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    16 views17 pages

    AB 25 Support of Workplace Diversity Policies-The Role of Race, Gende

    Uploaded by

    Muhammad hamza

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    of 17
    Sorta Seience Resenrh 79 (2019) 194-210 Content lists available at ScienceDirect Social Science Research journal homepage: www.elsavier.com/locatelssras: Support of workplace diversity policies: The role of race, gender, | @ and beliefs about inequality sa, William J. Scarborough””*, Danny L. Lambouths III’, Allyson L. Holbrook* + ay of tnt ep Dyer of ig 2 Se Dlg 307 nC 6, ° oy of North Tec, Dp of Sato 26 Syne al 1158 Un Cte Deon TE 7620. USA Dame of Mia ar age, Darn of ale Anan 38 CUPPA Hal, #2 Pear Se, Chg, S607, USA ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywrt “Workpince diversity policies ace mor efetive when they are suppor by manages and work, Worpiace dvesty plies but there site erect evidence on how people fee aos these pls or why the hal eran Pacem pinion, In this dy, we analyze data fom a survey expeinent designed ro asses publi pion out x range of woripiaceciversty policies. We examine how support for these poles Aone {played respondent varies by race, gener, aby he argeed population (wheter he per $m lo improve the workplace repreenaion of women a ail miners). Using OLS ereson nodes t analyze a diverse sample of employed pens parpting inthe survey, we find tat trom, bleh nd Latina/o are mare supporve of eierty pois han men and whitey, a a ‘shtml portion ofthese geneva diferencss an be explained by roupifereee in the bli that desminaten cases ineguall. th ion, we fd that ripondent eport lowe evel ‘support for workplace plies When these pois reamed a mechanism ta neeave every tha when they are ed as beng need To adres dsermisaton ono jislieton given fo the pole. Our fining gig the ole of nquaity bela in shaping wacker supple every Peles, suggesting decons fr future research on how such belle ate developed. Ineqely Racial diversity and equality are imporant socal issues in our weld today. One place where efforts to improve diversity and address ‘aca inequality have had a profound effects inthe workplace (Dobbin, 2008; Kaley et al, 2006). Companies are pumping more meney and ‘devoting more energy than ever before into efforts to increase end support workplace diversity (Doboin, 200; Scarborough, 2017). Not only ‘do more diverse firms perform better than their homogenous counterparts (ern, 2009), bt fallure to addres intemal sues of dversiy ‘an hur company’ eputation and be expensive —with lawsuits costing some companies millions of dollars (Merril Lynch has paid neatly half ili dollars in diserimination-telated lawsults since the 1980s [Dobbin apd Kalev, 2015). ‘These pressures have led many companies to adopt pois aimed at encouraging and supporting diversity. These policies take an wide range of forms, such as diversity training, mentorship programs, and/or the esablishment of diversity offices. As diversity plicis have Decomea vil part of U.S. companies in recent history (Hileman aL, 2011), seholaes have given more attention to these programs from an ‘organizational perspective (Dobhin etal, 2015; Kaley etal, 2008), We now have a wealth of evidence about what types of diversity programs work and which ones do more harm than good (Covell tal, 2014 Kase et al, 2013; Kaley eta, 2006). We also know that some companies may ws diversity policies symbolically, primarily to protect themselves from lawsuits orto enhance ther company's ‘reputation, rater than making a genuine effort to improve worker inclusion (Hileman, 2002; Edelman etal, 2011; Helman et a, 1999), ‘Conesponding author, Univers of Ulnas at chicago, Department of Sociology, 4112 Behavioral eienees Bullding, 1007 W. Hanson St ‘eee, 60607, USA ‘Bal adres: sca!92uie eu (WI. Searborough) Roceved 20 December 2017; Received in eveed frm January 2019; Aecaped 10 Jansary 2019 ‘Available online 14 January 2018 (0048-089X/ © 2079 Fever ne ll ight reserved. We, Setrsgh a Seca See Reach 792019) 194-210 Despite their widespread us, however, we actually know very litle about how members ofthe general public feel toward some of ‘the most commonly adopted diversity policies. While the public opinion literature has devoted significant attention towards in viduals’ attitudes on affirmative action’ in the US. (See Arcidiacono ct a, 2015; Crosby eta, 2006; Harper and Reskin, 2005; Kysan, 2000; and Sears et al, 2000 for reviews), few workplaces use che language of affirmative action to describe thei workplace polices (Bisby, 2000). Furthermore although there are many diferent cypes of workplace diversity polices used today, the vast ‘majority of them do not ft the prototypical and controversial preferential hiring programs that people may think of whes they are asked about affirmative action (Biel>y, 2000). Indeed, typical race-based affirmative action programs have been banned st public “universities in some states, Instead ofefirmative action programs, people work in companies that have diversity trainings, diversity task forces, managerial accountability structures, and targeted recruitment strategies, ‘This may seem lke a simple diference in nomenclature, but the tem affirmative ation has become highly politized and poling ‘There is evidence fom several other domains thatthe same policy described using highly politized teem may be interpreted diferent than the same policy described using less politicized terminology. For example, sport fr increased spending on “welfare” (a term that ‘became highly acialzed during the 19805) is more swongly predicted by racial atts than is suppor for spending on “asstance tothe poor" (Holhrok eal, ortheoming). Similarly, Obamas involvement in passing the Affordable Care Act has led to partisan poarzation of atttues toward health care reform, particulary when Obama is linked tothe reform (eg, slr, 2012). Tis may help to explain why people (particulary Republicans) evaluat the Affordable Care Act negatively, but evaluate specific elements ofthe bl positively (eg. Gross cal, 2012), Workplace diversity policies ae typically not called affirmative ation, they do not look like the prototypical preference hese hiring policies associated withthe tem, and afimative action i a racislized and politicized term. As a rerl, sis unclear how mich responses to survey questions about affirmative action may tll us much about how the publi thinks about the types of workplace diversiy policies that are routinely adopted and implemented today. We address this by asesing direily whether known predictors of attitudes ‘award affirmative actin also predict asides toward workplace policies Furthermore, unlike affirmative action ~ which is strongly linked to simple preferenc-based hiting practices, businesses and other ‘workplaces today have a range of posible polices that ean be implemented in order to address workplace inequality. Akhaugh researchers Ihave begun to examine mean differences in suppor for diferent policies (eg. Bielby et sl, 2014, litle research has examined the underiying factor structure of support for diferent types of workplace polices. For example is suppor for more drastic policies (es. targeted recruitment or numerical quotas) correlaed with support for voluntary programs that Fave many workers unaffected (Wo unary traning or mentorship)? We adcess this in the current research by asessing whether suppor for diferent workplace diversity policies reflects a single titudinal construct, ori there are multiple underlying dimessions of employees opinions toward thse policies 1m this pape, we analyze data from a survey experiment that asked respondents abot thei attitudes” ovrard eight common

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