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Understanding of Conflicts in Contemporary Nigeria from Class Conflict

Perspectives

Research · October 2022

DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.20710.50245

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Understanding of Conflicts in Contemporary Nigeria from Class
Conflict Perspectives
By
Bolanle Kayode

ABSTRACT

Conflict and resolution have regularly attracted discussions, debates and article writing from
academics and non-academics in the field of social science however, commonly underpinning
these activities are failures in human leadership while the understanding that class conflict
perspectives offers is often ignored or less established. This article will examine perspectives
in the class conflict to explore how they guide understanding of conflicts/crisis in contemporary
Nigeria. Secondary data that include public record journals, textbooks, academic publications,
newspaper content etc., was methodologically used. Divided into three segments, the first
section of the article delves into the historical background predating Nigeria independence and,
how this may have contributed to class conflicts in Nigeria. Highlights from some class conflict
perspectives were thereafter presented while the final section reviewed how these perspectives
guided the understanding of selected conflicts (i.e. Hijab crisis, ASUU strike - Academic Staff
Union of University, Tricycle Operators’ conflict and Farmer-herder conflict) including their
resolve in the contemporary Nigeria. The article posited that, though class conflict perspectives
guided insight into conflicts in contemporary Nigeria however, no singular perspective offered
an all-encompassing understanding. It is not impossible this is due to Nigeria heterogeneity
coupled with the economic and cultural environment, all of which largely differ from the
western societies that underpinned basis on which class conflict perspectives were premised.
An eclectic approach therefore, which does not adhere to a singular class conflict perspective
provided the flexibility to draw on multiple perspectives that enabled a holistic understanding
of conflicts and their resolve in contemporary Nigeria

Keywords – Conflict, Class conflict perspectives, Resolution, Eclectic, Nigeria

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1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 The Concept of Conflict

Conflict is integral to the fabrics of everyday life just as it is considered a necessary process
of life. According to DeCenzo (1997), conflict is natural and there are bound to be
disagreements at times whenever two individuals come together’. In other words, it may not
be un-usual for conflict to occur as a result of breakdown in the mechanism of decision-
making. Two broad categories of conflict are intra-personal conflict (i.e. which can be
associated with personal thoughts, choice and interest) and inter-personal conflict (occurring
between individuals, group, class, members of an organization and states). Class struggle is
one major issue that bring about conflict. In terms of categories, class struggle could be
constituted as (a) economic class struggle where the proletariat struggle with the bourgeoisie
through their labourer’s organization; (b) the political class struggle where the proletariat has
their party and, through democracy, make attempt try to change the system and (c) the
ideological class struggle where the proletariat try to adapt the old governing system to new
social situations. Underpinning whatever these formations/categories may be is the tension or
conflicts that arise when resources, status, and power are unevenly distributed between
groups in society therefore, the motive to become an engine for social change. Where the
conflict is properly resolved, it is said to be constructive leading to resolution and
reconciliation otherwise it becomes destructive that may degenerate to chaos, crisis or war.

1.2 Polities in Nigeria Prior to the Colonial Era

Beneath class conflicts in Nigeria is a struggle that predate the post-colonial period. Prior to
becoming a nation, Nigeria existed as geographical locations or ethnic groups, each having
their own polities. In no situation was the will of the ruler allowed to threaten or endanger the
interest of the ruled and the society at large with the pre-colonial polities. The Yoruba’s’ for
instance operated kingdoms with a decentralised structure where power was constitutionally
shared among all political levels of the kingdom. The central level was headed by the King
who receive\d administrative assistance from the chiefs and political figures but there were also
subordinate units headed by local chiefs, locally known as ‘Baales’ and concentrating only on
the administration of villages within the kingdoms. The Yoruba political was based on ultimate
principle of ‘check and balance’ implying that each of the administrative level can check,
challenge or nullify actions of other levels irrespective of their administrative hierarchy.

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Among the Hausa-Fulani was the system of clientage and, though considered highly
centralised, it provided a nexus within which conflicts could be resolved and the pains from
dictatorship reduced.

With the colonial era however, British gradually established their political dominance over the
different ethnic group, imposed their rules, altering the existing political, economic and social
organization of the people. The amalgamation of the different ethnic groups in 1914 by Lord
Frederick Lugard into what became known as Nigeria has been argued to be without much
regard for ethnic boundaries and, according to Tamuno (1980), the British neither sought the
views of Nigerians nor traditional institutions of government to ascertain whether they wanted
such amalgamation. To meet the required personnel needs during the colonial administration,
rudiments of western education were introduced through the missionaries and converts were
able to act as interpreters. As the Christian proselytizing would not be allowed in the Islamic
North, the western education could not progress in the region therefore, leading to an
educational gap between the North and South. Professionals were developed as teachers,
lawyers and doctors with some emerging as senior civil servants in the colonial service
however, this largely happened in the South. As struggle for independence by the educated
elite from British rule increased, there was retreat into one's own ethnic group (i.e. class) for
dominance. In sum, partly fuelling ethnicism and struggle for dominance was the uneven
development such as the educational gap therefore, the colonial period sowed the seeds of
conflict on many fronts.

With Nigeria becoming independent in 1960, many expected the attainment to usher in an era
of widespread prosperity, democracy, and self-governance. Though the call for independence
had been described as a nationalist movement, the concept of the nation that embrace all
segments of the society was not apparent in activities of the new rulers. Similar to the
assumption that modern bourgeois society establish new classes, new conditions of oppression,
and forms of struggle in place of the old ones (Marx and Engel, 1848), the nation was viewed
as the instrument of ‘their’ will by the new leaders. In fact, the constitution that gave the country
independence excluded women in the North from participating in the decision making that
affected their lives (Bolanle Awe, 1999). Rather than national cohesion, ethnicism was further
promoted. Gross corruption and mismanagement that followed thereafter gave the military
class the opportunity to seize power from the civilian governments, supposedly in an attempt

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to "correct" the ills of the nation however, the fact that one military government toppled another
is a testimony to their own mismanagement.

Today, the 36 states of Nigeria are divided into six geopolitical zones namely: the North-West
(i.e. Kaduna, Katsina, Jigawa, Sokoto, Kebbi, Kano, and Zamfara), the North-East (i.e. Bauchi,
Gombe, Borno, Taraba, Adamawa and Yobe), the North Central aka Middle Belt(i.e. Federal
Capital Territory, Abuja, Plateau, Nassarawa, Niger, Kwara, Kogi and Benue), the South-
West (i.e. Lagos, Osun, Ogun, Oyo, Ekiti and Ondo), the South-East (i.e. Enugu, Anambra,
Imo, Abia and Ebonyi) and the South-South (i.e. Rivers, Cross River, Akwa Ibom, Delta, Edo
and Bayelsa). With a character of multi-ethnic and un-integrated states, concerns around
democracy, economic issues and marginalization complaints such as underdevelopment, poor
service delivery, and high level of unemployment, upsurge of conflicts involving political
groups, ethnic groups and religious classes are not uncommonly reported. In a nutshell, the
seed of conflict presumably sowed by the colonial era, coupled with the manifestation of
corruption in the post-independence era are contributory factors to class conflicts in Nigeria.
The question however is – could these conflicts be understood in the context of class conflict
perspectives? This article now explore perspectives in class conflict.

2. Perspectives in Class Conflict

Highlights from class conflict perspectives of Karl Marx, Ralf Dahrendorf, Nicos Poulantzas,
Lewis Coser and Talcott Parsons are explored as follows:

2.1 Karl Marx

Popularly known to be centrally concerned with class and the dialectics of capitalism, Karl
Marx posited inherent class struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie in the capitalist-
industrial society. Focusing on the economic, social, and political implications due to the rise
of capitalism in Europe, Marx theorized that the system, premised on the existence of a
powerful minority class (the bourgeoisie) and an oppressed majority class (the proletariat),
created class conflict because the interests of the two were at odds, and resources unjustly
distributed among them. Marx said this would lead to the rise of class consciousness, or an
awareness of the reasons for oppression among the workers, with goal of achieving a

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structural change. The class consciousness of the oppressed majority class (the proletariat),
according to Karl Marx, will in turn lead them to revolt against the bourgeoisie in order to
eliminate the oppression and exploitation they suffered. In other words, the worsening socio-
economic conditions experienced by the proletariat would lead them to develop a class
consciousness that revealed their exploitation at the hands of the wealthy capitalist class of
bourgeoisie, with an eventual revolt (i.e. conflict) to demand changes to smooth the conflict.
History has not supported Karl Marx prediction that capitalism will inevitably result in a
revolution of the proletariat. Although Marx’s perspective was considered polemical or
disputatious, the emphasis it placed on conflict, on classes, their relations to the state
including social change has become powerful and difficult to be discarded. His basic view of
conflict arising from unequal positions held by members of society continue to underpin
many of today’s conflict thereby making Marx’s perspective a major stimulus and definition
of problems for further notable advances.

2.2 - Nicos Poulantzas

Constituted as distributional categories (i.e. interest groups) that relates externally to

production by assignment for technical functions, Poulantzas defined classes as ‘the result of
an ensemble of structures and of their relations’ (Poulantzas, 1975 p.63). The interests of the
groups are defined within the limits of the given structure, and can often conflict with one
another. According to Poulantzas, the relations within the structure are not social relations
therefore, not relations of domination or of exploitation (Poulantzas, 1975 p.62-66). Rather,
they are on one hand, the technical relations of material production and, on the other,
differential relations of ownership of agents to means of production. Social classes are
therefore not constituted by the relations of production but by distributive classes which are
defined by reference to the technical functions of their members in production as well as by
political and ideological social factors.

To promote and achieve their collective economic interests, the groups exist at the political and
ideological levels while conflict at these levels provide the means to advance/defend their
interests. Ideological conflict is perceived as a normal element of pluralism system where
strategic influences are used to promote and achieve interests. The political is usually seen as
dominant and, relations of classes/interest groups to the state is considered a key factor given
the role of the state in the structure i.e. the state has the power to intervene in the economy to

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the benefit of one group or another. The ability of each group to achieve its interests during
conflicts according to Poulantzas, is determined by its power, which in turn is dependent on its
position in the structure (its bargaining position) and its level of organisation (Poulantzas, 1975
p.112). Poulantzas has been argued (Coser, 1956) to add a functionalist perspective in which
conflict and the associated social change are subordinate to the functioning of the structure.

2.3 - Ralf Dahrendorf

In eschewing from Karl Marx historical or empirical errors, Dahrendorf argued that most
people in society are unlikely to be engaged in one mighty political-economic-social
industrial conflict that is generated from one structural source (i.e. property relationships).
Rather, changes in social structures create the social structural basis for a plurality of interest
groups hence a plurality of bases for conflict.

For Dahrendorf, classes are conflict groups generated by the unequal distribution of authority
in imperative coordinated associations or organisations such as the state, industry, the army,
the church etc. Within any imperative group are not only those who are super-ordinate and
those who are subordinate but also an arrangement of social roles comprising expectations of
domination or subjugation. Those toward whom authoritative power is exercised, and who
suffer from such powers are naturally opposed to this state of affairs hence, conflict. As those
who assume opposing roles are structurally generating contradictory interests to change the
status quo, the incumbents of authoritative roles benefit from the status-quo, which grants them
their power. Class conflict therefore arise from, and is related to this structure. In sum, the
authoritative domination and subjugation underlies structural source of group conflict but,
whilst the object of such conflict is the status quo, the consequence of which is to change social
structure is not necessarily through revolution.

2.4 - Talcott Parsons

Talcott Parsons’ perspectives on class conflict is in line with the central idea of functionalism
that society is a whole unit, made up of interrelated parts that works together and, according
regard to the relationships that exists between the varied segments/structures of the total

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system. Criticizing the failure of revolutionary views to capture the ways economic interactions
may be of mutual benefit to the different classes that comprise a social system, Parson, known
to have developed structural functionalist sociology provided the perspective that different
segments/structures/parts of society can, and do work together to keep society functioning. His
concentration was on the structures of society including their relationship to each other. In
concurring, Henslin (2009) acknowledged the functionalist views on the need to look at both
structure and function in our understanding of the society, where the ‘structure’ represents the
components of society, how these parts fit together to make the whole and, the ‘function’ being
the role performed by each part including how each contributes to society.

Therefore, in opposition to the radical views that relationship between the classes of employers
and employees is one of conflict, where the employers wishes to pay as little as possible for
the employees' labor, but the employees wishes to maximize their wages, Parson’s perspectives
on class conflict is that in practice, an harmonious relationship can occur between employees
and employers given the existence of segments such as professional associations, trade unions,
conflict resolution teams, labour movements etc., all of which are open to employees for
discussions and negotiations towards agreeing possible solutions rather than engaging in
conflict (i.e. structures can be mutually supportive that tend toward a dynamic equilibrium).
Parsons’ perspective of class conflict appears to offer/suggest a modification to the Marxian
views given it enables the establishment of relations to other aspects of the total social system,
aspects that Marx was perhaps unaware.

2.5 - Lewis Coser

Lewis Coser’s perspective on class conflict focused on the functional consequences of

conflict. Though other theorists that included Georg Simmel had earlier considered conflict to
be natural and a necessity for the society, Coser who brought the idea into mainstream
sociology. His perspectives on class conflict demonstrated how categories of conflict such as
those occurring within a group (i.e. internal conflicts) and those that occurs outside a group
(i.e. external conflicts) brings about functional consequences that are considered beneficial to
a social system or the society.

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Whilst the internal conflict is described as conflicts between or among groups that function
within same social system such as an existing tension that between indigenous populations
and the national government which, in most cases is associated with low-level and more
frequent conflict, external group conflicts are described as war involving nations and having
elements of extreme violence. Coser was of the view that conflict is instinctual for humans
and, though the possibility is high for a conflict that has built-up over time to become
explosive, the frequent low-level conflict tends to release the hostilities, therefore keeping
conflict from becoming explosive and disintegrative for the system. He argued that frequent
low-level conflicts often create the pressure for a social system to produce or create moral
and social structures that facilitate social integration, including providing norms (laws) to
govern conflicts (e.g. most of the formal laws governing labour in Western capitalist
countries came about because of the conflict between labour and management).

Though it is not impossible that some internal conflict become dysfunctional especially when
there are threats to the fundamental assumptions of the group (or Class) relationship
nevertheless, the levels of conflict including structures that facilitates negotiation and social
integration as highlighted in Coser’s perspectives on class conflict makes it a unique one.

3. Class Conflicts in Contemporary Nigeria

3.1

Resentments emanating from injustice and inequitable distribution of resources are no longer
uncommon in contemporary Nigeria and, on many occasions leading to conflict in the
country. Besides ethnic based conflicts such as those relating to protection of oil pipeline in
the Niger Delta region, issues that included non-payment of salaries and/or allowances,
implementation of minimum wage, rise in price of commodities, privatisation of public
companies, brutality of law enforcement agents, insecurity concerns, banditry etc., are
commonly being criticized by classes or unions such as Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC),
Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Trade Union Congress (TUC), Human Rights
Group, Civil Society Organisations and other activists. These issues and many other have
oftentimes triggered conflicts in Nigeria either at the state or federal level. It is not in
contention that Nigerian government do devise mechanisms to resolve or tackle these

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conflicts (e.g. introduction of poverty alleviation programmes, establishment of ministries or
agencies such as Niger Delta Ministry, scholarship programme for the youth, amnesty
programme etc.) however, were these resolves underlined by class conflict perspectives?
How relevant have been class conflict perspectives in understanding these crises? In
exploring these ruminations, some of the conflicts that occurred in Nigeria between 2021 and
2022 would be examined as follows:

 The Hijab Crisis

 ASUU Strike
 Farmer Herder Crisis
 Tricycle Operators’ Strike

3.2 The Hijab Conflicts

Kwara state and Lagos state in Nigeria recorded conflicts (between 2021 & 2022) over the
wearing of hijab on the school uniforms (aka head covering) by female students attending
Christian faith based schools. In Kwara State, the crisis initially started in February 2021 when
management of the Christian faith based schools made a decision that Muslim students should
no longer wear hijab to the school. Though Christian faith based schools had been built decades
ago (over 47 years) with grants/aids from the missionaries, government has since taken over
their administration therefore converted to public schools. As Muslim parents insisted that
female students should be allowed to wear their hijab over school uniforms as required by
Islamic faith more so that these are now public schools, their Christian counterparts argued that
wearing hijab negates the heritage of the missionaries that built the schools. They argued that
schools with Islamic roots are still maintaining their traditions and cultures hence insisted that
Christian faith based schools be allowed to maintain the Church heritage they represent
thereby, vowed to use licit means to defend and protect the missionary heritage with whole
strength and might.

Whilst Kwara State government ordered a temporary closure of the affected secondary
schools (x10) pending the resolution of the controversy, an independent committee was set up
to recommend solutions for resolving the agitation over wearing of hijab by Muslim female
students attending Christian faith based public schools. As the matter became difficult to
resolve, it proceeded to the court and it was ruled that “students who wished to wear hijab
could do so. Schools not owned by the government (i.e. Private schools) were given the

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liberty to make decisions on what students should wear as uniforms however, female students
in government owned schools can wear the hijab if they choose to do so”. Kwara state
subsequently approved the use of hijab in all public schools and, operated with public
resources. Meanwhile, the agitation continued and school closures were intermittently
recorded until it was finally reopened in June 2022 by the Ministry of Education. This was
after a 119 days of closure from 3rd February 2022, during which a peaceful protest was
hijacked by hoodlums carrying weapons, leading to the death of a student and several others
wounded. Not less than150 final year students were also unable to sit for their West Africa
School Certificate Examinations (WAEC) due to the closures.

In Lagos State, the crisis escalated to banning female students attending Christian faith based
schools from wearing of Hijab over their school uniforms. As the decision did not go well
amongst the two religious classes (Muslim and Christian) in the defence of their respective
faith, the ‘banning’ was challenged in the court and, up to the Supreme Court (aka-apex
court) where it was ruled in June 2022 that ‘banning of female Muslim students from wearing
Hijab to school was a violation of their fundamental rights to freedom of thought, conscience
and religion.

Schools are undeniably a prototype of organizations based on culture, made of culture and
which generates culture hence, encounters or conflicts are not un-usual due to differences in
cultures/traditions. Though it is becoming more difficult to deal with diversity in schools and
other settings where people grow up, sociologists of education acknowledge pluralism as the
dimensions in culture. To explore hijab crisis in the context of Poulantzas perspectives on class
conflict, the Muslim and Christian groups/classes attempted to lay claims on uniform issues
within educational establishment but whilst the Muslim group (class) felt there should be equal
distributive share in the decision (i.e. decision to allow use of hijab if a female student wishes
to wear it in Christian Faith based public schools), their Christian counterpart felt otherwise,
arguing that it violates the missionary values upon which the schools were founded hence, the
crisis..

Coming into limelight in the hijab crisis is Dahrendorf perspective on class conflict that those
toward whom status quo or authoritative power is exercised, and who suffer from it, are
naturally opposed to the state of affairs hence conflict. The ruling of the Supreme Court to
allow the wearing of Hijab Muslim female students in all public schools irrespective of faith
may not have gone well with Nigerian Christians more so that many schools initially
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established by Islamic organisations but taken over by the Federal government still maintain
their traditions and cultures. It is not impossible that the status quo in the court ruling by both
Kwara state and Lagos state underlies the feelings of unequal authority amongst the Christian
class i.e. denial of same rights as the Muslims class in maintaining religious culture and
traditions.

Steps taken by the government that included setting up dispute resolution platforms to intervene
in both states, reinforcing co-existence among the classes in conflict and involvement of Court
to resolve matters are in conformity to Talcott Parsons perspective on class conflict that
different segments/structures/parts of society can work together to keep society functioning. In
fact, a constitutional legal practitioner (Malcom Omirhobo), in apparent protest against the
judgement of the apex court in sanctioning the wearing of hijab by Muslim female students
over their uniforms in Lagos State public schools turned satirical by dressing as a traditional
worshipper to attend proceedings at the Supreme Court (in opposition to the dressing code) on
the grounds of exercising his fundamental rights (Okere, 2022). According to the constitutional
legal practitioner, the judgement is such that could lead to ethno-religious conflict in Nigeria.
Notwithstanding the rise of class consciousness (as viewed by Karl Marx) as evident in both
classes given the determination to protect their religious values, the structures available in the
social system were utilised to address the conflict rather than degenerating into a revolt.

3.3 ASUU Strike

Conflict between government and ASUU (Academic Staff Union of University), an umbrella
body of the teaching staff of federal and state government-owned universities in Nigeria is age-
long. Over 1, 560 days (about 5 years) has been used to register grievances by ASUU through
strikes since Nigeria returned to democracy in 1999. Their recently concluded strike that lasted
exactly eight months from 14th February 2022 was a loggerhead with the Federal government
over the failure to honour an agreement entered into with the Union. Memorandum of Action
(MoA) had been signed in 2020 by the federal government to implement an agreement reached
by the previous government in 2009 with ASUU. Signing of the MoA supposedly led to the
suspension of a nine-month strike action embarked by the Union in 2020. Barely a year later,
ASUU made accusation that government was not fulfilling its side of the MoU bargain and
threatened to commence an industrial action. To avert the planned strike in 2021, federal
government paid N22.1billion earned academic allowances to lecturers at federal universities

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and also a part of the revitalisation fund in November 2021 in line with the 2020 Memorandum
of Action (Punch, February 2022).

About three months later, and on 14th February 2022, ASUU accused government of failure
to fully implement the MoA it signed with the Union in December 2020 therefore decided to
commence industrial strike. Issues in contention included Funding for Revitalisation of public
universities, Earned Academic Allowances, Proliferation of public Universities Visitation
Panels/Release of White Papers, preference for the University Transparency and
Accountability Solution for the payment of salaries and allowances as against the Integrated
Personnel Payroll Information System (IPPIS) on the grounds that it violates the autonomy of
federal universities and short-changing the union members among others.

Interventions from notable citizens including the Nigeria Inter-religious Council (NIREC) were
neither able to resolve the grievance of the Union nor avert the strike. Voluntary conciliation
commenced in less than two weeks into the industrial action where most of the issues arising
from the 2020 Memorandum of Action were presumably conciliated however ASUU insisted
there were outstanding issues. Intervention from groups such as Nigeria Labour Congress
(NLC), Trade Union Congress (TUC), and National Parents Teacher Association of Nigeria
(NAPTAN) including the government constituted Briggs Committee meant to renegotiate with
the Union, a realistic and workable terms of the 2009 Agreement proved fruitless. Whilst
government blamed paucity of funds for its inability to meet these demands hence requesting
that the Union return to classroom pending resolve to their contending issues within the limits
of the available scarce resources, ASUU vigorously accused government of not getting its
priorities right including that flamboyancy being displayed by government officials does not
evidence a convincing argument that resources are not available to meet the demands being
pressed for by the Union.

The selfless struggle by ASUU members in ensuring our education system is adequately
funded, facilities improved, their argument that education is a right that should not be taken
away from the average citizens including higher institution development being the justification
for strike actions cannot all be underestimated. Nevertheless, there are concerns that incessant
strikes have deleterious effect on the academic standard, leads to abridged acquisition of
knowledge, elongates academic calendar of public universities, have consequences for student
learning and, also impact the grading of universities in Nigeria.

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Over seven months into the strike and, having exhausted channels of negotiation including
the tripartite plus, in which eminent Nigerians participated in, the federal government
migrated the matter to the National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN) created by the 1999
Constitution as amended, for the settlement of industrial disputes. Government claimed it was
left with no other option than triggering Section 17 of the Trade Disputes Act .CAP T8, Laws
of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 on dispute resolution mechanism to seek intervention of the
National Industrial Court for compelling ASUU to reopen the public universities. In line with
s.47 of the Trade Dispute Act that workers would NOT continue to embark on strike pending
the hearing and determination of a case (aka - when a matter is already referred to the
industrial court for adjudication), an interlocutory injunction was subsequently issued by the
NICN to restrain public university lecturers from continuing the strike action pending the
hearing and determination of the suit already filed to address their dispute with the Federal
Government. The Union was unhappy with the injunction hence filed an appeal but the
appellate court ruled on 7th October 2022 that application could only be granted on the
condition that ASUU obeys the ruling of the lower court by calling off the strike pending the
determination of the substantive suit. On 14th October 2022, ASUU insisted their demands
were yet to be satisfactorily met but announced the strike actions were over.

Using the Karl Marx’s perspective on class conflict, it is not unlikely that class consciousness
or an awareness of somewhat oppression prompted ASUU to embark on strike against the
government as a means to express and eliminate their sufferings. The response by many
chapters of ASUU in sensitising its members to support the industrial action indeed signalled
a collective class consciousness to achieve a change nonetheless, the solidarity appeared
weakened shortly afterwards given the seeming ‘crack’ in the union. Amongst the ASUU
chapters that joined the strike, the academic lecturers in some medical schools (e.g. Medical
lecturers in the University of Maiduguri, Abubarka Tafawa Balawa University Teaching
Hospital, Bauchi and Usman Danfodiyo University Teaching Hospital) openly signalled their
intention to withdraw from the industrial action. Many state owned universities did not join
the strike action with some withdrawing as it was still on-going (e.g. Kwara State, Ekiti State,
Oshun State, Lagos State, Imo State etc.). Yet, some state owned universities (Abakaliki
chapter of ASUU, Ojukwu University etc.) viewed going on strike to be of no benefit in their
consideration of academic excellence as priority hence, refused to be part of the strike from
the on-set just as lecturers in the medical school also felt joining the ASUU strike would
create a gap in learning for students in the medical field especially medicine and surgery.

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It is not unlikely that ‘fracture’ in the collective bargaining power that ASUU used to enjoy
prior to the proliferation of university education in Nigeria may also have contributed to the
weakened cohesion hence unable to achieve intended immediate change. Of significance is
the high percentage of private universities which currently constitute 52% of the total number
of universities in Nigeria (i.e. as at August 2022, there are 49 federal universities, 54 state
universities while 111 are private universities) and for which none is under the ASUU
umbrella. These private universities are self-funding and unlikely to be concerned about the
agitation of the lecturers from public universities hence, were opened for their students to
receive education as ASUU strike was on-going. These are issues conforming to the
perspective of Ralf Dahrendorf on class conflict that most people (or groups) in society are
unlikely to be engaged in one mighty social industrial conflict (including political or
economic) and that, changes in social structures create the social structural basis for a
plurality of interest groups, hence a plurality of bases for conflict. In fact, the move by the
federal government on 4th October 2022 in approving the registration of two additional Trade
Unions in the Nigerian University Academic Sub Sector to operate alongside ASUU (i.e.
Congress of University Academics, CONUA & Nigerian Association of Medical and
Dental Academics, NAMDA) is being argued to further fracture or reduce the powers of
ASUU.

The eventual resolve to the conflict however appeared rooted in the class conflict perspectives
of Talcott Parsons which emphasised the importance of working together by all segments in a
social system, for the benefit of the whole system. ASUU industrial action no doubt negatively
impacted other segments that included youth development, family, acquisition of knowledge,
increased unrest in the country (i.e. protests under the umbrella of National Association of
Nigerian Students - NANS) etc., hence drawing attention to mutual benefits that a social system
could enjoy if/when all its segments work together for the benefit of the whole system.
Notwithstanding that ASUU insisted their grievance remains unsatisfactorily resolved, it is not
impossible that National Industrial Court of Nigeria would consider addressing the Unions’
dispute with the Federal Government when the suit already filed is heard and determined, such
that justice is given to all parties. The use of multiple mechanisms that involved intervention
from various groups including invoking the Trade Dispute Act to find ways of resolving the
long-run strike was in line with Talcott Parson’s perspective on class conflict that structures
for discussions and negotiations exists in a social system to explore possible solutions rather

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than engaging in conflict and, that in practice, the segments of a social system (e.g. employees
and employers) can, and do work together to keep the system functioning..

3.4 Tricycle Operators’ Strike in Kano

The conflict between tricycle operators (locally known as keke-napep) and Kano Road Traffic
Agency (KAROTA) in January 2022 paralysed traffic and commercial activities. The tricycle
operators (Class) had embarked on a strike in protest of the N8000 annual operational permit
being enforced by a government agency called KAROTA (Class). Agitation was underpinned
by the fact that tricycle operators had been caused in 2021 to make an upfront payment of
N30000 as the yearly registration permit in addition to the mandated daily N100 payment to
the state government. Tricycle being a major source of transport in Kano, it left many people
stranded especially traders, workers and students with no alternatives to convey them.

As the tricycle operators were protesting that imposition of additional annual N8000
operational permit was an insensitive tax for their small earning and income, KAROTA
argued that payment of taxes is recognised by law including that government require revenue
from taxes not only to execute projects but to administer the state. Though the strike was
suspended after few days, it was not until meetings were held between representative of
government (i.e. KAROTA) and leadership of the tricycle operators in Kano State for
negotiations and following which resolutions were made for reduction of the operation permit
from N8000 among others.

Espousing the class conflict perspective of Nicos Poulantzas, the interest groups within a given
structure or social system can and, do conflict each other. KAROTA undoubtedly is a formation
of the government with the technical function of promoting government policies and, gets the
accorded ideological and political relations with the government by virtue of their formation.
Notwithstanding that tricycle operators also represent a relevant interest group given the level
of income they generate for the government through tax, there is conflict between both classes.
At another level however, the tricycle operators’ strike seemed underlined by the Marxists’
description of exploitation where ‘the state (government) is but a committee managing the
affairs of whole bourgeoisie, the form in which the individuals of a ruling class asserts their
common interest’ (Engels, 1919). It is no longer uncommon that certain ‘classes or groups’
express dominance in implementing instruments of power such as executive orders and
legislation made by the dominant group (government).

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KAROTA (class) in this case is one of government’s instruments, established to promote the
governing rules around revenue generation policies therefore, are empowered to impose levies
on road users that include tricycle operators (class). In other words, KAROTA is a government
agency and, an instrument to dominate the tricycle operators. In resolving the conflict, the
functional perspectives of Talcott Parsons and Lewis Coser, which promotes working together
of segments/structures for the functioning of whole system enabled negotiations between the
tricycle operators and KAROTA where they agreed the way forward.

3.5 Farmer-Herders Conflict

The conflict between farmers and herders, a fundamentally land use contest that was initially
predominant in the north-central region of Nigeria have spread across the Country. Clashes
between herds-men and farmers have been recorded in States that include Benue, Nassarawa,
Kaduna, Plateau, Abia, Taraba, Ondo, Ekiti, Ogun etc. It is a violence that has resulted in
indiscriminate and avoidable loss of lives, properties including threats to the security, peace
and development of the Country. In the past, farmers (class) and herders (class) strengthened
their relationship through reciprocal gestures and exchanges that helped them resolve disputes
however, with the collapse of symbiotic relations between both parties, the County became
locked in a perennial macabre dance between sedentary farmers and herders.

Land is an important resource to both farmers and herders as whilst it is crucial to the rural
people who have their livelihood based in agriculture, it is also considered a basis of wealth,
power and prestige (Bello Ibrahim, 2021). Constituting man’s physical environment within
which both farmers and herders carry out their economic activities, land enclosure either for
grazing or agriculture is perceived as restrictive to the production system. Whilst herders sees
farmers’ use of land as a restriction of their access to natural resources and reshaping their
livelihoods, farmers consider herders as a group that trespass and causing damages to their
crops. Despite that use of land is deemed dependent on who owns or controls it, including the
pressure and incentives shaping the behaviour of the owner (Alamode, 2013), the political
control over use of land by either local or national government is on the increase and, being
perceived not only as a commoditisation process but also a major driver of farmer-herder
conflict.

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In particular, the invasion of land areas that may have been earlier reserved for grazing to the
advantage of farming populations thereby leading to the exclusion of pastoralists/herders from
high-productivity area is deemed to be a fallout from political control. An instance is the Middle
Rima Valley Irrigation Project in Sokoto State by the federal government, where agricultural
production is prioritised over livestock production therefore, herders who previously accessed
pasture prior to the development of the irrigation facility felt inadequately provided with
alternatives. Whilst water from this irrigation project and also land are available for farmers'
use, pasture is unavailable for herders hence, the bone of contention is not that land resource is
scarce but scarcity is in relation to non-access by a particular class (herder). In a move by the
government to resolve the farmer-herder conflict, creation of cattle colonies was considered as
consolation for the herders however, public outcry on the potential of colonies to displace
people and livelihoods meant it could not be progressed. Consequently, the ranching system
popularly advocated for was considered and, herders now being supported by the government
to acquire land for ranching.

The perspectives of Karl Marx on inherent class struggle in terms of how material production
is organised offered understanding into the struggle for scarce resources by farmers and herders
(i.e. struggle for land use, struggle for passing routes for the herders which is now occupied
by the farmers, struggle for cattle grazing etc.). Notwithstanding the class that may be viewed
as minority or oppressed in this conflict, it is evident that interests of the two classes (i.e.
farmers and herders) were at odds as whilst the farmers needed the land to cultivate, herders
require the same resource for their pastures to feed even though this may cause destructions to
crops. As government control of land for agricultural use appeared benefitting to the farmers,
the herders became unsatisfied that resource (i.e. land) was unjustly distributed among them.

Offering understanding into the beneficial relationship between farmers and herders however
is the functional perspective of Talcott Parsons. Whilst cattle survive better on grass and hays,
crops are known to grow healthy with animal manure therefore, farmers need cattle for animal
traction just as herders need the bushes on farmlands to properly graze their cattle.
In spite this of beneficial relationship, conflict do occur. Lewis Coser (cited in Henslin, 2009)
posited that conflict is not unlikely among people/groups who are in close relationships as
though they may have worked out ways to distribute power, privilege, responsibilities and
rewards, any change to the arrangement can lead to hurt feelings and resentments. Though
political control of government at both local and national level over the use of land contributed

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to the breakdown of symbiotic relationship that long existed between herder and farmer, the
conflict that erupted thereafter no doubt increased the pressure on the government to create
moral and social structures towards facilitating social integration (e.g. federal government
disbursed N10 billion to Kaduna state for ranching purpose, over N6 billion was disbursed to
Katsina for the same purpose etc.).

Conclusion

This article has explored class conflict perspectives to understand conflicts in contemporary
Nigeria. Due to the economic and cultural environment coupled with Nigeria’s heterogeneity,
all of which largely differ from the western societies that formed the basis on which the class
conflict theorists premised their perspectives, no singular one provided a one-size-fits-all or an
all-encompassing understanding of class conflict in the contemporary Nigeria. On the contrary,
a conceptual approach that does not hold rigidly to a single or set of assumptions (i.e. eclectic)
but drawing on multiple perspectives or ideas for gaining complementary insights into a subject
guided understanding into conflicts in the contemporary Nigeria.

Presumably, there are classes or class relations in Nigeria however, as highlighted by Stephen
et al (2010), “these are more crystallised within ethnics and regional enclaves with patterns of
relationships sometimes rooted in language and patron-client ties associated with some local
traditions”. The importance of language, place of origin, religion and social virtues are not
uncommonly observed among Nigerians (i.e. as envisioned in the Hijab crisis) hence, limiting
any possibility of emerging national conflicts at the revolutionary level such as predicted by
the Marxism. The individual class conflict perspectives undoubtedly offered understanding on
the conflicts / struggles in contemporary Nigeria however, as no singular one offered an
encompassing comprehension, the eclectic approach which provided the flexibility to draw on
multiple perspectives enabled a holistic understanding of conflict and its resolution in the
contemporary Nigeria.

Acknowledgement: Many thanks to professional colleagues for crowd-funding this article.

Competing Interests: The author declares no competing interest.

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