Professional Documents
Culture Documents
3
ARTICLE
Erin Creegan
Abstract
Although there is no shortage of attention to each of the varied threats to national security, each of
these threats and the available government responses to them are most often treated as independent
subject matters. Yet there are significant connections between these apparently distinct criminal
offenses, although little work has been done to draw such connections and develop a framework for
studying national security criminal law as a unified discipline. This Article takes the first step towards
building such a curriculum by integrating the criminological and legal aspects of crime in the national
security realm. It examines four categories of crimes— treason, espionage, sabotage, and terrorism
and the applicable federal statutes available to prosecutors to combat these threats to national security.
The Article then proceeds to draw upon interdisciplinary connections across these disparate crimes to
examine why individuals engage in both violent and "white-collar" national security crime. Looking
at tools ranging from wiretap authorizations to classification systems, the Article addresses what the
Government can do to detect, prevent, prosecute and punish national security crimes.
Introduction
Legal academics have increasingly come under two seemingly contradictory pressures: on
one hand, they are compelled to harmonize, centralize, and condense the subjects they teach; on the
other hand, they are
* Trial Attorney, U.S. Departrnent ofJustice. National Security Division, Counterterrorism Section; Adjunct
Professor of International Criminal Law at the University of Maryland College Park, Criminology and
Criminal Justice; Adjunct Professor of Scholarly Writing in International Law at the George Washington
University Law School. The opinions represented in this paper are those of the author and do not express the
positions of the United States Government in any way.
Copyright 0 2012 by the Presidents and Fellows of Harvard College and Erin Creegan
/National
told to offer more highly specialized classes in order to meet a perceived demand for niche
legal experts over generalists. The same dynamic exists in many areas of the modern world:
in the international state system, regions create more cross-border regulation while localities
seek more autonomy; in journalism, mid-level newspapers suffer while international brands
thrive and local newspapers proliferate. While it is a worthy endeavor to resist over-
compartmentalizing legal education, there are some notable advantages to grouping like
subjects together for study. This paper proposes one way to accommodate the twin
pressures to be more specialized and more interdisciplinary: it suggests the idea of a
subject of "National Security Crime" that will draw on both legal and criminological concepts
to analyze a family of seemingly disparate crimes united by their mutual threat to national
2 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
security.
One related course already exists. In law schools across the country, the relatively new
subject of "International Criminal Law" is already being taught. International Criminal Law,
as it is understood today, began with the international military tribunals at Nuremberg, but
only became a field of study with the creation of the United Nations International Criminal
Tribunals in the 1990s. Today, the typical International Criminal Law casebook includes a
wide array of topics: hybrid courts built by the cooperation of national states and the
international community in the aftermath of national disasters, suppression conventions
wherein countries agree to domestically combat transnational threats, the intersection of
criminal law and the law of armed conflict, extradition treaties and mutual legal assistance
treaties which promote 'cop-to-cop" assistance, international law enforcement organizations
like Interpol, and so forth. Even while the precise parameters of International Criminal Law
are far from settled, the many variations on the subject are bound together by the emergent
belief that cooperative use of criminal law can help states redress some of the most
egregious international problems.
Indeed, what is typically grouped under the heading of International Criminal Law actually
includes two distinct concepts: International Criminal Law which addresses violations of
international law perpetrated by state actors), and Transnational Criminal Law (which entails
cooperation between states to tackle threats posed by more "ordinary" criminal activities, for
example, terrorism, slavery, human trafficking, and organized crime, . In attempting to teach
a class that focused on the nexus between international concerns and criminal law, I wanted
to teach an International Criminal Law class that included three concepts: traditional International
Criminal Law (Nuremberg and the international tribunals), newly emerging and rapidly growing
Transnational Criminal Law suppression conventions, extradition, transborder cooperation , and
National Security Criminal Law (threats against the security of a state and its people as such, whether
they come from another state or a transnational or even domestic group). As it turned out, I was
totally unable to find any book, article, etc. dealing with this third type of crime, what I have called
"National Security Criminal Law" and had to write an insert for a custom text book that, in some part,
is a skeletal form of the article that follows.
While there are many law school classes that address the legal issues related to terrorism, nowhere
does there seem to be a class—or publication for that matter—dealing with this idea of "National
Security Criminal Law," a body of law that would also seem to extend to treason, espionage,
disclosure of classified information ä la WikiLeaks, and sabotage—alongside terrorism. Yet these
concepts are closely connected, not only in their legal profiles (i.e. how they are criminalized,
suppressed, tried, and punished) but also in their criminological profiles (i.e. their causes and
methods of prevention), as well as the way in which law enforcement officials investigate and detect
them. National Security Criminal Law should be treated as a cohesive field of study, one that goes far
beyond the contemporary focus on the crime of terrorism. To address the criminological and law
enforcement similarities of these (not so) disparate offenses, National Security Criminal Law must at
once be compartmentalized and interdisciplinary. That is to say, it must focus on a relatively small
family of offenses while, at the same, it must also import a number of insights from other disciplines
in order to provide a more global view of these crimes.
With that in mind, this Article endeavors to unify the issues mentioned above under the umbrella of
National Security Crime by gleaning insights from the social sciences and from the pragmatic
perspective of law enforcement. It does so in the hope that "National Security Criminal Law" or
"National Security Crime" may one day be taught by some of this nation's more enterprising law
schools. This Article endeavors to show the relatedness of these crimes as a discrete pack of ideas,
and the importance of drawing on interdisciplinary concepts in teaching any form of criminal law. I
hope that this first attempt to articulate the idea of National Security Crime will be sufficient to set
out the blueprint for a new class and a new unifying concept in criminal law.
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3 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
First, this Article provides an extensive typology of all the offenses that fall under the rubric of
National Security Crime. With this typology in place, this Article goes on to show how drawing on
interdisciplinary studies can illuminate the causes, detection, prevention, and trial and punishment of
national security crime to suggest a coherent and unified strategy for combating these offenses.
I. The Law
A. Treason
An analysis of national security crime must begin with the most serious of all offenses against the
nation. Treason is the only crime explicitly defined in the U.S. Constitution. Article Ill, Section 3,
"Treason," states:
Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or
in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be
convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt
Act, or on Confession in open Court.
The statutory prohibition on treason appears at 18 U.S.C. 2381 adding to the Constitution:
Whoever, owing allegiance to the United States, levies war against them or adheres
to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort within the United States or elsewhere,
is guilty of treason and shall suffer death, or shall be imprisoned not less than five
years and fined under this title but not less than $10,000; and shall be incapable of
holding any office under the United States.
The crime of treason therefore has a few main elements. First, one may commit treason by supporting
an enemy of the United States, or, alternatively, by undermining the United States without actually
supporting with a specific enemy. Either action is sufficient. This definition includes activities of the
typical turncoat, but also extends to any person or group of people rebelling or raising arms against
the United States.
Second, 1treason has an essential mens rea component, namely, the, specific intent to betray one's
country. l This specific intent—to betray must be proven. 2 Although difficult to prove in its own
right, it is possible to show that a defendant acted with the specific intent to betray by relying on the
common law inference that a person may be presumed to intend the natural consequences of his or
her actions. 3 Thus, if one intends to turn coat and fight against the United States, or intends to join a
rebellion against the United States, that person can be shown to have the specific intent to betray the
United States. A person must owe an allegiance to the United States in order to betray the United
States, but citizenship is not the only form of allegiance. In some older cases, the parameters of those
who owe allegiance to the United States included domiciled aliens. 4 In a state treason case, in which
the Commonwealth of Virginia tried and convicted a nonresident of Virginia for treason, Virginia
courts found allegiance to be owed by any person in the territory relying on the protection of its laws.
56
However, under the Constitution, it is not sufT1cient to simply levy war against the United States or
to give aid and comfort to its enemies, even with the specific intent to betray the United States when
allegiance is owed. There must also be an "overt act"—the third essential element of treason. The
requirement of an overt act is a familiar one in criminal law; conspiracy charges frequently require
1 JAMES WILLARD HURST, THE LAW or TREASON IN THE UNITED STATES 193
(Greenwood Pub. Corp. 197 1) (summarizing the findings of the Supreme Court in Cramer
v. United states, 325 U.s. 1, 31 (1945)).
2 1d. at 205.
3 1d. at 193.
4 Carlisle v. United States. 8 Cl. Ct. 153 1863 ; In re Charge to GrandJury—Treason, 30
F. Cas. 1039 (D. Mass. 1861); United States v. Kawakita, 96 F. supp. 824 (S.D. Cal. 1950).
5 Carlton F.W. Larson, Foygotten Constitutional Law & Enemy Combatants, 154 U. PA. L. REV.
6 , 885-88 2006 .
4 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
not just an agreement to do an illegal act, but at least one act in furtherance by at least one member of
the conspiracy. The idea is that there must be more than the mere intent to betray one's country—
otherwise treason could be a simple thought crime. 7 The act itself must be directed at the objective of
treason, which can be proved only one of two ways. The first is testimony by two eyewitnesses to the
same overt act; one witness each to two separate overt acts will not do. 7 The second is a
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confession given in open court.8 A confession to police, or even to national media, would technically
not suffice.
The evidentiary limits on treason are a reaction to the extensive use of charges of treason in Britain to
squelch political enemies, by claiming that opposing political views were somehow unpatriotic. 8 In
particular, though the U.S. Constitution's formulation of treason is verbally quite similar to the British
formulation, it omits an important part. In British law, one could be found guilty of treason for
"compassing the death of the king. "10 This was, essentially, a thought crime. And it could be
completed a number of ways, including metaphorically, by wishing some harm to Britain. ll Over
many centuries the British used charges of treason to destroy political rivals. The Framers of the
Constitution sought to limit the use of politically motivated treason trials by limiting the definition of
the crime, requiring nearly impossible-to-obtain evidence, and putting their proscriptions in the
Constitution, where they could not be modified by statute. 9
Because of the combination of the hefty constitutional requirements of treason and the
seeming reluctance of a democracy to punish persons for their political motives, treason indictments
have been extremely limited in the history of the United States. There are cases of U.S. nationals
joining foreign armies and giving other kinds of support to foreign countries during a time of war,
particularly during World War Il, when the United States was most active in pursing treason cases.
These cases were often troublesome due to issues like dual nationality. Take for example the famous
case of Tomoya Kawakita, a Japanese American dual national living in Japan at the time World War
Il broke out who became a translator for the Japanese. The U.S. Government accused him of visiting
extreme savagery on American prisoners-of-war, and ultimately convicted him of treason and
sentenced him to death. 10 President Eisenhower commuted the death sentence to life in prison.
President Kennedy, however, was disturbed by the
9 See BRADLEY CHAPIN, THE AMERICAN LAW or TREASON: REVOLUTIONARY AND EARLY NATIONAL
ORIGINS 38 (1964 ; HURST, supra note l, at Il, 154.
10 See, e.g., Kawakita v. United States, 343 U.S. 717 1952) (reviewing and affirming Kawakita's conviction
and death sentence); see also David Rosenzweig, POW Camp Atrocities Led to Tpeason Tnal, L.A. TIMES, Sept. 20,
2002, at 2.
5 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
Broadcast Cases. Only cases such as these seem to give the number of clear witnesses and the level of
foreign allegiance necessary to meet the strict constitutional requirements for evidence of treason.
Notwithstanding the high bar posed by the evidentiary requirements of treason, the United States has
been reluctant to try or punish treason
14 See id.
15 For more information on the famous Tokyo Rose cases, see RUSSELL WARREN I-IO\NE, 77te
Huntfor "Tokyo Rose" 1990).
see Gillars v. United states, 182 F.2d 962 D.C. Cir. 1950); Best v. United states, 184 F.2d 131 1st Cir. 1950
. denied. 340 U.S. 939 1950 ; United States v. Chandler, 72 F. supp. 230 (D. Mass 1947), q]'d, 171 F.'2d 921
(1st Cir. 1948 , cert. denied, 336 U.S. 918 (1949); see also Cpt.Jabez W. Loane, IV, Treason and Aiding the
Enemy, 30 Mil. L. Rev. 43, 60456 (1965).
17
See Christine Lagorio, Amencan Charged with Treason, CBS NEWS (Sept. 10, '2009
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2006/10/II/terror/main2082055.shtml; see also FBI Most Wanted
Terroristr—Adam Gadahn FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION (Oct. I I , 2006
http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2006/october/gadahn_101106.
18
The idea that engaging in what would otherwise be protected First Amendment activity is prohibited
when done under the employ of and to aid the enemy has traction today. In Holder v. Humanitarian Law
Project, 130 S. Ct. 2705 2010 the Supreme Court ruled that a law prohibiting giving "material support" to a
designated foreign terrorist organization, even if that support is just helpful speech, can be outlawed. While
the Supreme Court seemed to protect the right to independently express approval for a terrorist organization,
they upheld the illegality of working directly for one even in a propaganda capacity.
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even in cases in which proof can be established. Pardons or charges on alternate grounds addressing
the violence of the crimes, rather than the political motivation to betray one's country, have been
common. For example, after the 1794 Whiskey Rebellion, President George Washington pardoned all
members of the rebellion in an attempt to undercut support for hardliners against the new Republic. 19
Likewise, in the aftermath of the Civil War, not a single member of the leadership of the
Confederacy, nor any soldier who fought for the South, was tried or punished for treason. President
Andrew Johnson issued a blanket amnesty in favor of restorative justice with the hope that the
Reconstruction of the South would heal a divided nation. 20 As noted above, some of the dual
nationals that faced successful treason prosecutions after World War Il, the time at which treason
prosecutions may have been most active, were pardoned and deported from the United States. John
Walker Lindh, the American Taliban who left the United States to fight in Afghanistan and ultimately
pitted himself against U.S. forces, was not tried for treason but for other crimes upon capture by the
United States. 2
B. Rebellion, Sedition, and other the Treason-related Climes
Treason prosecutions are thus very rare. Yet treason itself is not the only crime in its genus. Chapter
115 of the United States Code, entitled "Treason, Sedition, and Subversive Activities," contains a
number of related crimes. Treason appears first in the chapter as 18 U.S.C. 2381, followed by
"Misprision of treason," 18 U.S.C. 2382, a crime punishing any person owing allegiance to the
United States who knows of a treasonous plot or act of plot but does not report it. Misprision of
treason is punishable by up to seven years in prison and has been punishable in the United States
since the
19
See Daniel H. Pollitt, Presidential Use of Troops to Execute the Laws: A BliefHistmy, 36 N.C. L. REV. 117, 128
1958).
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20
The. utility of restorative justice versus punitive justice in cases of a high level of political violence,
like that in a civil war, is still debated and explored. See CHRIS CUNNEEN & CAROLYN HOYLE,
DEBATING RESTORATIVEJUSTICE ('20 1 0); Ross LONDON, CRIME,
PUNISHMENT, AND RESTORATIVEJUSTICE: FROM THE MARGINS TO THE MAINSTREAM (201 1 ;
MARGARITA ZERNO\ A, RESTORATIVEJUSTICE: IDEALS AND REALITIES 2007);
RESTORATIVEJUSTICE: POLITICS. POLICIES AND PROSPECTS (Elrena van der Spuy,
Stephan Parmentier & Amanda Dissel, eds. 2007
21
Copies of Lindh's plea agreement and its statement of facts are publically available from the Eastern
District of Virginia clerk's office and the Department ofJustice's website,
http://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/2002/July/02_ag_400.htm.
Rebellion or insurrection, 18 U.S.C. SS 2383, comes next in this chapter of the criminal code.
The provision criminalizing rebellion or insurrection reads: "Whoever incites, sets on foot, assists, or
engages in any rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States or the laws thereof,
or gives aid or comfort thereto" is subject to up to ten years in prison and is completely ineligible to
hold office in the United States. This statute is a reaction to the American Civil War, and the conduct
was criminalized by the Second Confiscation Act ofJuly 1 7, 1862. 12 Again, the statute is largely
unused.
Seditious conspiracy appears at 18 U.S.C. 2384 and is punishable by up to twenty years in
prison. The statute was passed a year earlier and also was in response to the American Civil War. 13 It
proscribes two or more persons who "conspire to overthrow, put down, or to destroy by force the
Government of the United States, or to levy war against them, or to oppose by force the authority
thereof, or by force to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of any law of the United States, or by
force to seize, take, or possess any property of the United States contrary to the authority thereof '—a
provision closely tracking what treason itself proscribes, with a focus on punishing conspiracy to
commit treason; and, importantly for the modern war on international terrorism, requiring no
allegiance to the United States.
Conspiracy crimes have been called the "darling of the prosecutor's nursery" by revered judge
Learned Hand because of their prosecutionfriendly provability. 14 Perhaps for this reason, seditious
conspiracy enjoys slightly more use than the other statutes we have reviewed. The crime of seditious
conspiracy was challenged in United States v. Rahman26 for mimicking treason without requiring its
onerous two-witness proof. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit summarily rejected the
claim that seditious conspiracy is essentially treason by another name, a crime written expressly to
get around the prosecution difficulties of treason. The
court found that seditious conspiracy and treason differ not only in name, and in
stigma, but also in essential elements and punishment. 27 Treason is a substantive
crime, whereas seditious conspiracy—like all forms of conspiracy—criminalizes
the agreement to commit crime, but not the substantive crime itself, with the hope
of interdicting the object crime before it is accomplished.
The next group, 18 U.S.C. 2385—86, includes "[aldvocating overthrow of
government" and "[r]egistration of certain organizations." Both were passed in
1940 to protect the United States from a perceived threat from communist
infiltrators during World War 11. 28 18 U.S.C.
2385, known as the Smith Act, was a particularly important statute, with its own
dedicated prosecution section within the U.S. Department ofJustice. It provides:
2 7 [d. at 1 12.
28 Section '2385 appeared at 54 Stat. 670—71. Section '2386 was passed October 1 7 at 54
Stat. 1201—04.
8 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
Shall [be subject to up to twenty years in prison] and shall be
ineligible for employment by the United States or any department
or agency thereof, for the five years next following his conviction.
The Smith Act precipitated one of the few periods in U.S. history where
politically-motivated crimes were zealously prosecuted. Due to a perceived threat
from communism, which was growing and overturning societies (from the
American public's perspective) all over the world, there was a public cry for
protection from communist organizations before, America became the target of
communist organizations. 29 This included the prosecution of dozens of Socialist
Workers Party members and teamsters unions members in Minneapolis in 1941 30
and trials of over 100 Communist Party leaders in the U.S. beginning in 1949—
including legendary communist leader Eugene Dennis. 31 However, as the fervor of
this period died down and things like "McCarthyism" came and went in shame, the
courts started to limit the application of the provision. 32 In Yates v. United States,
the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the First Amendment protects radical and
reactionary speech, unless such speech presents "a clear and present danger " of
imminent incitement. 33 In Scales v. United States, the Supreme Court found that
the Smith Act should not be interpreted to proscribe mere membership in a radical
or violent organization, but required active membership with knowledge and work
to achieve the illegal aims of such a group. 34 Such decisions show how First
Amendment considerations in the United States could make us culturally reluctant
to use criminal statutes that rely on political motives.
For more on the historical conditions precipitating the Smith Act, see MICHAL R.
BELKNAP, COLD WAR POLITICALJUSTICE, 9—34 (1977 .
30
Dunne v. United States, 138 F.2d 137 8th Cir. 1943), cert. denied, 320 U.S. 790 (1943).
31
See generally Robert Mollan, Smith Act Prosecutions: 771e Effect ofthe Dennis and Yates Decisions, 26 U.
PITT. L. REV. 705 (1965 32 See id.
354 U.S. 298, 303 n.2 & 320 (1957)
367 U.S. 203, 222 1961 .
ineligibility for employment by the United States for the next five years. These
penalties are less severe than those listed in 2388, proscribing similar acts against
the armed forces during a time of war, given the greater national security threat of
such activities during active hostilities.
crimes to avoid the two-witness rule? Is there normative value to calling a person a
traitor and achieving a hard won conviction on a treason-related crime?
C. Espionage
Perhaps one of the next most iconic types of national security crime is that of
espionage. Espionage is generally considered the theft or exploitation of national
defense information.17 It is a relatively common way in which individual acts
directed against the national security of the United States are committed, and
therefore, espionage laws are some of the more utilized national security criminal
laws. Espionage is forbidden in a few parts of the U.S. Code. From 18 U.S.C. 793,
entitled "Gathering, transmitting or losing defense information"
17 The British Security Service defines espionage as "a process which involves human
sources agents) or technical means to obtain information which is not normally publically
available. It may also involve seeking to influence decision makers and opinion-formers
to benefit the interests of a foreign power." VI"71at is Espionage?, SECURITY SERVICE: M15,
https://www.mi5.gov.uk/output/what-is-espionage.htmI last visitedJune 9, 2012).
11 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
(a) Whoever, for the purpose of obtaining information
respecting the national defense with intent or reason to believe that
the information is to be used to the injury of the United States, or
to the advantage of any foreign nation [obtains information]; or
(b) Whoever, for the purpose aforesaid, and with like intent or
reason to believe, copes, takes, makes, or obtains, or attempts to
copy, take, make, or obtain, any sketch, photograph, photographic
negative, blueprint, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance,
document, writing, or note of anything connected with the national
defense; or
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Shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than ten years,
or both.
A more serious provision, in which the person actual y transmits defense
information to a foreign government, is located in 18 U.S.C. 794, entitled
"Gathering or delivering defense information to aid foreign government":
(a) Whoever, with intent or reason to believe that it is to be
used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of a
foreign nation, communicates, delivers, or transmits, or attempts to
communicate, deliver, or transmit, to any foreign government, or
to any faction or party or military or naval force within a foreign
country, whether recognized or unrecognized by the United States,
or to any representative, officer, agent, employee, subject, or
citizen thereof, either directly or indirectly, any document, writing,
code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic
negative, blueprint, plan, map, model, note, instrument, appliance,
or information relating to the national defense, shall be punished
by death or by imprisonment for any term of years or for life,
except that the sentence of death shall not be imposed unless the
jury or, if there is no jury, the court, further finds that the offense
resulted in the identification by a foreign power as defined in
section 101 (a) of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of
1978) of an individual acting as an agent of the United States and
consequently in the death of that individual, or directly concerned
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nuclear weaponry, military spacecraft or satellites, early warning
systems, or other means of defense or retaliation against large-
scale attack; war plans; communications intelligence or
cryptographic information; or any other major weapons system or
major element of defense strategy.
(b) Whoever, in time of war, with intent that the same shall be
communicated to the enemy, collects, records, publishes, or
communicates, or attempts to elicit any information with respect to
the movement, numbers, description, condition, or disposition of
any of the Armed Forces, ships, aircraft, or war materials of the
United States, or with respect to the plans or conduct, or supposed
plans or conduct of any naval or military operations, or with
respect to any works or measures undertaken for or connected
with, or intended for the fortification or defense of any place, or
any other information relating to the public defense, which might
be useful to the enemy, shall be punished by death or by
imprisonment for any term of years or for life.
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Shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than ten years,
or both.
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Other, more specific acts of espionage, such as photographing or sketching defense
installations,43 are also criminalized in the remaining portions of Title 18, Chapter
37.
The Pentagon Papers involved the disclosure of classified reporting about the
"real" war in Vietnam, including a number of things the U.S. Government had
misrepresented to the public. The leaker of the Pentagon Papers was not
successfully prosecuted (charges against the leaker being dismissed for gross
governmental misconduct in the course of the prosecution , and the New York
Times, which published the story, was not prosecuted but instead seen as shielded
by the journalistic protections of the First Amendment. 18 There was, and is still, a
great deal of public support for the disclosure.
More recently, WikiLeaks, a journalistic website that had previously been praised
for revealing various counts of government misconduct, 19
a Filing; contents
No person shall act as an agent of a foreign principal unless he has
filed with the Attorney General a true and complete registration
statement and supplements thereto as required
While the FARA was not intended to be used against U.S. nationals (those in the
best position to steal national defense technologies) and is more often used against
diplomatic personnel and representatives to the United States from foreign
governments, it is an interesting anti-spying statute. This law does not address
spying directly, but tries to criminalize the factual situations that create the
opportunity for a person to function as a spy, so that a would-be spy, if he or she is
discovered, can be arrested and stopped before any damage is done. The FARA
has enjoyed some recent attention due to the "Russian Spy" cases in the summer of
2010.50 A number of deepcover agents of the Russian government were living in
the United States for extended periods of time, purportedly to gain information
about U.S. culture and political attitudes, and not trying to access classified
information directly.51 They were indicted under FARA-like provision 18 U.S.C.
951.
For more information on the FARA, see THE REGISTRATION OF FOREIGN AGENTS IN
THE UNITED STATES: A PRACTICAL AND LEGAL GUIDE Joseph E. Pattison &John L.
Taylor, eds. 1981 .
50
See, e.g., Jason Ryan & Megan Chuchmach, Russian Spy Ring Suspects Busted! 10
Alleged Secret Agents Amsted in U.S. ABC NEWS June 28, 2010
http://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/russianspy-ring- 10-accused-russian-spies-arrested/ story?
id= 1 103 7360#.T7 QC)FZ9YvIY. 51 See Ten Alleged Secret Agents Amsted in the United
States, U.S. DEP'T 0b JUSTICE, June 28,
2010); http://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/2010/June/10-nsd-753.html. See also Complaints I &
2, attached to the Press Release (detailing the discovery and activities of the Russian
agents). In particular, the complaints show the use of new cornputer technologies to transfer
information between the Russian government and its agents. The traditional method of
Harvard
17 National Security joumal / Vol. 3
The maximum penalty for a violation of FARA is five years in prison. This 52
relatively low sentence may reflect two things about the statute: (l) that it is
primarily prophylactic and aimed at preventing more serious crime—once a
foreign agent is discovered, it is generally about as helpful to jail him or her as it is
to simply deport him or her, and (2) the offender is generally not a traitor. FARA
violations rarely involve betrayal of trust by a U.S. Government employee, soldier,
or other citizen. Foreign agents have been ordered to undertake a mission in the
United States. The offense is more diplomatic in nature, an offense by the
government that sent the unregistered agent. The more appropriate solution may
thus reasonably be for the unregistered agents to be returned to their country as
Persona non grata 53 in the United States, which is what is done when diplomats
commit serious crimes, and for the offending nation to make amends with the
United States.
More diplomacy, foreign affairs, and pseudo-espionage related offenses can be
found in Chapter 45 of Title 18: "Foreign Relations." These offenses may target
espionage from another angle, or just try to keep good relations with other states.
They might also seek to protect neutrality in a time of war—while espionage
protects defense capabilities in times of conflict, these peace-related provisions
may protect the safe position of neutrality. Prohibitions include:
• 951. Agents of foreign governments (the actual charge of the Russian
Spy cases, requiring registration, carrymg up to ten years Incarceration
952. Diplomatic codes and correspondence (prohibiting a U.S.
employee's interference with diplomatic communication, carrying up to
ten years incarceration a potential charge in future
WikiLeaks-esque crimes?)
passing information, shown in the Hanssen case, was by "dead-drops" leaving physical
copies of the information in a mutually agreed place. The "Russian spy" cases may show
that espionage is becoming more technological, but it may also show that low-tech methods
are still the hardest to detect.
22 U.S.C. 61 (2012 .
53
Persona non grata is Latin for "an unwelcome person." It most often refers to the right of
a country to expel and ban a diplornat from reentering the country after he or she has
committed a serious offense, which, because of diplomatic immunity, cannot be prosecuted.
/ National
/JVational
b. Weapons
Other export control crimes include those listed under the Arms Export Control Act
of 1976, 22 U.S.C. ch. 39 (AECA), which provides comprehensive regulation,
including criminal penalties, for protecting defense technologies from export. The
AECA confers authority on the President to control the import and export of
21 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
defense goods and services. The AECA puts the onus on American arms
manufacturers and dealers to comply with certain best practices that will prevent
weapons materials from falling into the wrong hands, including verification of
buyers and documentation of sales. Other parts of Title 22 also proscribe
movement of defense technologies, including 22 U.S.C. 401: "Illegal exportation
of war materials"; but the AECA is the most commonly used statute for weapons
trading prosecutions, and probably CES's most commonly used basis for
prosecution overall.34
Other common provisions for CES prosecutions include those of the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA), 50 U.S.C.
1701—07, which is a flexible set of statutes allowing the President to regulate
commerce after declaring a national emergency in response to any unusual and
extraordinary threat to the United States which has a foreign source. The President
can designate a country or organization and thus block trade with that country or
organization, as well as freeze assets of the
54
See generally U.S. Dep't. ofJustice, Interim Response to FOIA/ PA #09-037 July 27,
2009), available at http://www.j
udicialwatch.org/files/documents/2009/480_DOJ_NSD_chinaexports_inter im_7_2009.pdf
describing prosecutions for export control violations between 2003 and 2009).
/ 20National
20 d.
21 77te FBI's National Strategyfop Countenntelligence: A Primer, FEDERAL BUREAU 01•'
22 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
subject is not treated extensively here, and is not handled by the Counterespionage
Section, but by the Department of Justice's Computer Crime and Intellectual
Property Section. 22 The statute, 18 U.S.C. 1831, "Economic espionage," reads:
(a) In General. Whoever, intending or knowing that the offense
will benefit any foreign government, foreign instrumentality, or
foreign agent, knowingly—
D. Sabotage
Other statutes that should be placed under the heading of sabotage might include
some of the Chapter 65 "Malicious Mischief" crimes: 18 U.S.C. 1362:
Communication lines, stations or systems (attacks on); 1363: Buildings or
property within special maritime and territorial jurisdiction (attacks on); 1365:
Tampering with consumer products; 1366: Destruction of an energy facility; 1367:
Interference with the operation of a satellite; or even 1368: Harming animals used
in law enforcement. Other candidates include crimes like 18 U.S.C. 1992:
Wrecking trains, or 2101: Riots, or 42 U.S.C. 2284: Sabotage of nuclear
/JVational
facilities or fuel. The genus of sabotage crimes might also include 18 U.S.C.
2332f, Bombings of places of public use, Government facilities, public
transportation systems and infrastructure facilities—a crime that actually appears in
the Terrorism chapter of Title 18. Together these crimes cover activities generally
directed to undermining the infrastructure of the United States.
There are also many other kinds of crimes that could be considered national
security crimes in the sense that they affect the security of the state, its people, and
its facilities, including counterfeiting, passport or immigration fraud, or fraud in
other government documents. These crimes may form a periphery of what we
consider to be national security crime of the, kind in this section, sabotage crimes
like assassination or the bombing of government property. They undermine the
proper functioning of the U.S. Government and its instrumentalities, but in more of
a nuisance manner than a destructive one, and often with purposes not related to
23 ?' See Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War,
art. 5, Aug. 12, 1949, 6 U.S.T. 3516, 75 U.N.T.S. 287.
25 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
national security.
Perhaps even the disclosure of classified information a la WikiLeaks is more
appropriately classified as "Sabotage" than it is "Espionage," if indeed those actors
intended to disclose protected information, but not really information pertaining to
the national defense. Perhaps they were simply trying to "take down" the reputation
of the United States—more of a sabotage-style goal. Such an example might show
the conceptual difficulty of putting clear lines around the typology of crimes that
this paper suggests: treason, espionage, sabotage, and terrorism. Of course such
concepts can and necessarily do somewhat overlap, but may still provide a helpful
typology for studying the creation, use, and application of like criminal statutes.
E. Terrorism
24 For more on the longstanding debate surrounding the definition of terrorism, see BEN
SAUL, DEFINING TERRORISM IN INTERNATIONAL LAW 2008 , and Nicholas J. Perry,
The Numerous Federal Legal Definitions of Tenonsm: The Problem of Too Many Grails, 30 J.
LEGIS. 249 (2004 .
26 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
2339B, 2339C, and 23391) prohibit: the provision or material support to terrorists
or designated terrorist organizations, the financing of terrorism, and the receipt of
military-type training from a foreign terrorist organization. These charges* 2339A
and 2339B particularly—have become far and away the most commonly used by
the Department ofJustice to fight terrorist crime—comprising 71% of all
27 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
National
terrorism cases.25 It may be hard to say which approach works best in the long run,
and it may be that a combination works best for the United States. However, the
relative success of law enforcement in preventing any major terrorist plot from
coming to fruition since 9/1 1 tends to show the importance of utilizing criminal
statutes designed for interdiction.
The Counterterrorism Section (CTS) of the Department ofJustice is responsible for
coordinating the federal effort to interdict, incapacitate, prosecute, and punish
terrorists through the use of domestic criminal law. 61 To this end, the
Counterterrorism Section typically relies on the following statues (some of which
were discussed above, while others, though not technically "terrorism statutes," are
still used to combat terrorism :
• aircraft piracy and related offenses (49 U.S.C. 46501-07)
• aircraft sabotage (18 U.S.C. SS 32
• crimes against immediate family members of all federal officials (18
U.S.C. SS 1 15) and against internationally protected persons (18
U.S.C. 1 12, 878, 1 1 16,
• sea piracy (18 U.S.C. 1651)
• hostage taking (18 U.S.C. 1203
• terrorist acts abroad against United States Nationals (18 U.S.C.
2332)
• acts of terrorism transcending national boundaries (18 U.S.C. 2332b)
• conspiracy within the United States to murder, kidnap, or maim persons
or to damage property overseas (18 U.S.C. 956)
• provision of material support to terrorists and terrorist organizations (18
U.s.c. 2339A, 2339B, 2339C, 23391))
• use of biological, nuclear, chemical or other weapons of mass
destruction 18 U.s.c. SSSS 175, 831, 2332% 2332a)
Some of these offenses clearly include the assorted national security offenses
mentioned in the last section that can be a tactic to commit a national security
crime but are not necessarily national security related in nature (such as hostage-
taking, which can also be similar to simple domestic kidnapping, or attacks on
internationally protected persons, i.e., diplomats, which is not necessarily a
terrorism-related attack). The offense also include crimes related to terrorism
which have no other home for enforcement within another section of the
Department ofJustice (such as proscriptions on piracy). However, the pre- and
post-9/11 crimes are also clearly represented.
Treason, espionage, sabotage, and terrorism are overlapping concepts, but form
four basic categories of national security crime. With our main typology formed
(but not overly committed to), we are ready to consider a criminology and
pragmatic law enforcement approach to national security crime.
IV. Il. Causes
What causes a person to engage in espionage or treason, or to sell weapons to a
rogue nation? Or to be a rogue saboteur or assassin, or to join a terrorist
organization? After studying our typology above, it is possible to detect a
dichotomy between the types of criminals likely to commit such offenses. First,
there are the professional, or what we might loosely term the "white collar"
national security criminals, namely, trained spies, weapons dealers, financial and
administrative sponsors of terrorism. Second, there are the "violent" criminals,
those who wage war on the United States by bombing government facilities,
assassinating officials, or taking hostages. This may be a crude division, but
separating professionalized criminals from radical users of violence will help
strengthen our understanding of national security crime. By evaluating these two
types of crime, we can divine related causes and potentially strengthen our ability
to interdict and deter national security crime. This area of study in particular is an
excellent one for criminological insights to bolster our study of national security
crime.
0'Vational
Espionage and terrorism are not only the most studied types of national security
crime, but they also the only types of national security crime to which the Justice
Department dedicates separate prosecutorial sections within the National Security
Division. Therefore they are the easiest to explore. Espionage and terrorism are
both studied below for examples of professionalized or white collar crime and
violent or radicalized crime.
26 Id.
29 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
A. Organized, Professional, or "White Collar" National Security Crime
Despite the significance and long history of the crime of espionage, the legal and
criminological profile of how espionage crimes are committed and tried is not
well-publicized. There may well be great research by counterintelligence officials
that is simply not available for public consumption. 27 Many of the details
regarding how these crimes are actually perpetrated and how they may be detected
are understandably not public information. This paper looks to the publicly
available details of past cases, and other public information to paint a non-
classified picture of these crimes.
Espionage cases are extremely infrequent, which makes general trends hard to
discern and prosecutions hard to predict. For example, while many people will
have financial problems, most will not turn to selling state secrets, so the fact that
many spies are paid is not easily reverse engineered to come up with a list of
persons who are "susceptible" to taking a bribe for committing espionage. And it is
also hard to place screening mechanisms in place that will not have massively
disproportionate costs, such as monitoring all documents that employees copy at
work and what documents they take home in the evening. Yet attention must
nevertheless be paid to what the causes of espionage are so that potential forms of
preventing and detecting these crimes can be put in place.
Though the causes of national security crime are rarely studied, there is some
scholarship and some conjecture about what drives a person to spy. During the
Cold N'Var, intelligence and counterintelligence operations on both the Soviet and
American sides encouraged both CIA and KGB members to seek out traitors and
spies from the other side. Their post-war memoirs give some insight into what may
motivate espionage and espionage-related treason crimes, as well as how these
crimes are instigated and ultimately detected. 64 Espionage was particularly
common over the long duration of the powerful but low-violence confrontation
between the United States and the U.S.S.R., and it provides the most examples of
modern espionage.
Former KGB Major Stanislav Levchenko described the motives of those who
commit espionage as conforming to four major causes: motivation (payment),
ideology (e.g., empathy for communist, democratic, fundamentalist Islamic causes,
etc.), compromise to avoid embarrassment), and ego (a desire to be important, a
feeling of under-fulfillment or underappreciation as a government official leading
to the use of the acronym MICE. 65 It has been suggested that the acronym is more
complete as SMICE, adding sexual gratification as a separate cause.66
Criminology author Frank E. Hagan has suggested another typology to
explain espionage: mercenary spies, ideological spies,
alienated/ egocentric spies, buccaneer or sports spy, professional spies
(nontraitors), compromised spies, and deceived spies. 67
27 For example, see Lynn F. Fischer &John E. Leather. ESPIONAGE INDICATORS 1985
2005: OF CLASSIFIED DATA SOURCES 2007 classified Secret . See also
KATHERINE L. HERBIG, CHANGES IN ESPIONAGE BY AMERICANS: 1947-2007 v
(Mar. 2008 , available at http://www.fas.org/sgp/library/changes.pdf (an
unclassified report explaining some work done on the classified side .
30 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
Mercenary spies, in Hagan's typology, are those who spy for payment from a
foreign government.68 Hagan claims that the majority of espionage cases since
1980 have been mercenary spies,69 though there may be some reason to doubt this
claim.
CLARENCE
ASHLEY, CIA SPYMASTER: GEORGE KISEVALTER: THE AGENCY'S TOP CASE OFFICER
WHO HANDLED PENKOVSKY AND Popov 2004 ; MILTON BEARDEN &JAMES RISEN, THE
MAIN ENEMY: THE INSIDE STORY OF THE CIA'S FINAL SHOWDOWN WITH THE KGB
2004); OLEG KALUGIN, SPYMASTER: MY THIRTY-TWO YEARS IN INTELLIGENCE AND
ESPIONAGE AGAINST THE WEST 2009 : ROBERT WALLACE, H. KEITH MELTON &
HENRY R. SCHLESINGER, SPYCRAFT: THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE CIA's SPYTECHS,
FROM COMMUNISM TO AL-QAEDA (2009 .
FRANK E. HAGAN, INTRODUCTION TO CRIMINOLOGY 361 (7th ed. 2010 .
Gfi n.
Id. at 362. 68
Id.
6.9 Id.
31 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
National
Ideological spies are those who spy against their home nation because of a political
or other ideological affiliation with another. 28 Many spies do claim to have an
ideological affinity with the country that they spy for. However, Victor
Cherkashin, legendary Soviet spy-handler for two of the most famous American
turncoats,29 posits that ideological rationalizations for behavior are actually post
hoc, 30 and perhaps adopted so that the spy can feel like a good person, or
demonstrate loyalty to the country he or she is now serving. This will be discussed
further below. There are, however, some spy cases in which the accused traitors do
appear to have strong ideological motivations, including Julius and Ethel
Rosenberg31and the Cambridge Five 3233 in Britain, who deeply supported the early
communist movement in the Soviet Union. 7ö Hagan theorizes that ideological spies
were most common before the 1980s and 1990s, when he believes the motivation
then switched to financial remuneration. 34 A reasonable conclusion to take from
examining the known cases is that ideological considerations were more common
during the revolutionary period of the early Soviet Union (when many people,
including some inside the United States were supportive and hopeful about the
newly-emerged state of communism , and explained by other causes as the Cold
War went on.
Hagan says that there are some niche forms of spies: including a buccaneer or
sports spy, who simply enjoys the thrill. Potential sports spies include Christopher
Boyce and John Walker, who both cited the rush of spying. 35 Hagan also mentions
"professional spies," persons who are actually intelligence officers operating under
cover—usually by posing as a diplomatic agent and working out of his or her
country's embassy, though never really posing as a native or penetrating a U.S.
Government installation;3678 and a "deceived spy" who is convinced by an agent of
28 Id.
29 Robert Hanssen and Aldrich Ames. See infra note 72.
30 See VICTOR CHERKASHIN & GREGORY FEIFER, Spy HANDLER: MEMOIR OF A KGB
OFFICER: THE TRUE STORY OF THE MAN WHO RLCRUITED ROBERT HANSSEN AND
ALDRICH AMES 1 15-16 (2005)
31 For more information on the famous Rosenberg case, see RONALD RADOSH &JOYCE
MILTON, THE ROSENBERG FILE 2d ed. 1997).
32 For more information on the Cambridge Five, see YURI MODIN JEAN-CHARLES
DENIAU & AGUIESZKA ZIAREK, MY CAMBRIDGE E FRIENDS: BURGESS, MACLEAN,
PHILBY, BLUNT, AND CAIRNCROSS BY THEIR KGB CONTROLLER (1995 .
33 HAGAN, supra note 65, at 362.
34 361.
35 362.
36 <1.
79 Id.
32 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
a foreign government that he or she is spying to benefit their own government—
essentially, someone who consents to be a professional spy for their own country,
using Hagan's definition of the term, but is tricked into treason. 79 Professional
spies are what a person may envision when they think of espionage, a 'James
Bond" or "Mission Impossible" sort of figure breaking into a secure facility and
stealing highly guarded information. Spies of this kind are, unfortunately for
fiction writers, exceedingly rare.
Another category in Hagan's typology, the alienated or egocentric spy, is much
more common than the previous types. Alienated spies are those who betray their
country for personal reasons. The most common reasons seem to be: a perception
of unfair treatment in their government jobs, a sense of personal importance and
frustration when others fail to acknowledge these delusions of grandeur, a need to
be important (regardless of whether that importance comes from doing good or bad
acts , and a desire for revenge. There are many examples of persons motivated by
such considerations, though they may have also received money for their services
or professed ideological reasons for their crimes at some point in their espionage
careers. Volunteer spies—those who seek out the opportunity to betray their
country rather than being somehow recruited or pressured into it, are very often
motivated by these personal reasons. For example, after the CIA fired Edward Lee
Howard, he vindicated a personal vendetta against the agency, by defecting to the
Soviet Union. 37 Aldrich Ames, an American spy for the Soviet Union who may
have caused the most deaths of American agents in Russia estimates are between
ten and twenty-five), was motivated by his inability to progress in his career, as
well as by what he viewed as a number of missteps by the CIA: including lying to
the American public about the Soviet threat to gain more money. 38 Robert Hanssen
was similarly frustrated by his isolation and inability to influence his peers at the
FBI, as well extremely egotistical about his intelligence. 82 Earl Edwin Pitts also
cited numerous problems he had had with his superiors at the FBI, and
National
that he wanted to pay them back by frustrating their efforts by providing the,
Soviets with information to thwart the FBI's national security efforts. 39
The Cold War record is also replete with many examples of Soviet spies who
decided to work for the United States because of grievances or difficulty achieving
promotion within the Soviet intelligence services. Cherkashin notes that Oleg
Penkovsky, a member of the Soviet Scientific Research Commission, volunteered
his services for the British and Americans (a few times before they accepted) after
37 Id.; see also CHERKASHIN & FEIFER, supra note 72, at 147.
38 CHERKASHIN & FEIFER, supra note 72, at
28. 82 see id. at 238-39.
39 See U .S. DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY OFFICE OF COUNTERINTELLIGENCE,
Counterintelligence Bliefing Center—Earl Edwin Pitts,
http://www.hanford.gov/c.cfm/oci/ci_spy.cfm?dossier=48 (last visitedJune 9, 2012 .
33 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
suffering numerous setbacks in his career. He is also said to have suffered from
delusions of grandeur and sought to play a definitive role in determining the path
of the Cold War. 40 He ultimately played such a role by giving the United States the
intelligence that precipitated the Cuban Missile crisis. 4142 Valery Martynov was a
KGB officer who actually worked in the handling of spies and chose to spy for the
United States out of frustration with his inability to rise in his career. 86 The FBI
offered to supply Martynov with a fake FBI spy that Martynov could use to funnel
false, but convincing, intelligence back to his bosses at the KGB, while instead
being a spy for the U.S.87 The opportunity to seek professional validation and
become an important asset for the Americans was too much influence for
Martynov to resist.88 Cherkashin refers to another, still classified Soviet turncoat
for the Americans, who spied because of professional mistreatment by his KGB
superiors.89 Ronald Kessler claims that it was this agent, fittingly codenamed
AVENGER, whose intelligence eventually outed Ames and Hanssen. 43
As truly surprising as it seems that a person charged with protecting their country
could turn around and participate in espionage because of frustration at work, this
mindset is well-documented. And, with some thought, it does make some sense.
Espionage and treason are both lowfrequency phenomena. It is not difficult to
imagine that a few narcissistic
personality types can slip by the interview and clearance process without
detection. Narcissistic personality types are truly selfish: they do not join the
intelligence services because of deep patriotism or concern for the safety of their
countrymen, but because they perceive this career path to be one that will glorify
them and make them extremely important. When that expectation is frustrated, the
need for self-importance finds an alternate means for expression: the narcissist
becomes an extremely valuable "hero" to an opposing country, rather than a
mediocre and unappreciated civil servant in his or her own home country.
Accepting exorbitant pay for his or her services and professing true belief in the
opposing country's ideology both contribute to the traitor's perception that he or
she is important because the services are worth so much money, and heroic—
because, professing the new country's ideology will elevate the spy from viewing
his or herself as a mercenary-narcissist, to viewing him or herself as a patriot for
his or her newly adopted country.
The harm that these spies are doing may not be perceptible to them. The entire
betrayal occurs in secret, with no one knowing and no harm done to any known
person, isolating the spy from the consequences and any empathy he or she might
feel for victims. The betrayal of one's employer becomes an abstract goal of
defeating an objective that the spy professionally disagreed with and now sees a
way to affect from the other side, rather than a treasonous betrayal that may cost
American lives. Perhaps viewing the mindsets of "self-recruiting spies" in this way
can inform future efforts to combat espionage.
However, self-recruiting spies who reach out to opposing countries, offering their
services, are not the only ones to commit espionage. Hagan discusses another
category in his typology: the compromised spy. 44 A compromised spy is one who
is not independently motivated to commit espionage, and only agrees to do so
because of blackmail and coercion.92 Victor Cherkashin, a forty-year, high-ranking
veteran of the KGB, describes in his memoirs how such persons were recruited.
Intelligence forces for both sides would often follow and track government
officials of other governments, including "studying their activities to find
weaknesses— prostitutes, say, or gambling—and the best ways of taking
advantage of them. If a target seemed recruitable, we'd usually try to goad him into
92
working for us by means of money and sex. "93 Cherkashin also states that KGB
members would frame government agents by setting them up for illegal activities
and causing the police to arrest them, offering to help make the charges go away if
the target would supply information to the KGB. 94 The KGB would also target
opposing government agents with large gambling or other debts. Cherkashin
observes:
44 HAGAN, supra note 65, at 362.
Id.
35 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
93
CHLRKASHIN & FEII•'ER, supra note 72, at 49.
94
See id.
95
161.
49-50.
97
30.
to turn over information they otherwise might have had no inclination to become
involved with.45
Money does not appear to be much of a motivator in these cases. This may not be
surprising. For example, Islamic fundamentalist terrorists have previously been
radicalized by the xenophobia, exclusion, and discrimination they face when they
emigrate to or visit European countries. 53 The rise is espionage by foreign-
affiliated persons in the United
48 Id. at i.
49 Id.
103 Id.
50 Id. at viii.
51 Id.
52 Id. at 32.
53 See Robert S. Leiken, Europe's Angry Muslims, FOREIGN AFFAIRS July—Aug. 2005 ,
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/60829/robert-s-leiken/europes-angry-muslims. See
also NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TERRORIST ATTACKS UPON THE UNITED STATES,
THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT July 22, 2004), http://www.9-
I I commission.gov/report/911 Report.pdf noting that some of the 9/1 1 hijackers became
37 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
(2006).
110
NEIL C. LIN INGSTONE, THE WAR AGAINST TERRORISM 31 1982 quoting
William A. Hannay, International Terrorism: The Need for a Fresh Perspective, THE
INTERNATIONAL LAWYER 283 (April 1974)).
Ill
ROSS, supra note 109, at 79.
11
2 Id. at 82 (synthesizing Crenshaw, The Camses of Tenotism, 13 COMP. POL. 379 1981)).
terrorism might flourish better in urban and more anonymous locations. 113
Terrorism might be facilitated if an oppressed ethnic or cultural group has a proud
warrior tradition, 114 but might be inhibited if the group ascribes to a pacifist
religion.
38 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
The existence of a grievance has been thought to be the most important structural
factor. 115 And of course this makes sense—the amount of urbanization or the
existence of a warrior culture matters little without a rallying cry. Examples of
grievances might include the desire for independence—many terrorist
organizations like the Irish Republican Army in Ireland or the National Liberation
Front in Algeria were formed by ethnic groups that conceived of themselves as
oppressed and used terrorist tactics to agitate for political independence from a
colonizer. Other intrastate examples of terrorism might include a grievance like
rejection of the ruling government's ideology—such as a number of extreme left-
and rightwing revolutionary and counterrevolutionary groups operating in
Colombia.
Psychological theories, on the other hand, "try to specify and explain the mental
processes of individuals and groups"116 and might technically include rational
choice evaluations, 117 since rational choice might be considered part psychology,
part economics. This Article looks at rational choice separately due to its emphasis
on situation-based logical thinking as opposed to individual characteristics.
Psychological theories l 18 might include a psychoanalytical view, questioning as to
whether those who turn to terrorism have common psychological traits or a
"profile,."120 whether terrorists are made, not born, and can be explained by
"developmental" theories; 121 whether terrorism can in some cases be attributed to
learning,122 frustration-aggression theories—suggesting that an inability to
resolve a
1131d. at 82.
1141d. at 83.
1 15 Id. at 85.
1 16 Id at 79.
1171d.
1181d. at 87.
1 19
See generally GUSTAVE MORE, TERROR IN QUEBEC: CASE STUDIES OF THE FLQ
(1970 120 See Charles A. Russell & Bowman H. Miller, Profile ofa Tenonst, in PERSPECTIVES
ON TERRORISM 45—60 Lawrence Zelic Freedman & Yonah Alexander eds., 1983). 121 See
SABRI SAYARI, GENERATIONAL CHANGE IN TERRORIST MOVEMENTS: THE
TURKISH CASE 10 July 1985 .
122
Brian L. Pitcher & Robert L. Hamblin, Collective Leaming in Ongoing Political Cofficts, 3 INT'L
POE. SCI. REV. 71, 73-74, 82 1982 .
grievance—a structural factor noted above—might cause some persons to adopt
violence, 54 or narcissism-aggression theories—noting that many terrorists share a
history of receiving a significant blow to their ego that they try to correct through
violence—a factor not unfamiliar to us from our evaluation of what might cause
spying activity. 124
Even if psychological factors are not the sole cause of an individual deciding to
become a terrorist, this does not mean that they are not helpful for profiling
terrorists and therefore not only pursuing policies which can decrease the behavior,
but also for tracking potential terrorists before their most destructive crimes occur,
or finding offenders after the fact. While many terrorists are believed not to be
functionally insane, they do appear to share certain traits. For example, many have
"paranoic symptoms" such as an overwhelming belief that they have been selected
for an important purpose and must complete a critical mission. 55 They also display
dissociative behavior, demonstrating kindness and sentimentality in ordinary life
and detachment during episodes of violence. 26 It has been posited that terrorists
tend to have above average, intelligence. 56 This would not be so surprising given
that sometimes persons with above average intelligence are more susceptible to
ideological pitches—something used in cult recruiting. However, the intelligence
of terrorists is disputed. 57Numerous high profile bungles by terrorists might
suggest that less intelligent persons are attracted to be lone wolves. 5859
A few terrorists may even have the thrill-seeking impulse, similar to the rare
buccaneer spy, discussed above. 30 It is noted that "[t]errorism is a youthful
profession," and the great majority of terrorists are under 30 years of age. 60 It may
be that buccaneers are more common among the young, and 61that either youth or a
thrill-seeking personality leads to recklessness and a feeling of immortality. 1 32
Perhaps this thrill-seeking desire can be attributed to some of the younger lone
wolves appearing in Western culture today. Mobsters like Henry Hill noted that
their attraction to a criminal lifestyle began with seeing local gangsters, feared by
many and committing crimes with impunity. 133 Somehow this cements in the mind
as being a "cool" thing. Something seems to have happened in Western culture
now that young men, perhaps too young to be traumatized by September I Ith
when it happened, are, growing up in its aftermath and seeing that terrorism is the
biggest, baddest thing they can do. Lone wolves are most common in the, West,
where they have negative experiences in their formative years and education, 62
such as cultural intolerance and isolation. 63 This situation could lead them to act
out through terrorism where no sustained terrorist organization exists, or can be
55 Conrad V. Hassel, 'Tenor: The Clime oflhe Plivileged—An Examination and Prognosis,
TERRORISM l, 1, 5-6 (Nov. 1977 126
[d. at 32-33.
56 Id. at 32.
57 Daniel Byman & Christine Fair, The Casefor Calling Them ,Nihøits, THE ATLANTIC July
— Aug. 2010 http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2010/05/the-case-for-
callingthem-nitwits/ 8 130/.
58 See, e.g., id.
59 See Hassel, supra note 125, at 33 thrill-seeking behavior would be a more plausible
explanation if there were more terroristic episodes that were not linked to a serious
underlying grievance).
60 LIVINGSTONE, supra note 1 10, at 43.
61 Id.
NICHOLAS PILLGGI. WISEGUY 5-6 (25th anniv. ed., 2011 .
40 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
64 Id. at 50.
138 Id. at 37.
65 Id.
66 [d.
67 Id. at 74.
142 Id.
41 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
place of black and while. 68 They will also cultivate beliefs that reinforce that good-
versus-evil worldview, including beliefs that utopia can be achieved through their
actions, belief in the absolute morality of the underlying cause, and reverence for
self-sacrifice. 144
Rational choice analysis, the last of our three perspectives, assumes that actors are
rational and seeks to evaluate the incentives and disincentives that cause their
behavior. Rational choice analysis can be particularly helpful in criminology since
it can not only indicate a cause of crime, but also a means of preventing the crime:
altering incentive structures. Under some evaluations, the adoption of terrorist
techniques might be a logical option. 69 Although repugnant, this can scarcely be
surprising: terrorism has often worked. 70 National liberation groups seeking
independence have been able to fight a war of attrition using terrorism tactics that
may eventually cause a militarily superior force to withdraw. Terrorist tactics bring
publicity to political causes—often the end in itself. The use of terrorist tactics to
attack government objectives can undermine popular support for those objectives.
One thing that is often wondered is how terrorists can possibly cope with or accept
doing something that is considered highly morally condemnable, by the rest of the
global community. Isn't it necessarily so that terrorists are crazy if they chose to be
terrorists? Yet rational choice, decision-making can play a large role in making
terrorism appear to be a viable option, especially given the existence of structural
factors like serious grievances. Lack of opportunity to participate in politics,
dissatisfaction with leadership and elites, and other situations that frustrate
nonviolent vindication of grievances can all have the effect of increasing
incidences of terrorism. 71 Groups that produce terrorists may also feel "relative
deprivation" compared with the group they seek to adapt. 148 Relative deprivation is
an irrational concept in economics modeling, but a common one to human
sociological thinking. The theory goes that in a situation in which everyone in
society is better off, if inequalities are more severe, the poorest members of society
will "feel" poorer than they did when they actually had less. Under this model, the
success of the West, financial inequalities in developing countries, and other social
situations can create a sense of irrational "relative deprivation" that sets the stage
for intergroup conflict to even out inequalities.
Looking to these three main models, we can speculate as to different
methods to combat terrorism: from reducing grievances to profiling possible
68 Id. at 82.
144 Id.
69 Martha Crenshaw, The Logic of Termism, in ORIGINS OF TERRORISM: PSYCHOLOGIES,
IDEOLOGIES, THEOLOGIES STATES OF MIND 7-24 (Walter Reich ed., 1990 .
70 For example, the Irish Republican Army in Ireland or the National Liberation Front in
Algeria. See genually ALISTAIR HORNE, A SAVAGE WAR OF PEACE: ALGERIA 1954—1962
2006): ALANJ. WARD, THU EASTER RISING: REVOLUTION AND IRISH NATIONALISM (2d
ed. 2003)
71 GUS MARTIN, UNDERSTANDING TERRORISM 64 3rd ed. 2010 .
1481d. at 67.
42 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
offenders to altering incentives. But our modeling of the causes of terrorism cannot
simply look to these three main strains of thought to understand the complex nature
of the changing threat of terrorist crime. For example, one important issue to
understand in our models is trends in terrorist behavior. Much of the modeling of
terrorism that this paper draws on is from the pre9/1 1 era when terrorist groups
were often large, hierarchical, secular, national liberation groups. Now there are
more decentralized groups seeking greater lethality with less of a discrete agenda.
149
How does one explain the shift? What are the new structural factors, new
psychological profiles, and new incentives of the "new" terrorists? 150 Rather than
being a community of freedom fighters using shocking tactics, there are more lone
wolves who are not themselves personally affected by the grievances they profess
—instead they are elites who somehow turn to religiosity and violence, after
appearing to grow up with relative normalcy. 151 How will this be explained?
classified information, the U.S. Government cannot simply find one person who
has recently accessed both. The same information could be from multiple leaks,
and dozens of persons at a minimum access any particular piece of classified
information.
During the Cold War, the most common method of discovering espionage was by
obtaining a spy from the opposing side with knowledge about espionage
operations in their country. This reality is one that completely belongs in the
history and mentality of the Cold War: spies spying on spies. However,
Cherkashin verifies that spies ferreting out other spies was truly the best detection
method "almost all exposed spies are betrayed by other agents." There would
normally be over a dozen intelligence officers who knew about a number of active
spies, and intelligence officers from one country are often known to be intelligence
officers by other countries. Thus, an FBI or CIA agent from the United States
would approach some low-paid Soviet intelligence officer with money troubles—
perhaps a gambling debt or a sick relative—and offer $1 million dollars and a
comfortable life in the United States for him or her and his or her family in
exchange for information identifying security leaks. Sometimes, such "pitches," as
they are called in the counterintelligence community, would work, often they
would not, and many times they would be met with a "counterpitch." Perhaps the
Soviet would agree, but only to feed misinformation and disrupt American
intelligence work. This normal back-and-forth of the Cold War era is a part of
history now, but direct intelligence on state-affiliated spies in the United States is
probably still easiest to gather through turning intelligence officers from the
opposing side.
In the post-Cold War era, so far as we know, incidents of traditional espionage
appear to have declined. However, there is an increasing amount of economic
espionage directly against U.S. businesses, and there is a rise in the use of spycraft
by more amateur, non-cleared, nongovernmental, and even terrorist-affiliated
spies. There are more volunteer spies finding their handlers over the internet.
Nontraditional methods and objectives of spycraft change the method of detection
from spy versus spy to reliance on other law enforcement techniques. For example,
spies affiliated with terrorist organizations may be found as part of general
observation of a
154
CHERKASHIN & FEIFER, supra note 72, at 252-54.
terrorist group, use of undercover agents pretending to represent a foreign country
trying to contact people through the internet or people, or through a wiretap or
other physical searches of known spies or other criminals.
Terrorism poses its own detection issues. While terrorist organizations
coordinating attacks between multiple members might be easier for law
enforcement to gain information on or infiltrate, there are also lone actors who
self-radicalize and are extremely hard to predict. Organizations themselves are
secretive, dangerous, and in the era of global telecommunications and the Internet,
44 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
may be globally far-flung. Without the hierarchy of a state controlling the actions
of operatives, they can be unpredictable, or splinter into uncontrollable factions.
Actual violent attacks are of course easy to detect, but the objective of
counterterrorism operations, more emphasized by the post-Patriot Act approach, is
to prevent attacks before they occur. To do that, there is a need to detect operatives
and unearth terrorist plans, networks, and financing schemes.
155
See generally MATHIEU DEFLEM, THE POLICING 01• TERRORISM:
ORGANIZATIONAL AND GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES (2010 .
156
18 U.S.C. 25 10—22 1968), amended by Electronic Communications Privacy Act
of
1986, Pub. L. No. 99-508, 100 Stat. 1848 1986), the Communications Assistance to Law
Enforcement Act, Pub. L. No. 103-414, 108 Stat. 4279 (1994), the USA PATRIOT Act,
Pub. L. No. 107-56, 1 15 Stat. 272 (2001 , the USA PATRIOT Act Additional
Reauthorizing Amendments Act of 2006, Pub. L. No. 109-178, 120 Stat. 278 2006 , and
The Attorney General, Deputy Attorney General, Associate
Attorney General, or any Assistant Attorney General, any acting
Assistant Attorney General, or any Deputy Assistant Attorney
General or acting Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the
Criminal Division or National Security Division specially
designated by the Attorney General, may authorize an application
to a Federal judge of competent jurisdiction for, and such judge
may grant in conformity with section 2518 of this chapter an order
authorizing or approving the interception of wire or oral
communications by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, or a
Federal agency having responsibility for the investigation of the
offense as to which the application is made, when such
interception may provide or has provided evidence of [list of
45 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
crimes.] 157
Title 18 U.S.C. 2518 provides the procedure for requesting a wiretap. The U.S.
Government must submit a full and complete accounting of all relevant facts to a
federal judge, explaining what evidence the government intends to obtain and how
long the wiretapping will endure. 158 The judge evaluates whether the government
has shown probable cause that a crime will be detected. A final order granting the
requested wiretap must state the person being targeted and the nature and location
of the tapped line, amongst other things. 159 The period of the wiretap cannot be
longer than 30 days, though a judge can extend another 30 days. 160
A FISA (short for "Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act") 161 wiretap, or even a
FISA physical search, is given in quite another circumstance: not when the
government can show that it will gather evidence to support a criminal case, but
instead when the government can
by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act Amendments Act of 2008, Pub. L. No. I
IO'261, 122 Stat. 2436 (2008 .
18 U.S.C. 2516(1) (2012 .
18 U.S.C. 2518(1) (2012 .
18 U.s.c. 2518(4) (2012 .
18 U.s.c. 2518(5) (2012 .
The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978, Pub. L. No. 95-511, 92 Stat. 1783
161
In 2004, FISA was amended to include a "lone wolf' provision: 50 U.S.C. 1801 (b)
(l)(C). A "lone wolf' is a non-U.S. person who engages in or prepares for
international terrorism alone—they are, in effect, themselves the foreign power.
The lone wolf provision amended the definition of "foreign power" to permit the
FISA courts to issue surveillance and physical search orders without having to find
a connection between the "lone wolf' and a larger foreign government or terrorist
group. Broadening the scope of FISA, preventative surveillance of lone wolves has
become increasingly important to prevent terrorist attacks when foreign groups are
46 Ilanard National Security journal / Vol. 3
unable to operate efficiently in the U.S. and instead focus their efforts on recruiting
such lone actors.
IV. Prevention
VI. llamard 72
73 Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, arts. 29—31, annexed to
Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, Oct. 18, 1907, 36 Stat.
2277, I Bevans 631. The Hague Regulations are irnportant and enduring treaties for the
conduct of warfare.
74 See LOUIS FISHER, CONG. RESEARCH SERVICE, RL 32458, MILITARY TRIBUNALS:
HISTORICAL PATTERNS AND LESSONS 16—32, particularly '20 July 9, 2004 .
50 National Security joumal / Vol. 3
National
and during World War 11. 176 There is a famous case from World War Il in which
Nazi saboteurs secretly entered the United States were caught and tried by military
commissions, and most were executed. 177 Some of those Nazi saboteurs were even
American citizens. 178
Most national security crime cases are tried before federal judges in the
local district of federal court by the local United States Attorney's Office. U.S.
Attorneys are federal prosecutors responsible for prosecuting all federal crimes in
their one of the 94 districts in the United States and its territories. U.S. Attorneys
are assisted in espionage and espionage-related cases by specialized prosecutors
from the Counterespionage Section (CES) 179 and in terrorism cases by the
Counterterrorism Section (CTS). Other national security crimes, depending on
whether affiliated with stateon-state activities or non-state actors, are divided
between CES and CTS with most state-on-state issues of sabotage or weapons
trading going to CES and non-state actors going to CTS. Both United States
Attorneys and members of the Counterespionage Section work for the Department
of Justice, the lawyers for the federal government. The Department ofJustice has
two main components: the United States Attorney's Offices, located all around the
country and handling whatever kinds of cases occur in their territory; and the
lawyers at "Main Justice" in Washington, D.C., who are often specialized in a
particular kind of law and can give expert assistance to the local United States
Attorneys' Offices.
While a national security crime trial might proceed like any other in many
respects, there are special laws for the protection of classified evidence. The
American criminal law tradition puts heavy emphasis on public disclosure of all
evidence at trial. The Sixth Amendment itself guarantees a right to public trials.
This used to create a problem with espionage cases in particular, because the
defendant demanded that the classified information he or she was accused of
disclosing be presented at trial. This tactic was known as "graymail": defendants
could force the
176
Id. at 32—59, and particularly 5, 37, & 46.
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, FAMOUS CASES: GEORGEJOHN DASCH
1 77
Pub. L. No. 96-456, 94 Stat. 2025 (18 U.s.c. App. 111 1-16 , amended by Pub L. No.
100-690, 102 Stat. 4396, Title Vll, Sect. 7020(g) (1988 ; Pub. L. No. 106-567, 1 14 Stat.
2855, Title VI, 607 2000); Pub. L. No. 107-306, 1 16 Stat. 2423, Title Vlll,
2002); Pub. L. No. 108-458, 1 18 Stat. 3691, Title 1, 1071(0 (2004); Pub. L. No. 109-177,
120 Stat. 248, Title V, 506 a g 2006 .
181
See, e.g.. LARRY M. EIG, CONG. RESEARCH SERVICE. CLASSIFIED
INFORMATION PROCEDURES ACT CIPA):AN OVERVIEW, iii March 2, 1989 .
182
see, e.g., 18 U.S.C. (2012).
183
U.S. SENTENCING GUIDELINES MANUAIÄ 3Al .4 (2012 .
18 U.s.c. 794 (2012).
See BUREAU OF PRISONS, INMATE LOCATOR, ROBERT PHILIP HANSSEN,
http://www.bop.gov/iIoc2/LocateInmate.jsp last visited June 12, 2012).
0'Vational
constitutionally applied. The Supreme Court has previously implied that the
imposition of the death penalty outside of cases of murder is unlikely to be
52 National Security joumal / Vol. 3
constitutional, because it would violate the proscription on "cruel and unusual
punishment" of the Eighth Amendment. 75 Because no treason case has gone to trial
in over fifty years, it is not clear how the Supreme Court or any court would rule on
this issue. While treason may not always cost human lives, it is the ultimate
betrayal of one's country and an extraordinarily serious crime.
VII. Conclusion
This paper makes two opposite arguments. First, it argues for the creation of a new,
more specialized legal subject, National Security Criminal Law. Second, it argues
criminal law courses could benefit from a more interdisciplinary focus, one that
looks not only to the crimes and cases themselves, but also criminological insights
on the causes and nature of the crimes, and pragmatic law enforcement realities
about detection, prevention, trial, and punishment. Both suggestions need not be
followed in a single instance, but it is the endeavor of this paper to give a quick
sketch of what "National Security Crime" is and what it can be. This concept is a
discrete one, and by splitting it between different disciplines, or failing to study it
altogether, full understanding of it is undermined. The importance of the criminal
law as a means not only to punish but also help stem national security threats will
ultimately be vindicated by improvement of this field. A fuller understanding of the
crimes falling under the headings of treason, espionage, sabotage, and terrorism
will help us understand them better individually and fight them collectively.
75 See Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584, 598 1977) (plurality) (noting in passing that the
death penalty may not be appropriate for any crime in which a human life is not taken .