See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/263103494

Voices of 65 Young People Leaving Care in Sweden: “There Is So Much I Need

to Know!”

Article  in  Australian Social Work · January 2014

DOI: 10.1080/0312407X.2013.863957

CITATIONS READS

51 981

2 authors:

Ingrid Höjer Yvonne Sjöblom

University of Gothenburg University of Gävle
38 PUBLICATIONS   797 CITATIONS    31 PUBLICATIONS   470 CITATIONS   

SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Home and (dis)continuity: Foster care for children with migrant backgrounds (HoMi) View project

Små barns lärande i familjehem View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Ingrid Höjer on 13 October 2014.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

This article was downloaded by: [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas]
On: 12 October 2014, At: 03:38
Publisher: Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered
office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Australian Social Work

Publication details, including instructions for authors and
subscription information:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rasw20

Voices of 65 Young People Leaving Care

in Sweden: “There Is So Much I Need to
Know!”
a b
Ingrid Höjer & Yvonne Sjöblom
a
Department of Social Work, Göteborg University, Göteborg,
Sweden
b
Department of Social Work, Stockholm University, Stockholm,
Sweden
Published online: 17 Dec 2013.

To cite this article: Ingrid Höjer & Yvonne Sjöblom (2014) Voices of 65 Young People Leaving
Care in Sweden: “There Is So Much I Need to Know!”, Australian Social Work, 67:1, 71-87, DOI:
10.1080/0312407X.2013.863957

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0312407X.2013.863957

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the
“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,
our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to
the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions
and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,
and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content
should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources
of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,
proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or
howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising
out of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any
substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,
systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &
Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-
and-conditions
 Australian Social Work, 2014
Vol. 67, No. 1, 71–87, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0312407X.2013.863957

Voices of 65 Young People Leaving Care in Sweden: “There Is So

Much I Need to Know!”
Ingrid Höjera*, & Yvonne Sjöblomb
a
Department of Social Work, Göteborg University, Göteborg, Sweden; bDepartment of Social Work,
Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

Abstract
The purpose of this study is to examine young care leavers’ experiences of supportive
and nonsupportive factors after leaving care. Telephone interviews were conducted with
65 young people, between 18 and 26 years old, who had left care in Sweden within the
previous 3 months to 3 years. The care-leaving process was in many cases described by
the young people as badly planned and compressed. Some interviewees received support
from the formal network (social services, foster carers, residential homes, contact
persons) for housing (37) and financial matters (36), but few received support from the
formal network concerning employment (14) and education (11). Emotional support
was mainly provided by partners and friends. Altogether, the results suggest that access
to support is a helpful factor for young people leaving care, but also that many of our
interviewees had no such access, from neither formal nor informal networks.

Keywords: Transition; Leaving Care; Young People; Social Capital; Support

When a child or a young person is placed in out-of-home care, the state takes on a
substantial responsibility. Such responsibility includes not only the time in care, but
also preparing a young person for adulthood when the time in care comes to an end
(Broad, 1999; Courtney & Heuring, 2005). A growing body of international research
shows that young care leavers have a high risk of social exclusion since they often
have to make the transition from care to adulthood alone, and over a much shorter
period of time than their peers without care experiences (Biehal & Wade, 1996;
Cashmore & Paxman, 2006; Courtney & Heuring, 2005; Höjer & Sjöblom, 2010;
Stein, 2006, 2012). Outcomes in Sweden for young care leavers have not been
encouraging, neither for social indicators, nor for individual indicators later on in life
(Berlin, Vinnerljung, & Hjern, 2011; Vinnerljung, Franzen, & Davidsson, 2007;
Vinnerljung, Hjern, & Lindblad, 2005a; Vinnerljung, Oman, & Gunnarsson, 2005b).
One reason for this may be lack of knowledge and lack of attention from social work
practice as to what happens after a placement ends; “The key weakness of foster care

*Correspondence to: Ingrid Höjer, Department of Social Work, Göteborg University, Box 720, 405 30 Göteborg,
Sweden. Email: Ingrid.Hojer@socwork.gu.se
Accepted 10 October 2013

© 2013 Australian Association of Social Workers

 72 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
is not so much what happens in foster care but what happens after it” (Sinclair,
Baker, Wilson, & Gibbs, 2005, p. 122). Thus, what happens after care ought to be of
great interest for social services in Swedish local authorities.
In Sweden, the situation for young care leavers has, so far, attracted little attention
from social services. Unlike the situation in many other countries, local authorities in
Sweden seldom provide any specialised programs or dedicated services for this group.
Swedish social workers pursue their work with young care leavers on an individual
basis within their ordinary tasks (Höjer & Sjöblom, 2010, 2011b).
In a recent Swedish study, 111 managers of social services in 75 Swedish local
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

authorities were interviewed, focusing on the administrative procedures when young

people leave care. Additionally, 65 young care leavers were interviewed about their
experiences of leaving a placement in out-of-home care and the transition to
independent living. The aim of this paper is to focus on how these 65 young care
leavers themselves perceived their transition from care to adulthood, and what they
identified as the supportive and nonsupportive factors that influenced the care-
leaving process.

The Swedish Context

Sweden has 9.1 million inhabitants; 2.3 million are under the age of 20 (Statistics
Sweden, 2013). In 2011, 26,200 Swedish children and young people were placed in
care at some time during the year (National Board of Health and Welfare, 2012).
Foster care has for centuries been the preferred alternative as opposed to residential
care, and about 75% of children in out-of-home care are placed in foster families.
In social work with children and families, there is a strong emphasis on a family
service orientation rather than a child protection orientation (Gilbert, 1997; Gilbert,
Parton, & Skivenes, 2011). Out-of-home placements are supposed to serve as a
temporary solution, and reunification with the birth family is looked upon as an
important objective and a desirable outcome. The law explicitly emphasises the
importance of maintained contact between children and their biological network—
parents and relatives. There is no time limit for the rehabilitation of parents, and it is
not possible to adopt children without consent from the birth parents. A great
majority of birth parents keep the legal custody of their children throughout a
placement in foster care, even if the placement lasts until the child ages out of care
(Höjer & Sjöblom, 2010).

Prolonged Transition to Adulthood

Over the past three decades, the life experiences of young people during their
transition to adulthood have undergone great changes in terms of education,
employment, and relationships with family and friends (Danziger & Rouse, 2007;
Settersten, Furstenberg, & Rumbaut, 2005). In particular, markers of the transition,
such as leaving the family home, completing education, financial independence,
 Australian Social Work 73
marriage, and child rearing are generally happening later in life. During this
prolonged stage young people face new risks and opportunities. The prolonged
transition process has had different consequences for different groups of young
people (Furlong & Cartmel, 2007). Understanding how this prolonged transition to
adulthood influences vulnerable groups, such as young people leaving a placement in
out-of-home care, can inform social policy and social work practice.

Previous Research
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

The problematic situation for young people in the transitional phase from care to
adulthood is described by a number of researchers (see Stein, 2006, 2012), where
consistent results often depict young care leavers as a vulnerable group. In this
research it becomes evident how young people without the support of parents or other
significant adults may find it hard to establish themselves in areas of importance for
independent life (Biehal & Wade, 1996; Mendes, Johnson, & Moslehuddin, 2011;
Munro et al., 2012; Pinkerton & McCrea, 1999; Stein, 2012). Young care leavers are
often economically disadvantaged, since they lack educational qualifications, and thus
face difficulties on the labour market (Broad, 1999; Courtney et al., 2005; Vinnerljung
et al. 2005b). Research has shown that care leavers’ journeys to adulthood often are
both accelerated and compressed (Mendes et al., 2011; Stein, 2012).
Previous research has shown that accepting and continuing to receive services after
the age of 18 improves the likelihood of more positive outcomes (Bakketeig & Backe-
Hansen, 2008; Kristoffersen & Clausen, 2008; Munro et al., 2012). However, the
degree of success does depend on the stability experienced in care, having the
capability to develop and utilise social support, being motivated, and the extent of
various physical and mental health problems or substance abuse. On the other hand,
some research evidence also indicates that the positive effects of aftercare may not be
lasting (Courtney, Lee, & Perez 2011). Research findings illustrate the vulnerability of
this group, and define young care leavers as being in a chronic state termed as
“psychological homelessness” (Samuels & Pryce, 2008).
Swedish register studies, based on complete cohorts, show that young people who
have been placed in out-of-home care have an elevated risk of early mortality
(Vinnerljung & Ribe, 2001), a higher incidence of mental-health-related problems, are
more prone to commit suicide (Vinnerljung et al., 2005a), have lower educational
attainment (Vinnerljung et al., 2005b), and, for girls, an increased risk of teenage
pregnancy (Vinnerljung, Franzen, & Danielsson, 2007). Additionally, Berlin, Vin-
nerljung, & Hjern (2011) found that 27% of young care leavers from long-term foster
care had no further education after primary school, and that having no or low grades
was the strongest risk factor for adverse outcomes after leaving care.
Höjer and Sjöblom (2011b) found that a general perception from social services
was that young people ageing out of care should be treated like their peers who had
not been in care, and that they first and foremost should use the general welfare
system to access support for their care-leaving process. Social service managers
 74 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
displayed little awareness of the consequences of a prolonged transition to adulthood,
and the need for continued support after leaving care. Only 6% of the managers had
information of the young people’s whereabouts once they had left care. Just a few
local authorities had specific programs for young people leaving care (Höjer &
Sjöblom 2011b).
In a research review, Everson-Hock et al. (2011) found that those young people
leaving care who received support during their transition from care to adulthood
were more likely to complete compulsory education, be employed, and be living
independently. Furthermore, they were less likely to be young parents. However, the
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

authors also found that it was difficult to decide what generally characterised
successful care leaving, due to the lack of studies performed in the area. Many of the
existing studies were also small and accounted for mixed evidence in terms of
positive, negative, and neutral impact on outcomes of interventions for young people
leaving care (Everson-Hock et al., 2011).

Contact with Birth Family and Former Carers

Few young care leavers report access to support from birth parents (Höjer & Sjöblom,
2010, 2011a). Contact between children in care and their parents also tends to
decrease in frequency the longer children remain in care (Biehal & Wade, 1996;
Höjer, 2001). According to Franzen and Vinnerljung (2006), there was also a high
risk for young care leavers of having lost at least one parent before 18 years of age. In
the UK, young care leavers often report problematic, rather than supportive,
relationships with their families of origin (Stein, 2006). Returning to parents after
leaving care can prove to be very difficult (Biehal & Wade, 1996; Sinclair et al., 2005).
Additionally, it is evident that foster carers and residential staff in many cases do not
constitute a supportive setting after leaving care. Youth perspective studies further
indicate that youth ageing out of care lack emotional support as they make the
transition from care to adulthood (Samuels & Pryce, 2008). Ageing out of care is
frequently described in research as being challenging for this group. For young care
leavers, the road to adulthood may consist of many risks and obstacles, such as
homelessness, victimisation, incarceration, unemployment, early pregnancy, poverty,
and mental health problems (Courtney & Hughes-Heuring, 2005).

Method
Our empirical data was collected from interviews with 65 young people (14 young
men and 51 young women) between 18 and 26 years old, who had left care within
previous last 3 months to 3 years. Of these, 22 had been placed in foster care, 25 in
both foster care and residential care, 17 solely in residential care, and 1 in supported
housing. A majority (53) were born in Sweden, 4 were born in another European
country and 8 were born in non-European countries.
 Australian Social Work 75
To find our informants, we used a variety of methods. In the initial part of the
project, we interviewed 111 managers of social services engaged in child welfare social
work, in 75 local authorities (49 in the region of West Sweden, and 26 in the
Stockholm region). We found some of our young interviewees with the help of social
workers in these local authorities. However, we did not get as many informants as we
had hoped and so had to use additional methods to find informants. We found our
informants not only through social services departments, but also with assistance
from staff working in residential homes, from foster carers, and also through young
care leavers themselves, using “snowballing”.
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

In the interviews, we focused on the young peoples’ experiences and perceptions of

their time in care, as well as the care-leaving process. An interview guide was used,
with a combination of open-ended and structured questions about the following
domains: relationships with biological family and carers; education, employment, and
earnings; physical and mental health; drug and alcohol abuse; family formation; and
future plans. We also asked questions about access to support, both from social
services and other professionals, from foster carers, birth family, network, and
friends. Furthermore, the actual care-leaving process was investigated in terms of the
way it took place, the level of involvement of the young people in that process, and
the opportunity they had to have a say about the planning of their future.
The interview guide was developed and influenced by our previous research with
young care leavers (Höjer & Sjöblom, 2010) and by investigating international studies
in the same research field (Courtney et al., 2005, 2007; Stein, 2006). Initially, we asked
for information on the current situation of the young person being interviewed.
There were also questions concerning the placement, such as the reasons for being in
care, the number of placements, etc. The bulk of the questions focused on how the
care-leaving process was conducted, and what support was given to help young care
leavers to find housing and employment and to plan their future education.
Additionally, we asked the young people what facilitated their transition to
adulthood, and what were the barriers. The study was approved by the Regional
Ethical Review Board in Gothenburg.
The interviews were carried out over the phone. Previously, telephone interviews
have been successfully used by other researchers (for example, see Frankfort-
Nachmias & Nachmias, 1996). Although the interviews were not carried out face to
face, they gave rich and detailed empirical material, and our impression was that the
young people were comfortable with using the telephone for the purpose of the
interview. Each interview lasted between 45 minutes and 90 minutes. The entire
interview was taped, transcribed, and analysed in two computer programs: SPSS and
NVIVO. As the 65 interviews present a large amount of qualitative empirical
material, we also categorised the open-ended questions, in order to get an overview of
the material, and to be able to use the results in the quantitative analysis. For
example, we read all the answers concerning who provided support, and who our
interviewees would ask for help, and then categorised the answers accordingly (social
services, foster carer, birth parent, etc.) Results are presented in Tables 4 and 5 below.
 76 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
Thus, results are presented as both quantitative, in tables, and as qualitative, with
quotations and examples from interviews.

Results
Some descriptive data of the sample is presented in this first part of the results, in
Tables 1, 2, and 3. Table 1 shows the age distribution of the participants at the time of
the interview. In Table 2, figures show the age of the young interviewees at the time
when they left their placement in out-of-home care. Table 3 shows the age of the young
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

people at the time when they were placed in care for the first time. It is worth noticing
that the majority (63%) were 11 years of age or older when they first came into care.

Table 1 Frequencies and Percentages for Age of Participants at the Time of Interview
Age at interview Frequencya (n = 65) %

18–19 years 9 14
20–22 years 37 57
23–26 years 19 29
Total 65 100
a
Mean = 21.5; Standard deviation = 1.659.

Table 2 Frequency and Percentage of Years of Age at the Time When Young People Left
Care
Age at leaving care Frequencya (n = 65) %

15–17 years 12 19
18 years 18 28
19 years 17 26
20–22 15 23
Unknown 3 4
Total 65 100
a
Mean = 18,5; Standard deviation = 1,456.

Table 3 Frequency and Percentage of Years of Age at the Time when Young People Were
First Placed in Care
Age when first placed in care Frequencya (n = 65) %

0–5 years 10 15
6–10 years 14 22
11–15 years 21 32
16–20 years 20 31
Total 65 100
a
Mean = 11,5; Standard deviation = 5,426
 Australian Social Work 77
The Care-leaving Process—Often Dependent on Administrative Rules
Several young people mentioned administrative rules, such as being over 18 and
having finished upper secondary school, as a reason for leaving care. These
administrative rules are regulated in the social services law, but there are also local
regulations. Such administrative rules were not always helpful for the young people’s
care-leaving process. Some would have liked to stay longer with their foster carers, or
at their residential homes, but were told this was not possible, due to the stipulated
time for care leaving. In many cases the care-leaving process was completed very
hastily, with little planning; the young person could be told that she/he had to leave
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

the foster home/residential home within a couple of weeks. Even if social services
helped them to find somewhere to live, leaving care at such short notice, and with
scarce planning, was highly disapproved of by most young people. Many of our
interviewees reported that relations with foster carers and residential staff were often
interrupted, and not replaced with alternative access to other forms of support.

My placement ended when I was 18. They said it was time to move, because I was
18 and they didn’t want to pay for the placement anymore. But I would have really
liked to stay with my foster carers, at least until I had finished college. (Gunnar,
male, 22 years old)

Another important issue connected to administrative rules was the organisation of

social services into specialised units. There is often one unit for children and young
people under 18, and other units for people over 18 (adults) with problems such as
drug/alcohol abuse and/or mental health problems, etc. This means that young
people, who may have had a good relationship with their case worker while they were
in care, had to contact a different unit, with unknown social workers, when they left
care. Many of our interviewees reported that this was an obstacle they found hard to
overcome. They were hesitant to contact an unfamiliar social services unit, with
unknown staff, just to discuss issues of support. Additionally, some of the young
people said they were told they had to have a specific problem, such as alcohol/drug
abuse, to be eligible for support from social services. Just to need someone to help you
plan your everyday life was not enough.

I had to change my social worker, because I was 20—and everything was really
confused, because she wasn’t my real worker, and I don’t know … They said they
can’t pay for me after I’m 20, I think you have to be on drugs or something, for
them to pay for you after 20. (Lena, female, 21 years old)

Access to Support
As shown in Table 4, a large number of young people answered that they did not
receive any support for housing or financial assistance. The number is even higher
when it comes to employment and education. Foster carers and social services are the
 78 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
Table 4 Frequency and Percentage (Shown in Brackets) of the Support Young People
Received with Housing, Financial Support, Employment, and Education at the Time of
Leaving Care (n = 65)
Financial
Housing advice/help Employment Education

Young person her/ 21 (32%) 19 (30%) 31 (49%) 37 (58%)

himself
Birth parents 1 (1%) 3 (4%) 3 (4%) 1 (1%)
Social Services 13 (20%) 18 (30%) 6 (9%) 4 (5%)
Foster carers 12 (19%) 13 (20%) 3 (4%) 4 (5%)
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

Residential home 7 (11%) 3 (4%) 2 (3%) 1 (1%)

Contact person 5 (8%) 2 (3%) 3 (4%) 2 (3%)
Other 6 (9%) 4 (5%) 5 (8%) 6 (9%)
No answer — 3 (4%) 12 (19%) 10 (7 still at upper sec.
school) (18%)
Total 65 (100%) 65 (100%) 65 (100%) 65 (100%)

main providers of support, followed by residential homes and contact persons

(contact persons are generally laymen, formally appointed by the social services, as a
preventive, supportive measure for young people). In the text below, we have
identified social services, foster carers, residential homes, and contact persons as
belonging to the “formal network”, as opposed to the “informal network”.

Table 5 Frequency and Percentage (Shown in Brackets) of the Young People’s Answers to
the Questions Who Would You Ask If You Needed Financial, Practical (e.g., Moving
House), Emotional Help/Support? (n = 65)
Financial help (Borrow Practical help (Moving Emotional
money) house) support

Young person her/ 3 (5%) 3 (5%) 2 (3%)

himself
Birth parents 14 (21%) 13 (20%) 4 (6%)
Social Services 2 (3%) 3 (5%) 2 (3%)
Foster carers 12 (18%) 14 (21%) 7 (11%)
Contact person 1 (1%) 2 (2%) 4 (6%)
Boyfriend/girlfriend 4 (6%) 4 (6%) 10 (15%)
Parents of boyfriend/ 3 (5%) 3 (5%) 2 (3%)
girlfriend
Siblings 5 (8%) 7 (11%) 4 (6%)
Relatives 4 (6%) 2 (3%) 2 (3%)
Friends 5 (8%) 5 (8%) 12 (19%)
Other 3 (5%) 4 (6%) 6 (9%)
No one/don’t know 5 (8%) 3 (5%) 7 (11%)
No answer 4 (6%) 2 (3%) 3 (5%)
Total 65 (100%) 65 (100%) 65 (100%)
 Australian Social Work 79
Housing
To have a secure and affordable place to stay is a very important factor for a
successful care-leaving process—that is a fact all the young people agreed upon. As
seen from the results in Table 4, 21 of the young interviewees answered that they
themselves found somewhere to live after leaving care (this does not necessarily mean
that they had not been offered other opportunities by social services or residential
homes). Several of them reported considerable skills in finding an apartment—they
had used the internet, advertisements in newspapers, and so on. There were 13 young
people who got their apartment through help from the social services. Most of the
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

young people in this group reported that they were satisfied with the housing support,
and declared that this support had a positive impact on their care-leaving process. As
many as 12 young people found their apartment with the help of former foster carers,
through different forms of support. Foster carers could use their personal contacts to
find an apartment, or they could engage themselves in the search for housing. Two
foster carers offered themselves as guarantors for loans when the young people
bought their apartments. There were 7 young people who told us that they received
help from their former residential homes, who often proved to have a good and well-
elaborated structure for the practical side of care leaving. Five received help from
their contact persons, and 6 from “others”—siblings, friends, and relatives. Only one
reported help from birth parents.

We spent a lot of time looking for somewhere for me to live, Eva [foster mother]
and I, and finally we found a cooperative apartment. I was lucky, ’cause it was right
opposite where I work. And Eva knew the girl who wanted to sell her apartment. So
we contacted the bank, and I borrowed money so I could buy the apartment. And
Eva went in as a creditor. (Nilla, female, 20 years old)

To have someone to support you in this process was described by the interviewees
to be very important. All in all, 37 individuals received support with housing from
someone in the formal network.

Financial Support/Advice
As many as 19 of the young people answered that they had no one to help them with
financial support/advice in the care-leaving process. They had found ways to support
themselves—through work; a study loan; some relied on support from partners. Of
the young people, 14 reported that they had at least one parent who was deceased
(7 birth mothers, 7 birth fathers). In Sweden, you are eligible for remuneration from
pensions and/or life insurance from your (deceased) parents when you reach the age
of majority at 18. Thus, those with a deceased parent could rely on this lump sum of
money, at least for a while. However, this also implied that they were not eligible to
apply for benefits from social services until they had spent this money.
When presenting results concerning financial matters, it is also important to state
that this variable covers both actual financial support, and practical advice in
financial matters. A group of 18 young people reported being supported through
 80 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
actual financial benefits from social services. Additionally, 13 answered that foster
carers helped them with advice in financial matters. Three received such advice from
residential homes and 2 from contact persons—thus 36 individuals received support
from the formal network. Three answered that they received support/advice from
their birth parents. In the interviews several of the young people explicitly declared
the need for such advice—budget planning and savings planning—and highly
appreciated it when it was given to them. The interviewees testified what an
important role foster carers can play, as conveyors of general knowledge of budgeting
and household planning:
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

I: How did you plan your budget when you left care? Did anyone help you?
K: My foster mother became my legal guardian, and she helped me. She told me
“you need to plan each month, this is what you need to buy”—like a mum does.
I: Did you receive any help from social services?
K: No, I didn’t want any help from them. I wanted to keep it in the family. I don’t
trust people I donAt know. (Kalle, male, 21 years old)

Employment
Having a job (or being in education) was also described as an important factor for the
young people’s wellbeing. However, 31 of the young people stated that they did the
planning for employment themselves at the time when they left care. Six received
support from social services, 3 from foster carers, 2 from residential homes, and 3
from contact persons, which means that 14 individuals received support from the
formal network. Three received support from their birth parents.

I: Who helped you to find work?

O: My contact person from the residential home helped me to apply at the agency
for young disabled people, so they arranged for a special wage allowance, and then I
got the job. (Orvokki, female, 22 years old)

However, the majority of the young people stated that they had to rely on themselves
to find employment.

Education
A majority of the young people (37) answered that they made plans for their future
education on their own, without support from anyone. Four received support from
social services, 4 from foster carers, 1 from their residential home, and 2 from contact
persons—thus 11 individuals received support from the “formal network”. One had
support from their birth parents. Some of the young people said that they were not
really open for discussions concerning educational plans when they left care—there
were too many other things going on; they were too busy trying to manage their
independent living and could not focus on their future education
 Australian Social Work 81
Who Could You Ask for Help?
Financial Help
When it came to financial help, 14 stated that they would ask birth parents, and
13 foster carers, for help. Two would ask social services, and one their contact person.
Four would ask a boyfriend or girlfriend, and 3 the parents of a boyfriend or
girlfriend. Five would ask siblings or relatives, and 5 would ask friends. Three
answered they would rely on themselves, 5 did not know anyone to ask, and 4 did not
answer. All in all, 15 interviewees would ask a member of the “formal network” for
financial help.
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

Practical Help
For practical help (such as moving house), 13 interviewees would ask birth parents,
and 14 foster carers. Three would ask social services, and 2 their contact person. Four
would ask a boyfriend or girlfriend, and 3 the parents of a boyfriend or girlfriend.
Nine would ask siblings or relatives, and 5 would ask friends. Three answered they
would rely on themselves, 3 did not know anyone to ask, and 2 did not answer. All in
all, 19 interviewees would ask a member of the formal network for practical help.

Emotional Help
Four would ask birth parents, and 7 foster carers. Two would ask social services, and
4 their contact person. Ten would ask a boyfriend or girlfriend, and 2 the parents of a
boyfriend or girlfriend. Six would ask siblings or relatives, and 12 would ask friends.
Two answered they would rely on themselves, 7 did not know anyone to ask, and
3 did not answer. All in all, 13 interviewees would ask a member of the formal
network for emotional help.
When it comes to emotional support, friends and boyfriends or girlfriends are
reported as the main providers of support:

I know my friends who have moved away from home, what kind of contact they
have with their parents. If they have problems with their bills they can call their
parents “Mum, help me with this”. I can’t do that, I am totally left on my own. The
only one I have is my boyfriend, I can trust in him for support. So without a family
you feel very lonely. (Dora, female, 23 years old)

Requested Support
Peer Help: Contact with Young People with Similar Experiences
The young people pointed out that it felt like a great relief to meet peers who had
similar experiences of being in care. They could truly understand and give emotional
support to each other. It was also very important to be able to share difficulties and to
talk openly about their experiences. Having the experience of being in care was
something they did not always want to disclose to others, and they felt it was easier to
trust peers that had the same experiences.
 82 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
Yes, I would like to meet peers that have had similar experiences like me. I’m
feeling lonely, taking care of everything myself. Now when I have moved to this
new city and meet new friends I can’t disclose my earlier life to them. It’s not that
kind of things I would like to tell them about. (Olivia, female, 22 years old)

Advice and Education about What is Required for Independent Living

The young people also requested support in practical matters, such as filling in forms
and dealing with all sorts of different enquiries from authorities, support with how to
pay your bills, setting up a budget, and how to cook for yourself. In order to be able
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

to navigate on your own in this complex society the young people requested all kinds
of practical support. Some of them even suggested a training course in independent
living:

Well, I wish I could have had some sort of education—someone to teach me about
independent living; how to fill in one’s income-tax return form; how to pay
electricity bills; how does a mortgage work; and the like. What kind of clubs and
associations should you join? I didn’t even know there was a tenants association; I
just joined it three months ago. And what about the dishcloth? How long can you
keep it before it gets ugly and smelly? There are so many things I need to know!
(Gunnar, male, 22 years old)

Access to Professional Help from Psychologists and Therapists

Several of the young people depicted themselves as lonely, without any emotional
support, and told us about feelings of insecurity, states of anxiety, and feelings of
abandonment. Some were disappointed when social workers, who had been deeply
involved in their life while in care, didn’t bother to give them a call and check how
they were doing in their life after care:

So many awful things have happened to me … So I thought they would ask me if I

needed some kind of help—like a therapist or something. I thought they for sure
would offer me something; ask me if there was anything they could do to help me
live with all these memories? Anything. Because they know everything. They have
everything in black and white. My life. In a file. In their office. Shouldn’t they
understand that I need help after what I have been through? (Lovisa, female, 20
years old)

Continued Access to Support Even When Things Are Going Well

The young people requested emotional support not only when they felt lonely and
vulnerable. Many of them said that they needed someone to talk to about their former
and present life, and would have liked to have contact with social workers and former
carers for this purpose. Some wanted to describe everything they had achieved in life
and felt proud about, and others felt a need to talk about difficulties they had been
through, now when they had put some distance between themselves and their often
disrupted and problematic childhood. However, such continued contacts with social
 Australian Social Work 83
services, or former carers, were not always easy to access. In some cases, the young
people reflected upon eligibility for support—were they only eligible if they had been
unsuccessful in the care-leaving process?

I have hardly met her [the social worker] lately because everything is going so well.
That’s why they didn’t call me—it’s like I don’t have anything anymore. I wished I
could have had support at least these three last months. All they say is “It’s going so
well, you are doing so fine!” It makes me think—do I need to start smoking pot
again to get some attention? Do I always have to be a problem to get something?
(Fanny, female, 20 years old)
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

Discussion
The results from this study show that our interviewees need help to learn about
financial matters—for example, how to plan a budget and how to plan savings. This
was also an important issue in our previous study (Höjer & Sjöblom, 2010, 2011a).
Such knowledge is often transferred from parents to children, as a part of normal
everyday life, and specifically discussed when young people leave home for
independent living. When such a transfer of knowledge—from carers or residential
staff—occurred in the lives of our care leavers, it made a positive difference in the
care-leaving process.
Several of the young people in this group who had not experienced such transition
of knowledge felt confused and worried. A substantial group (19) of the young care
leavers are self-supported in financial matters and only a few of them can rely on help
from birth parents. It is evident that support connected to help in financial matters is
seldom received from the informal network, but it is also clearly pointed out that the
formal network cannot compensate for this lack of support.
Support and/or advice in the planning of future education and employment is
important for all young people in the transition from adolescence to adulthood.
Through such support young people may try their ideas, reflect upon different
opportunities, and maybe also find role models for their future professional life.
While several of our interviewees received support from the formal network for the
planning of their housing situation and for financial support, very few received
support for the planning of their employment (14) and education (11). The lack of
such support both from their formal and informal network places this group of young
care leavers in a disadvantaged position, compared to their peers who have access to
support from parents and from social networks. This may be one of several plausible
explanations for the less successful outcomes concerning education and employment
for young people formerly placed in care.
Emotional support is something that is provided to the care leavers mostly from
partners and friends. Our interviewees have few adults, from either the formal or the
informal network, to turn to for support and advice in emotional matters. Thus, the
lack of emotional support from the family of origin is not compensated for in relation
 84 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
to the care leavers. The request for emotional support is not only important in the
immediate time after care, but also when some time has passed—and when things are
going well! What the young care leavers often ask for is a committed adult with
whom they can have a trustful and continued relationship over a long period of time.
The results from our interviews with this group of young people clearly show the
importance of access to support and advice for housing, financial advice, employ-
ment, education, and emotional support. Few of our interviewees had access to such
support from their birth parents, or from their informal network. This is a fact that
needs to be reflected upon. According to information from interviews with social
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

workers and social service managers (Höjer & Sjöblom, 2010, 2011b), there seems to
be little recognition from social services concerning the need for continued access to
support and advice—or concerning the lack of support from birth parents and the
informal network. Thus, it is imperative that social services find ways to provide
alternative sources of support to young care leavers, to place this group in a position
more similar to that of their peers, who are likely to receive support from their
parents and from their social network.
In our sample we could see that the administrative rule of regulated time (18, or 19 if
at upper secondary school) in many cases caused a compressed and badly planned
care leaving, and interrupted relationships with the formal network: for example, with
foster carers and contact persons. Consequently, through the current administrative
procedures for care leaving, our interviewees were left without access to continued
support. In this way, the administrative system in itself caused a decreased transferral of
resources to this group. Instead of a rapid and compressed transition to adulthood, care
leavers need a gradual and flexible transition process based on their needs and their level
of maturity, and not based on age limits and other administrative limitations.
The strong emphasis on family service orientation within social work with child
welfare in Sweden also has implications for young care leavers. The notion that
children and young people placed in care, according to the principle of family service
orientation, should keep regular contact with their birth parents (and other members
of the extended family) may include a presumption that young people, after leaving
care, will receive support from their parents—in concordance with the support their
peers without care experiences will receive. However, the picture for young people
formerly placed in care is usually more complicated. Our results show how difficult it
is for young people formerly placed in care to reconnect and receive support from
their birth parents. This notion of “familism” creates a vacant space that needs to be
filled with resources that specifically take the young care leaver’s needs and right to
support during transition to adulthood into consideration.

Methodological Considerations
One reason for not finding a larger sample of informants may be due to social
workers’ lack of information about the care leavers. When we analysed the previous
interviews with the managers, we found that only 6% told us they had information
 Australian Social Work 85
about the young people’s whereabouts after they had left care, as no records are kept
after the case is closed (Höjer & Sjöblom, 2011b). Individual social workers could
have information, but such information was dependent on personal relations with the
young people who had left care. This indirect method of finding informants through
social workers and staff in residential homes and through snowballing made it
difficult to get a gender-balanced sample in the recruitment process of interviewees.
For future research with this group we recommend that researchers start recruiting
their sample when the young people are in care, in their residential and foster homes.
Our study is limited by the character of our sample, which is not representative. It
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

is probable that those selected by the social workers were more successful care leavers,
as often they were young people with whom the social workers had a more personal
relationship. When we used snowballing there is also a risk that we reached more
active and successful care leavers. Additionally, there is a great gender imbalance in
our sample, with a majority of female informants, which also has affected our results.
However, despite the limitations of our sample, we find it important to listen to the
lived experiences of this group. Our interviewees provided new and important
knowledge about their care-leaving process, and what worked as supportive or
nonsupportive factors. This knowledge has important ramifications for practice,
policy, and research.

References
Bakketeig, E., & Backe-Hansen, E. (2008). Forskningskunnskap om ettervern [Research about
after care measures]. Oslo: Nova. Nova–rapport: 17/2008.
Berlin, M., Vinnerljung, B., & Hjern, A. (2011). School performance in primary school and
psychosocial problems in young adulthood among care leavers from long term foster care.
Children and Youth Services Review, 33, 2489–2497. doi:10.1016/j.childyouth.2011.08.024
Biehal, N., & Wade, J. (1996). Looking back, looking forward: Care leavers, families and change.
Children and Youth Services Review, 18, 425–445. doi:10.1016/0190-7409(96)00013-8
Broad, B. (1999). Young people leaving care: Moving towards joined up solutions. Children and
Society, 13, 81–93.
Cashmore, J., & Paxman, M. (2006). Predicting after-care outcomes: The importance of “felt”
security. Child and Family Social Work, 11, 232–241. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2206.2006.00430.x
Courtney, M., Dworsky, A., Gretchen, R., Keller, T., Havlicek, J., & Bost, N. (2005). Midwest
evaluation of the adult functioning of former foster youth: Outcomes at age 19. Chicago:
Chapin Hall Centre for Children at the University of Chicago.
Courtney, M., Dworsky, A., Gretchen, R., Havlicek, J., Perez, A., & Keller, T. (2007). Midwest
evaluation of the adult functioning of former foster youth: Outcomes at age 21. Chicago:
Chapin Hall Centre for Children at the University of Chicago.
Courtney, M., & Hughes Heuring, D. (2005). The transition to adulthood for youth aging out of the
foster care system. In D. Osgood, E. Foster, C. Flanagan, & G. Ruth (Eds.), On your own
without a net. The transition to adulthood for vulnerable populations (pp. 27–67). Chicago:
Chicago University Press.
Courtney, M. E., Lee, J. A., & Perez, A. (2011). Receipt of help acquiring life skills and predictors of
help receipt among current and former foster youth. Children and Youth Services Review, 33,
2242–2451. doi:10.1016/j.childyouth.2011.08.026
 86 I. Hojer & Y. Sjöblom
Danziger, S., & Rouse, C. E. (Eds.) (2007). The price of independence: The economics of early
adulthood. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
Everson-Hock, E. S., Jones, R., Guillaume, L., Clapton, J., Duenas, A., Goyder, E., … Swann, C.
(2011). Supporting the transition of looked-after young people to independent living: A
systematic review of interventions and adult outcomes. Child: Care, Health and Development,
37, 767–779. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2214.2011.01287.x
Frankfort-Nachmias, C., & Nachmias, D. (1996). Research methods in the social sciences. New York,
NY: St. Martin’s Press Coop.
Franzen, E., & Vinnerljung, B. (2006). Foster children as young adults: Many motherless, fatherless
or orphans. A Swedish national cohort study. Child and Family Social Work, 3, 254–263.
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

Furlong, A., & Cartmel, F. (2007). Young people and social change: New perspectives. Buckingham:
Open University Press.
Gilbert, N. (1997). Combatting child abuse: International perspectives and trends. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Gilbert, N., Parton, N., & Skivenes, M. (2011). Child protection systems. International trends and
orientations. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Höjer, I. (2001). Fosterfamiljens inre liv [The inner life of the foster family] (Dissertation,
University of Gothenburg, Department of Social Work, 2001).
Höjer, I., & Sjöblom, Y. (2010). Young people leaving care in Sweden. Child and Family Social
Work, 15, 118–127. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2206.2009.00661.x
Höjer, I., & Sjöblom, Y. (2011a). Att stå på egna ben. Om övergången från samhällsvård till vuxenliv
[To stand on your two legs. Being in transition from public care to independent life].
Socialvetenskaplig tidskrift, 1, s 24–41.
Höjer, I., & Sjöblom, Y. (2011b). Procedures when young people leave care: Views of 111 Swedish
social services managers. Child and Youth Services Review, 33, 2452–2460. doi:10.1016/j.
childyouth.2011.08.023
Kristoffersen, L. B., & Clausen, S. (2008). Barnevernsklienter i Norge 1990–2005. En longitudinell
studie [Child welfare clients in Norway 1990–2005. A longitudinal study]. NOVA Rapport
3/08.
Mendes, P., Johnson, G., & Moslehuddin, B. (2011). Young people leaving state and out-of-home-
care: A research-based study of Australian policy and practice. Melbourne: Australian
Scholarly.
Munro, E. R., Lushey, C., National Care Advisory Service, Maskell-Graham, D., Ward, H.with
Holmes, L. (2012). Evaluation of the staying put: 18+ family placement programme pilot: Final
report. London: Department for Education.
Pinkerton, J., & McCrea, R. (1999). Meeting the challenge? Young people leaving care in Northern
Ireland. Avebury: Aldershot.
Samuels, G. M., & Pryce, J. M. (2008). What doesn’t kill you makes you stronger. Survivalist self-
reliance as resilience and risk among young adults aging out of foster care. Children and
Youth Services Review, 30, 1198–1210. doi:10.1016/j.childyouth.2008.03.005
Settersten, R. A., Furstenberg, F. F., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2005). On the frontier of adulthood: Theory,
research and public policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Sinclair, I., Baker, C., Wilson, K., & Gibbs, I. (2005). Foster children. Where they go and how they get
on. London: Jessica Kingsley.
Socialstyrelsen (National Board of Health and Welfare). (2012). Barn och unga- insatser år 2011
(Children and young people, measures 2008). Stockholm: Socialstyrelsen.
Statistics Sweden. (2013). Statistics Sweden. Stockholm: Statistics Sweden.
Stein, M. (2006). Research review: Young people leaving care. Child and family social work, 11, 273–
279. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2206.2006.00439.x
 Australian Social Work 87
Stein, M. (2012). Young people leaving care, supporting pathways to adulthood. London: Jessica
Kingsley.
Vinnerljung, B., Franzén, E., & Danielsson, M. (2007). Teenage parenthood among child welfare
clients: A Swedish national cohort study of prevalence and odds. Journal of Adolescence,
30(1), 97–116. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2005.12.002
Vinnerljung, B., & Hjern, A. (2011). Cognitive, educational and self-support outcomes of long-term
foster care versus adoption: A Swedish national cohort study. Children and Youth Services
Review, 33, 1902–1910. doi:10.1016/j.childyouth.2011.05.016
Vinnerljung, B., Hjern, A., & Lindblad, F. (2005a). Suicide attempts and severe psychiatric
morbidity among former child welfare clients: A national cohort study. Journal of Child and
Downloaded by [Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas] at 03:38 12 October 2014

Psychiatry, 47, 723–733. doi:10.1111/j.1469-7610.2005.01530.x

Vinnerljung, B., Öman, M., & Gunnarsson, T. (2005b). Educational attainments of former child
welfare clients: A Swedish national cohort study. International Journal of Social Welfare,
14, 265–276. doi:10.1111/j.1369-6866.2005.00369.x
Vinnerljung, B., & Ribe, M. (2001). Mortality after care among young adult foster children
in Sweden. International Journal of Social Welfare, 10(3), 164–173. doi:10.1111/1468-
2397.00169

View publication stats