district level journalists. The level of threats and their bases are different in
cities, here journalists who are not honest to their profession, become a part
of land grabbers, mafias and other interests groups for financial gains on their
own accord and inculcate threats and pressure for themselves and their
families whereas in small towns, the situation is reasonably poles apart,
journalists there in country sides are not only facing with harsh conditions of
threats and pressure by feudal lords and Sardars and Nawabs but it is
alarming that the very bases and roots of threats and pressures exist in the
fragile stipulation of their financial needs because they have been compelled
by the owners of the media houses to get involved in corruption or seek
money for their professional jobs in the hands of feudal lords and Sardars like
beggars in the areas, because they are not awarded any salary for their jobs
by their employers (Bukhari, S., 2018).

376
S.I. Bukhari not only perceives the threats to journalists but also do connect them
with the economical paradigm of working journalists which expose a very critical
aspect of journalism in Pakistan.

In the same context, senior journalist, former bureau chief for Jang Group of
Newspapers in Dubai, Media Adviser Abdul Qadir Khan Trust, Iqbal Hussain
Lakhvera evaluates the poor conditions and lapses in salary mechanism for
journalists.

Iqbal Hussain Lakhvera: Journalists are not free and satisfied in Pakistan
and how can they be pleased when an employee is handed with a nominal
salary and more, that is given once in six month, can he be free and honest in
such a circumstances while he and his family live hand to mouth? I shall say
that journalists can’t be blamed for corruption of the sort because they are
compelled by their employers to do so. It is said that some salaries of
journalists are short for one and a half year. The government should
introduce and implement a proper mechanism to strengthen journalist’s
economy against the owners (Lakhvera, 2018).

Living by Threats and its links with journalist’s finances is a unique feature of media
environment in Pakistan as perceived by most of the interviewees. The situation in
this regard is very unprecedented as according to Shehzada Zulfiqar (2018),
journalists who become a part of the corruption will survive because under current
salary structure and economy paradigm of journalists, it is impossible for
professional journalists to continue their services and that is why most of the
journalists are working for press as part timers (Imtiaz, 2018).

Senior journalist, Bureau Chief 24 News Quetta, Ex-President Baluchistan Union of

Journalists and PFUJ, Essa Tareen pointed out that journalists are divided into
groups based on political, religious sectarian affiliation and most of them are involved
in corruption but why they are involved in such of negative activities, he says:

Essa Tareen: It is widely perceived that journalists are involved in corruption

and that is due to their low financial status because most of the journalists
receive not more than 15 thousands as per month salary while their
employers earn in billions as a result journalists look for other sources to meet

377
 their expenses which make them vulnerable to be bribed and corrupted by
various interests groups or individuals (Tareen, E., 2018).

Journalists in Pakistan are paid irregularly and with low salaries and they are facing
with job insecurity which make them vulnerable to be corrupted as most of the
interviewees perceived. There are still some journalists who don’t compromise on
professional ethics in spite of all the hindrance they are facing in the field of
journalism but the situation is alarming and need urgent consideration and action to
be mended.

6.10 Statistical representation and analysis of data collected from

Structured interviews

For more empirical understanding and generalization, perceptions received from one
hundred senior journalists, throughout the country are quantified here. The data is
statistically treated in frequency tables and bar, line and pie charts as below.

6.10.1 Status of Press Freedom perceived by interviewees

Table 6.2: Frequency table for status of Press Freedom

Status of freedom Frequency Percentage

Fully Free 4 4%
Partially Free 55 55%
Not Free 38 38%
More Than Free 3 3%
100 100%

378
 Press Freedom
60 Partially Free; 55
50
Not Free; 38
40
30
20
More Than Free;
10 Fully Free; 4 3
0
Fully Free Partially Free Not Free More Than Free

Table 6.2 and figure show that a vast majority (55%) of the interviewees are of the
opinion that the press in Pakistan is partially free, comparatively with the
international standards. Where as a reasonable number of the respondent (38%)
declared the press as “not free” in the country. The results reveal that the freedom of
press is under critical conditions because partial freedom is still alarming.

6.10.2 Media environment regarding threats to journalists in the line of

duty (interviewees’ perspectives)

Table 6.3: level of threats to journalists

Level of threats Frequency percentage

Fully Under Threats 37 37%

Not under threats 63 63%
total 100 100%

Level of threats to journalists

Fully Under
Threats
37%
Not under
threats
63%

379
Table and figure 6.3 illustrate; majority (63%) of the interviewees perceived that
journalists are not under threats in the lines of their duties while 37% declared that
journalists are under threats.

6.10.3 Media environment and pressure on journalists in connection

to their professional job

Table: 6.4 Pressure on journalists on account of their profession ….N=100

Level of pressure Frequency Percentage

Fully Under pressure 80 80%
Partially under
pressure 19 19%
Not under pressure 1 1%
Total 100 100%

Pressure on journalists on account of

their profession
Not under
Partially under
pressure
pressure
1%
19%

Fully Under
pressure
80%

Table and figure 6.4 reveals that journalists in Pakistan are working in much
overwrought conditions and are facing with pressure for their profession. A vast
majority (80%) of the interviewees affirms that journalists are under pressure for their
professional activities and only 19% respondents are of the opinion that journalists
are partially under pressure in the lines of their duties.

380
6.10.3.1 Perceptions in respect to job security, salary package and
insurance of journalists

Table 6.5: Perceptions in respect to job security, salary package and insurance of
journalists N=100

Perceptions regarding job security, salary and

insurance Yes No Total

Whether journalists have job security? 6 94 100

Whether journalists receive proper salaries? 6 94 100

Whether journalists are insured? 6 94 100

100

50

0 Yes

Whether No
journalists have Whether
job security ? journalists Whether
receive proper journalists are
salaries? insured ?

Table and figure 6.5 indicate that journalists have job security not any proper salary
package nor they are insured. Most (94%) of interviewees for all the three section
have affirmed that in Pakistan journalists are not insured, they have no job security
and they not awarded proper salaries for their service. The results show that
journalists are completely insecure in respect to their economy in the country.

381
 6.10.4 Sources of threats to journalists and that confining the freedom
of press

Table 6.6 Sources of threats to journalists and confining the freedom of press

Sources of threats to journalists and of confining

press freedom Yes No Position
The Governing Parties 90% 10% 3rd
The Opposition parties 90% 10% 3rd
Establishment 61% 39% 9th
Law enforcement agencies 72% 28% 7th
Traffickers 57% 43% 10th
Land grabbers 80% 20% 6th
Militants 84% 16% 5th
Religious Groups 69% 31% 8th
Social Activists 61% 39% 9th
Economical Interest Groups 89% 11% 4th
Individuals 95% 5% 1st
Unknown 95% 5% 1st
Media Owners 90% 10% 3rd
land lords, Feudal 91% 9% 2nd

382
 100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20% Yes
10% No
0%

Table and figure 6.6 show that most of the institutions of government and society are
involved in activities that lead to confine the freedom of press and keep journalists
under threats for to meet their vested interests. The interviewees identified the actors
that are confining the freedom of press and threaten journalists for personal
interests. Unknowns and individuals top the rest in the percentage frequency as
(95%), followed by land lards and feudal lords, the governing parties, opposition
parties, the owners of media houses and economical interests groups
respectively(91%, 90%, and 89%).

6.10.5 Level of professional Maturity in Print media: perspectives of

interviewees

Table 6.7 Level of professional Maturity in Print media

Level of Maturity Frequency Percentage

Fully Mature 28 28%
Partially Mature 44 44%
Not Mature 28 28%
Total 100 100%

383
 Maturity level in print media
Frequency

44

28 28

Fully Mature Partially Mature Not Mature

Table and figure 6.7 illustrate that of level of maturity is better relatively in print media
as perceived by the interviewees. Forty four percent of the interviewees declared
that print media in Pakistan is partially mature while 28% denoted that print media is
fully mature professionally but still the same frequency 28% of respondents affirmed
that the print media is not mature in respect to the standards of professionalism. The
results confirm that majority of senior journalists are of the opinion that print media in
Pakistan is partially mature and still needs to attain the standards.

6.10.6 Level of professional Maturity in electronic media: perspectives

of interviewees

Table: 6. 8 Level of professional Maturity in electronic media

Level of Maturity Frequency Percentage

Fully Mature 1 1%
Partially Mature 29 29%
Not Mature 70 70%
Total 100 100%

384
 Maturity level in electronic media
Frequency

70

29

Fully Mature Partially Mature Not Mature

Table and figure 6.9 reveal that electronic media is not mature professionally at all. A
vast majority (71%) of respondents have affirmed that electronic media in Pakistan is
not mature while 29% of the interviewees declared the status of electronic media as
partially mature. The situation is highly embarrassing.

6.10.7 Level of professional resposibilty in Print Media: perspectives of

interviewees

Table 6.10: Level of responsibility in Print Media

Level of responsibility Frequency
Fully responsible 27
Partially responsible 46
Not responsible 27
Total 100

385
 Level of responsibility in Print Media

Not responsible Fully resposible

27% 27%

Partially
responsible
46%

Table and figure 6.10 illustrate that the print media in Pakistan shows partial
responsibility to professional standards. Majority (46%) of the respondents declared
that print media is partially responsible in its exposure where as 27% of the
interviewees proclaimed that the print media is fully responsible while the same
frequency was found about the category ‘Not responsible”.

6.10.8 Level of professional responsibility in electronic media:

perspectives of interviewees

Table 6.12: Level of responsibility in Electronic Media

Level of responsibility Frequency
Fully responsible 1
Partially responsible 40
Not responsible 59
Total 100

386
 Level of responsibility in Electronic
Media
Fully responsible
1%

Partially
responsible
40%
Not responsible
59%

Table and figure 6.12 show that electronic media in Pakistan keeps hold of lesser
responsibility. A vast majority (59%) of the interviewees affirmed that electronic
media shows no responsibility regarding the professional standards. Forty percent of
the respondents declared the electronic media as partially responsible while only one
percent of senior journalists denoted that the electronic media is responsible in its
professional exposition.

6.10.9 Level of partiality in Print Media: perspectives of interviewees

Table 6.13: Level of partiality in Print Media

Level of partiality Frequency
Fully Impartial 1
Partially Impartial 29
Not Impartial 70
Total 100

387
 Level of partiality in Print Media
Fully Impartial
1% Partially
Impartial
29%

Not Impartial
70%

Table and figure 6.13 reveal that print media in Pakistan is not impartial regarding its
professional standards. A vast majority (70%) of the respondents proclaimed that
print media is biased and not impartial for coverage and content. Twenty nine
percent of the interviewees declared that print media is partially biased whereas only
one percent supported the category “Fully impartial”.

6.10.10 Level of partiality in Electronic Media: perspectives of

interviewees

Table 6.14: Level of partiality in Electronic Media

Level of partiality Frequency

Fully Impartial 1

Partially Impartial 22

Not Impartial 77

Total 100

388
 Level of partiality in Electronic Media
Fully Impartial
1%

Partially Impartial
22%

Not Impartial
77%

Table and figure 6.14 illustrate that electronic media is biased and partial in its
professional activities. A very vast majority (77%) of the interviewees confirmed that
the electronic media shows partiality regarding professionalism whereas 22%
percent of the respondents declared that electronic media is partially impartial in its
approaches toward professional standards while only one percent affirmed the
impartiality of electronic media.

6.11 Summary

All the three folds of search for the variable i.e. press freedom and threats to
journalists in Pakistan reveal that the press in Pakistan is not free to meet the
standards of press freedom and journalists are facing with threats in all parts of the
country.

The overview of violent incidents against the press and journalists, the literature
review, interviewees’ conceptions and the statistical data and analysis affirmed that
the press has never enjoyed press freedom in Pakistan and journalists has been
working under threats and under pressure in the country.

At the same time, the study indicates that levels of press freedom and that of threats
to journalists are not uniform but varies from region to region, from media to media

389
and from time to time. For example the degree of press freedom is higher in big
cities like Karachi, Islamabad, Lahore, Peshawar, Quetta, Rawalpindi and
Faisalabad as compare to the small towns and villages.

The study also denotes that the mainstream media has suffered more than local
media. For example Jang Media Group, Dawn, Express, ARY, Samaa, are among
the mostly attacked and more sufferers. Similarly, journalists in affiliation with the
main stream media are facing with more atrocities by threatening agents.

Similarly, the level of threats to journalists also varies from region to region, from
media to media, from beat to beat and from status to status. For instance journalists
in big cities are facing with threats from land grabbers, street criminals, mafias and
unknowns where as in towns and villages journalists are confronting with threats and
pressure from landlords, feudal lords, Sardars, Nawabs and Khans, they are also
being threatened and influenced by political lords , traffickers , religious elites and
even by powerful individuals.

In the same context, investigative journalists are most frequently facing with threats
but formal beat journalists are relatively safe, similarly, field journalists are more
vulnerable for threats as compared to the desk based journalists. Likewise showbiz,
culture and sports beats journalists are confronting lesser threats and pressure in
comparison with the crime, political and court reports.

The study finds that journalists are vulnerable to threats due to low level of law and
order situation and weak position of rule of law in the country. Low level of tolerance
for press’s criticism in the society also adds threats contents and enhances attacks
on the freedom of press.

Similarly, weak condition of media sociology and feeble economy of the press and
journalists also make them more susceptible to aggressive forces. No mechanism for
back support is another weak aspect that makes the press and journalists vulnerable
to pressure by interests groups and entities.

On the other hand, political, ideological and sectarian affiliation of the press and
journalists pollut the media environment and turns that non professional and biased.
Partiality, irresponsibility, immaturity and non professional approaches of the press

390
and journalists are the main causes of the threats and pressure which the
professional are facing with.

In the same way, no salary’s mechanism, no job security, no insurance, no

institutional support, no legal protection, no training facilities, no incentives and a
high lust for self interest are multiplying and multilinking threats to journalists and
confine the freedom of press.

The multidimensional pressure on content biases the whole process of the flow of
information. Journalists have to compromise on professionalism and sometimes get
involved in corrupt practices while sometimes they seek self censorship to avoid
threats.

Journalist’s organizations have also compromised their role. Most of the leaders of
the unions and press clubs have affiliations with the owners and other interests
groups for personal gains as most of the interviewees confirmed when they were
asked about the role of the representative organizations.

It is very clear that where there is no proper mechanism for the employments, no
criterion and requisites for the industry to run, no qualification required for to be
journalist, low salary’s packages, no job security, no knowledge of the law,
regulations and code of conduct, no proper training, the environment will be definitely
vulnerable to all possible abuses.

It is widely believed that media in Pakistan is just a commercial entity and journalists
are servants who follow the lines what their employer assign them. Same is the
situation with the leaders of journalists, if they try to maintain professional standards
which are in conflict with the owner’s interests they will lose their jobs and that is very
easy because there is no proper forum or mechanism for job security in the field.

So, journalism in Pakistan has never been entertained its freedom nor it has
reflected professional standards and will not be freed until it is fully overhauled and
reorganized on purely professional outlines with sound and persistent training and
powerful guarantee for freedom to play its role in assuring democratic values in the
country.

391
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 Chapter 7

Research Findings and Discussion

7.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the findings of the baseline survey as the pertinent part of the
research that sought to explore the media landscape of Pakistan calculating
journalist’s perceptions to locate the status of press freedom and to find the
frequency and distribution of threats to journalists in the lines of their professional
work. The findings are consequential to the responses of 320 working journalists
sampled out of the population, assumed twenty thousand, making a sample size
1.6%, which is statistically acceptable for generalization.

This chapter also presents the combined findings of the three folds of the study. The
first fold explores the media history of the country for the violent and freedom
confining activities against the press and journalists, which are quantified in six
categories i.e. Bans on publications. Blocking of official advertisements, attacks on
media houses, and arrests of journalists, harassments of journalists and killings of
journalists. The second fold presents face-to-face structured interviews of one
hundred senior journalists regarding the press freedom situation and threats to
journalists. Findings of the second fold are quantified according to the questions of
the structured interviews i.e. the press freedom, threats to journalists, pressure on
journalists, agents behind the threats and curtailing activities against the press and
maturity, responsibility and impartiality of the press.

As freedom of press, according to this research is the free flow of news content from
its origin to the dissemination and feedback with professional spirit and standards as
a sacred trust within the limits prescribe by the local moralities and universal truth.
So, this study investigates journalist’s perceptions regarding eighty two aspects of
the freedom of press and threats to journalists in the media landscape of Pakistan.

414
7A.1 Findings of baseline survey

This part of the chapter presents the results of questionnaire with twenty sections
covering eighty two aspects of the media environment in connection with press
freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan. The findings are illustrated using
frequency tables, bar charts and pie charts.

7A.2 General demographic information

This section represents the general demographic information sought from the
working journalists including the regions where they work and, organization, gender,
ages, academic qualifications, studied disciplines, designations and working
experiences.

7A.2.1 Geographical distribution of the respondents

The following table summarizes regional distribution of the sample.

Table: 7.1 Geographical distritbution of journalist

Isl+Rawalpindi KPK Baluchistan Sindh Punjab Total

66 51 43 116 44 0

21% 16% 13% 36% 14% 100%

Geograohical distribution of the sample

Isl+Rawalpindi KPK Baluchistan Sindh Punjab

44 14%
116 36%
43 13%
51 16%
66 21%

Geographical distribution of the sample shows that 36% responses were collected
from the Province of Sindh. Journalists in Karachi, Hyderabad and Larkana were

415
investigated for to calculate their perceptions about the status of press freedom
situation and threats to journalists. Responses of journalists from the capital city
Islamabad and Rawalpindi (the twin cities) were 36% while responses from Khyber
Pakhtoon Khwa (Peshawar, Mardan) were 16%, from the province of Baluchistan
(Quetta, Chaman, Hub) were14% and from Punjab (Lahore, Faisalabad) 16%
working journalists were consulted. Variation in percentage is due to variation in the
number of journalists and their response rate to the questionnaire.

7A.2.2 Gender distribution of the sample

The table below sums up the gender frequency of the journalists, who were
investigated about the situation of press freedom and threats to journalists in
Pakistan.

Table: 7.2 Gender distribution of the respondents

Names. Not
Cluster Males Females Provided Total

Sindh 96 11 9 116

Baluchistan 41 2 0 43

Isl+Rawalpindi 60 4 2 66

KPK 49 2 0 51

Punjab 36 8 0 44

Total 282 27 11 320

416
 Gender
Female
9%

Males
91%

A vast majority (91%) of the respondents were male journalists while 9% were
women. The media in Pakistan is male dominated. The Global Media Monitoring
Project’s report (2010-2015) reveals that participation of women in electronic and
print media is only 24% all over the world whereas the situation in Pakistan is more
fading where cultural norms and values are not in the favor of women’s participation
in industries like the press.

7A.2.3 The age distribution of the sample

The following table summarizes ages of the sampled journalists consulted in the
whole country.

.Table: 7.3 Age distribution of the respondents

First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Total

above
Below 20 21- 30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 70

0 63 106 96 39 15 1 320

0% 20% 33% 30% 12% 5% 0% 100%

417
 Age distribution
Below 20 21- 30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 above 70

33% 30%
20%
12%
5%
0% 0%

Most of the journalists 33% and 30% fell in the 31-50 years age band while 20% of
the journalists are younger of age group 21-30. Twelve percent are seasoned and
only 5% are older above the retirement. The findings show that media in Pakistan is
mature aged between 31 and 50.

7A.2.4 The experience distribution of sampled journalists

The table below indicates the experiences of the sampled journalists.

Table: 7.4 Experience distribution of the journalists

First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Total

above
1---5 6---10 11---15 16---20 21----26 27---30 30 Total

55 59 54 67 38 30 17 320

17% 18% 17% 22% 12% 9% 5% 100%

418
 Experiences
1---5 6---10 11---15 16---20 21----26 27---30 above 30

22%

18%
17% 17%

12%
9%

5%

Most (20%) of the journalists in Pakistan fell in the experience intervals (16-20) but
younger journalists, having experience 1 to 5 years makes 17% of the share of the
media landscape of the country.

7A.2.5: Academic qualifications of journalists in Pakistan.

The following table sums up the educational distribution of the sample.

Table: 7.5 Academic qualifications of the sampled journalists

Metric Intermediate Graduation Master Higher Total

15 18 84 190 13 320

5% 6% 26% 59% 4% 100%

A vast majority (59%) of the journalists are master degree holders and university
graduates. The results show that media in Pakistan is well qualified but still 5% and
6% part of the sample indicates under graduate makeup of the industry.

419
7.2.6 Academic disciplines distribution of the sampled journalists

The table below summarizes the disciplines studied by journalists of the sample

Table: 7.6 Distribution of academic disciplines

Mass- Other Social Natural

Communication Sciences Sciences Commerce Total

133 159 12 16 320

42% 49% 4% 5% 100%

Less than half 42% of the journalists are media literates. The finding indicate a need
for journalists to be trained for the field of journalism, Most (49%) of the journalists
have social sciences background while 4% and 5% have come from natural sciences
and commerce respectively,

7A.3 Employment details

7A.3.1 Positions in the organizations

The figure below summarizes the distribution of the positions of sampled journalists
in their organizations.

420
Figure: 7.1 Positions distribution in media organizations

Positions in organizations

1% 1%
4% 16%
5%
Editors
Reporters
Camerapersons
30%
Correspondents
free lances
43%
producers
anchor persons

Majority 43% of the respondents were reporters followed by camerapersons at 30%.

Editors, correspondents, producers, free lances and anchor persons accounted for
16%, 5%, 4% and 1%, 1% respectively. Nearly half of the respondents were
reporters and cameraperson speaks to the widely held view that the content
providers for the media are reporters and camerapersons and they are directly facing
with threats in the field. This requires that any measure of safety developed for the
industry must consider reporters and camerapersons as a significant group.

7A.3. 2 Organizations of the sampled journalists

The figures below sum up the distribution of organizations with which the sampled
journalists are affiliated. Respondents of the survey are employees of seventy seven
different media organizations spread over the whole country.

421
Figure: 7.2 Distribution of the respondents’ organizations (Khyber Pakhtoon Khwa
(KPK)

daily Ausaf Organization's distribution

2%
daily Surkhab
2%
daily Express
Voice of Tribune daily Awamunas
America 2% 2% APP (News
Radio
2% agency)
daily Bol TV 2%
daily Express 2%
Jahan-e- 8%
Pakistan daily Jang
2% 20%

Express
Tv
2% Geo Tv
daily 12%
Islam
2%
92 News daily Mashriq
Tv daily The News 10%
2% 12% Neo News TV
daily 8%
Charssada
news
2%
Mashriq TV
Khyber News TV daily Nai bat 2%
daily Akhbar-e-Haq
2% 2%
2%

Daily Jang, Geo TV, daily The News, daily Mashriq and Neo News TV accounted for
20%, 12%, and 12%, 10% and 8% respectively. These are the mainstream media
outlets. It is widely held opinion that journalists affiliated with mainstream media are
facing more threats.

422
Figure: 7.3 Distribution of the respondents’ organizations (Baluchistan)

Organization's distribution

PPI (News agency)

2%
NNI (News
agency)
daily Bakhabar 2%
10%
Aaj TV daily Mashriq
2% 10%
Indus TV Bol TV
2% 14%
Express
TV Geo TV
5% 5%
daily Jang
daily Dawn 10%
10%

Neo News TV
7%
daily Nawa-e-Waqt
daily Century 2%
2% Dunya TV daily Roze TV daily 92 News
2% Tijarat 2% 2% daily Nai Bat
2% 2%
weekly Akhba-e-
Jahan 92 News TV
2% 2%

The figure shows that most of the respondents of the study are affiliated with
mainstream media in Baluchistan like in KPK. Bol TV, Mashriq, Jang, Dawn and
Bakhabar are the dominant media outlets in Baluchistan, making share 14% and
10% in the sample.

423
Figure: 7.4 Distribution of the respondents’ organizations (Punjab)

News One TV
2% Organization's distribution daily Jang
7%
daily The Nation Royal TV daily Khabren
2% 2% 7%
Radio Pakistan
Lahore
daily Lahore Rang 7% daily Ausaf
2% 21%
daily Ummat
2%
ARY news TV
daily Koh noor
Dunya news TV 16%
5%
16%

daily Pakistan today

2%

daily Lahore News

9%

Ausaf, Dunya, ARY, Lahore News and Khabren are believed to be the main stream
media in Punjab. Sampled journalists accounted for 21% (Ausaf), 16% (ARY and
Dunya and 9% from Khabren.

Figure: 7.5 Distribution of the respondents’ organizations (Islamabad Rawalpindi)

Samaa daily daily Akhbar-e- Neo daily NUMUL NNI (News Agency) daily Assas
TV Azkar Haq daily TV Media Radio 2% 2%
5% 2% 2% 2% watch 2%
Labaik
2% 2%

daily Ausaf
2% Kapital TV
daily Jang
2% 42%
Jaag TV
5%
Khyber News TV
6%
daily Express
5%
daily
Oneline (News
Jinnah daily The News
agency)
3%
8% 12% Organization's distribution
Most (42%) of the sampled journalists belong to daily Jang as that is believed to be
the dominant media organization in Islamabad and Rawalpindi. Daily The News

424
accounted for 12%, Online 8% and journalists from Express, Khyber News and
Samaa made accounted for 5% each,

Figure: 7.6 Distribution of the respondents’ organizations (Sindh)

Organization's distribution
Vush PPI
daily Online (News daily Awami Awaz
News Free (News
daily Yadgar agency) 6% Radio
TV lances agency)
Kaleem 1% 1% Pakista
1% 2% 3%
1% daily daily daily Mumil Karachi
Waseeb Tv
Mewar Aghaz 1% 1%
2%
APP (News daily 1% 1%
daily Awaz daily Jang
agency)
Farz 1% 4%
6%
1% daily jang
daily Imroze London
daily daily Awam
2% 5%
Nai 9%
Bat
daily1% daily 92
Safar News
1% ARY 5%
1%
daily
Daily daily
News Ausaf
2% 1%
daily Ryasat Bol TV
9% 4% daily High
daily Class News
express 4%
5%
daily daily Ummat
daily Jasarat
Sarmaya 5%
2%
1% daily Dawn
4%
daily
daily The News Intekhab
7% 2%

The province of Sindh, due to Karachi as the most populous city and economical hub
of the country, is the richest region regarding media outfits. Daily Jang, The News,
Awami Awaz, Ummat, ARY, 92 News and others collectively forge the mainstream
media and the sampled journalists have shares from most of the media

425
organizations that accounted for 1% to 9%. The findings shows that sample
represent most of the media outlets and is capable to be generalized.

7A.4 Ambition of the sampled journalists

This section presents the ambition of journalists. The findings show that why
journalists want to join the profession of journalism and what is the level of their
satisfaction with their selection.

7A.4.1 Ambitions of sampled journalists

The table and figure below summarize the distribution of the ambitions of journalists

Table7.7 Distribution of the ambitions of journalists

Ambition Frequency Percentage

To promote freedom of
expression 143 41%

To insure rule of law 42 12%

To educate the people 56 16%

To protect personal interests 4 1%

Just a job 106 30%

Total 351 100%

426
 Ambitions' distribution
Just a job To promote
To protect 30% freedom
personal expression
interests 41%
1%

To educate the To insure rule of

people law
16% 12%

Most (41%) of the journalists join the profession of journalism to promote the
freedom of expression followed by 30% whose selection of journalism as a
profession is just a job while 16% of the respondents wants to educate the people
and 12% are eager to insure the rule of law in the country by joining journalism as a
profession. Only one percent of the journalists come to join media for the protection
of their personal interests. The findings indicate that although most of the journalists
are professional in their approaches but 30% who have no ambition behind the
profession and 1%% who confess to use journalism for vested interests are alarming
and are needed to be considered for any measure to mend the situation.

7A.4.2 Level of satisfaction

The table and figure below present the distribution of satisfactions of the sampled
journalists after they joined journalism as a profession.

Table: 7.8 Distribution of satisfactions of journalists

Level of satisfaction Frequency Percentage

Fully satisfied with profession 227 71%

Partially satisfied 53 17%

Not satisfied 40 12%

Total 320 100%

427
 Levels of satisfaction
Not satisfied
12%
Partially satisfied
17%

Fully satisfied
with profession
71%

A vast majority (71%) of the journalists are satisfied with their choice of journalism as
a profession. The findings affirm that journalists are happy and contented with their
choice in the country.

7A.5 Status of press freedom

This section presents perceptions of journalists about the ranks of press freedom.
The findings show the overall situation of press freedom in Pakistan as perceived by
working journalists.

7.5.1 Status of press freedom

The table and figure below summarize journalists’ perceptions about the status of
press freedom in the country.

Table: 7.9 Distribution of perceptions about press freedom

Level of press freedom in Pakistan Frequency Percentage

The press is fully free 32 10%

The press is partially free 206 65%

The press is not free 65 20%

Have no idea 17 5%

Total 320 100%

428
 Status of press freedom
The press is fully
free
11%
The press is not
free
21%

The press is
partially free
68%

Sixty eight percent of the respondents declared that the press in Pakistan is partially
free. Twenty one percent journalists indicated that the press is not free while only
11% of the respondents affirmed that the press is fully free in the country.

The findings reveal that press in Pakistan enjoys no full freedom where as partial
freedom is alarming for the crucial role of the press in the development of democracy
and democratic values. It is an indication for the special attention and measurements
needed to be employed by the government, its institutions, the journalists’
organizations, the owners of the organization and other stakeholders.

7A.6 Factors affecting the freedom of press

This section presents findings of the factors affecting the freedom of press in
Pakistan as perceived by the sampled journalists.

429
7A.6.1 The law and order situation

The following table and figure illustrate the results when the respondents were asked
whether the general law and order situation affects the freedom of press in Pakistan.

Table: 7.10 Distribution of the perceptions about the impacts of

law and order situation on press freedom

Strength of impacts of law and order situation on

the freedom of press Frequency Percentage

Fully affect the freedom of press 129 40%

partially affect the freedom of press 154 48%

Have no impact on the freedom of press 25 8%

Have no idea 12 4%

Total 320 100%

Have no
impact on Impacts of law and order situation
the
freedom of
press
8%
Fully affect the
freedom of press
42%
partially affect the
freedom of press
50%

Half of the respondents declared that the law and order situation partially affects the
freedom of press and 42% affirmed that the freedom of press is fully affected by the

430
law and order situation while only 8% indicated that the law and order situation has
no impact on the freedom of press.

The findings affirm that the freedom of press is cordially linked with the law and order
situation in the land and the law and order situation is directly linked with the rule of
law.

7A.6.2 The level of rule of law

The table and figure below summarize the perceptions of the respondents about the
situation of the rule of law in the state.

Table: 7.11 Distribution of the perceptions about the condition of

rule of law

Levels of rule of law in Pakistan Frequency Percentage

Situation of rule of law is strong 13 4%

Situation of rule of law is normal 137 43%

Situation of rule of law is weak 170 53%

Have no idea 0 0%

Total 320 100%

431
 Rule of law
Situation of rule of
law is strong
4%

Situation of rule of Situation of rule of

law is weak law is normal
53% 43%

More than half of the respondents affirmed that the condition of rule of law in
Pakistan is weak while 43% of the respondents declared the condition of rule of law
as normal and only 4% of the sample declared that the condition of rule of law is
strong.

As the rule of law is directly linked with the situation of law and order and the
situation of law and order affects the freedom of press so that the weak level of rule
of affects the freedom of press and the findings affirm that the level of rule of law is
weak which affect the status of press freedom in Pakistan.

It is important to note that the situation of law and order and the level of rule of law
are to be considered as a significant group for measurements regarding press
freedom situation to be developed.

7A.6.3 Democracy and press freedom

The following table and figure summarize the distribution of perceptions of journalists
about the impacts of the inconsistency of democracy on the freedom of press. The

432
chart illustrates the results when the respondents were asked whether the
inconsistency of democracy affect the freedom of press.

Table: 7.12 distribution of perceptions about the impacts of

inconsistency of democracy on press freedom

Strength of correlation between consistency of

democracy and freedom of press Frequency Percentage

Inconsistency of democracy fully affect press freedom 201 63%

Partially affect press freedom 103 32%

Don't affect press freedom 16 5%

Total 320 100%

Impacts of inconsistency of democracy on

Don't affect press press freedom
freedom
5%
Partially affect
press freedom
32%

Inconsistency of
democracy fully
affect press
freedom
63%

A vast majority (63%) of the respondents declared that inconsistency of the

democracy fully affect the freedom of press while 32% affirmed that freedom of press
is partially affected by the inconsistency of democracy. Only 5% of the respondents
denoted that inconsistency of democracy have no impacts on the freedom of press.

It is important to note that no consistency of democracy has been witnessed in

Pakistan and for more than a half of its life; the country remained under the
dictatorial rule of Marshal Law regimes.

433
The findings indicate that that is important to consider the need for consistency to
assure the freedom of press in the land.

7A.6.4 Level of intolerance in society

The table and figure below present the perceptions of journalists about the presence
of intolerance for press’s criticism in the society. The figure illustrates the results
when the respondents were asked whether intolerance in the society for press’s
criticism exists and what is its level.

Table: 7.13 Distribution of perceptions about the level of

intolerance for press’s criticism in the society

Level of intolerance in society for press's

criticism Frequency Percentage

Level of intolerance in society for press's criticism

is high 160 50%

Level of intolerance in society is normal 139 43%

There is no intolerance in the society for press's

criticism 21 7%

Total 320 100%

There is no
Levels of intolerance for press's intolerence in
the society
criticism for press's…

Level of
Level of intolerence in
intolerence in society for
society is normal press's critisim…
43%

Half of the respondents affirmed that intolerance for press’s criticism is high while
43% declared that the level intolerance is normal. Only 7% of the respondents
denoted that there is no intolerance for the press’s criticism in the society.

434
The findings indicate a very drastic situation of the press-society relations and it is
highly important to consider the matter and workout proper dialogue mechanism to
smoothen the situation.

7A.6.5 Intolerance for press’s criticism and press freedom

The following findings illustrate the impacts of intolerance for press’s criticism in the
society. The chart denotes the results when the respondents were asked whether
intolerance in the society for press’s criticism affect the freedom of press.

Table: 7.14 Distribution of perceptions about the impacts of

intolerance for press’s criticism on press freedom

Strength of impacts of the intolerance for

press's criticism on the freedom of press Frequency Percentage

Intolerance fully affects the freedom of press 146 50%

Intolerance partially affects the freedom of press 139 47%

Don't affect 10 3%

Total 295 100%

Don't
affect Impacts of intolerance on press freedom
3%

Intolerence fully
Intolerence affects the
partially affects freedom of press
the freedom of 50%
press
47%

Half of the respondents declared that intolerance for press’s criticism in the society
fully affect the freedom of press while 47% affirmed that intolerance for press’s

435
criticism partially affect press freedom. Only 3% of the respondents denoted that
intolerance has no impact on the freedom of press.

The findings indicate that high level of intolerance for press’s criticism exists in the
Pakistani society where as the intolerance for press’s criticism fully affect the
freedom of press.

The situation urges that to check the level of intolerance for press’s criticism when
any measure is to be taken for the development of press freedom in the country.

7A.6.6 Diversity in social norms and values and its impacts on press
freedom

The table and figure below present the level of impacts of the diversity in social
norms and values on the freedom of press. The figure illustrates the perceptions of
the respondents when they were asked whether the diversity in social norms and
values affect press freedom.

Table: 7.15 Distribution of perceptions of respondents about the

impacts of diversity of social norms and values on the freedom of
press

Strength of correlation between diversity norms and Frequenc Percentag

values and press freedom y e

Diversity in social norms and values fully affect press

freedom 107 33%

Diversity in social norms and values partially affect press

freedom 178 56%

Doesn’t affect 35 11%

Total 320 100%

436
 Impacts of the diversity of social norms and
values on press freedom

Diversity in social
Doesn't affect norms and values
fully affect press
11%
freedom
33%

Diversity in social
norms and values
partially affect
press freedom
56%

More than half of the respondents affirmed that diversity in social norms and values
partially affects the freedom of press while 33% declared that the diversity fully
affects press freedom. Only 11% of the respondents denoted that diversity in social
norms has no impact on the freedom of press.

It is important to note that Pakistan’s social fabric is multilingual and multicultural with
fewer similarities. Major ethnic groups include Punjabi, Pakhtoon and Baloch, while
there are other minor communities submerged in Pakistani society. All these groups
have their own and divers social norms and values and they very sensitive regarding
them.

In such a situation, it is needed to count the level of diversity in social norms and
values when any action is to be planned for the safety of journalists and for the
freedom of press to be enhanced.

437
7A.6.7 Undeclared censorship in media

The following table and figure summarize results of the perceptions of journalists
when they were asked whether undeclared censorship is imposed on the press.

Table: 7.16 Distribution of perceptions about the undeclared

censorship on the press

Level of undeclared censorship on the press Frequency Percentage

Undeclared censorship is fully imposed on the

press 91 29%

Undeclared censorship is partially imposed on

the press 166 52%

There is no undeclared censorship on the press 30 9%

Have no idea 33 10%

Total 320 100%

There is no
undeclared Undeclared censorship Undeclared
censorship on the censorship is fully
press imposed on the
10% press
32%

Undeclared
censorship is
partially imposed
on the press
58%

More than half of the respondents declared that undeclared censorship is partially
imposed on the press while 32% of the respondents affirmed that undeclared

438
censorship is fully imposed on the press. Only 10% of the journalists denoted that
there is no undeclared censorship imposed on the press in the country.

Findings indicate that undeclared censorship is imposed on the press and that
significantly needs to be considered when any measure is to be taken for the
improvement of the freedom of press and safety of journalists.

7A.6.8 Self-Censorship in media

The table and figure below illustrate the results of the perceptions of respondents
when they were asked whether journalists exercise self censorship and what is the
level of the self censorship in the media in Pakistan.

Table: 7.17 Distribution of perceptions about the exercise of self-

censorship

Level of self-censorship in media Frequency Percentage

Journalists fully exercise self-censorship 45 14%

Journalists partially exercise self-censorship 195 61%

Don't exercise self-censorship 55 17%

Have no idea 25 8%

Total 320 100%

Don't exercise Levels of self-censorship

self-censorship
Journalists fully
19%
exercise self-
censorship
15%
Journalists partially
exercise self-
censorship
66%

A vast majority (66%) of the respondents declared that self-censorship is partially

exercised by journalists in the course of their work while 15% affirmed that self-

439
censorship is fully exercised. Nineteen percent of the respondents denoted that no
self-censorship is exercised by journalists in the country.

Findings affirm the presence of self-censorship in the media in Pakistan.

7A.6.9 Self-Censorship and press freedom

The table presents the perceptions of respondents about the impacts of the exercise
of self-censorship by journalists. The figure illustrates the results when journalists
were asked whether the exercise of self-censorship by journalists affect the freedom
of press.

Table:7.18 Distribution of perceptions about the impacts of self-

censorship on press freedom

Strength of impacts of self-censorship on the

freedom of press Frequency Percentage

Self-censorship fully affects the freedom of press 79 25%

Self-censorship partially affects the freedom of press 147 46%

Doesn't affect press freedom 93 29%

Have no idea 1 0%

Total 320 100%

440
 Impacts of self-censorship on press
freedom
Self-censorship
fully affects the
freedom of press
25%
Doesn't affect
press freedom
29%

Self-censorship
partially affects
the freedom of
press
46%

Slightly less than half (46%) of the journalists declared that the exercise of self-
censorship partially effect the spirit of press freedom while 25% affirmed that self-
censorship fully affect the freedom of press. Twenty nine percent of the respondents
denoted that the exercise of self-censorship doesn’t affect the freedom of press.

Its is important to note that undeclared censorship is imposed on the press and it is
proved that most of the journalists exercise self-censorship which affects the
freedom of press. In such a circumstance, it is needed to consider the exercise of
self-censorship as a significant group for the measurements regarding press
freedom.

7A.6.10 Owners’ intervention in the editorial policy and press freedom

The following table presents the perceptions of journalists about the intervention of
owners in the editorial policies of publications. The figure illustrates the results when
respondents were asked whether owners of the publications intervene in the editorial
policies.

441
 Table: 7.19 Distribution of perceptions about the interventions of
the owners of media organizations in editorial policies

Level of owner's intervention in the editorial policy Percentag

of media organizations Frequency e

Owners fully intervene in the editorial policy 190 59%

Partially intervene 119 37%

Don't intervene 11 4%

Total 320 100%

Intervention by owners in editorial policies

Don't intervene
4%

Partially
intervene
Owners fully
37%
intervene in the
editorial policy
59%

More than half (59%) of the journalists declared that owners fully intervene in the
editorial policies of publications while 37% denoted that owners partially intervene in
the editorial policies. Only 4% of the respondents affirmed that owners don’t
intervene in the editorial policies of media organizations.

The findings indicate that the owners of media organizations intervenes the editorial
policies. It is widely held opinion that intervention by owners in the editorial policies
of media organizations confines the freedom of press and affects the spirit of
journalism. The situation urges that intervention by the owners in editorial policies to
be considered.

442
7A.6.11 Advertisers’ intervention in the editorial policy and press
freedom

The table below presents perceptions of sampled journalists about the intervention of
advertisers in the editorial policies of publications. The figure illustrates the results
when journalists were asked whether advertisers intervene in the editorial policies of
media organizations.

Table: 7.20 Distribution of perceptions about the intervention of

advertisers in editorial policies

Levels of impacts of advertisers on the editorial

policies Frequency Percentage

Advertisers fully affect the editorial policies 141 44%

Advertisers partially affect the editorial policies 159 50%

Have no impacts 20 6%

Total 320 100%

Have no
impacts Impacts of advertiser's intervention on
6%
editorial policies
Advetisers Advetisers fully
partially affect affect the
the editorial editorial policies
policies 44%
50%

Half of the respondents declared that advertisers partially intervene in the editorial
policies of media organizations while 44% affirmed that advertisers intervene in
editorial policies. Only 6% of the journalists denoted that advertisers don’t intervene
in the editorial policies of the media organizations.

443
Results indicate that advertisers intervene in the editorial policies of media
organizations and it is believed that such interventions confine the freedom of press.
So, that intervention in the editorial policies of media organizations should be taken
as a significant group of effects for the freedom of press.

7A.7 Security risks and threats to journalists

This section presents findings of the frequency, nature, sources, targets,

geographical position and impacts of threats to journalists on account of their
professional activities.

7A.7.1 Frequency of threats to journalists

The table below summarizes the frequency of threats acknowledged by the

respondents. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether
they have faced with threats in the line of their professional activities.

Table: 7.21 Distribution of confessions of threats by journalists

Confession of Threats faced Frequency Percentage

Have Faced with Threats 135 42%

Have not faced 185 58%

Total 320 100%

Threats

Have Faced with

Threats
42%
Have not faced
58%

444
More than half (58%) of the journalists declared that they have not faced with threats
for their journalistic jobs while 42% of the respondents affirmed that they have faced
with threats in the lines of their duty as a journalist.

Findings indicate that percentage of threats is less than half but 42% proves the
existence of threats in the field for journalistic activities which is alarming. There
should be zero percent of threats in the field for journalists and only then the press
can play its role in the promotion of democracy and democratic values.

7A.7.2 Nature of threats

The following table sums up the nature of threats to journalists. The figure
demonstrates the results when journalists were asked in which form they received
threats i.e. killing, kidnapping or dire consequences.

Table 7.22 distribution of nature of threats

Types of threats Frequency Percentage

killing 16 12%

kidnapping 7 5%

Dire consequences 116 83%

Total 139 100%

Nature of threats
killing
12%
kidnapping
5%

dire consequences
83%

A high majority (83%) of the journalists who had faced with threats confirmed that
they received threats in the words “dire consequences” while 12% declared that the

445
threats were in the form of killing. Only 5% of the respondents affirmed that they
were threatened with the word “kidnapping”.

The findings indicate that the threatening agents use the word “dire consequences”
which means any possible method could be used for vengeance and that illustrate a
very terrifying condition of the substances.

7A.7.3 Targets of threatening agents

The table blow presents the targets of the threatening agents. The figure illustrates
the results when journalists were asked whether they were threatened for personal,
family or both to be targeted.

Table 7.23 Distribution of targets of threats

Targets of threatening agents Frequency Percentage

Only Journalist 100 75%

Family of Journalist 5 2%

Both Journalist and his or her family 30 23%

Total 135 100%

Both Journalist
and his or her
Tagets of the threats
family
22%
Family of Only
Journalist Journalist
4% 74%

A vast majority (74%) of the journalists declared that they have received threats in
personal position while 22% of the respondents affirmed that they have received
threats for their families. Only 4% of the journalists confirmed that they have received
threats for both.

446
The results indicate that journalists in personal position are under target. Threats in
any form is dreadful but family as a target for threats illustrate the very drastic facet
of the situation which needs high level and urgent measures to be taken for the
safety of journalists in the country.

7A.7.4 Sources of threats

The table below presents the agents behind threats to journalists and their share in
the threatening actions. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked
from whom they have received threats on account of their professional activities.

Table: 7.24 Distribution of the sources of threats

Actors behind the threats to

journalists Frequency Percentage

The governing Party 14 8%

The Opposition parties 11 6%

Establishment 18 11%

Law enforcement agencies 11 6%

Traffickers 12 7%

Land grabbers 10 6%

Militants 14 8%

Religious Groups 13 8%

Social Activists 3 2%

Economical Interest Groups 10 6%

Individuals 18 11%

Unknown 36 21%

Total 170 100%

447
 Sources of threats

The governing
The Opposition
Party
parties
8%
6%

Unknown
21% Establishment
11%

Individuals
11%

Militants Law
8% enforcement
Economical
Interest Groups agencies
6% 6%
Land grabbers
Religious Groups
6% Traffickers
Social Activists 8%
7%
2%

Journalists are under threats in the lines of their duties from nearly all the sections of
the society because of the presence of high intolerance for press’s criticism. Threats
from unknown sources top (21%) the rests followed by influential individuals and
establishment at 11% each. The governing party, militants and religious groups are
on the third number making a share for 8% each. Seven percent of threats come
from traffickers while the opposition parties, the law enforcement agencies, the land
grabbers and the economic interests groups are threatening journalists at 6%
sharing each. Two percent of the threatened journalists named social activists
groups for threatening them.

448
7A.7.5 Geographical frequency of threats

The table and figure below present the geographical distribution of the threats that
journalists have received for their professional activities in the field.

Table: 7.25 Geographical distribution of threats to

journalists

Clusters Frequency Percentage

Sindh 63 37%

Baluchistan 23 14%

Islamabad and
Rawalpindi 31 18%

KPK 26 15%

Punjab 27 16%

Total 170 100%

Geographical position of threats

Punjab
16%
Sindh
KPK 37%
15%
Isl+Rwl
18%

Baluchistan
14%

Regarding threats to journalists, the province of Sindh tops the other four clusters at
37% followed by the twin cities, Islamabad and Rawalpindi at 18%. Punjab, KPK and
Baluchistan are sharing threats to journalists for 16%, 15% and 14% respectively.

449
The results reveal that journalists in Sindh and the capital area are more under
threats as compared to Punjab, KPK and Baluchistan.

7A.7.6 Frequency of filinling reports against threats

The following table and chart illustrate the report registering trend of the journalists
after they received threats in connection with their professional works.

Table: 7.26 Distribution of complaints registered against

threats

Trend of registering
complaints Frequency Percentage

Registered complaints
against threats 74 55%

Didn't registered complaints 61 45%

Total 135 100%

Complaints registering trend

Didn't
registeredcomplai
nts Registered
45% complaints
against threats
55%

Slightly more than half (55%) of the threatened journalists registered complaints
against the threats while slightly less (45%) didn’t registered complaints.

450
The findings show that although the ratio of registering complaints is high but still the
45% negative trend is shocking and indicates a low trust in the rule of law or high
level of negligence in the journalists’ community.

7A.7.7 First step of action in emergency (threats)

The table and figure below present the first step of action of the threatened
journalists who wanted to register a complaint after they received threats.

Table: 7.27 Distribution of first step action about threats

Hope for remedies Frequency Percentage

Police 41 45%

Court 5 5%

Employer 9 10%

Editor 37 40%

Total 92 100%

First step actions in emergency

Editor Police
40% 45%

Employer Court
10% 5%

Slightly less than half (45%) of the complaints were registered with police for as a
first action against the threats followed by the editor at 40%. Ten percent complaints

451
were registered with the employers while only 5% complaints were registered in the
courts.

These findings illustrate the expectations of the journalists on safety mitigations

measures. The results urge to establish a proper mechanism that track, record and
redress threats to journalists.

7A.7.8 Frequency of responses to complaints about threats

The following table and figure illustrate the frequency of responses to the complaints
after they were registered with police, editors, employers and courts.

Table: 7.28 Distribution of responses to complaints

Responses to Complaints Frequency Percentage

Complaints got responses 48 65%

Didn't got responses 26 35%

Total 74 100%

Responses to the complaints

Didn't got
responses
35%

Compliants got
responses
65%

Majority (65%) of the complaints got responses while 35% complaints were not been
responded.

The findings indicate that even after being registered 35% of the complaints of the
threatened journalists were not responded. The situation again needs to establish a

452
better management process for threatened journalists to register the threats and to
get prompt redresses.

7A.7.9 Frequency of satisfaction after responses to complaints about

threats

The following table and figure present the levels of satisfaction of journalists after
responses to the complaints they had registered.

Table: 7.29 Distribution of satisfaction got after responses

Level of satisfaction after responses Frequency Percentage

Complainer got full satisfaction 24 32%

Complainer got partial satisfaction 17 23%

complainer didn't got satisfaction 33 45%

Total 74 100%

Levels of satisfaction after responses

compalinee didn't Complainee got
got satisfaction full satistfaction
45% 32%

Complainee got
partial
satistfaction
23%

Slightly less than half (45%) of the journalists were satisfied over the responses they
got from the police, editors, employers and courts. Thirty two percent got full
satisfaction while 25% were partially satisfied.

453
The results once again urge a proper and result oriented mechanism for the threats
related issues to be resolved.

7A.7.10 Impacts of threats on the working capacities of journalist

The table and figure below summarize the impacts of threats to journalists on the
working capacities of journalists after been threatened on account of their
professional activities.

Table: 7.30 Distribution of impacts of threats

Impacts of threats Frequency Percentage

Fully affected working capacities 42 31%

Partially affected 29 22%

Didn't affect 64 47%

Total 135 100%

Impacts of threats on the capacities of

threatened journalists
Fully affected
working capacities
Didn't affect 31%
47%

Partially affected
22%

Slightly less than half (47%) of the threatened journalists affirmed that the threats
didn’t affect their working capacities but 31% declared that the threats fully affected
their working capacities and 22% denoted that their capacities were partially affected
after been threatened.

The findings reveal that threats affect the capacities of journalists and safety
measure on emergency basis are necessary to be taken for better results.

454
7A.8 Physical harassments of journalists

This section presents findings of the existence, nature, sources, geographical

distribution and impacts of physical harassments of journalists on account of their
professional activities.

7A.8.1 Frequency of Physical harassments

The following table summarizes the distribution of physical harassments faced by

journalists in the lines of their duty. The figure illustrates the results when the
sampled journalists were asked whether they have faced with physical harassments
on account of duty in the filed of journalism.

Table: 7.31 Distribution of physical harassments of journalists

Confession of Physical
harassment Frequency Percentage

Physically harassed 44 14%

Not been harassed 276 86%

Total 320 100%

Physical harassments faced by journalists

Physically harassad
14%

Not been harassed

86%

High majority (86%) of the journalists affirmed that they have not faced with physical
harassments on account of their professional activities while 14% declared that they
have faced with physical harassments for their journalistic works.

455
7A.8.2 Nature of Physical harassments

The table below presents distribution of the nature of physical harassments

journalists have faced with for journalistic jobs. The figure illustrates the results when
physically harassed journalists were asked the nature of harassments they have
faced in the lines of their duty.

Table: 7.32 Distribution of the nature of physical

harassments

Nature of Physical harassments Frequency Percentage

Got injured 12 27%

Beaten 21 48%

Scolded 11 25%

Total 44 100%

Nature of physical harassments

Scolded
25% Got injured
27%

Beaten
48%

Slightly less than half (48%) of the physical harassments were in the form of beating,
twenty seven percent were in the form of injuries and 25% of the harassments were
of scolding nature.

Findings reveal a very drastic picture of the media environment. Physical

harassments where journalists were beaten and got injuries for the sake of their
professional activities urges prompt action to be taken for the safety of journalists.

456
7A.8.3 Sources of Physical harassments

The following table presents the actors behind the physical harassments of
journalists and their share in atrocities. The figure demonstrates the results when
journalists were asked about the agents who physically harassed them.

Table 7.33 Distribution of sources of physical harassments of

journalists

Actors behind physical harassments of

journalists Frequency Percentage

The governing parties 9 14%

Opposition parties 4 6%

Establishment 4 6%

Law enforcement agencies 14 23%

Traffickers 1 2%

Land grabbers 5 8%

Militants 6 10%

Religious Groups 8 13%

Social Activists 2 3%

Economical Interest Groups 1 2%

Individuals 3 5%

Unknown 5 8%

Total 62 100%

457
 Sources of physical harassments of
journalists

Economical
Interest Groups The governing
2% Individuals
parties
5% 14%
Social Activists Unknown
3% 8%
Opposition
parties
6%
Religious Groups
13%

Militants Law enforcement

10% agencies
23%

Establishment
6%
Land grabbers Traffickers
8% 2%

Law enforcement agencies are on the top at 23% in the sources of physical
harassments of journalists followed by the governing parties at 14% and by the
religious groups at 13%. Militants are on the fourth stage for 10% while land
grabbers and unknown sources behind the physical harassments are at 8% each.
Opposition parties and civil establishment are at 6% regarding physical harassments
of journalist followed by individuals at 5%. Social activists groups at 3% and
economic interests groups and traffickers make a share of 2% each.

Law enforcement agencies as sources of physical harassments of journalists for

their professional activities and governing parties are alarming and need to be
addressed urgently for the safety of journalists.

458
7A.8.4 Geographical frequency of Physical harassments

The table and figure below present the geographical distribution of physical
harassments of journalists for their professional activities.

Table: 7.34 Distribution of geographical existence of

physical harassments of journalist

Physically
Clusters harassed Percentage

Sindh 38 61%

Baluchistan 8 13%

Islamabad and Rawalpindi 6 10%

KPK 2 3%

Punjab 8 13%

Total 62 100%

Geographical position of physical

harassments
Punjab
KPK
13%
3%
Islamabad and
Rawalpindi
10% Sindh
61%
Baluchistan
13%

More than half (61%) of incidents of physical harassments of journalists were

confessed in the province of Sindh followed by Punjab and Baluchistan at 13% each.

459
Ten percent share was made by Islamabad Rawalpindi while KPK remained at 3%
regarding physical harassments of journalists.

Findings reveal that in the province of Sindh, journalists are facing with physical
harassments more than the other regions of the country.

7A.8.5 Frequency of filing complaints against physical harassments

The following table presents the reporting trend in journalists after been physically
harassed. The figure illustrates the results when the affected journalists were asked
whether they registered a complaint after they faced the physical harassments.

Table:7.35 Distribution complaints registrations

against physical harassments

Trend for registering

complaints Frequency Percentage

Registered complaints 22 50%

Didn't register 22 50%

total 44 100%

Levels of registering complaint agaisnt

physical harassments

Registered
Didn't register complaints
50% 50%

Half of the affected journalists registered complaints while half didn’t register any
complaint against the physical harassments they faced with in the lines of their duty.

460
The findings indicate a low trust in the rule of law or the high level of negligence in
the journalist community. The trend needs to taken as a significant group for
measurements regarding the safety of journalists in the country.

7A.8.6 First step of action in emergency (Physical harassments)

The table below represents the first step action of the affected journalists. The figure
illustrates the results when the affected journalists were inquired that with whom the
complaints they registered.

Table:7.36 Distribution of complaints registering

institutions

Where complaints were

registered Frequency Percentage

Police 17 61%

Court 1 3%

Employer 2 7%

Editor 8 29%

Total 28 100%

First step action of journalists after

been harassed physically
Editor
29%
Police
Employer 61%
7% Court
3%

More than half (61%) of the complaints were registered with police by journalists
after they were physically harassed while 29% of the complaints came to the editors.

461
Seven percent of the affected journalists sought remedy with the employer and only
3% complainants of physical harassments knocked the door of the court.

7A.8.7 Frequency of responses to complaints about Physical

harassments

The following table presents the distribution of the responses to complaints

registered by journalists after they were physically harassed in the lines of their
duties. The figure illustrates the results when the affected journalists were asked
about the responses they received after complaints.

Table:7.37 Distribution of responses to complaints against

physical harassments

Levels of responses to complaints Frequency Percentage

Complaints were responded 17 77%

Complaints were not responded 5 23%

Total 22 100%

Responses to compliants of physical

harassments
Complaints
were not
responded
23% Complaints
were responded
77%

High majority (77%) of the complaints got responses while 23% of the complaints
about the physical harassments of journalists were not responded.

462
The situation is better but there should be 100% response rate because the matter is
very important for the freedom of press and the safety of journalists that needs a
proper mechanism to redress the issue.

7A.8.8 Frequency of satisfaction after responses to complaints about

Physical harassments

The table below presents distribution of satisfaction over the responses journalists
received after they registered complaint about the physical harassments they faced
on account of their professional activities. The figure illustrates the results when
journalists were asked about the level of their satisfaction after they received
responses to their complaints.

Table: 7.38 Distribution of satisfactions over responses to

complaints of physical harassments

Level of satisfaction after response to complaint Frequency Percentage

Fully satisfied 4 24%

Partially Satisfied 8 47%

Not satisfied 5 29%

Total 17 100%

Levels of satisfaction after responses

to complaints about physical…
Not satisfied Fully satisfied
29% 24%

Partially
Satisfied
47%

Slightly less than half (47%) of the complainants who received responses were
partially satisfied while 24% were fully satisfied with the responses. Twenty nine

463
percent of the affected journalists who made complaints and got responses were not
satisfied with the situation.

The findings reveal that proper forum is needed to be established to redress such
type of harassments which is highly necessary for the safety of journalists.

7A.8.9 Impacts of Physical harassments on the working capacities of

journalists

The table below presents the impacts of physical harassments on the professional
capacities of journalists after they were faced with. The figure illustrates the results
when the affected journalists were asked whether the objectivity of their professional
works was affected after they were physically harassed for their official duties.

Table:7.39 Distribution of the impacts of physical harassments of

journalists

Impacts of physical harassment on working

capacities Frequency Percentage

Fully affected working capacities 10 23%

Partially affected working capacities 21 45%

Didn't affect 13 29%

Total 44 100%

Impacts of physical harassments on the

professional capacities of journalists
Fully affected
Didn't affect
working
29%
capacities Partially affected
23% working
capacities
48%

Slightly less than half (48%) of the affected journalists of the physical harassments
affirmed that the incidents partially affected their professional capacities while 23%

464
denoted that their capacities were fully affected after they faced with physical
harassments. Twenty nine percent of the affected journalists declared that the
incidents didn’t affect their professional activities and their values.

7A.9 Factors increasing threats to journalists

This section presents the factors increasing the level of threats to journalists, their
origins, their grounds and impacts on the professional capacities of working
journalists.

7A.9.1 Political affiliation of journalists

The table below summarizes the distribution of perceptions of sampled journalists

about the political affiliations of journalists. The figure illustrates the results when the
respondents were asked whether journalists in Pakistan have political affiliations.

Table: 7.40 Distribution of perceptions about political affiliations

of journalists

Level of political affiliation of working journalists Frequency Percentage

Journalists has full political affiliations 85 27%

Journalists are partially affiliated with political parties 209 65%

Journalists have no political affiliations 12 4%

Have no idea 14 4%

Total 320 100%

465
 Journalists
has no Political affiliations
political Journalists are
affiliations fully affiliated
4% politcal parties
28%

Journalists are
partially
affiliated
withnpolitical
parties
68%

A vast majority (68%) of the respondents declared that journalists in Pakistan are
partially affiliated with political parties while28% affirmed that they are fully affiliated
with politics. Only 4% denoted that Journalists have no political affiliations.

7A.9.2 Impacts of political affiliation of journalists on professionalism

The following table presents the distribution of the perceptions about the impact of
political affiliations on the objectivity of journalistic works. The figure illustrates the
results when the respondents were asked whether political affiliations affect the
professional objectivity of journalists.

Table: 7.41 Distribution of the impacts of political affiliations of

journalists

Strength of impacts of political affiliations of journalists on

the objectivity of journalism Frequency Percentage

Fully affect objectivity of journalism 117 40%

Partially affect objectivity 168 57%

Have no impact on the objectivity 9 3%

Total 294 100%

466
 Have no
impact on Impacts of political affiliations
the
objectivity Fully affect
3% objectivity of
journalism
40%
Partially affect
objectivity
57%

More than half of the respondents declared that political affiliations partially affect the
objectivity of journalism while 40% affirmed that political affiliations fully affect the
professionalism. Only 3% of the respondents denoted that political affiliation have no
impacts on the professional activities of journalists.

The findings reveal that political affiliation badly affect the objectivity of the
professional works of journalists in Pakistan and making their job biased and partial.

7A.9.3 Political affiliation of journalists and threats to journalists

The following table sums up perceptions about the correlation between the political
affiliations of journalists and threats to journalists. The figure illustrates the results
when journalists were asked whether political affiliation of journalists increases
threats to journalists.

Table:7.42 Distribution of correlation between political affiliations of

journalists and threats to journalists

Correlation of political affiliation of journalists and

threats to journalists Frequency Percentage

Political affiliation fully increase threats to journalists 98 33%

Political affiliation partially increase threats 179 61%

Political affiliation has no correlation with threats to journalists 17 6%

Total 294 100%

467
 Political
Corelation between political affiliation has
no
affilaitions and threats correlation…
Political Political
affiliation affilation fully
partially increase threats
increase… to journalists…

A vast majority (61%) of the respondents declare that political affiliations of

Journalists partially increase threats to journalists while 33% affirmed that threats are
fully increased by political affiliations of journalists. Only 6% of the respondents
denoted that political affiliation have no concern with the threats to journalists.

It is important to note that political affiliation of journalists is a security risk in

Pakistan. The results affirmed that political affiliation has correlation with threats to
journalists. The findings urge the situation to be considered while planning for safety
of journalists in Pakistan.

7A.9.4 Joining journalism for to promote vested interests

The following table summarizes conceptions of respondents regarding the joining

journalism as a profession for to protect and promote vested interests. The figure
illustrates the results when the respondents were asked whether journalists in
Pakistan join journalism for to protect vested interests.

Table:7.43 Distribution of perceptions about joining journalism for vested

interests

Levels of joining journalism for vested interests Frequency Percentage

Journalists join the profession fully for vested interest 108 34%

Partially for vested interests 168 52%

Not for vested interests 18 6%

have no idea 26 8%

Total 320 100%

468
 Not for
vested Joing journalism for vested interests
interests
Journalists join
6%
the profession
fully for vested
interest
Partially for 37%
vested interests
57%

More than half (57%) of the respondents affirmed that journalists join journalism
partially for vested interests while 37% declared that they join journalism fully for
vested interests. only 6% of the respondents denoted that journalist don’t join
journalism for vested interests whereas 8% respondents told that they have no idea
about the situation.

7A.9.5 Establishment of media organization for gaining vested interests

The table below summarizes perceptions about the establishment of media

organizations for vested interests to be protected and promoted. The figure
illustrates the results when respondents were asked whether owners of the media
outlets have vested interests to be promoted in the name of press.

Table:7.44 Distribution of perceptions about establishing media

organizations for vested interests

Level of other interests in the name of media Frequency Percentage

Media business is used fully for other interests 162 50%

Partially for other interests 121 38%

Media business is not used for other interests 9 3%

Have no idea 28 9%

Total 320 100%

469
 Establishing medai organizations for Media business
is not used for
vested interests other interests
3%

Partially for
other interests Media business
41% is used fully for
other interests
56%

More than half of the respondents declared that media organizations were
established fully for vested interests while 41% affirmed partial vested interests
behind the establishment of media organizations. Only 3% of the journalists denoted
that there were no such aims behind the media outlets.

7A.9.7 Using journalism for vested interests and threats to journalists

The table below summarizes perceptions of the respondents about impacts of joining
journalism for vested interests on the levels of threats to journalists. The figure
illustrates results when journalists were asked whether joining journalism for vested
interests increase threats to journalists.

Table:7.45 Distribution of correlation between vested interests and threats to

journalists

Correlation between working for other interests and

threats to journalists Frequency Percentage

working for other interests fully increases threats to journalists 133 47%

Partially increase threats 138 49%

Have no correlation 12 4%

Total 283 100%

470
 Vested interests and threats to journalists

Have no
correlation
4% working for other
interests fully
increases thrats to
journalists
Partially increase 47%
threats
49%

Slightly less than half (47%) of the respondents declared that working for vested
interest in the name of journalism fully increase threats to journalists while 49%
affirmed that working for vested interest in the name of journalism partially increase
threats to journalist. Only 4% of the respondents denoted that working for vested
interest in the name of journalism has no impact on threats to journalists.

Findings reveal that working for vested interests in the name of journalism increase
threats to journalists and the owners of media organizations are involved in such
practices which indicate that the media environment in Pakistan is the biased and
non professional in its nature and create threats for journalists and freedom of press.

7A.10 Non professional pressure on journalists

This section presents findings about the non professional pressure on journalists for
intervention in the content.

7A.10. 1 Frequency of non professional pressures on journalists

The table below summarizes the levels of non professional pressure on journalists.
The figure illustrates the results when sampled journalists were asked whether they
were working under pressure.

471
 Table: 7.46 Distribution of non-professional pressures on
journalists

Level of pressures on journalists on account of

their professional work Frequency Percentage

Journalists are working under full pressure 123 39%

Journalists are working under partial pressure 170 53%

There is no pressure in the working environment for

journalists 13 4%

Have no idea 14 4%

Total 320 100%

There is no
Non-professional pressures on pressure in
the working
journalists environment
for…
Journalists Journalists
are working are working
under partial under full
pressure pressure
56% 40%

More than half (56%) of the journalists declared that they were working under partial
pressure while 40% confessed that they were under full pressure. Only 4% denoted
that there is no non professional pressure in the media environment.

Findings indicate that journalists are working in tensed condition of non-professional

pressure for intervention in the media content from interests groups.

7A.11 Arrests of journalists

This section presents findings of arrests of the journalists in the lines of their duties.
It also presents the reality and legality of the custodies of journalists and the sources
behind the engineered arrests.

472
7A.11.1 Frequency of police custodies of journalists

The following table sums up the distribution of the arrests of journalists on account of
their professional activities. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were
asked whether they have been arrests in the lines of their duties.

Table :7.47 Distribution of arrests of journalists

Strength of arrests of journalists Frequency Percentage

Arrested 14 4%

Not arrested 306 96%

Total 320 100%

Arrested
Arrests of journalists 4%

Not arrested
96%

High majority (96%) of the journalists affirmed that they had not been arrests on
account of their journalistic activities while only 4% declared that they had faced
arrests for their duties.

Findings indicate that the situation is better but there should be zero arrests of
journalists to work safely and confidentially for the betterment of democracy.

7A.11.2 Frequency of legal status behind the arrests

The table below presents the distribution of laws used for the arrests of journalists
whiles on duty in the field. The figure illustrates the results when the affected
journalists were asked about the laws under which they were arrested.

473
Table7.48 Distribution of legal position of arrests of journalists

Laws under which journalists were

arrested Frequency Percentage

Public Safety Act 0 0%

security of Pakistan Act 0 0%

Special Power Act 0 0%

Martial Law Regulations 4 34%

Defamation 2 13%

PEMRA Ordinance 0 0%

Other 2 13%

With no Charges 6 40%

Total 14 100%

Legality of arrests
security of
Public Safety Pakistan Act
0% Special Power Act
Act 0%
0% Martial Law
Regulations
With no Charges 29%
43%

Defamation
PEMRA 14%
Other
Ordinance
14%
0%

474
Slightly half (43%) of the affected journalists declared that they were arrested with no
charges following by marshal law regulations at 29% and defamation and others at
14% each.

Arrests of journalists imposing no charges against them indicate a very grim situation
about the abductions and intimidations. The findings urge necessary actions to be
planned and measurements to be taken in this regards.

7A.11.3 Legality behind custodies

The following table presents the legality of the police custody of the journalists. The
figure illustrates the results when the affected journalists were asked whether they
were kept for more duration than legally allowed under custody.

Table:7.49 Distribution of legality of the custody of journalists

Whether kept more than legal duration under

custody Frequency Percentage

Kept more than legal duration under custody 9 64%

Not kept more than legal duration 5 36%

Total 14 100%

Lagality of cutody
Not kept more
than legal
duration Kept more than
36% legal duration
under custody
64%

Majority (64%) of the affected journalists affirmed that they were kept for more time
than legal duration of custody while 36% denoted that their time under custody was
within the legally defined duration.

475
Once again the findings indicate a very bad situation of the rule of law in the law
enforcements department of the country which needs to be considered as a
significant factor for the safety of journalists.

7A.11.4 Frequency of reality behind arrests

The table below summarizes the realities behind the arrests of journalists. The figure
demonstrates the results when the affected journalists were asked whether they
were arrested under real offence or their arrests were made on the instructions of
someone to pressurize them.

Table:7.50 Distribution of justification of the arrests of

journalists

Legal position of the arrests of journalists Frequency Percentage

Arrested under real offence 2 14%

Arrests were engineered 12 86%

Total 14 100%

Justification of arrests Arrested under

real offence
14%

Arrests were
engineered
86%

High majority (86%) of the affected journalists declared that their arrests were
engineered and were made by the instruction of interest’s individuals or groups while
only 14% said that they were arrested for real offences.

Findings reveal that interests groups are constantly and very trickily use the
governmental machinery for the fulfillments of their vested designs. The situation

476
needs to be addressed more critically for the safety of journalists and press freedom
in this regard.

7A.11.5 Sources behind engineered custodies

The following table represents the sources behind the engineered arrests of
journalists.

Table: 7.51 Distribution of sources behind engineered arrests of journalists

Actors who engineered the arrests of

journalists Frequency Percentage

The governing Party 2 17%

The opposition party 1 8%

Establishment 1 8%

Law enforcement agencies 4 34%

Trafficker 0 0%

Land-grabbers 1 8%

Religious groups 0 0%

Social activists 0 0%

Economical interest groups 0 0%

Employer 0 0%

Individual 0 0%

Unknown 3 25%

Total 12 100%

477
 Individual
0% Sources of engineered arrests The governing
Unknown Party
Employer 17%
25%
0%
The opposition
Economical party
interest groups Religious
0% groups Establishment 8%
Social 0% 8%
activists Land- Law enforcement
0% grabbers Trafficker agencies
8% 0% 34%

Law enforcement agencies top the engineered arrests of journalists following by the
unknown at 25%. The governing parties are on the third place at 17% while the civil
establishment and the land grabbers are on the fourth stage for 8% part in the
engineered arrests of journalists for intimidations.

The situation is very alarming in the sense that the institutions that are responsible
for the security of citizens are involved in the intimidations journalists and needs
proper channel to be mended.

7A.12 Court trails of journalists

This section presents court’s matters of journalists, the frequency of trails faced, the
decisions of trail court and satisfaction over them.

7A.12.1 Frequency of court trails faced by journalists

The following table summarizes the distribution of court trails of the journalists. The
figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether they had faced any
trail in the court on account of their professional activities.

Table: 7.52 Distribution of court trails of journalists

Strength of court trails against journalists Frequency Percentage

Faced with court trails 36 11%

Didn't face 284 89%

Total 320 100%

478
 Court trails Faced with
court trails
11%

Didn't face
89%

High majority (89%) of the journalists declared that they had not ever faced
any court trail in connection with their professional activities while 11% affirmed that
they had faced.

7A.12.2 Frequency of sentences by court

The following table summarizes sentences by the courts to journalists. The figure
illustrates the results when the journalists who faced the trails were asked whether
they were sentenced by the court.

Table:7.53 Distribution of Court’s sentences to journalists

Level of court's sentences Frequency Percentage

Were sentenced by court 2 6%

Not sentenced 34 94%

Total 36 100%

479
 Were
Court's Decision sentenced
by court
6%

Not sentenced
94%

High majority (94%) of the journalists were not sentenced by the courts in their trails
regarding the professional activities while only 6% were sentenced.

7A.12 3 Frequency of satisfaction over court’s decisions

The following table and figure indicate the results when the journalists were asked
about their satisfaction over the court’s decisions in their trails in connection with
their professional activities.

Table:7.54 Distribution of satisfaction over court’s decisions

Level of satisfaction regarding court's decision Frequency Percentage

Satisfied with court's decision 29 81%

Not satisfied 7 19%

Total 36 100%

Satisfaction over court's decision

Not satisfied
19%

Satisfied with
court's decision
81%

High majority (81%) of the respondents were satisfied with the court’s decisions
while 19% were not.

480
7A.13 Economic harassments of journalists

This section presents the economic harassments of working journalists by the

owners of the media organizations and mental harassments of journalists by the
editors for non-professional line to be followed.

7A.13.1 Harassments by the owners of media organizations

The table below summarizes the distribution of the economic harassments of

journalists by their employers. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were
asked whether they had faced terminations or termination as threat from their
employers for not following their non professional lines of interests.

Table: 7.55 Distribution of economic harassments by employers

Strength of economical harassments by employers Frequency Percentage

Were harassed economically by employer 42 13%

were not harassed 278 87%

Total 320 100%

Economic harassments by employers Were

harassed
economically
by employer
13%

were not
harassed
87%

High majority (87%) of the journalists declared that they had not faced any economic
harassment from their employers while 13% affirmed owner’s pressure for their lines
to be followed.

481
7A.13.2 Harassments by the editor as a head of media organization

The table below presents the distribution of mental harassments of working

journalists by their editor as a head of the media outlet. The figure illustrates the
results when journalists were asked whether they had faced mental harassments
from their editor for their non professional lines to be followed.

Table: 7.56 Distribution of mental harassments by the editors

Strength of mental harassments by editors Frequency Percentage

Were harassed mentally by editor 39 12%

were not harassed 281 88%

Total 320 100%

Were
Mental harassments by editors harassed
mentally
by editor
12%

were not
harassed
88%

High majority (88%) of the journalists were not mentally harassed by the editors
while 12% declared that they faced harassments for vested interests by the editors.

7A.14 Offering bribes for favoritism

This section presents the offers of bribes to journalists for favoritism and summarizes
frequency of their acceptance by journalists.

7A.14.1 Frequency of offering bribes for favoritism

The table below summarizes the distribution of offers of bribes to journalists for
favoritism. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether they
were offered bribes for favoritism.

482
 Table: 7.57 Distribution of offering bribes for favoritism

Level of bribes in the field if journalism for

favoritism Frequency Percentage

Tried to be bribed 138 43%

Not tried with bribes 182 57%

Total 320 100%

Bribe's offers for favoritism

Tried to be
bribed
Not tried with 43%
bribes
57%

Slightly more than half (57%) of the journalists affirmed that they not offered bribes
while 43% declared that they offered bribes for favoritism.

7A.14.2 levels accepting bribes for favoritism

The following table summarizes the confessions of journalists about the acceptance
of bribes for favoritism. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked
whether they ever accepted bribes for favoritism.

Table: 7.58 Distribution of bribes accepting for favoritism

Level of confession of Bribes for favoritism in

the field of journalism Frequency Percentage

Accepted bribes for favoritism 16 12%

Didn't accept 122 88%

Total 138 100%

483
 Accepted
Accepting bribes for favoritism bribes for
favoritism
12%

Didn't accept
88%

High majority (88%) of the respondents affirmed that they had never accepted bribes
for favoritism while 12% confessed the acceptance of bribes.

7A.15 Discriminations in media as workplace

This section presents the existence and natures of discriminations in media as

workplace.

7A.15.1 Frequency of faced discriminations

The table below summarizes the distribution of faced discrimination in media as

workplace. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether
they have faced with any discrimination in media as workplace.

Table: 7.59 Distribution of facing discrimination in media

Level of work place discrimination in

media Frequency Percentage

Faced with discrimination 83 26%

Didn't face 237 74%

Total 320 100%

484
 Facing with discriminations
Faced with
discrimination
26%

Didn't face
74%

A vast majority (74%) of the journalists declared that they have not faced any
discrimination in their field while 25% affirmed that they have faced with
discriminations in media as workplace.

7A.15.2 Frequency of observed discriminations

The following table presents the distribution of the observed discriminations in media
as workplace. The figure demonstrates the results when journalists were asked
whether they have observed any sort of discrimination in their field.

Table: 7.60 Distribution of observations of discrimination in media as

a work place

Strength of the existence of discriminations Frequency percentage

Observed discriminations 131 41%

didn't observe 189 59%

Total 320 100%

485
 Observations of discriminations

Observed
discriminations
41%
didn't observe
59%

More than half (59%) of journalists observed no discrimination in media as workplace

while 41% declared that they had observed discrimination in their field of work.

The findings reveal that although discrimination in the media as workplace is less
than half but the presences is proved which is a form of threat and pressure in the
workplace for journalists and urges to be considered as a significant group of
impacts for measurements to be taken for the improvements of safety conditions of
journalists

7A.15.3 Natures of discriminations

The following table presents distribution of the nature of discriminations observed or

faced by journalists in the media as workplace. The figure illustrates the results when
journalists were asked about the nature of discriminations they have faced or
observed.

486
 Table 7.61 Distribution of the natures of discriminations

Types of discriminations observed and faced in

media as a work place Frequency percentage

Gender based 48 23%

Religion based 11 5%

Language based 31 15%

Political thoughts based 50 24%

economical status based 26 12%

Social status based 18 8%

Educational level based 6 3%

Experience and skill level based 21 10%

Total 211 100%

Experience and
skill level based Natures of discriminations
10%
Educational
level based Gender based
3% 23%
Social status
based Religion based
8% 5%
economical
status based
12%
Political thoughts Language based
based 15%
24%

Discriminations on the basis of political thought top the rests at 24% followed by
Gender discrimination at 23% and at 15% by language based discriminations.
Twelve percent discriminations were observed on the basis of economical status,
10% on the basis of social status, 5% on the basis of religion and 3% on educational
basis.

487
Findings indicate very alarming situation about the nature of discriminations present
in media as workplace. Discrimination on the bases of political thought affirms that
the media environment is highly politicized while gender discrimination is alarming
for women journalists to join the profession of journalism.

7A.16 Safety of journalists

This section presents the safety level of journalists in the country.

7A.16.1 Safety levels of journalists

The table below summarizes the distribution of perceptions of sampled journalists

about the safety levels of journalists. The figure illustrates the results when
journalists were asked about the safety condition in the media environment for
journalists.

Table 7.62 Distribution of levels of safety of journalists

Level of safety for working journalists on account

of their professional activities Frequency Percentage

Journalists are completely safe 14 4%

Journalists are partially safe 111 35%

Journalists are un safe 189 59%

Have no idea 6 2%

Total 320 100%

Journalists
Levels of safety of journalists are
completely…
Journalists Journalists
are un safe are partially
60% safe…

Majority (60%) of journalists marked the media environment unsafe for journalists
while 35% of the respondents declared that journalists are partially safe on account

488
of their professional activities. Only 5% respondent affirmed that journalists are
completely safe.

The findings indicate that media environment is unsafe for journalists and the
situation urges proper mechanism and adequate measures to be taken for the safety
of journalists.

7A.17 Self-censorship in media

This section presents the frequency, reasons and satisfaction regarding the exercise
of self-censorship by journalist in the country.

7A.17.1 Frequency of self-censorship

The table below summarizes the distribution of self-censorship exercised by working

journalists. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether
they exercise self-censorship regarding their professional works.

Table 7.63 Distribution of self-censorship exercised by

journalists

Level of confession of self-censorship Frequency Percentage

Fully exercise self-censorship 154 48%

Partially exercise self-censorship 46 14%

Never exercised self-censorship 120 38%

Total 320 100%

489
 Self-censorship

Never exercised
Fully exercise
self-censorship
self-censorship
38%
48%

Partially exercise
self-censorship
14%

Slightly less than half (48%) of the journalists confessed that they fully exercise self-
censorship while 14% affirmed partial exercise of self-censorship for their journalistic
works. Thirty eight percent of the journalists declared that they had never exercised
self-censorship.

7A.17.2 Frequency of reasons behind self-censorship

The following table presents the distribution of reason behind the exercise of self-
censorship. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked why they
exercise self-censorship.

Table:7.64 Distribution of reasons behind self-censorship

Reasons behind the exercise of self-censorship and Frequenc Percentag

their strength y e

To avoid judicial constraints 105 45%

To avoid the anger of employer 43 18%

To avoid the threats 86 37%

Total 234 100%

490
 Reseaon behind self-censorship

To avoid the
threats To avoid judicial
37% constraints
45%

To avoid the anger

of employer
18%

Judicial constraints top the rests at 45% as reason confessed by journalist to

exercise self-censorship followed by to avoid threats at 37% and 18% to avoid the
anger of the employers.

7A.17.3 Frequency of satisfaction after exercising self-censorship

The table below summarizes the distribution of satisfactions of journalists after

applying censorship to their journalistic works. The figure demonstrates the results
about their satisfaction after they exercised self-censorship.

Table:7.65 Distribution of satisfaction after self-censorship

Level of satisfaction after exercising self-

censorship Frequency Percentage

Fully satisfied after applying censorship 77 38%

Partially satisfied 102 51%

Not satisfied even after applying censorship 21 11%

Total 200 100%

491
 Not satisfied
even after Satisfactions after self-censorship
applying
censorship
11%
Fully satisfied
after applying
censorship
38%

Partially satisfied
51%

Slightly more than half (51%) of the journalists were partially satisfied after they
applied censor to their works while 38% were fully satisfied but even then 11% were
not satisfied.

The situation reveals that journalists are exercising self-censorship to their works to
get safe and secure their jobs which not only indicate the unsafe media environment
and a fragile condition of job security but also deprive the public of their right to get
the real information.

7A.18 Consensus on present media laws in Pakistan

This section presents consensus on the needs for laws and regulation as a check on
the press, consensus of journalists on the present media laws, disagreements with
different laws and proposal about them.

7A.18.1 Frequency of consensus on laws and regulations for a check

on media

The table below summarizes distribution of consensus on the need of laws as a

check on the press. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked
whether laws are necessary as a check on the press.

492
 Table: 7.66 Distribution of consensus on legal check on the
press

Strength of consensus legal check on the

press Frequency Percentage

Agreed that there should be legal check on press 267 83%

Not agreed with 21 7%

Have no idea 32 10%

Total 320 100%

Not
agreed Consensus on legal check for media
with
7%

Agreed that
there should
be legal check
on press
93%

High majority (93%) of the journalists were found agreed with need of laws to check
the press for responsibility while only 7% were not agreed with.

7A.18.2 Frequency of consensus on the present media laws

The following table sums up the distribution consensus on the presents press laws in
the country. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether
they were agreed with the press law under exercise.

493
 Table:7.67 Distribution of consensus over presents media laws

Strength of consents regarding applicability of

current press laws Frequency Percentage

Current press laws are acceptable and valid 106 38%

Current press laws are not acceptable and not valid 174 62%

Total 280 100%

consensus on present media laws

Current press
laws are
acceptable and
valid
38%

Current press
laws are not
acceptable and
not valid
62%

Majority (62%) of journalists are not agree with the current press laws while 38% of
the respondents affirms their agreement on the press laws in exercise

7A.18.3 Frequency of disagreements on media laws

The table below presents the distribution of disagreements of journalists with current
press laws. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked about their
disagreement with different laws in exercise for the press in the country/

494
 Table:7.68 Distribution of disagreements over media laws

Level of disagreements on different press related laws Frequency Percentage

Public safety act 30 8%

Security act 35 9%

Special power act 36 10%

Martial law regulation 98 27%

defamation 33 9%

Blasphemy 17 4%

PEMRA 47 13%

Code of conduct (PEMRA) 32 9%

Press council 21 6%

Newspapers Ordinance 2002 17 5%

Total 366 100%

495
 Disagreements on media laws

Newspapers
Code of conduct Press council Ordinance 2002 Public safety act
(PEMRA) 6% 5% 8%
9% Security act
9%

Special
power act
PEMRA 10%
13%

Martial law
defamation regulation
9% 27%
Blasphemy
4%

High (37%) disagreement was found on Marshal Law seconded by PEMRA at 13%
Followed by Special power Act at 10%, Security of Pakistan at 9%, Codes of
Conduct (PEMRA) at 9%, Public Safety Act at 8%, Press Council at 6%, and
Newspapers Ordinance at 5% and Blasphemy at 4%.

Findings indicate that journalists have consensus on the need of laws and regulation
as a check on the press but they have some reservations and disagreements with
the current press laws.

7A.18.4 Frequency of proposals about the disagreed laws

The table below summarizes the distribution of proposal of journalists about the
current press laws they have disagreements with them. The figure illustrates the
results when the disagreed journalists were asked whether they the laws to be
amended or be annulled.

496
 Table: 7.69 Distribution of proposals for disagreed media laws

Strength of proposals for annulments or amendments in the

current press laws Frequency Percentage

Should be annulled 32 18%

Should be amended 120 69%

Have no idea 22 13%

Total 174 100%

Proposals for disagreed media laws

Should be
annulled
21%

Should be
amended
79%

A vast majority (79%) of the disagreed journalists marked that the laws should be
amended while 21% suggested annulments for the laws they have disagreements
with.

7A.19 Professional maturity of Pakistani press

This section presents the levels of professional maturity of the Pakistani Press.

7A.19.1 Frequency of perceptions on the maturity of Pakistani press

The table below sums up distribution of the perceptions of sampled journalists about
the professional maturity of Pakistani press. The figure illustrates the results when
journalists were asked whether Pakistani press is professionally mature.

497
 Table:7.70 Distribution of perception about the professional
maturity of Pakistani press

Level of professional maturity of the

press Frequency Percentage

The press is fully mature 75 23%

The press is partially mature 57 18%

The press in immature 184 58%

Have no idea 4 1%

Total 320 100%

Professional maturity of Pakistani

Media
The press is fully
mature
24%

The press is
immature
58% The press is
partially mature
18%

More than half (58%) of journalists declared that the press in Pakistan is
professionally immature. Twenty four percent of the journalists affirmed the press as
fully mature while 18% of the journalists affirmed that the press in Pakistan is
partially mature.

The findings reveal that the press in Pakistan is not professionally mature and the
situation urges very prompt and significant professional training for journalists to
meet the standards of the profession to play its role properly.

498
7A.20 Journalists organizations (PFUJ, CPNE and APNS)

This section presents perceptions about the role of journalists’ organizations for the
freedom of press and for the protection of journalists’ interests.

7A.20.1.1 Frequency of membership of Pakistan Federal Union of

Journalists (PFUJ)

The table below summarizes the distribution of membership of the PFUJ. The figure
illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether they are member of
Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists.

Table: 7.71 Distribution of membership’s strength of PFUJ

Strength of membership of Pakistan Federal

Union of Journalists Frequency Percentage

Member 166 52%

Not a member 154 48%

Total 320 100%

Membership of PFUJ
Not a
member Member
48% 52%

Slightly more than half (52%) of the journalists declared that they are member of
PFUJ while slightly less than half (48%) affirmed that they are not member of
Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists.

The findings indicate that the strength of membership is very low. Nearly half of the
journalists are not member of their representative organization where all the

499
journalists ought to be its member for better protection and promotion of journalists’
rights.

7A.20.1.2 Is PFUJ a representative organization of journalists?

The following table presents distribution of perceptions about the representative

status of PFUJ for the rights and interests of journalists. The figure demonstrates the
results when journalists were asked whether PFUJ is a representative organization
of journalists.

Table:7.72 Distribution of perceptions about the representative

status of PFUJ

Level of representative status of Pakistan Federal

Union of Journalist Frequency Percentage

PFUJ is a fully representative union of journalists 182 57%

PFUJ is partially a representative union of journalists 8 2%

PFUJ is not a representative union of journalists 63 20%

Have no idea 67 21%

Total 320 100%

Representative status of PFUJ

PFUJ is not a
representative
union of
journalists
25%
PFUJ is partially PFUJ is a fully
a representative representative
union of union of
journalists journalists
3% 72%

A vast majority (72%) of journalists affirmed that PFUJ is fully a representative

organization of working journalists while 3% declared the representative status of

500
PFUJ as partial. Twenty five percent of the journalists denoted that Pakistan Federal
Union of Journalists is not the representative body of working journalists.

7A.20.1.3 Frequency of perceptions of the PFUJ’s role for the interests

of journalists

The table below sums up the distribution of perceptions about the role of PFUJ for
the freedom of press. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked
whether PFUJ plays a role for the freedom of press.

Table:7.73 Distribution of perceptions about the role of PFUJ for press

freedom

Level of the role of Pakistan Federal Union of

Journalist for press freedom Frequency Percentage

Plays full role for the freedom of press 55 17%

Plays partial role for the freedom of press 154 48%

Plays no role 62 29%

Have no idea 49 15%

Total 320 100%

Role of PFUJ for press freedom

Plays no role
23%

Plays full role for

Plays partial role the freedom of
for the freedom press
of press 20%
57%

More than half (57%) of the journalists declared that PFUJ plays partial role for the
freedom of press while 20% affirmed that it plays full role. Twenty three percent of
the journalists were of the opinion that PFUJ plays no role for the freedom of press.

501
7A.20.1.4 Frequency of the affirmations of PFUJ’s role

The table below summarizes the distribution of the confessions made by journalists
about the role of PFUJ in their personal professional constraints. The figure
illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether PFUJ had played any role
in their personal profession related hurdles.

Table:7.4 Distribution of confessions about workings of PFUJ for

journalists

Strength of confessions of the role played by PFUJ

for journalists regarding professional constraints Frequency Percentage

PFUJ has played role 26 7%

Has not played 177 46%

Have not consulted 177 47%

Total 320 100%

502
 workings of PFUJ for journalists
PFUJ has played
role
7%

Have not consulted

47%
Has not played
46%

Slightly less than half (47%) of the journalists didn’t consult PFUJ for their
professional constraints while 46% declared that the organization has played no role
for their personal journalistic hurdles. Only 7% affirmed the role played by PFUJ in
their personal but professional related problems.

The findings indicate that Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists is a representative

organization of journalists but its membership is very limited and its role is not
satisfactory for the freedom of press and for the professional constraints of working
journalists. The results urge that the membership should be opened for all working
journalists and the organization should play its proper and necessary role for the
freedom of press and for the safety and protection of journalists’ rights and interests.

7A.20.2.1 Frequency of the role of Council of Newspapers Editors

(CPNE) for press freedom

The following table summarizes the distribution of perceptions of sampled journalists

about the role of Council of Newspapers Editors (CPNE) for the freedom of press.
The figure illustrates the results when the respondents were asked whether CPNE
plays its role for press freedom.

503
 Table:7.75 Distribution of perceptions about the role of CPNE for
press freedom

Levels of perceptions about the role of Council of

Pakistan Newspapers Editor for the freedom of press Frequency Percentage

CPNE plays full roe for press freedom 36 11%

CPNE plays partial roe for press freedom 107 34%

Plays no role 97 30%

Have no idea 80 25%

Total 320 100%

Role of CPNE for press freedom

CPNE plays full
roe for press
freedom
15%

Plays no role
40%

CPNE plays partial

roe for press
freedom
45%

Slightly less than half (45%) of the journalists affirmed partial role of CPNE for press
freedom while 15% declared that CPNE plays full role for the freedom of press but
40% denoted that CPNE plays no role for the press freedom.

504
7A.20.2.2 Frequency of inclinations of CPNE towards the employer’s
interests

The table below sums up the distribution of perceptions about the inclination of
CPNE towards the owners’ interests. The figure illustrates the results when
journalists were asked whether CPNE works to safeguard the owners’ interests.

Table:7.76 Distribution of perceptions about the interests of CPNE

Level of CPNE's inclination towards the owner's

interests Frequency Percentage

CPNE fully safeguards the owner's interests 146 45%

CPNE partially safeguards the owner's interests 85 26%

Doesn't 22 7%

Have no idea 67 21%

Total 320 100%

Interests inclinations of CPNE

Doesn't
9%
CPNE partially
safeguards the
owner's interests
33% CPNE fully
safeguards the
owner's interests
58%

Majority (58%) of journalists affirmed the full inclination of CPNE toward the owners’
interests while 33% declared its inclination as partial. Only 9% of the respondents
denoted that CPNE doesn’t work to safeguard the owners’ interests.

505
7A.20.2.3 Frequency of the role of CPNE for the interests of journalists

The following table presents the distribution of perceptions about the role of CPNE
for the interests of working journalists. The figure illustrates the results when
journalists were asked whether that was necessary for CPNE to play its role for the
interests of working journalists.

Table:7.77 Distribution of consensuses on the role of CPNE for

the interests of journalists

Levels of consensus on the role of CPNE to work

for the interests of journalists Frequency Percentage

CPNE should work for the interests of journalists 213 67%

CPNE shouldn't work for the interests of journalists 29 9%

Its unnecessary for CPNE to work for the interests of

journalists 10 3%

Have no idea 68 21%

Total 320 100%

Its unnecessary
CPNE works for journalist's interests for CPNE to
CPNE shouldn't work for the
work for the interests of
interests of journalists
journalists 4%
11%

CPNE should work

for the interests of
journalists
85%

High majority (85%) of the respondents urged CPNE to play its role for the interests
of working journalists while 11% of the journalists declared CPNE shouldn’t work for
working journalists. Only 4% of the respondents denoted that that was unnecessary
for CPNE to work for the interests of journalists.

506
Findings reveal that Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editor (CPNE) plays role for
the freedom of press but it has high inclination towards the interests of the owners of
the media organization while it is highly insisted that it should do work for the
interests of the working journalists.

7A.20.2.4 Frequency of consensus on the owner editors

The table below summarizes consensus on the owner editors of publications. The
figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether the owners should
be the editors of their publications.

Table:7.78 Distribution consensuses on the owner editors

Levels of consensus for owner editors Frequency Percentage

Owners shouldn't be the editor of a

publication 209 65%

Owners should be the editor of a

publication 16 5%

Have no impact 27 9%

Have no idea 68 21%

Total 320 100%

Have no Consensuses on owner editors

impact
11%

Owners should
Owners
be the editor
shouldn't be
of a
the editor of a
publication…
publication…

High majority (83%) of the responded declared that owners shouldn’t be the editor s
of their publications while only 6% agreed with the owner editor’s pattern. Eleven
percent of the journalists denoted that it has impact that an editor is the owner or not.

507
Finding suggests that the owners shouldn’t be the editor of the publications because
it is generally held opinion that the interests of both the institution have clashes and
the owners usually prefer economic interests on the professional standards.

7A.20.3.1 Frequency of the role of All Pakistan Newspapers Society

(APNS) for press freedom

The following table sums up perceptions about the role of All Pakistan Newspapers
Society (APNS) for the freedom of press. The figure illustrates the results when
journalists were asked whether APNS plays role for press freedom.

Table: 7.79 Distribution of role of APNS for press freedom

Levels of the role of APNS for the freedom of

press Frequency Percentage

APNS plays full role for the freedom of press 19 6%

APNS plays partial role for the freedom of press 133 41%

Plays no role 92 29%

Have no idea 76 24%

Total 320 100%

APNS plays
Role of APNS for press freedom full role for
the freedom
of press
Plays no role 8%
38%
APNS plays
partial role for
the freedom of
press
54%

More than half (54%) of the journalists affirmed that APNS plays partial role for press
freedom while 8% declared the role as full. Thirty eight percent denoted that APNS
plays no role for the freedom of press.

508
7A.20.3.2 Frequency of consensus on the interests of APNS

The table below summarizes the distribution of perceptions about the interests of the
APNS. The figure illustrates the results when journalists were asked whether APNS
only works for the interests of the owners of media organizations.

Table:7.80 Distribution of interests of APNS

Levels of the interests of APNS Frequency Percentage

APNS fully works for the interests of the owners of

publications 167 52%

APNS partially works for the interests of the owners of

publications 57 18%

Doesn't work only for owners 10 3%

Have no idea 86 27%

Total 320 100%

APNS partially Doesn't work

works for the Interests of APNS only for owners
interests of the 4%
owners of
publications
24%

APNS fully works for

the interests of the
owners of
publications
72%

A vast majority (72%) of the respondents affirmed that APNS fully works for the
interests of the owners of publications while 24% declared that as partial. Four
percent of the sampled journalists denoted that APNS doesn’t work only for the
owner’s interests.

509
7A.20.3.3 Frequency of consensuses on the role of APNS to play for
journalists

The following table presents the distribution of consensuses of respondents on the

APNS’s role for the interests of working journalists. The figure illustrates the results
when journalists were asked whether APNS should work for the interests of
journalists.

Table:7.81 Distribution consensuses on the working of APNS for

journalists

Levels of consensus on APNS ‘s work for the

interests of journalists Frequency Percentage

APNS should work for the interests of journalists 211 66%

APNS shouldn't work for the interests of journalists 32 10%

un necessary for APNS to work for journalists 7 2%

Have no idea 70 22%

Total 320 100%

510
 unnecessary for
APNS shouldn't APNS's working for journalists APNS to work
work for the for journalists
interests of 3%
journalists
13%

APNS should work

for the interests of
journalists
84%

High majority (84%) of the respondents urged APNS’s role for the interests of
working journalists while 13% denoted that APNS shouldn’t work for the interests of
journalists. Only 3% were of the opinion that that was unnecessary for APNS to work
for journalists.

The findings indicate that All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) plays role for the
freedom of press but it mostly works for the safeguard of the interests of the owners
of the publications. Whereas it is highly recommended that the Society should do
work for the interests of working journalists which will improve the status of press
freedom and will help in development of the capacities of journalists

7A.21 Future of the press in Pakistan

This section presents expectations of the working journalists about the future of
press in Pakistan.

7A.21.1 Frequency of expectations about the future of Press in Pakistan

The table below summarizes the distribution of perceptions about the future of the
press in the country. The figure summarizes the results when journalists were asked
whether the future of press in Pakistan is Brilliant, Satisfactory or Unsatisfactory.

511
Table 7.82 Distribution of expectations about the future of press in
Pakistan

Levels of expectations regarding the future of the

press in Pakistan Frequency Percentage

The future of press in Pakistan is Brilliant 40 12%

The future of press in Pakistan is satisfactory 143 45%

The future of press in Pakistan is unsatisfactory 137 43%

Total 320 100%

Future of press in Pakistan

The future of press
in Pakistan is
The future of press Brilliant
in Pakistan is 12%
unsatisfactory
43%

The future of press

in Pakistan is
satisfactory
45%

Slightly less than half (45%) of the respondents declared the future of press in
Pakistan as Satisfactory while 12% denoted it as brilliant. Forty three percent of
journalists were not satisfied with the conditions of press and they put their vote in
the category “Unsatisfactory” of the responses.

The findings reveal that future of the press in Pakistan is not brilliant but journalists
are satisfied with it. The results indicate need for adequate measurements to make
the future of the press in Pakistan brilliant which will help the institution to play its

512
necessary role for the assurance of the freedom of expression, for educating the
citizens and for ensuring the rule of law in the state.

7B Combined research findings: Internal correlations testing Validity

and Reliability

This section of the chapter presents combined findings of the three folds of the study
to facilitate understanding of the situation of press freedom and threats to journalists
in Pakistan. The three folds of the study including 1; content analysis: exploring the
media history of the country from 1947 to 2017, covering twelve different eras 2;
interviews, discussing four questions with one hundred seasoned journalists
throughout the country 3; baseline survey, consist of 21 section covering 82 aspects
of press freedom and threats to journalists.

7B. 1 The first fold

The first fold summarizes the incidents and violent activities against the press and
journalists resulted in containing the freedom of press and threatening journalists for
their professional duties.

The media history was explored using descriptive method and then the qualitative
data was quantified for empirical results. Sonia Ospina from New York University
concludes “quantitative analysis of qualitative data is the preferred qualitative
practice in leadership research, with content analysis of text as the most favored
method. This practice may reflect a positivist or a post-positivist stance to inquiry”.
For making the result more illustrative, the data was presented in frequency tables
and charts using simple statistical operations.

Detailed study was presented in chapter 3 of this thesis. To check the internal
validity of the findings and its ability to be generalized, the variables and their
consistency is demonstrated as below.

7B.1.1 Internal consistency of actions against the press

The following table and figure summarize the violent actions against the freedom of
press including bans on publications, withdraws of official advertisements and
attacks on media houses throughout the media history of Pakistan.

513
 Regimes Actions Percentage Position
First Decade 77 16 1st
General Ayub Khan 27 6 8th
General Yahya khan 10 2 10th
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 53 11 5th
General Zia Ul Haq 65 14 2nd
Benazir Bhutto1 3 1 11th
Nawaz Sharif 1 54 12 4th
Benazir Bhutto2 18 4 9th
Nawaz Sharif2 19 4 9th
Parvez Musharraf 61 13 3rd
Yusuf Raza Gillani 46 10 6th
Nawaz Sharif3 34 7 7th
Total 467 100

18
16 First Decade
14 General Zia Ul Haq
Pervez Musharraf
12 Nawaz Sharif 1
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto
10
Yusuf Raza Gillani
8
6 General Ayub Khan Nawaz Sharif3
4 Benazir Bhutto2 Nawaz Sharif2
2 General Yahya khan
Benazir Bhutto1
0

The table and figure affirm that the press has been consistently confined and it has
never enjoyed freedom. Less or more, from the first decade (1947-1958) to the third
tenure of Nawaz Sharif (2017), the press has faced with freedom confining activities
in the form of bans, blockade of official advertisements and physical attacks on
media houses by state and non-state agents.

The first decade (1947-1958) was the most drastic period for the media with 16%
actions taken to curtail the freedom of press followed by the Zai Ul Haq’s regime
(1977-1988) with 14% actions against the press and journalists. The era of Pervez
Musharraf is on the third position regarding the cubing actions against the media
realm in the Pakistan. The Nawaz Sharif’s first period of government (1990-1993) is

514
the 4th drastic period of the history of Pakistan (1947-2017) for journalists and press.
The tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977) is on the 5th position. The Government
of Yousuf Raza Gillani (2007-2012) is on the 6th, Nawaz’s third era (2012-2017) on
the 7th, Ayub Khan’s regime (1958-1969) is on the 8th, Benazir ‘s (1993-1996) and
Nawaz Sharif’s second era (1996-1999) are on the 9th, Yahya’s Government (1969-
1971) is on the 10th while the Benazir Bhutto first regime (1988-1990) is on the lasts
position regarding the restrains against the media in Pakistan.

7B.1.2 Internal consistency of actions against the journalists

The following table and figure summarizes the distribution of actions against
journalists throughout the media history of Pakistan during different regimes from
1947 to 2017. The violent activities are including killings, physical attacks and arrests
of journalists on account of their professional duties.

Regimes Killin % Attack % Arrest % Total % Position

gs s s
First Decade 0 0 2 2 46 26 48 14 2nd
General Ayub 1 1 6 7 10 5 17 5 7th
Khan
General Yahya 0 0 0 0 6 3 6 2 9th
khan
Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto 0 0 0 0 21 11 21 6 6th

Zia Ul Haq 1 1 2 2 38 21 41 12 4th

Benazir Bhutto1 1 1 0 0 1 0 2 1 10th
Nawaz Sharif 1 4 7 21 24 25 13 50 15 1st
Benazir Bhutto2 4 7 6 7 5 3 15 4 8th
Nawaz Sharif2 0 0 7 8 7 4 14 4 8th

Parvez Musharraf 13 18 16 18 23 12 52 15 1st

Yusuf Raza Gillani 31 46 12 14 2 1 45 13 3rd
Nawaz Sharif3 13 19 16 18 2 1 31 9 5th
Total 68 100 88 100 186 100 342 100

515
 60

50

40

30

20

10

The figure affirms continuity of violent activities against journalists during different
regimes throughout the media history of Pakistan. More or less journalists remained
under attacks by state and non-state agents in each and every era,

The first era of Nawaz Sharif’s regime (1990-1993) and the government of Parvez
Musharraf (1999-2007) topes the rests with 15% each in relations to actions against
journalists including killings, attacks and arrests, seconded by the first decade after
independence of Pakistan with 14%. The Gillani’s era shows the third atrocious
period of the history stands with 13% obnoxious for journalists where as the General
Zia Ul Haq regime acquires 4th position with 12% drastic for journalists. The 5 th, 6th,
7th, 8th, 9th and 10th place in the table denotes the insufferable actions against
journalists during the realm of Nawaz Sharif’s (1997-1999) third period, Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto (1972-1977), Ayub Khan (1958-1969), Benazir Bhutto’s (1993-1996) second
tenure, Yahya Khan (1969-1971) and Benazir’s (1988-1990) first era respectively.
The table indicates that the first era of Benazir Bhutto was the most peaceful period
for journalists throughout the history of Pakistan (1947-2017).

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 7B.2 The Second fold

The second fold of the study illustrates face-to-face structured interviews from one
hundred senior journalists from all over the country. In this regards, twelve journalists
from KPK, twenty one from Punjab, seventeen from Islamabad+Rawalpindi and
nineteen from Baluchistan were interviewed. All the interviews were conducted
personally and face to face in their offices or in the press clubs.

Details were presented in chapter 6 of this thesis. For a check of the consistency
present in the perceptions of journalists in different clusters about the status of press
freedom and situation of threats to journalists, is demonstrated here in this section.

7B.2.1 Internal consistency in perceptions of interviewees from all

the five clusters of the samples about the Status of press freedom in
Pakistan

This table and figure illustrate the consistency of the perceptions about the situation
of press freedom in the country.

Status of
Press freedom KPK Punjab Isl+Rawl Sindh Baluchistan Frequency Percentage

Press is fully
free 0 2 1 0 0 3 3%

Partially free 5 10 9 18 13 55 55%

Not Free 7 7 7 11 6 38 38%

More than free 2 2 4 4%

Total 12 21 17 31 19 100 100%

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 Consistency of perceptions about the status of
press freedom
60 Baluchistan
40
Sindh
20
Isl+Rawl
0
Press is fully free Partially free Not Free Punjab

The figure affirms that there is a complete consistency in perceptions about the
status of press freedom which proves the validity and reliability of the results.

7B.2.2 Consistency in perceptions of interviewees about the level of

threats to journalists

The following table and figure summarizes consistency of perceptions of

interviewees from all over the country about the situation of threats to journalists in
the Pakistan.

Not Under
Cluster Under threats threats Total

Sindh 9 22 31

Baluchistan 6 13 19

Isl+Rawalpindi 6 11 17

KPK 5 7 12

Punjab 11 10 21

Total 37 63 100

Correlation coefficient= 0.364528768

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 Correlation in conceptions about threats
to journalists
25

20

15
Under threats
10 Not Under threats

0
Sindh Baluchistan Isl+Rawalpindi KPK Punjab

The line bars proves consistency in perceptions of interviewees from different

geographical regions of the state about the levels of threats to journalists. The
presence of positive correlation 0.364528768 makes the study able to generalize the
results.

7B.3 The third fold

This fold presents findings of the baseline survey. A well pretested questionnaire
covering 82 aspects of press freedom and threats to journalists was use to collect
perceptions and conceptions of journalists in all the five clusters of the study and
filled questionnaires were received. Data of 320 fully responded questionnaires was
statistically processed and findings were presented as above in this chapter. To test
the consistency of the results, the following operations are applied to the data.

7B.3.1 Internal consistency of perceptions of the sampled journalists

from the clusters of the study about the ranks of press freedom in
Pakistan.

The following table presents the frequency distribution of perceptions of journalists in

the five clusters about threats to journalists. The figure illustrates the line bar
representing correlation in the perceptions.

519
 Clusters fully free Partially Not free no idea Total
Sindh 12 70 31 3 116
Baluchistan 4 23 9 7 43
Isl+ 11 38 13 4 66
Rawalpindi
KPK 3 37 9 2 51
Punjab 2 38 3 1 44
Total 32 206 65 17 320

Correlation in perceptions about

press freedom
500
Punjab
0
KPK
Press is fully free Partially Free Not Free

The figure shows a moderate correlation among the conceptions of journalists in

different parts of the country about the ranks of press freedom in Pakistan.

7B.3.2 Internal consistency of perceptions of the sampled journalists

from the clusters of the study about threats to journalists in Pakistan.

The table below summarizes the distribution of confessions of journalists in different

parts of the country about threats they have faced with during their professional
activities. The figure illustrates correlation among the confessions of threats.

Cluster Faced threats Didn’t faced Total

Sindh 46 70 116
Baluchistan 22 22 44
Isl+Rawalpindi 21 45 66
KPK 26 25 51
Punjab 20 23 43
Total 135 185 320

Correlation coefficient = 0.848419769

520
 Correlation in threats
(confestions)
100

50

0
Sindh Baluchistan Isl+Rawalpindi KPK Punjab

Under threats Not Under threats

The figure affirms strong correlation among the threats faced by journalists in
different parts of the country. The positive correlation 0.848419769 indicates that
journalists are facing with threats in the lines of their professional duties all over
Pakistan.

The strong internal consistency of the three folds of the study affirms that the
findings are able to be generalized for the whole populations. For more trustworthy
results to be generalized, correlations among the finding of three folds are tested
below.

7C External correlations among the findings of three folds of the

study

This section combines the findings of the three folds of the study about press
freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan. The confessions, conceptions and
incidents about the hypothecated variable, press freedom and threats to journalists
and their correlations are presented below.

7C.1 The freedom of press

This section presents correlation among the three folds of the study about the status
of press freedom in Pakistan.

7C.1.1 The content analysis

Content analysis in chapter three reveals that press in Pakistan has never enjoyed
freedom and has always faced with violent activities by state and non-state actors.

521
The following table and figure illustrate actions against the press confining its
freedom in different geographical regions of Pakistan throughout the media history of
the country.

Clusters Frequency Percentage

Capital/Islamabad 12 6

Punjab 41 22

NWFP/KPK 7 4

Sindh 87 47

Baluchistan 16 9

FATA 4 2

unknown 19 10

Total 186 100

Actions confining press freedom

100
80
60
40
20
0

The findings affirm that press in all the geographical regions has suffered violent
activities in all the times.

522
7C.1.2 Combined perceptions about the ranking of press freedom by the
interviewees and questionnaire’s respondents

The following table summarizes percentage distribution of perceptions of

interviewees and that of the sampled journalists in questionnaire.

Press freedom Interviews Survey

Fully Free 4 10

Partially Free 55 65

Not Free 38 20

More Than Free 3 5

Total 100 100

Correlation coefficient= 0.856565

Correlation in conceptions about press

freedom
Int Sur
65
55
38
20
10
4
Fully Free Partially Free Not Free

The figure and Correlation coefficient (0.856565) show a strong correlation between
the conceptions received from working journalists by filling questionnaire and from
senior journalists in interviews.

7C.1.3 Combined frequency of threats confessed by journalists and

perceived by interviewees

The following table summarizes percentage distribution of combined results about

threats confessed by journalists in questionnaires and perceived by senior journalists

523
in interviews. The figure illustrates correlation between the confessed and perceived
threats to journalists.

Level of threats Interviews Survey

Fully Under Threats 37 42

Not under threats 63 58

total 100 100

Correlation coefficient= 1

Cprrelation between confesstions

and perceptions about threats to
journalists
70
60 63
58
50
40 42
37 INT
30
SUR
20
10
0
Fully Under Threats Not under threats

The figure and Correlation coefficient(1) affirm that there is a strong correlation
between the threats confessed by working journalists in response to questionnaire
and perceptions expressed by interviewees the study’s results are able to be
generalized the population.

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 Chapter 8

Conclusions and recommendations

The free flow of information within the parameters prescribed by the constitution of
Pakistan 1973 in article 19 and 19A, without interference of state and non-state
actors for getting personal or self-justified interests, was the roadmap of this
research, for which three fold study was made to explore the media landscape of the
country and empirically locate the status of press freedom and threats to journalists
in Pakistan.

The study ensues following as the significant results categorized as 1; content

analysis, 2; the face-to-face structured interviews, 3; the base line survey and
combined conclusions.

8A.1 The content analysis

The content analysis proves that press and journalists has always remained under
attacks by state and non-state actors continuously from 1947 to 2017. Press
freedom confining activities like bans on publications, withdraws of official
advertisements and physical attacks on media outlets and killing, harassing and
arresting journalists on account of their professional duties, were quantified and the
trend was located, which led the following conclusions.

8A.1.1 Press freedom

The preliminary research founds that press in Pakistan has never enjoyed freedom.
During different regimes, press freedom has always been tried to be confined using
bans on publications, blocking and withdraws of official advertisements and physical
attacks on media houses as tools of suppression.

Major tools used to confine press freedom: The study locates that, during the
first decade, bans on publications were used as the main tool to silence the
unwanted voices. The same tactic was followed by General Ayub Khan’s, General
Yahya khan’s and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s regimes. The government of General Zia Ul
Haq used the official advertisements as a major tool to meet the desired goals.
During the first rule of Benazir Bhutto, attacks on the media houses were used as a

525
focal tool against the press. The trend remained as the top tool for suppressing the
freedom of press during all the consecutive regimes of Mian Muhammad Nawaz
Sharif, Benazir’s second tenure, the Nawaz’s second regime, the Pervez Musharraf
rule, the Yusuf Raza Gilani government and the third period of Mian Muhammad
Nawaz Sharif. The era of General Zia Ul Haq tops the rests regarding physical
attacks on the media house as well as on the subject of closures of official
advertisements while in respect to bans on publication, the first decade is on the top.

The most drastic eras for press: The quantified data of content analysis
concludes that the first decade after the independence of Pakistan tops the rests
about the overall actions of curtailing the freedom of press.

The major sufferers: The study finds that the main stream media suffered more
than the local. Jang is the mostly suffered media group followed by Nawa-e-Waqt,
Mashriq, Express, Dawn, Morning News, Aaj and Jasarat.

Actors behind attacks on media outlets: The study identifies the actors
behind attacks on media houses. The governing and opposition parties top the area
of attacks on media outlets followed by religious group, unknowns and militants.

8A.1.2 Threats to journalists

After exploring the media history of Pakistan, it is fair to conclude that journalists in
the country faced with a lot of challenges in the lines of their duties. For reasons that
they work as watchdog to safe guard the rights of the people and the system
journalis face with special risks, including harassments, legal challenges and even
lose their lives in the defense of public interests.

Actions against journalists as major threat: The study traced killings, attacks
in terms of harassments, injuring and scolding and arrests of journalists and found
that though out the media history of Pakistan, journalists have faced with violent
activities by state and non-state actors during each and every era. Regarding the
killings of journalists, the era of Yusuf Raza Gilani tops the rests followed by the third
tenure of Mian Nawaz Sharif and that of General Pervez Musharraf. In respect to
attacks on journalists, the first era of Nawaz Sharif is on the top followed by the
tenure of Pervez Musharrif and the third government of Nawaz Sharif. In the lines of

526
arrests as threat, the first decade proved the most threatening followed by the era of
General Zia Ul Haq and the first tenure of Nawaz Sharif.

The most drastic eras: The quantified data concludes that the era of General
Pervez Musharraf was the on the top regarding actions against journalists followed
by the first tenure of Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif and the first decade.

The most sufferers: The study situates the mostly suffered journalists throughout
the media history. The mostly attacked journalists are the correspondents followed
by photographers and reporters. The study indicates that the field journalists are
more vulnerable to threats as compare to the offices based journalists.

Actors behind attacks on journalists: The content analysis traced actors behind
the attacks on journalists and the findings located “Unknowns” on the top following
by police, religious groups, political activists and law enforcement agencies.

Legality: The study traced legality of arrests of journalists on account of

professional activities. Most of the arrests were made under unknown allegations,
followed by Public Safety Act, Security of Pakistan Act and Marshal Law
Regulations.

The most terrible region for journalists: In the light of quantified data of
content analysis, the study concludes that the province of Sindh remained the most
terrible region of the country regarding attacks on journalist in the lines of their duties
followed by Punjab and Baluchistan.

8A.2 The face-to-face structured interviews

The study interviewed one hundred senior journalists from all over the country on the
subject matter of the status of press freedom and threats to journalists. Responses
were recorded and after quantification, the data was statistically processed for
empirical results which conclude as below.

8A.2.1 Press freedom

Statistical findings of face-to-face structured interviews declare the press in Pakistan

as partially free. At the same time senior journalists link the status of freedom of
press with the geographical existence, positional and influential status of the

527
journalists and media houses, with the origin and subject of the content and its
effects. The press is relatively freer in big cities, for big media groups, for known and
influential journalists, in political concerns and in small narratives areas than in small
towns, for small media organizations, for beat reporters and in sensitive areas like
religion, court and security.

8A.2.2 Threats to journalists

The quantified data findings of the perceptions of interviewees reveal that 63% of
journalists are not under threats in Pakistan in the lines of their duties while 37% are
facing with threats. Senior journalists associate threats to the subject matter of the
content and its effects .The study concludes that the situation of threats to journalists
is not severe but its existence is proved and that is alarming.

8A.2.3 Sources of threats to journalists

The study identifies the governing parties, the oppositions parties, the unknowns, the
religious groups, the militants, the land grabbers, the traffickers, the social activists,
the landlords, the influential individuals, the state establishment, the law enforcement
agencies, the economic interests groups and the owners of media organization as
the sources of threats and pressure on journalists.

The unknowns, the influential individuals and landlords top the rests regarding
threats to journalists following by the governing and opposition parties.

8A.2.4A Non-professional external pressure on Journalists

Findings of interviews conclude that journalists are working fully under non-
professional pressure. The interviewees connect the pressure with the geographical
existence of content’s origin and its narration.

8A.2.4B Non-professional internal pressure on Journalists

Statistics of interviews prove that journalists in Pakistan are fully vulnerable to

internal pressure in the form of no job security, low salary packages and no life
insurance. The study concludes that there is no proper mechanism for job sequerity,
salaries or insurance in the media industry of the country.

528
8A.2.5A Professional maturity, responsibility and impartiality of the
press

The study collected perceptions of working journalists about the professional

maturity, responsibility and impartiality of the press in Pakistan. The foregoing
discussions with senior journalists and the quantified conceptions prove that the
press in Pakistan is not professionally mature, responsible and impartial. The study
finds that print media is comparatively more mature, responsible than the electronic.

8A.2.5B Reasons of professional immaturity, irresponsibility and

partiality of the press

The study identifies the unreasonable rating mechanism, the threats prevailing in the
media environment, low tolerance in the society for media’s criticism, low level of
professional education and training, economical gain zeal of the owners of media
organizations and political and ideological affiliations of the journalists and the
owners, low level of law and order and weak position of the rule of law as reasons
that lead to professional immaturity irresponsibility and partiality in media contents
and presentations.

8A.3 The baseline survey

The baseline survey consulted working journalists from all over the country and
collected their perceptions about the status of press freedom and their confessions
of threats they have faced in the lines of their duties. The survey also calculated
perceptions and confessions of sampled journalists regarding all the aspects linked
with press freedom and threats to journalists in Pakistan. From the findings of
baseline survey it is fair to conclude as below.

8A.3.1 Ranking of press freedom

Sixty eight percent of the respondents declared that the press in the country is
partially free while twenty one percent denoted it as not free and only eleven percent
of the journalists affirmed that press is fully free. The study thus concludes the press
in Pakistan as Partially free.

529
8A.3.2 Factors affecting the freedom of press and their status

This research identifies the low level of law and order, the weak condition of rule of
law, the discontinuation of democracy, the high intolerance for press’s criticism in the
society, diversity in social norms and values, owner’s and advertiser’s intervention in
the editorial policies, the undeclared censorship and self censorship as the factors
which are affecting press freedom in Pakistan.

8A.3.3 Security risks and threats to journalists

The study unfolds security risks and threats to journalists in Pakistan. More than half
(58%) of the journalists affirmed that they had not faced with threats in the line of
their professional duties while slightly less than half (42%) confessed threats on
account of their journalistic activities. From the foregoing discussion, it is fair to
conclude that the level of threats to journalists is not severe but the 42% existence of
threats is alarming and highly needs attention.

Nature and target of threats: The research also calculates and finds that most
of the threats are in the form of dire consequences and target is the journalist but
threats in the form of killing and kidnapping were also indicated by the study and
families as a target were found too. The study concludes that journalists and their
families are under target in the form of dire consequences, killing and kidnapping.

Major sources of threats: The study identifies the governing and opposition
parties, the religious groups, the militants, the economic interests groups, the social
activists, the influential individuals, the unknowns, the land grabbers, the civil
establishment and the law enforcement agencies as actors threatening journalists.
Threats from unknown sources top the rests followed by influential individuals and
establishment. The governing party, militants and religious groups are on the third
stage.

The most terrible geographical region regarding threats to journalists :

The research discovers the Sindh province as the most terrible geographical region
of the country for journalists in terms of threats followed by Islamabad, Rawalpindi
and Punjab.

530
Complaints filing trend, channels, remedies and satisfaction: The study
founds that most of the journalists register complaints against threat and the major
channel for complaints is police department seconded by the editor. Most of the
complaints get responses and most of complainants are satisfied with the responses.
But the findings unfold the fact that slightly less than half (45%) of the journalists
don’t register complaints, thirty five percent complaints don’t get responses and
slightly less than half (45%) of the complainants are not satisfied with the responses
and 52% of the journalists has confessed impacts of threats on their professional
capacities. So it is fair to conclude that the situation is not favorable regarding filing
complaints against threats and response mechanism and that urges proper
arrangements to encourage journalists, to channelize the process and make it result
oriented.

8A.3.4 Physical harassments of journalists

Situation regarding physical harassments of journalists on account of professional

activities is better but still 14% of the journalists have confessed physical aggravation
in the line of their duties which indicates the presence of the trend.

Major actors behind physical harassments of journalists: The study

discovers the actors who are physically harassing journalists on account of their
professional activities. The actors include the law enforcement agencies at the top
following by the governing parties, religious groups, militants, land grabbers,
opposition parties, establishments social activists, economical interests groups and
traffickers. It is reasonable to conclude that all the state and non-state actors are
involved in physical harassments of journalists which indicate a very terrible situation
in the media environment of the country.

Geographical existence of physical harassments of journalists: The

findings affirm that the province of Sindh is the most terrible geographical region for
journalists in respect to physical harassments. Sindh is followed by Baluchistan and
the capital region including Islamabad and Rawalpindi.

Complaints filing trend, channels, remedies and satisfaction: The study

finds that half of the journalists filed complaints against the actors who had physically
harassed them while half of them didn’t register complaints. Most of the complaints

531
are filed with police followed by the editors. Most of the complaints are responded
whereas most of the journalists were satisfied after they got responses. But finding
unfold the fact that half of the journalists don’t file complaints of harassments, twenty
three percent don’t get responses and twenty nine percent of the complainants are
not satisfied with the responses. The study also finds that the physical harassments
affect the working capacities of journalists which are confessed by most of the
journalists. The research reveals that situation about filing complaints against
harassments is not very good and needs full attention.

8A.3.5 Major factors increasing threats to journalists

The study of media history indicates that political affiliation of journalists and that of
the owners of media organizations who are using journalism for vested interests as
the major factors increasing threats to journalists. The findings of survey also reveal
that the media environment is highly politicized as most of the journalists have
political affiliations.

The study also finds that the low level of law and order, the weak condition of rule of
law, the high intolerance for press’s criticism in the society and diversity in social
norms and values increase threats to journalists too and the presence of these
factors is proved by this research which urges adequate and significant mechanism
for the protection of journalists and for ensuring freedom of press in the country.

8A.3.6 Non- professional pressure on journalists in working

environment

The study finds that journalists are working in an environment of pressure on

account of their journalistic duties for the reason they act as watchdog to protect
public interests. Some time they face legal constraints, in some way they are
confronting with physical, mental and economical harassments and somewhere they
live in terror for their lives and for their families and friends.

8A.3.7 Safety and self defense of journalists

During baseline survey majority (60%) of journalists marked the media environment
unsafe for journalists while 35% of the respondents declared that journalists are
partially safe on account of their professional activities. Only 5% respondent affirmed

532
that journalists are completely safe. So, it is reasonable to conclude that the media
environment is unsafe for journalists to work in.

Self-censorship as self-defense tool: The study also collected confessions

which reveal that most of the journalists apply self-censorship to their work to protect
themselves. To avoid judicial constraints was confessed by journalists as the major
reason for exercising self-censorship following by threats and employer’s reaction as
motives for self-censorship. The study discloses the fact that most of the journalists
in Pakistan exercise self-censorship as a protective shield against dire
consequences and most of the journalists feel satisfaction but 11% of the journalists
are not completely satisfied with the situations even after they apply censor to their
work.

8A.3.8 Major discriminations in media as workplace

The study finds that the level of discriminations in media as workplace is low but still
36% of the journalists confessed that they have faced with and 41% declared that
they have observed discriminations. Discriminations faced and observed by
journalists include discriminations based on political thoughts are at the top followed
by gender based, lingual, economical and social status, skilled based, religion based
and educational level based discriminations. It is then fair to conclude that
discriminations in media as workplace exists and urge to be considered as significant
group of effects.

8A.3.9 Police custody, judicial inquiries and court’s decisions

The findings show better situation regarding arrests of journalists as only 4% of the
journalists have confessed that they were arrested on account of their professional
activities. But most of arrested journalists declared their arrests under no charges
and engineered and the custody duration more than legal whereas they identified the
law enforcement agencies, unknowns, governing political parties, the opposition
parties, establishment and land grabbers as the actors behind their arrests. So that,
the study is fair to conclude that the legal environment for journalists is unfair and
proper and sustained mechanism is needed to be made and be implemented.

533
Findings indicate that most of the journalists have not faced with court trails as only
11% of the journalists have confessed judicial inquiries in connection with their
professional activities and only 6% of them were sentenced by the court but 19% of
the journalists were not satisfied with the court’s decisions. The study thus concludes
that the situation regarding court trails and decisions is better but still special forum
for journalism related cases is needed to be established for the best results.

8A.3.10 Economic and mental harassments of journalists

Economic and mental harassments by the employers and the editors are rare but still
13% of the journalists confessed economical harassments by the employers and
12% mental harassments by the editors for not following their non-professional lines.
The study concludes that the presence of such a behavior of the employers and the
editors are not to be spared and special arrangements are needed to br deployed for
betterments.

8A.3.11 Bribes for favoritism

The findings reveal that 43% of the journalists were offered bribes for favoritisms
while 57% denoted that they have not been offered bribes for their work. But only
12% of the journalists confessed that they have accepted bribes for favoritism. The
study concludes that the situation is not good as trying bribes to journalists can make
the content biased and the profession can lose its objectivity.

8A.3.12 Press laws in Pakistan, consensus and validation

The study finds high consensus among journalists on the need of laws to regulate
the press and check its performance but the present press laws are not acceptable
for most of the journalists and majority of the respondents propose amendments in
these laws. The Marshal Law Regulations in connection to press, the PEMRA and
Special Powers Act are the most unacceptable laws in which journalists want
amendments.

The research concludes that laws and regulations are necessary for the press but
the current laws need to be upgraded and be validated after making common
consent of all the stake holders on them.

534
8A.3.13 Professional maturity of Pakistani press

The findings reveal that most of the journalists declare the Pakistani press as
professionally immature and only 23% of the respondents confirms its professional
maturity. So that the study concludes the Pakistani press as professionally immature.
This state of affairs indicates the worst condition of the situation regarding
professionalism and the standards of both the press and the journalists in the
country.

8A.3.14 Journalists organizations (PFUJ, CPNE and APNS)

The study explored media landscape for the role and calculated consensus on the
representative status of journalists’ organizations including Pakistan Federal Union
of Journalists, Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editions and All Pakistan
newspapers Society.

Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists: The findings show that slightly more
than half (52%) of the journalists are members of PFUJ while 48% of journalists are
not members. Even then majority (59%) of the journalists declares PFUJ as the
representative body of working journalists where as 21% has no idea about the
organization and 20% doesn’t affirm its representative status.

Most (65%) of the journalists recognizes the role of PFUJ for the freedom of press
and for the rights of journalists and only 29% are not happy with its assigned role.
But 47% of the journalists have not consulted PFUJ for help in case of professional
constraints.

The study reveals the point of ample concern that PFUJ is a representative
federation of journalists and its role for the freedom of press and for the rights of
journalists is recognized but its membership level is not better and need to be
expanded and awareness about its role also urges to be raised.

Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editions: Findings of the baseline survey

indicate that slightly less than half 45% of the journalists affirm the role of CPNE for
the freedom of press while 30% deny and 25% have no idea about the role of the

535
Council whereas majority of the journalists are of the opinion that CPNE works for
the promotion of the owner’s interests and also high majority say that there should
be no owner editor of publications. In the same context high majority of the
journalists urge the Council to work for the interests of working journalists as Council
is a representative of working journalist and not of the owners.

From the fore going discussion, the study is fair to conclude that about the role
CPNE journalists are not satisfied due to its inclination to the owner’s interests
because the member of the council are either employees of the owners or they are
the owners of the publications. So that the matter needs full investigations and
proper measures to regulate the structure and role of the CPNE.

All Pakistan newspapers Society: Findings reveal that slightly more than half
(57%) of the journalists recognizes the role of APNS for the freedom of press but
high majority of the respondents declare its interests for only the owners while high
majority of the journalists are of the opinion that the Society should do work also for
the interests of working journalists.

The study concludes that the role of APNS is recognized for the freedom of press but
its full devotion to the interests of the owners of publication is in questions. The
Society should do work for the interests of working journalists too, because that is in
their own interests ultimately.

8A.3.15 The FUTURE of the press in Pakistan

The study went through the media landscape of the country asking the working
journalists about the future of the press in Pakistan and found that only 12% of the
journalists declared the future of the press in Pakistan as Bright, 45% denoted it as
satisfactory while 43% acknowledged it as unsatisfactory.

Findings of the survey reveal that the future of press in Pakistan is not better but as
the study has already proved that most of the journalists join the profession for to
promote the freedom of expression and that high majority of the working journalists
are satisfied with their choice, it is fair to conclude that the FUTURE of press in
Pakistan is hoping and the press will be able to play its role for the development of
democracy and democratic norms in the country.

536
8B Recommendations

This study explored the media history and the present media landscape of Pakistan
for the situation, status and standard of press freedom and security risks and threats
to journalists in the country. Conclusions were made on the findings of the content
analysis, on the perceptions of senior journalists in face-to-face interviews and on
the responses to close ended and highly centralized questionnaire collecting the
conceptions and confessions of working journalists throughout the country about the
status of press freedom and threats to journalists in the Pakistan.

This research found that press in Pakistan is not fully free to meet the international
standards and journalists are facing with security risks and pressure in the media
environment of the country. At the same time media is immature, irresponsible and
partial due to political affiliations of journalists and owners. The media environment is
highly politicized and high intolerance for press criticism is present in the society.
For to help make the media environment safe, mature, impartial, responsible, free of
interference, professional and standardized, the following broad suggestions and
recommendations, emerged from the findings and conclusions, are put forward to be
considered by the stakeholders.

A. Financial restructuring: The media financial model basis on public and

private advertisements and both the sectors intervene in the editorial policies
of media organizations using their advertisements as a tool to confine press
freedom for vested interests. The following measures should be taken for the
improvements in financial area of the media industry in Pakistan.
I. A fully independent and representative body (Media body) comprising
spotless working journalists from PFUJ, representatives of CPNE and
APNS, Advertizing Association of Pakistan (AAP), Pakistan
Advertisers’ Society (PAS), government and opposition’s members
from national and provincial assemblies, supported by economical
experts, should workout to restructure the financial model of media on
the lines to make the media free of any intervention against
professionalism. The body, in the first step, should check the financial

537
 inputs and outputs of the media industry and devise a proper and
sustained mechanism to maintain check and balance of the matter. In
the second step, set up a permanent body to observe and stop any
influence of public or private advertisers on the media content.
II. Taxes should be reduced and if needed subsidize the media sector for
better result in the form of its objective role for the development of
democracy and democratic values.
III. Transparency in allocation of public advertisements should be
maintained and the private advertisements should be channelized and
be monitored on permanent basis through a subsidiary committee of
the body.

B. Development of ownership structure: Although the constitution of

Pakistan guarantees equal opportunity and right to establish business but the
media business is not like other and needs special treatments as its multi
dimensional role in making general opinion and its effects on all the aspects
of individual and collective life, is very crucial and sensitive. On the other
hand, the study proved that owners have financial motives behind
establishing media enterprises and they try to intervene in the editorial
policies for personal interests. In such circumstances it is needed to develop
a mandatory strategy for to mend the ownership structure of media and the
following actions are suggested for due considerations.
I. Procedure, qualification and criteria for granting licenses and
declaration for establishing media organization should be upgraded
and amended in the light of the above mentioned findings.
II. A professionalism check mechanism should be crafted to stop the way
of non-professional entries in the media market of the country.
III. PEMRA and Newspapers Act should be upgraded to check the other
businesses based personals and fully investigate the motives of the
investors behind the entry in media.
IV. Other businesses of media owners should be fully guarded or banned
for the purposed not to influence the spirit of the profession.

538
 V. The most result oriented step would be the complete restructuring of
the ownership pattern. Single person or single firm ownership should
be decentralized and shares be offered to the public through stock
exchange and no person or organization should hold more than 1% of
the total shares. In this way the media enterprises can be freed from
the personal interference of the owners and other stake holders.
VI. Editorial boards of highly qualified media professional and board of
directors be appointed on merit to run the business in accordance to
the spirit of the profession.

C. Improving Professionalism in journalists: As the study found that most

of the working journalists have no media educational background and no
proper mechanism for recruitment is present in the media organizations at
large while 30% of the journalists join the profession as just a job with no zeal
for professionalism. On the other hand journalists also join the media to
protect their vested interests or promote political and ideological wellbeing.
The situation urges a full-fledged system to inculcate professional spirit in
journalists and to develop standardized skills and make them able to play
their role for the society. To achieve the goal, the following recommendations
are given to be considered.
I. Only high level, professionally qualified and soundly trained persons
should be given entry in the media working force and the non-
professional and untrained entries should be strictly stopped.
II. The accreditation system should be upgraded, the process should be
made easy and transparent and only the accredited journalist should
be given jobs in the media organizations.
III. Special committees in all the provincial and federal information
departments should be worked out including representatives of
journalist’s organizations (PFUJ, CPNE, APNS and PBA) on decision
making levels in the area of accreditations to the journalists.
IV. Proper and sustained training and updating systems within the
organizations are assured and make obliging by the laws.

539
D. Review code of ethics: The study finds that press freedom is to convey
realities, directly or indirectly to the consumers, as a sacred trust within the
limits prescribe by the local moralities and universal truth. The matter is
crucially important so that for to keep the press with in the professional
parameters and to ensure quality journalism, the following necessary
measures should be taken.
I. The existing codes of ethics encoded by PEMRA, PFUJ, CPNE,
APNS, PBA, AAP, PAS, PCEJ and ECP should be upgraded and be
made validated to the current national and international state of affairs.
II. A subsidiary committee should be crafted on permanent basis to check
the criterion of professional ethics and assure the inculcation and
enforcement of codes in the media environment of the country.
III. The committee should have representation of the journalists’
organizations, the advertisers’ organizations, political parties,
economic interests groups, religious groups and civil society. The
committee would consistently monitor the enforcement and
implementation of the codes and would inform the media body for
proper actions in case of violations.
IV. Charts of code of conducts should be prominently framed in all the
offices of media houses and be check for implementations through in-
house mechanism by the director news, the editors and news editors.

E. Salary packages and job security: This research proves that there is
neither proper procedure for recruitments and salary packages nor any
mechanism of job security of journalists. The study also finds that a number
of journalists are even paid no salary for their work. It is very important to
consider the matter because the situation not only dismals the journalists’
economy but also makes journalists vulnerable to bribes and compel them to
misuse the profession for financial gains. For betterment in the
circumstances, following measures are required to be implemented.
I. Proper system, updated to the current market place economy with
relevant capacity to future adjustments for the recruitments and salary

540
 packages and job security of journalists should be devised under the
supervision of media body.
II. A subsidiary committee will be the best setup for more perfect results.
The committee will define and control the situation regarding the salary
packages and the job security of journalists.
III. The salaries and job security mattes should be directly linked with the
public advertisements and the committee should plan for a sustained
formula for the affairs related to journalists’ economy.
IV. The committee be consists of the representatives of all the stake
holders including PFUJ, CPNE, APNS, PBA, government, opposition,
supported by economical experts.

F. Safety measures to do away with threats to journalists: Journalists

in Pakistan are facing with multi-facet threats and security risks in the line of
their professional duties. Verbal threats, physical, mental and economical
harassments are common and all the sections of the society including the
governing parties, the opposition parties, the religious groups, the militants,
the economic interests groups, the land grabbers, the traffickers, the
influential individual, the establishment, the law enforcement agencies, the
social activists groups and even the owners of the media organizations, are
involved.
To cope with such a grim and devastating state of affairs, prompt and
unfailing arrangements are needed to make the journalists free of fear to be
able to do their job professionally. The concern is that if proper and in time
actions were not taken, the threats and harassments of journalists will
become the norm and will eventually thwart the spirit of the press and press
freedom. The study recommends the following measures to urgently be
deployed.
I. Work out special legal support mechanism for journalists in relation to
their professional activities.
II. Ensure and enhance public awareness, regarding the role of
journalists and media for the betterments of democracy and society.

541
 III. Launch consistent Journalist’s training and awareness programs on
professionalism and security.
IV. Take measures to create tolerance in the society for press criticism.
This can be achieved by involving political parties, religious groups,
social activists and other stake holders in regular dialogues.
V. Journalists working on dangerous assignments or in the conflict zones
should be given special security and risk tackling tools. Life insurance
and special packages should also be ensured and be strengthened by
laws in the case of threats.
VI. Raise awareness and increase knowledge within the media and
outside including the law enforcement agencies, the judiciary, the
parliament and related institutions to develop a sense of friendship not
as foe and opponent for media and journalists.
VII. A consistent, media state, media government, media forces and
media society dialogue and engagement mechanism should be
established to arrange and manage joint discussion and training on
safety issues and threats conditions to journalists and Establish
journalists protect fund to support the affected journalists and their
facilities in case of killing and disability in the line of duty. An in-house
mechanism is also needed to be launched for support.
VIII. Quick response strategic network should be established among the
working journalists, the law enforcement agencies, the journalists’
organizations and the media organizations to support journalists in
case of emergency.
IX. Raise awareness about discriminations in media as workplace
including gender discrimination, discrimination on the basis of political
thoughts, on the basis of religion, financial and social status. As these
were indicated by the findings of the study in the media as workplace.

G. Reconstruction of present media laws: The study calculated

consensus on the need of laws and regulations for to check professionalism
in media and found high consensus in the favor. In the same context the
study found a strong demand for the revisiting and reconstruction of the

542
 existing press laws. The study recommends updates and revision in the
regulatory framework to make the legal procedure relevant to current
objective conditions. For the aim to be achieved, the following measurements
should be set out.
I. Permanent subsidiary committee should be worked out with a mandate
to review the exiting press laws, regulations and the provisions of
Pakistan Penal Codes in relation to the media and its content.
II. The committee be consist of the representatives of journalists
organizations, the government, the opposition, the advertisers;
organization, supported by legal, social and media experts.
III. The committee will observe and will keep a permanent check on the
content and the containing use of the laws and will keep update the
regulations on the basis of common consents of the stake holders.

H. Enhance law and order situation and ensure rule of law in the
state: The study found that the law and order situation in the country is not
well due to weak conditions of rule of law which affect press freedom as well
as the working capacities of journalists by increased threats and security
risks. For the reason the study suggests urgent actions to be deployed for the
betterment of law and order situation and to assure the rule of law in the
state. For the purpose, high level measurements are needed of which some
urgent arrangements are given below for due considerations.
I. Culminate political interference by law strictly in law enforcement
agencies and police department.
II. Make the recruitments in the law enforcement section by merit and
their transfers mechanism should be transparent and purely on
institutional rules.
III. Corruptions and influences should be checked, for which independent
body should be worked out.
IV. Raise awareness on media working through dialogue mechanism
between the law enforcement agencies and journalists.

543
I. Response mechanism for complaints: Findings suggest that there are
four channels of report filing including the editor, the employer, the court and
the police department. Most of the respondents go to police for remedies but
many of them are not satisfied with the responses and the response
mechanism. The study also find that some of journalists don’t register
complaints even they receive threats and face with physical harassments due
to high level of negligence, no presence of proper mechanism of responses
and low trust in the system for remedies. The situation urges immediate
considerations for which the following arrangements are suggested.
I. Subsidiary legal committee should be established to investigate the
security risks and threats dilemma for working journalists and media
houses and craft proper mechanism for quick response to redress the
complaints.
II. Raise awareness in journalists and develop trust in the system for
satisfactory response to the complaints.
III. Legal committees in media organizations and journalist’s organizations
should be established, upgraded and be empowered to encourage the
affected journalist and fight on their part.
IV. In-house legal support mechanism should also be established and be
authenticated by law.

J. Empowering journalist’s organization: The study proves the role of

journalists’ organization (PFUJ, CPNE and APNS) for press freedom in the
Pakistan but the low membership ratio and interests inclinations need to be
considered and be mended by proper arrangements. The study recommends
the following measures to be deployed for better role of the journalists’
organization to play.
I. The PFUJ should open membership for the working journalists as that
is very low at 52% found by the study.
II. Encourage and raise awareness in journalists to consult PFUJ in case
of professional related troubles.

544
 III. Enhance unity among the units and among journalists within the units
and in the federation for community interests and for the assurance of
press freedom in the state.
IV. Develop mechanism of dialogues and activate its committees to play
their proper and representative role for making the media environment
safe, responsible, unbiased and professional.
V. The CPNE should play role for the working journalists and culminate
inclinations towards the owners.
VI. CPNE should revise its rule to stop the way for entry of non-
professional and owners as its members.
VII. APNS should also play role for the working journalists as that would be
ultimately resulted in their interests.
VIII. A combine committee of all the journalists’ organizations is highly
recommended to manage common strategies for the betterment of the
freedom of press and for the safety of journalists.

545
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 Appendix- A

List of interviewees

S.No Names Introductions

01 A.H Khanzada Ex-General Secretary Karachi Union of Journalists
(dastoor)Ex-G.S Karachi Press Club, Station Head Neo TV
Karachi
02 Abbas Alam Deputy General Secretary Rawalpindi Islamabad union of
Journalist, member editorial committee daily Jang
Rawalpindi
03 Abdul Khalid Chandio President Hyderabad Press Club Anchor Dharti TV
04 Abdul Qudoos Member Federal Executive Committee PFUJ, Treasurer
Khyber Union of Journalists, Special Correspondent APP
05 Abdul Rauf Zafar Senior Editor daily Jang (Magazine Section) Lahore
06 Ahmad Noorani Investigative correspondent for daily The News Islamabad
07 Ahmed Malik President Karachi Press Club Karachi
08 Ali Hazrat Bacha Special Correspondent Dawn, Senior Vice President
Khyber Union of Journalists, Chairman Journalists Welfare
Society
09 Ali Shah Station head Dawn News Quetta
10 Amir Latif Ex-General Secretary Karachi Press Club, Member
International Crime Investigative Journalists, Ex-General
Secretary KUJ
11 Amjad Hussain Member governing body Union of Photo Journalists
Rawalpindi Islamabad
12 Amjad Iqbal Editor daily Jinnah Lahore
13 Arshad Aziz Malik Member Federal Executive Committee PFUJ,EX-President
Khyber Union of Journalists, Editor daily Jang
14 Asif Nisar Ghayasi Vice president Peshawar Press Club, Mag. Ed. Aaj media
Group
15 Athar Javid Sofi Chairman Pakistan Film and TV journalists Association,
cultural reporter Jang media Group Karachi
16 Ayub Jan Sarhendi Secretary General Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists
17 Ayub Tareen Ex-Correspondent British Broad Casting Corporation
(BBC), Station Head Hum TV, Ex- General Secretary
Baluchistan Union of Journalists
18 Aziz Ahmed Senior Member PFUJ, Editorial Writer of daily Mashriq
19 Bakhzada Yusufzai Vice President PFUJ, Member Eighth Wage Board, Editor
daily Aeen
20 Bilal Ahmed Dar Representative of daily Jang in Islamabad, Vice President
of National Press Club Islamabad, Ex-president of PFUJ
21 Chaudhri Imtiaz Joint Secretary of Baluchistan Union of Journalists, In
charge editorial page daily Mashriq Quetta
22 Dara Zafar General Secretary of The News Employees Union Karachi,
Ex-chairman APNEC
23 Dr. Tauseef Ahmad Khan Analyst Express media group
24 Dr.Jabar khatak Chief editor and Chief executive of Awami awaz media
group
25 Fahim Siddiqi President Karachi Union of Journalists, Chief Reporter Geo
TV Karachi
26 Faridullah Khan Joint Secretary of Baluchistan Union of Journalists, Senior

581
 reporter Dunya News TV and Paper Quetta
27 Fida Hussain correspondent daily Jang Quetta in Jhal Magsi, President
Jhal Magsi Press Club
28 Fida Muhammad Khatak Station Head Neo TV , Resident Editor daily Nai Baat
Peshawar
29 Ghulam Abbas Tanvir President Faisalabad Press Club
30 Habib Khan Ghori Senior Reporter Dawn, Karachi, Ex- President Krachi Press
Club and Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists
31 Hafiz Hifzur Rehman Program Manager Radio Pakistan Lahore
32 Hamid Sheikh Ex-president Hyderabad Press Club, Bureau Chief Geo TV
,President Hyderabad Union of Journalists
33 Hammadullah Rand ex-president and Secretary general of Quetta Press Club,
Station Head Bol TV Baluchistan, In charge Local pages
daily Jang Quetta
34 Haroon Rasheed Country Editor British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
Islamabad
35 Hasan Abbas President Karachi Union of Journalists.
36 Iqbal Bukhari Member Literary Committee Lahore Press Club, life
member LHP
37 Iqbal Hussain Lakhvera former bureau chief for Jang Group of Newspapers in
Dubai, Media Adviser Abdul Qadir Khan Trust
38 Javid Siddiqi Editor daily Masawat Faisalabad, Ex-President and
Secretary of PFUJ, Member Federal Executive Council
PFUJ
39 Jhangir Aslam Baloch Special Correspondent , Member Governing Body National
Press Club Islamabad, president Islamabad high court
Journalist Association
40 Khalil Ahmed President Baluchistan Union of Journalists , Editor daily 92
News, Bureau chief 92 News TV
41 Khanzeb Shahzada Anchor GeoTV
42 Khawar Naeem Hashmi Editor daily Masawat Lahore, columist daily 92
43 Khursheed Abbasi Ex-president Karachi Press Club, Ex-President PFUJ,
Chief Reporter daily Awam Karachi
44 Khurshid Tanveer Member Press Council, Ex-president Karachi Press Club,
Krachi Union of Journalists and Ex-Vice President PFUJ
45 M.Arif Khan Ex-President Karachi Union of Journalists (Dastoor), Ex-
Joint Secretary Karachi Press Club
46 M.Asghar achakzai President Charman Press Club
47 M.Ashraf Khan Correspondent AFP, member Federal Executive
Committee PFUJ, Vice President Karachi Press Club
48 M.Azam Chaudhri President Lahore Press Club
49 M.Ibrahim Khan EX-General Secretary PFUJ, Treasurer Khyber Union of
Journalists, Correspondent Weekly Akhbar-e-Jahan
50 M.Imtiaz Faran Ex-president Karachi Press Club, Ex-president PFUJ,
Bureau Chief News One TV in Karachi
51 M.Nawaz Tahir Ex-Senior vice President Pakistan Federal Union of
Journalists and All Pakistan Newspapers Employees
Community
52 M.Riaz General Secretary Mardan Press Club, Correspondent for
daily The News and daily The Nation
53 M.Riaz Ex-Managing Director APP, Ex-presedent of Khyber Union
of Journalist, PFUJ, Representative for Dawn, and daily
The Muslim

582
54 M.Usman Bureau Chief Sindh TV in Hyderabad, Treasurer
Hyderabad Union of Journalists
55 Malik Akram Bangalzai Senior Vice president Pakistan Federal Union of
Journalists, Editor daily Tejarat and daily Juraat
56 Mateullah Achakzai General Secretary Chairman Press Club, Representative
92 News TV
57 Mateullah Jan Special correspondent and anchor person Waqt TV
Islamabad
58 Mazhar Abbas Ex-General Secretary Pakistan Federal Union of
Journalists, anchor person Geo TV
59 Mudasir Mirza Deputy Editor daily Jang Karachi
60 Muhammad Essa Tareen Bureau Chief 24 News Quetta, Ex-President Baluchistan
Union of Journalists and PFUJ
61 Muhammad Ilyas Kamboh President Hub Press Club Hub, Chief Executive Editor daily
Bolan Baluchistan
62 Muhammad Kazim Correspondent BBC in Baluchistan, Bureau Chief Neo TV
Quetta
63 Mushtaq Kamboh Vice President Hub Press Club, Correspondent daily Jang,
Geo TV , daily Awam in Hub
64 Mustafa Kamal In charge FM 101 Radio Pakistan Lahore
65 Naseem Hameed Yousufzai President Baluchistan Union of sports Writers Association.
senior reporter daily Jang Quetta
66 Naseem Qurishi Burearu Chief daily Awam in Lahore, Columnist for daily
Jang, Faculty member University of Punjab
67 Nasheedullah Khan Afaqi Editor daily Awam Karachi
68 Nasir Zaidi Head of research and references section of daily The
News, member Federal Executive Committee of PFUJ
69 Nemat Khan Joint Secretary Karachi Press Club, senior reporter for Geo
TV
70 Parvez Bashir Editor reporting daily jang Lahore
71 Pevez Shaukat President PFUJ (Worker Group) Investigative reporter daily
Jang
72 Rana Azeem President of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists(PFUJ)
Station Head 92 News
73 Rana ghulam qadir Chief reporter daily Jang Rawalpindi, Ex-president
Rawalpindi Islamabad press club, Ex-general Secretary
PFUJ
74 Rana mushtaq Ahmed Editor reporting daily Jinnah Islamabad

75 Rehmat Masood Acting General Secretary of Pakhtoon Journalists

Association, Representative of Turkish newspaper and
Daily Times Islamabad

76 Riffatullah General Secretary of the Employees Union of daily The

News Peshawar

77 S.Baber Wasim Senior Vice President Photo Journalists Organization

Punjab, Ex-Sr.V President of Pakistan Federal Union of
Journalists

583
78 S.ikram bukhari Chairman APNEC, joint editor Online news, morning mail
and JinnahIslamabad

79 S.M. fazal Editor daily News , Ex-G.S and Ex- Vice President Karachi
Press Club, Karachi Union of Journalists

80 S.Mubashir Almas Joint Editor daily Ausaf Lahore

81 Sajjad Hussain Abbasi Group Editor of Ummat Publications, Ex-vice president of
Karachi press Club, member Governing body KUJ (Burna)

82 Salim Shahid Senior Vice president Pakistan Federal Union of

Journalists, Bureau Chief Dawn, Quetta, Ex-President
Quetta press club and BUJ

83 Sardar Muhammad Akhter Founding Chairman Faisalabad Press Club,

Representative daily The News, The first Chairman of
APNEC

84 Sayed Khawar Editor daily 92 News Karachi

85 Shabir Ahmad Qadri member governing body Lahore Press Club, Senior photo
journalist

86 Shahid Ali Resident Editor Neo TV, Ex- President Faisalabad Press
Club

87 Shahzada Zulfiqar Ex-president and Secretary General of Quetta Press Club,

Station Head Bol TV Baluchistan

88 Shakeel Anjum General Secretary National Press Islamabad,

correspondent daily The News

89 Sheher Bano Ex-president The News Employees Union Karachi,

member legal committee KUJ, Training Head of PFUJ

90 Syed ahmed chaudhri Coordinator Journalist Society Hub, member governing

body national Press Club Islamabad

91 Syed Anwar Shah Chief Executive daily Sadaqat and daily Nawa-e- Nawey
Zwand Pashto Quetta

92 Syed Bukhar Shah Bacha Member Federal Executive Council of PFUJ, Ex-President
of Peshawar Press Club, senior reporter daily The News
Peshawar

93 Tahir Sidiqui Senior reporter Dawn, Karachi, Joint Secretary Karachi

Union of Journalists

94 Tariq Mehmood Durani Bureau Chief Dunya News in Larkana, Member governing
body Larkana Press Club

95 Tariq Mehmood Sham Chief Editor Monthly Atraf Karachi

584
96 Tauseef Ahmed Khan Executive Editor Khabren Media Group Lahore

97 Wasatullah Khan Special correspondent for British Broadcasting Corporation

(BBC) in Karachi

98 Watan Yar Khilji Bureau Chief Waqt TV and daily Nawa-e-waqt, Ex-
President of Baluchistan Union of Journalists

99 Yasir aslam News Editor Radio Pakistan Lahore

100 Zahir Shah President Dargai Press Club , Correspondent daily Jang

585
 Appendix-B

Interviews’ Questionnaire

Respected Sir/Madam
To fulfill the requirements of PhD under the Title “Press Freedom and Threats to Journalists
in Pakistan”, your intellectual participation is needed to reach the realities and find out better
solutions to address the problems journalists are facing in regards to their professional works.
This study is aimed to find out threats to journalists, the types of threats and their magnitude,
to stipulate the threatening actors and to evaluate the origin of threats. This study wants to
clarify the press freedom situation to determine the position of Pakistan for the Press
Freedom Indices on international arena. I am eager to authenticate my research with the
reference of your good name in my thesis. So that I request your honors to spare some time
and help me explore the media landscape in this regard.

Thanks

Fazal Hussain

Student PhD

Cell- 0342-2061859,,,,, 0322-3343296

I assure you that the data will be solely used for the fulfillment of the requirements of my
PhD thesis and will be safe and preserved in all respects.

Please! Your Name……………………………………….

Introduction for to be used as reference……………………………………………………

586
1. In your esteemed opinion, what is the condition of press freedom in Pakistan? Is the
press fully free, partially free or not free at all? Please! Evaluate.

587
2. In accordance to your respectable perception, are journalists perform their
professional duties under threats and pressure? Please! Elaborate.

588
3. As per your valuable judgments, please! Identify the agent/ agents behind the curbing
of press freedom and keeping journalists under pressure?

589
4. According to your complimentary outlook, is the Press in Pakistan mature and
responsible and impartial?

590
 Appendix-C

Survey’s Questionnaire (English)

Respected Sir/Madam

To fulfill the requirements of PhD under the Title “Press Freedom and Threats to
Journalists in Pakistan”, your intellectual participation is needed to reach the realities and find
out better solutions to address the problems journalists are facing in regards to their
professional works.This study is aimed to find out threats to journalists, the types of threats
and their magnitude, to stipulate the threatening actors and to evaluate the origin of threats.
This study wants to clarify the press freedom situation to determine the position of Pakistan
for the Press Freedom Indices on international arena. So that I request your honors to spare
some time and help me explore the media landscape in this regard.

Thanks.

Fazal Hussain

Student PhD Cell- 0342-2061859,,,,, 0322-3343296

I assure you that the data will be solely used for the fulfillment of the requirements
of my PhD thesis and will be safe and preserved in all respects. The name and signature is
optional but if please you provide, that will authenticate my results.

Please! Write your name (voluntary)………………………………

Your employer (Organization)………………………

The city you work in……………………..

Below 20 20-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 Above

Your age

Metric Intermediate Graduation Master Higher

Your education

Discipline you studied Mass-Communication Other Social Sciences Natural Sciences Commerce

Your designation………………..

Your working tenure (experience) …………………….

591
Signature (voluntary)…………………

The Questionnaire

1. What is your ambition behind the profession of journalism?

To promote the freedom of expression To insure the rule of law

To educate the citizen To protect personal interests Just a job

2. Are you satisfied with your selection of your profession?

Fully satisfied partially Not at all

3. Have you ever received threats in connection with your journalistic work?

Yes
No

If “YES”……………..

A: What type of threats have you received?

Killing kidnapping dire consequence

B: Whom the theaters’ want to be targeted?

You your family both

C: Who were/was behind the threats?

The governing Party Opposition and other Political elites Establishment

Law enforcement agencies Trafficker Land-grabbers

Militants’ Religious group Social activists’

Economical interest groups Individuals unknown

592
 D: Have you ever filed a complaint against the threats?

No Yes

If “YES” ……

E: To whom you have filed the complaint?

Police court your employer To editor

F: Have your complaint was responded?

Yes No

G: Were you satisfied with the response?

Yes No

4. Did the threats affect the objectivity of your work?

Yes No

5. Have you ever faced any physical harassment for your journalistic work?

Yes No

If “YES”………………..

A: What type of physical harassment have you faced?

Injury Beating Scolding

B: Who were /was behind the harassments?

593
 The governing Party Opposition and other Political elites Establishment

Law enforcement agencies Trafficker Land-grabbers Militants’

Religious group Social activists’ Economical interest groups

Individuals unknown

C: Have you ever filed a complaint against the harassments?

Yes No

if “YES” ……

D: To whom you have filed the complaint?

Police court your employer To editor

E: Was your complaint responded?

Yes No

F: To what extent you were satisfied with the response?

Fully satisfied partly not

6. To what extent the harassment affected the objectivity of your professional work?

Fully affected partly Not

7. Have you ever been arrested in relation to your professional work?

Yes No

594
 If “YES”

A: You were arrested under what type of law, regulation /ordinance?

Public Safety Act Security of Pakistan Act Special Power Act

Martial Law Regulation Defamation Ordinance Blasphemy

PEMRA Ordinance Others Arrested without charges

B: Have you been kept for more time than legal under custody?

Yes No

C: was your arrest for a real offence /the abduction was engineered?

Real offence Engineered

If “ENGINEERED”………

D: Who were /was behind the abduction?

The governing Party Opposition and other Political elites Establishment

Law enforcement agencies Trafficker Land-grabbers

Militants’ Religious group Social activists’

Economical interest groups your employer Individuals unknown

8. Have you faced a court trail in connection with your journalistic performance?

Yes No

If “YES”.............

595
 A: Were you been sentenced by any court, against charges in relation to your
profession?

Yes No
B: Were you satisfied with the decision of the court?

Yes No

9. Have you ever faced dismissal/ economical harassment for not following the interests
of your employer, against the spirit of journalism?
Yes No

10. Have you ever been harassed by your editor for not following his personal interests?

Yes No

11. Have you faced any discrimination in the working place during your job?

Yes No

12. Have you observed any discrimination in your work place?

Yes No
IF YES:.

A: What type of discrimination have you observed?

Gender Religion Language Political thoughts

Economical status Social Status Education

Experience/Skills

13. Have you ever been tried to be bribed for favoritism against the objectivity of the
news?

Yes No

596
 14. Have you ever accepted any economical/other beneficiaries for favoritism in your
profession?

Yes No

15. Have you ever exercised Self-Censorship?

Fully partly not at all

If “YES”…….

A: What was the motive behind it?

To avoid the legal constraints To avoid the anger of your employer

To avoid the threats and dire consequence

B: were you satisfied after censoring the news story or play down photo?

Fully partly Not

16. Are you agreeing with the assumption “Laws and regulations are necessary for check
on the press”.

Yes No don’t know

17. Are you agreeing with the Media laws in Pakistan?

Yes No have no idea

If “NOT”…..

A: What law you see to be against the freedom of press?

Public Safety Act Security of Pakistan Act Special Power Act

Martial Law Regulations Defamation Ordinance Blasphemy Law

597
 PEMRA Ordinance Code of Conduct Rules Press Council Ordinance

Newspapers Ordinance 2002

B: In your opinion, all these laws /some laws should be amended /be annulled?

Be amended be nullified have no idea

18. In your opinion, is the press responsible/ mature in Pakistan?

Fully partly not at all Have no idea

19. In which category you will place the “press” in Pakistan.

Free Partly free Not free have no idea

20. Are journalists working under pressure in Pakistan?

Fully partly not under pressure have no idea

21. Are you agreeing with the assumption “general law and order situation affect the
freedom of press in Pakistan”

Fully partly not at all have no idea

22. What is the position of “the rule of law in Pakistan”?

Strong normal weak don’t know

23. In your opinion, what is the level of safety for journalists in respect to their
professional duties?

Completely safe partially safe Not safe have no idea

24. Are journalists in Pakistan having political affiliation/ inclination?

Fully affiliated partly Not affiliated have no idea

If “YES”……….

A: Is the political affiliation of journalist’s affects professional

spirit/objectivity of work?

598
 Fully partly don’t affect

B: Does“the political affiliation of journalists increase threats to

journalists in Pakistan”?

Fully partly not at all

25. Do Journalists in Pakistan join the profession of journalism to safeguard other vested
interests?

Fully partly Not at all have no idea

26. Are owners of media enterprises involved in the promotion of other interests in the
name of journalism?

Fully partly Not at all have no idea

If “YES”……

A: In your opinion, is that a justifiable practice?

Justifiable partly Not at all

B: Are such practices increase threats to journalism in Pakistan?

Fully increase partly not at all

27. To what extent the owners of media enterprises intervene in the editorial policies of
their publications?

Fully intervene partly Not at all

28. Are you affirming the assumption “Advertizing agencies /agents are affecting the
editorial policies of media enterprises”.

Fully affect partly Not at all

29. Are you agreeing with the assumption “the instability and discontinuation of
democracy affect the freedom of press in Pakistan”?

599
 Fully affect partly not at all

30. Are you agreeing with the assumption “the diversity of social norms and values affect
the freedom of press”?

Fully affect partly Not at all

31. Are you observing intolerance in the society connection with criticism of press?

High intolerance Normal not

exists

If it “ EXISTS”

A: Are you agreeing with the assumption “the intolerance in Pakistan affect the
freedom of press”.

Fully affect partly Not at all

32. In your opinion, in which part of Pakistan, journalists are facing more pressure and
confronting threats.

Capital city Islamabad Tribal areas Kashmir Gilgit Baltistan

Khyber Pakhtoon Khwa Baluchistan Sindh Punjab

33. Is there an undeclared censorship imposed on the press in Pakistan”.

Fully imposed partially Not at all don’t know

34. What is the level of the exercise of self-censorship in Pakistan”.

Fully exercised partly Not at all don’t know

35. In your opinion, is the Self-Censorship affecting the spirit of press freedom?

600
 Fully affect partially Not at all

36. Are you a member of PFUJ?

Yes No

37. According to your estimation, all journalists are members of PFUJ?

Mostly are members insufficient

If Not “Sufficient”

A: Are you urging all journalists to be member of PFUJ?

Yes Not necessary

38. Is PFUJ playing a magnificent role to protect the interests of journalists and to insure
press freedom in Pakistan?

Play full role partially play No role don’t know

39. Are you affirming any role of PFUJ that it had played in your personal case, in
connection with your profession?

Yes No have not consulted

40. In your opinion, is the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) a representative
body of working journalists?

Yes No don’t know

41. Are you affirming Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors (CPNE) is playing
important role to promote the freedom of press and safeguard the interests of
journalists.

Play full role partially play No role don’t know

42. Does CPNE work for the interests of the owners?

Fully partially no don’t know

601
 If “YES”…….
A: Are you urging that the owner should not be the editor of a newspaper
/
periodical?
Yes, shouldn’t be should be no effect

B: Are you urging that the CPNE should work for the interests of working
journalists?

Obliging not necessary should not

43. Are you agreeing that APNS (All Pakistan Newspapers Society) is a representative
body of all the newspapers / periodicals in Pakistan?

Yes of all Not of all don’t know

44. Are you affirming that APNS only upholds the interests of owners of media
enterprises?

Fully partially don’t know

If “YES”……

A: Are you urging that APNS should work for the interests of working
journalists?

Should work Unnecessary shouldn’t

B: Are you affirming that that is impossible due to clash of interests as employer
and

employee?

Justifiable Not necessary not justifiable

45. Are you affirming that APNS plays important role in the struggle for freedom of press
in Pakistan?

Play full role play partly No role don’t know

602
46. What is the future of press in Pakistan?

Brilliant satisfactory Not satisfactory

If any aspect, that you see is missing. Please! Evaluate

Thanks.

603
 Appendix-D

Survey’s Questionnaire (Urdu)

604