THE ITALIAN TN eee Francis I and the Battle of Pavia 1525 Peo ecm MASSIMO PREDONZANI AND SNAIL VINCENZO ALBERICIFrom Retinue to Regiment series - Warfare c.1453-1618 https://www.helion.co.uk/series/from-retinue-to-regiment-1453-1618.php. [evita ‘The period 1453 to 1618 connects the High Medieval Period to the Early sy he Modern Era. Commonly known as the Renaissance, it saw technological REGIMENT advances and significant social and cultural change. Catholic dominance was challenged by the rise of the new Protestant religions, and Western Europe was itself challenged by the rise of the Ottoman Empire. The New World was discovered and greater links with the East were created. This period saw the fall of Constantinople to the Turks and the last major battle of the Hundred Years War, both in 1453. The use of gunpowder and artillery played an ‘ever-increasing role in war, and this was coupled with the rise of the professional soldier. The condotierti, landsknecht and janissary were all to march across the battlefields of Europe and beyond. Army organisation also changed. The mid to late 1Sth century still saw armies based around the ‘lance fournie’ or ‘retinue’ of the High Medieval Era, formations based around a lord and his immediate men-at-arms and other supporters. By the mid 1éth century Italian officers ‘were fielding their troops in formations known as ‘battagliones, and by the end of the century the French term ‘régiment’ was in common usage. ‘From Retinue to Regiment 1453-1618" ‘examines this period in a broad sweep. It examines the wars and battles through narrative, as well as looking at the equipment, clothing and logistics involved. Pe About the authors ‘Massimo Predonzani was born in Piran Slovenia in 1959 and currently lives in Trieste, Italy. He i an illustrator and researcher. He specializes in military heraldry during the Italian and European Renaissance He i the author of ‘Anghiari 29 giugno 1440 (2010), and Ceresole 14 aprile 1544 (2012). Since 2006 he has been providing the magazine Soldatni with texts and illustrations. He also has a website where he shares his research and his painted illustrations (Gewu.stemmicimpreseit) Vincenzo Alberici was born in 1977 in Italy, near Cremona. Since a young age he has shown great interest in military history. He applied hs historical knowledge to the building of miniature models, and also by teaching classes for industry, Submissions ‘The publishers would be pleased to receive submissions for this series. Please contact series editor Chatles Singleton via ‘email (charlessingleton@helion.co.uk), or in writing to Helion & Company Limited, Unit 8, Amherst Business Centre, Budbrooke Road, Warwick, Warwickshire, CV34 SWE.The Italian Wars Volume 3: Francis | and the Battle of Pavia 1525 Massimo Predonzani and Vincenzo Alberici Translated by Rachele Tiso we HELION COMPANY‘The authors would like to thank Barbara Scomersich Helion & Company Limited Unit 8 Amherst Business Centre Budbrooke Road Warwick cv34 SWE England Tel. 01926 499 619 Email: info@helion.co.uk Website: www.helion.co.uk. ‘Twitter: @helionbooks Visit our blog http://blog.helion.co.uk/ Published by Helion & Company 2022 Designed and typeset by Mary Woolley, Battlefield Design (www.battlefield-design.co.uk} Cover designed by Paul Hewitt, Battlefield Design www.battlefield-design.co.uk) Text © Massimo Predonzani and Vincenzo Alberici 2021.Translated by Rachele Tiso Black and white illustrations © as individually credited, Colour artwork drawn by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2021 Maps drawn by George Anderson © Helion & Company 2021 Every reasonable effort has been made to trace copyright holders and to obtain t permission for the use of copyright material. The author and publisher apologise for any errors or omissions in this work and would be grateful if natified of any corrections that should be incorporated in future reprints or editions of this book. ISBN 978-1-914059-66-7 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored ina retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechani photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the express written consent of Helion & Company Limited. For details of other military history titles published by Helion & Company Limited contact the above address or visit our website: http://www.helion.co.uk. We always welcome recel ing book proposals from prospective authors.Contents Introduction The Shadow of War Returns ‘The Battle of Bicocea Lombardy Under Imperial Rule ‘The Battle of Romagnano ‘The Siege of Pavia Lists of the Imperial and French Armies Before the Battle of Pavia as Transcribed in Sanudo'’s Chronicles 7 The Battle of Pavia 8 Losses at the Battle of Pavia 9. The Consequences of the Battle 10 The heraldry of Francis 11 The Liveries of the French Noblemen 12. The Liveries of the Imperial Captains at the Battle of Pavia 13. The Devices of Charles III, Duke of Bourbon 14 The Heraldry of the Battle of Pavia in Images and Documents 15 German and Italian Black Bands and their Livery 16 The Spanish Arquebusiers: the determining factor in the French defeat auaune Colour Plate Captions Bibliography 17 26 33 40 49 55 66 2 76 82 90 94 97 106 15 118 120Introduction ‘The first quarter of the sixteenth century proved to be an extremely tragic and gruesome period, especially for northern Italy. The peninsula was about to be shaken by a long period of invasions and battles, the first being Charles VIII's expedition of 1494.! Five great powers rose on the Italian scene after the violent fighting, alliances and betrayals that had culminated in the Battle of Marignano* (13 and 14 September 1515). onomte q Northern italy 1516)after the Peace of Noyon, §§ ——______ 1 For farther information on Charles VIII's expedition and the Battle of Fornovo, see M, Predonzani, V. Alberici, The Italian Wars, the Expedition of Charles VII into Italy and Battle of Fornovo, 1495, Helion & Company, 2019. 2 Forfurther information on the Battle of Marignano, see M. Predonzani,V. Alberici, ‘The Italian wars, volume II, Helion & Company, 2020.The kingdom of France was ruled by no less than three sovereigns between 1494 and 1515, namely Charles VIII, Louis XII, and Francis I - the young King who crushed the fearsome Swiss pikemen and conquered the most coveted city of Europe, Milan, ‘The Kingdom of Spain, ruled by Charles I - successor to the throne of Ferdinand the Catholic - became ever more rich and powerful thanks to the conquests in the New World. The King of Spain owned most of the south of Italy but also deployed his troops in the north to help his Hapsburg ally. Maximillian of Hapsburg, King of the Romans since 1493, became Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire in 1508 when he was crowned in ‘Trento after Pope Julius IT's formal approval. In 1516, his territories in Italy included the central area of the Po valley enclosed by the rivers Adda and Oglio, the Trentino area, and part of Friuli, ‘The Republic of Venice, already an international power thanks to its conquests across the eastern Mediterranean and Adriatic, had also held a firm grip on mainland Italy, controlling almost all of north eastern Italy, constantly fighting the Empire for control. The victory of Marignano with their French ally had strengthened the Republics position as a significant power on the stage that was northern Italy. ‘The Papacy - both a secular and spiritual power, and another key player in the Italian peninsula - was held by three incumbents in a relatively short period. When the French invasion began in 1494, the Church was guided by the controversial Alexander VI (Roderic Llangol de Borja). After him, Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini was Pope for only 10 days (from 8 to 18 October) with the name of Pio III. After his untimely death, the Conclave voted unanimously for his successor to be Julius Il (Giuliano della Rovere). Julius II brought an abrupt change in the Vatican's policy, which became more aggressive and unscrupulous, clearly preferring earthly domains over spirituality. In fact it was Julius who created the League of Cambrai to hinder the neighbouring Republic of Venice. When he died in 1513, his successor Pope Leo X (Giovanni de Medici) pursued Julius offensive policy, though less blatantly and often taking up ambiguous positions. Other than these five major players, some other minor states also had a role in determining the course of events from time to time. ‘The most important among these were the Swiss cantons, The reputation of the Swiss mercenaries’ morale and martial skills proved to be essential in the decision-making processes of other states at war. It was a fact that hiring them meant being able to count on the best infantry of the time, which often deterred opponents from taking any military action. Before their defeat in Marignano, the Swiss would be a significant political influence and they also controlled the dukedom of Milan - which prevented the French from interfering in the north of Italy. However, their defeat at Marignano exposed the limits of the Swiss fighting tactics and stripped them of their strategic role as balance-keepers among the powers fighting over the north of Italy. ‘Next, the largest cities of central and northern Italy played an important role, suchas Ravenna led by the House of Estensi, with both the Pope and the INTRODUCTIONTHE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 vi Republic of Venice coveting this domain, then Florence, Bologna, Modena, and Genoa. The latter, aligned to the Milanese by tradition, started serving the French in 1515, thus becoming a foothold for the transit of troops and goods towards the area of Piedmont and Milan. Situation in Northern Italy after the Peace of Noyon ‘The Peace of Noyon (August 1516) and the balance that it brought between King Francis I and King Charles I assured a period of calm in northern Italy. Maximilian’s of Hapsburg troops were still stationed in northern Italy but did not control any of the main cities. ‘The French had a tight grasp on the cities of Milan and Cremona, while Crema - in between the two - was the only Venetian enclave left in the territory of Lombardy. The two most important cities in the northwest, Vicenza and Padua, were still Venetian. According to the Peace of Noyon, the French obtained Verona, a stronghold of the Empire, who then gave it to the Venetians as a token of gratitude for the help they had given. This truce achieved the desired result. During 1517, the troops stayed where they were in their respective cities apart from the odd skirmish. However, the situation in the centre of Italy was different. Pope Leo X wished to conquer the Duchy of Urbino, governed by Francesco Maria Della Rovere. Della Rovere, a nephew of Federico da Montefeltro, had obtained the duchy with the help of his uncle, Pope Julius II, on the death ofhis uncle Guidobaldo. When Julius II died, the election of a Medici Pope, Leo X, threatened the authority of Della Rovere on his duchy. After a series of clashes, Della Rovere was forced to hand over his lands to Lorenzo De Medici, nephew of Pope Leo X. ‘The year 1518 was peaceful for the north of Italy, and Leo X profited from this situation to consolidate his power in his new territories. However, things were bound to change. Maximilian I of Hapsburg, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, feeling his end drawing near, had to find an heir. The time-honoured tradition was for the emperor to be chosen by the German prince-electors. Maximilian’s favourite was his grandson and King of Spain, Charles I. If he was chosen, Charles would have unified two of the most powerful kingdoms of Europe - Spain and Germany - creating a superpower with territories both in eastern and western Europe and in the New World. However, this would have left France isolated and surrounded by enemies. To prevent this situation, Francis I proposed himself as successor to the imperial throne. In the autumn of 1518, the prince-electors gathered in Augusta, where the Emperor tried in vain to convince them to choose his grandson. During his journey back to Austria - made difficult by the weather ~ Maximilian 3 In 1515 city of Genoa was led by Doge Ottaviano Fregoso.died in Wels (12 January 1519), and so the fight for the throne began Surprisingly, the two contenders ‘fought’ by sending embassies to the prince-electors, the Pope, and all the other supporters of their opponent. Negotiations and offers of money - the King of France's wealth was superior to Charles’ - continued until 28 June 1519, when Charles I was chosen as the rightful successor.* 4 E Guicciardini, Storia d'lalia, Milan 1843, vol. Il pp-413~466, INTRODUCTION vii1 The Shadow of War Returns ‘Thanks to the Peace of Noyon, the north of Italy saw a period of relative peace, as had not been the case for quite some time. However, when the young Charles I of Spain became Emperor as Charles V, there was bitter rivalry between him and the equally young and ambitious French King, Francis I. ‘The demanding payment of 100,000 ducats imposed by the treaty! weighed heavily on the new emperor Charles V, whose coffers were certainly not full. Furthermore, the age-old issue of the Duchy of Burgundy,* currently in French hands ~ and barely tolerated by his predecessor Maximilian I - manifested itself anew in the thoughts of the new sovereign. Moreover, the acquisition of the Duchy of Milan was now open to recriminations since the King of France had never officially accepted the investiture, Francis I, for his part, supported the policy of his predecessors for the Kingdom of Naples and would have also wanted to bring Navarre - under the Kingdom of Spain - under the regency of the descendants of the De Foix - who were allies of France. Francis I(Louvre, Paris) 1 The treaty provided Charles 1 would marry the daughter of Frangois I - Louise, a ‘one-year-old child at the time ~ and have her dowry. In exchange, Charles would hhave paid the King of France 100,000 ducats a year until his daughter had come of age. 2 After the death of Charles, the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, his territories were divided: the Franche Comte and the Netherlands went to Maximilian I, and Burgundy to Louis XI.THE SHADOW OF WAR RETURNS In April 1519, Pope Leo X, who had regained control of the Duchy of Urbino through his nephew Lorenzo de Medici,’ continued his ambiguous international policy and focused on the rival city of Ferrara,‘ for its production of salt. He planned to attack the city from the direction of the Po river, where the city's defensive works were inadequate, For this surprise attack, the Pope was advised by Alessandro Fregoso,* who had lived for a time in Ferrara and had thus the chance to get to know the defences of the city. Fregoso hired 2,000 infantrymen from Rome and the Lunigiana territories, and spread false news of an upcoming attack on the city of Genoa, and then prepared to cross the Apennines and descend towards Correggio, where he would stop temporarily. He planned to reach Ferrara by fording the river Po from a previously-found crossing point. From there, the troops could easily land on the Ferrara side of the river. However, the Marquis of Mantua, Federico II Gonzaga - who controlled territories bordered by the Po, from Emilia towards Ferrara - was suspicious of these troop movements, and as a precaution had all the boats withdrawn from the river. Thus, Fregoso lost the advantage of surprise. In the meantime, the Duke of Ferrara Alfonso I d’Este was informed of the movements of the Papal troops and their aims, and readied his troops for battle. Fregoso, whose plan had failed before it had even started, decided to abandon the idea of a surprise attack and started instead to besiege the city of Concordia, although he failed to capture it. The year 1520 was a relatively peaceful one for Italy. The rest of Europe, instead, was hit by the revolutionary wave surging from the reformist ideas of Martin Luther. The balance of power between the great rivals Spain and France remained unchanged, and the two superpowers never acted openly even when the number of potential sources for conflict were increasing. On 10 December 1520, Luther burnt the Papal bull Exsurge Domine, declaring the withdrawal of his obedience to the Pope. The Pope was concerned, and temporarily abandoned his territorial ambition towards the Emilian cities and Ferrara. To formalise his coronation, Charles V travelled from Spain to Aachen, where he was crowned with the Imperial crown on 23 October 1520. But it was destiny that peace would not last much longer for the peoples of northern Italy. 3. Hewas the son of Pietro the Unfortunate and grandson of Lorenzo the Magnificent. He was Lord of Florence and the first and only Duke of Urbino of the Medici dynasty. The Pope managed to regain the Duchy by waging war against Francesco Maria I Della Rovere, who returned as its overlord in 1521, upon the death of Leo x 4 Ferrara was ruled by Alfonso I d’Este. 5 Alessandro Fregoso was Bishop of Ventimi under Julius Il and Leo X. 6 He succeeded Francis If, who died in March 1519, ia until 1501 when he started fightingTHE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3. ‘On the eve of 1521, Pope Leo X took decisive action that had a massive impact for centuries to come. On the 3 January 1521 he issued the bull Decet Romanum Pontificem, excommunicating Martin Luther. It was at this point that Leo X's policy underwent an abrupt change. According to Guicciardini,’ the reasons behind the Pope's decision were many. However, they were also never officially recorded and, therefore, can only be guessed at. Certainly, the Pope's ambition to gain Parma, Piacenza, and Ferrara - temporarily set aside ~ resurfaced. It could be that the Pope acted in this way to not be outshone by his predecessor Julius II, as Leo X had yet to achieve any noteworthy deeds or accomplishments during his tenure as Pope. "Accordingly, he sent the Bishop of Pisa, Antonio Pucci, to the Swiss with the task of hiring 6,000 infantrymen. The Diet gladly agreed to hire out the soldiers. The Swiss infantrymen crossed the Italian peninsula, arriving in the Romagna where they settled for some time before continuing on to Rome. Charles V by Peter Paul ‘At the same time, the Pope started negotiating with the King of France Rubens Francis I, since they both desired control of the Kingdom of Naples. An agreement was reached stating that if the Kingdom of Naples was conquered, the part of territory between the border of the Papal state and the Garigliano river would pass to the dominion of the Pope. ‘The remaining part of the Kingdom would be entrusted to Henri, the second son of Francis I, who, being still a minor, would have been aided by a Papal Legate. Taking advantage of the riots that broke out in Spain following the King of Spain's crowning as Emperor, Francis I sent André de Foix brother of Odet (Count of Lautrec) to reconquer Navarre, adding further pressure on the Kingdom of Spain. At first, the campaign was a success. André de Foix conquered Pamplona, and later Fonterabia. But on 30 June 1521 the expedition - which aimed not only to engage the Spanish forces but also to return Henry II of Navarre, legitimate heir to the throne, to the throne of Navarre ~ failed after the defeat at Noain. Even though Francis I was defeated on the battlefield, he gained a very important diplomatic advantage. 7 F.Guicciardini, History of Italy, Milan 1843, pp.253-254, 10THE SHADOW OF WAR RETURNS: Following negotiations with the Swiss Diet, the King of France obtained the exclusive rights to recruit Swiss mercenaries, thus depriving all rival states of a very important source of manpower for their armies. Despite the Pope and the King of France having acted to reach a common goal, their agreement was slow to be ratified. For his part, and for good reasons, Francis I did not fully trust the Pope’ loyalty to the cause, therefore he tried to stall the process. The Pope, annoyed by the delay and eager to conquer Parma and Piacenza - still under French dominion - abandoned negotiations with Francis I, and in May 1521 signed an alliance with Charles V. The terms of their agreement included the defence of Florence and the house of De Medici, an ally of the Pope. When conquered Parma and Piacenza would have been recognised as Papal possessions and the two signatories of the agreement would have collaborated in the conquest of the Duchy of Milan. Finally, once the city was brought back under Imperial rule, Charles V would have undertaken to aid the Pope in the conquest of Ferrara. Following the agreement, the two allies hoped to benefit from a series of events that involved them directly. Some Milanese exiles against French domination of the duchy had sought shelter in the Emilia region of Romagna and supported by the Pope and Charles V, began to seek alliances in the territory - especially in Reggio - to conquer Parma and then march into Milanese territory. At the same time, Manfredo Pallavicino} lord of the lands north of Milan and an Imperial and Papal sympathiser, gathered 500 Italian and German infantrymen and headed to the city of Como to occupy it. A strong contingent of Spanish troops was ordered to set sail from Naples to conquer Genoa and then move on to the capital of the Duchy of Milan. The Pope and Charles V planned to simultaneously act from the north, south, and west to conquer the Duchy without openly declaring war on the King of France. However, it did not go quite as the two allies had planned. The mission of the exiles in Emilia did not go unnoticed, and unfortunately reached the ears of Federico da Bozzolo, an Italian captain and French ally. Bozzolo promptly reported everything to Thomas de Foix, Monsieur de Lescun, called ‘Shield; who ruled the Duchy of Milan in place of his brother Odet de Foix. Then, the two of them went to Parma with 400 lances led by De Foix and 1000 infantrymen led by Bozzolo. The governor of Reggio,’ was concemed and decided to summon Guido Rangone with his troops." Thomas de Foix, followed by a large contingent of troops, moved from Parma to the gates of Reggio. Afier a brief clash between the French troops and the garrison of Reggio, he was invited by the governor inside the city to parley. The governor, in fact, lamented the unauthorised entry of foreign troops into Papal territory. Having reached an agreement, 8 — Commander in the service of the Sforza family. 9 In 1521, the governor of Reggio was Francesco Guicciardini - appointed in 1517. 10 E Guicciardini, cit, p.261 a]THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 12 Guillaume Gouftier de Bonnivet De Foix gathered his troops together with Bozzolo and withdrew close to Coriago. The Milanese exiles in Reggio did not rise up as expected and let the French leave calmly, which only resulted in the Pope complaining to the Consistory for this small French invasion. In the north, things were no better. Pallavicino camped with his troops under the walls of Como, and he waited in vain for the citizens to rise up in his favour. Governor Graziano Garro, with the help of the garrison of the city, managed a successful sortie, defeated the enemy troops and captured Pallavicino, who was brought to Milan and publicly executed." Meanwhile, all preparations for the naval expedition from Naples were completed, but only seven galleys, four brigantines and a few other ships set sail from the Neapolitan port.” Ottaviano Fregoso, Doge of Genoa, was alarmed and prepared the citys defences. Once they arrived at the Ligurian city, the Spanish and Papal commanders decided not to take any action, having assessed the disparity of forces. At that point, the Pope and Charles V realised that their attempt to take the Duchy of Milan through the back door had failed, and resolved instead to openly wage war on Francis I. ‘The King of France, having by now understood the intent of the two new allies, did not sit idly by. First," he sent Lautrec back to organise the defences of the Duchy. Then, by virtue of the treaties with the Swiss Diet following the battle of Marignano in 1515, and their reconciliation with the French crown, he managed to recruit 10,000 Swiss infantrymen. |] Moreover, his ally the Republic of Venice agreed to send | military aid to Milanese territory in the shape of 600 men-at- arms and 6,000 infantrymen from Verona and the Brescia area. Lastly, France sent 6,000 Venturieri (mercenaries) and 4,000 Valais infantrymen commanded by Georges von Supersaxo. ‘The siege of Parma ‘The conquest of Parma, other than quenching the Pope’s thirst for conquest, was also strategically vital for the conquest of Milan. The King of France was well aware of this and ordered Lautrec to send Thomas de Foix to defend the city with 400 lances and 5,000 infantrymen. InJuly 1521, Captain Prospero Colonnaled his troops to Parma — settling temporarily in Lanza, near the city ~ and left garrisons in Modena, Reggio, Bologna, Ravenna and Imola, without waiting for Spanish reinforcementsTHE SHADOW OF WAR RETURNS from Naples. In Lanza, he was joined by the contingent sent from Naples: 400 Spanish lances led by Antonio de Leyva, and the Marquis of Mantua and captain general of the Papal army, Federico Gonzaga, with his Papal and Florentine troops (600 men of arms) and some artillery pieces.“ While awaiting further reinforcements, Colonna decided to move the troops from Lanza to San Lazzero ~ also near Parma. The reinforcements consisted of 6,000 German and Graubiinden infantrymen who, arriving from the north, arrived undetected at Valeggio sul Mincio" (near Verona) without being hindered by the Venetians. In the meantime, the Imperial and Papal army grew stronger thanks to the arrival of the Marquis of Pescara with 300 lances and 2,000 Spanish infantrymen. Colonna moved his troops from San Lazzero to San Martino, where he joined the German infantrymen. There, the commanders decided to discuss. their next action. Some argued that Parma should be conquered at any cost to avoid the threat of leaving a possible hostile garrison behind them once they set out for Milan. Other captains thought instead that before besieging Parma they should wait for further artillery. However, waiting would have given time for the Venetians and Lautrec to better organise the defences of the city. Eventually, they decided to attempt an attack. Provisions were organised for four days, and preparations were made for the departure to Parma of 500 men-at-arms, part of the light cavalry, the Spanish infantry, and 1,500 Italian infantrymen.'* However, the day before the contingent was due to leave, the camp was alerted that a French army had forded the Po and was already near Busseto ~ although it was in fact only a cavalry unit that had left Parma. Thus, Giovanni De Medici, captain of the Papal light cavalry, was sent to scout ahead. At the head of his 400 men, Giovanni patrolled the area and engaged in battle with the French troops. His men prevailed and Giovanni defeated the feared captain ‘Carbon’ in a duel (he had hindered the Spanish troops with his raids on many occasions). Nevertheless, the departure of the troops was still delayed due to the expected arrival of two cannons from Bologna. Finally, the Imperial and Papal troops could leave the field, and headed towards the city. ‘They set up camp near the gate of Santa Croce, on the Via Emilia and, ‘once the artillery was ready, they began bombarding the city walls. In a short time, a breach was opened that allowed a first, furious and unsuccessful assault, resulting in the retreat of the attackers. While the besiegers renewed their attack, the French marching from Milan were getting closer. Lautrec could count on 500 lances, 7,000 Swiss infantrymen and another 4,000 infantrymen, in addition to the troops 14 F Guicciardini cit, p.268. 15 BGuie cit, p.270. 16 F Guicciardini, cit, p272. BTHE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 4 of Francesco Maria I Della Rovere” and Marcantonio Colonna." After a few days on the march, the French stopped about five miles from Parma. ‘The city, now on the third day under siege, was partially captured after continuous bombardment and assaults. However, the French troops were drawing near, and the city was not considered defensible in case of attack. Prospero Colonna decided to withdraw his troops and returned to San Lazzero, while the French led by Lautrec moved to Taro. However, the plan to conquer the Duchy of Milan was not entirely abandoned. On the Ist of October Prospero forded the Po river and reached Casalmaggiore - where he rested for a day — before heading towards the Oglio river, setting up a new camp at Corte dé Frati and then at Robecco. In the meantime the French, who were joined by the Venetians, had arrived in San Martino, about five kilometres ftom Colonna’s camp. Lautrec wanted to avoid a sudden and direct clash. Therefore, he sent some artillery to bombard the enemy camp in Pontevico - a town under Venetian rule built on the Oglio river and directly in front of Robecco, where the Imperial and Papal army was located. This action had the intended effect, and forced Colonna to move his army to Gabbioneta. There, he should have joined forces with a new contingent of Swiss promised by Cardinal Matthius Schiner.” However, since the Swiss were still in the Bergamo area, Colonna headed towards Ostiano and then to Orzivecchi, Coincidentally, the French commander also had problems of his own, with his Swiss troops. Not having received their promised pay, the Swiss infantrymen treacherously decided to leave camp and return home, putting Lautrec in serious difficulty. Since he relied heavily on their strength, he was forced to retreat to Milan. He left garrisons in Cremona and Pizzighettone, and once he arrived on the Adda river near Cassano he set up camp. He wanted to block the passage into Milanese territory of the enemy army, as they would have to attempt the crossing of the river at that point. ‘The French captain’ predictions turned out to be correct. Colonna left Orzivecchi with his whole army and reached Rivolta, setting up camp there. He was determined to reach the opposite bank. However, the banks of Rivolta and Cassano were too high and steep, making it impossible to build a pontoon bridge. In November 1521, without consulting the other captains, Colonna decided to attempt a sortie further north, in the land of Vauri.” Having 17 EGuicciardini, op. cit. p.276 ~ Guicciardini writes “The Duke of Urbino; but Della Rovere regained possession of the Duchy only at the end of 1521, with the death of Pope Leo X, 18 Marcantonio Colonna, grandson of Prospero Colonna, was a captain in the service ‘of Spain and the Empire until 1517 when he offered his services to the French. 19, Despite the exclusive agreements between Francis [ and the Swiss Diet, some cantons remained loyal to Cardinal Matthaus Schiner, the archenemy of the French crown and defeated by Francois Tin Marignano. 20 Modern-day Vaprio d’AddaTHE SHADOW OF WAR RETURNS recovered two boats, he sent some companies of infantry to the opposite shore. The French garrison of Vaprio noticed them and tried to oppose them, but being fewer in number and without horsemen and arquebusiers, they failed. Lautrec, warned of the incident, sent Thomas De Foix with 400 lances and some pieces of artillery to the rescue," but the delay was enough for many other troops under Giovanni de Medici to ford the river to catch them by surprise. Upon hearing that a large part of the Imperial army had now moved to the right bank of the river, De Foix decided to return to Cassano and from there to Milan, where Lautrec was already mobilising their troops. Having now cleared the field of the enemy, Colonna had the pontoon bridge built and moved the whole army to the opposite bank. But he did not stop at Vaprio and continued to Marignano,” thinking it the best place from where to launch an attack on Milan. There, his army would have been in the vicinity of both Milan and Pavia, the city he could have retreated to with his troops if necessary. The complete reorganisation of the army lasted about three days due to some difficulties in moving the artillery. On 19 November 1521, the Imperial and Papal army, with the Spanish infantry at its head led by the Marquis of Pescara, moved towards Milan with Porta Romana sits first target. During the preparations for the assault, a delegation of the Milanese population communicated to Colonna that the Milanese citizens were against their current rulers and would welcome his soldiers as liberators, supporting them with an uprising. ‘The French commanders did not act wisely. Both Lautrec and de Foix judged it impossible for the Imperial army to move easily in the territory around Milan due to the bad weather that was raging at that time. Strong in this conviction, they did not prepare for an adequate defence of the city. When they realised their mistake, it was too late. The Venetians and the French had to flee the city, moving first to Como and then to Bergamo. However, they left a strong garrison in the castle. Ina very short time, the position of the French in Lombardy collapsed. Having lost Milan, the cities of Lodi and Pavia also hastened to open their doors to their new masters, followed shortly after by Piacenza and Parma. To complete the conquest of the neighbouring areas, the Marquis of Pescara besieged Como with part of the army, and the city negotiated a surrender after a brief bombardment. However, asoften happens in history, fate, which until had been smiling on the troops of Charles V and the Pope, suddenly took an unexpected tum, Leo X, satisfied with the conquest of Parma and Piacenza - the two cities that were dear to him ~ was suffering from a slight malaise judged by the Vatican doctors to be not serious. However, their diagnosis proved to be decidedly wrong. The Pope died, to the general astonishment of everyone, 21 B.Goicciardini, op. ct, p.294. 22 Modern-day Melegnano. 5THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 16 ‘on 1 December 1521. Thus, the main supporter of the anti-French League - and above all the major financier of the campaign - suddenly left the scene. Taken aback and chronically lacking in funds, Charles V ordered Prospero Colonna to reduce the army. Colonna decided to keep Schiner’s 1,500 Swiss infantrymen on the payroll, while the Germans and Florentines were sent home. The Papal troops split into two contingents. One of them, led by Guido Rangone, moved to Modena and the other, led by the Marquis of Mantua, remained in Milan.” ‘The Cardinals of the Papal conclave discussed the election of the new Pope for the entire month of December. They were divided between the supporters of Cardinal Giulio de Medici - favoured by the Emperor - and the remaining Cardinals, who opposed him because they supported the King of France. ‘The issue was unexpectedly resolved on 9 January, when for reasons not entirely foreseen by the Conclave, the neutral Ad of Utrecht, Cardinal of Tortosa was elected, with the name of Adrian VI. op. cit., 304.2 The Battle of Bicocca ‘The death of the Pope brought a brief period of peace to Lombardy. However, the Swiss Cantons soon shifted the balance. ‘The Swiss Diet, honouring its deal, gave 15,000 infantrymen to the King of France.' The soldiers, led by French Captains La Palice and Montmorency headed towards Milan, passing by Ludan and Lucerne. Charles V, alarmed, ordered Girolamo Adorno to go to Trento and hire some German infantry. However, the citizens of Milan had anticipated him. Having heard the news coming from the west, they had sent their heralds to Trento to hire 4,000 soldiers to defend the city. When Adomo arrived in Trento, he found the contingent hired by the Milanese ready to depart. Thus, at the head of these troops, he crossed the territories of the Venetians without any trouble and arrived in Milan. Prospero Colonna was also planning his next move. Expecting Milan to be the renewed goal of the King of France, he began building up his defences. To control the territory and hinder the French advance, he sent several contingents to the neighbouring cities - 2,000 infantrymen led by Filippo Tomiello to Novara, 1,500 infantrymen led by Monsignorino Visconti to Alessandria, 2,000 German infantrymen and 1,000 Italian infantrymen led by Antonio De Leyva to Pavia, A total of 700 men-at-arms, 700 light horsemen, and 12,000 infantrymen remained in Milan? Then, to cut the citadel supplies - still occupied by the French soldiers of Pierre 1 P.Giovio, La vita del s. Don Ferrante Davalo Marchese di Pescara, Florence 1556, p.101.Accordingto Guicciardini, the Swiss sent to Italy were 10,000, F.Guicciardini, Storia d'Italia, Milan 1843, p.321. According to M. May de Romainmotier (Histoire militaire de a Suisse, Lausanne 1788 tome V, p.148). the contingent sent by the Diet consisted of 12,000 men ~ 2,100 of whom from Bern ~led by Albert de Steiner and, Arnold de Winkelriedt. However, Pieri writes that the Swiss contingent consisted of 16,000 soldiers, P. Pieri, I! Rinascimento e la crist militare italiana, Einaudi editore, 1952, p.539. 2 Ride la Marck Florange, Mémoires du Maréchal de Florange, Paris 1924, tome Il, pS and 56. 3 EGuicciardini, cit, p.322. 7THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 18 Masqueron,* pennon bearer of Monseigneur Lautrec ~ and prevent the ‘enemy from attempting sorties, Colonna ordered his men to surround the citadel with a long trench and guard it constantly. Lautrec, encouraged by the news of the Swiss arrival, began to reorganise his troops. The Venetians, allied to the French, resolved to play an active role in the reconquest of the duchy and gathered their troops in Cremona under the command of Andrea Gritti and Teodoro Trivulzio. During the first days of March 1522, the French army crossed the ‘Adda river and established their camp two miles from Milan, near the Porta Giovia castle, and prepared to lay siege to the city. However, they soon suffered a severe loss. Marcantonio Colonna and Camillo Trivulzio - son of Gian Giacomo - were wounded by the Milanese while scouting the surroundings of the castle to find a good place for their artillery. According to Guicciardini, the two were mortally wounded by the collapse of a house damaged by Milanese artillery, while according to Grumello® they were shot from the city walls. The two wounded men were retrieved and brought back to the camp. Colonna died shortly after, while Trivulzio succumbed to his wounds six days later. If compared to the past months the current roles of the two armies were now reversed. Prospero Colonna and his army were inside the city walls of Milan, while the French and Venetians controlled the surrounding areas, isolating Milan from the rest of the Duchy. Lautrec did not believe that his troops were ready to fight in open battle, and resolved to plunder the neighbouring areas. He diverted the streams that supplied the city and took over the mills that supplied its flour. ‘The good news for the Imperialists was that the troops hired by Charles V in Trento were heading towards Milan led by Francesco II Sforza, the legitimate Duke of Milan. The contingent of 6,000 German infantrymen {according to Grumello, 5,000 Landsknechts and an undefined number of handgunners)* swiftly crossed the territory of Verona and Mantua, then marched to the ford on the Po river at Casalmaggiore. In Piacenza, Federico Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua awaited Sforza’ arrival with 300 men-at-arms. ‘Together, the two marched towards Pavia, under the overall command of De Leyva. In Pavia, they were joined by Giovanni de Medici and his contingent ‘of 2,000 infantrymen and 500 light horsemen.’ However, Giovanni’s stay in the city was brief. Not having been paid for his services and knowing that Lautrec offered better pay, he decided to change sides and joined the French contingent in Milan, ‘Meanwhile, the Imperial troops coming to the rescue of the garrison in the city of Milan were close, but still had to cross territory controlled by 4 Redela Marck Florange, cit, p58 5 A. Grumello Cronaca in ‘Raccolta di cronisti e documentistorici lombardi’, vol 1) Milan 1856, p.286. 6 — A.Grumello, cit, p.287. 7 A.Grumello, cit, p.287,THE BATTLE OF BICOCCA the enemy. Thus, they had to await a favourable opportunity to reach the city. After a short while however, a large French contingent led by Lescun was sent to lay siege to the city of Novara, leaving Milan less well defended. Sforza left a garrison of 2,000 infantrymen in Pavia and arrived in Milan on 2 April 1522 with the cavalry of the Marquis of Mantua. The citizens of Milan welcomed him with great joy. Despite the unfavourable situation, Lautrec did not give up. For the moment, Milan was too difficult to capture, but Pavia was a good enough target and within his reach. Thus, he moved the French army to Pavia to besiege the city. Meanwhile, Colonna went to Milan to help the city. However, the two commanders’ plans were destined to fail. Colonna was trapped in Binasco by heavy rain, and for the same reason, Lautrec decided to lift the siege of Pavia and head towards Monza by way of Landriano where the ‘Swiss contingent had arrived. Colonna, not wanting to lose sight of the enemy, set up his camp in the Park of Bicocca, north-east of Milan, well placed for its strategic position. Bicocca was a property owned by Antonio Arcimboldi, Bishop of Milan, and was found on the street linking Monza to Milan, and was only a couple of kilometres away from the city. The Park was delineated by marshland on the west, and by a stream on the east crossed by a stone bridge to enter the property. In the north, towards Monza, the land of the manor was separated from the countryside by a horizontal road. As was often the case with battle plans of this era, the situation changed unexpectedly once again. The Swiss, whose presence had allowed the King of France to begin a new campaign to conquer the Duchy of Milan, threatened to leave the campaign due to non-payment of their wages.* The Swiss commanders, not wanting their honour to be stained, made an offer to Lautrec. If the Commander accepted, the Swiss would fight for him | the following day and then return to their homeland the day after. Lautrec was 8 Apparently, the delay in payment was the fault of Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis I and enemy of the de Foix brothers, who withdrew the funding for the army in Italy. R, dela Marck Florange, cit, p.150. The first phase of the 19THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 20 backed into a corner, and not wanting to lose the Swiss force, resolved to attack. ‘The French advance and the defence system in the Park of Bicocca On the 27 April 1522 the French army left Monza and took the route to Sesto, halting at about two miles north of Bicocca. The Venetians, coming from Cremona, stopped in Precotto, a small city on the outskirts of the Milan, nowadays a neighbourhood of the much-expanded city? Lautree prepared to attack and organised the troops for their march. ‘The Swiss soldiers were at the head of the army and were led by Montmorency and the Captains Arnold Winkelried and Albert von Stein, ‘The artillery moved together with the infantry. Robert de la Marck Florange reported that at the sight of the Swiss troops many young French nobles joined the vanguard - Frangois de Laval Count of Montfort, Monseigneur «'Espoy, Monseigneur de Louvet, Seigneur of Miolans of Savoy, Seigneur of Graville, Seigneur d’Anchy also called de Mailly of Picardy, Seigneur of Launay gentleman of the King, and many others." Pieri"! describes in more detail the French vanguard. The Swiss were divided into two large blocks of, 7,500 soldiers in each, with a width of 100 men and a depth of 75. The target of the attack was on a narrow frontage, meaning that the pike formations had to march one behind the other flanked by cavalry. The primary objective of the vanguard was to directly attack the defences of the Park. The centre of the army consisted of 400 men-at-arms led by Lautrec, La Palice, the Bastard of Savoy, and Galeazzo Sanseverino.” A cavalry contingent of 400 lances led by Lescun' was ordered to flank the Park by moving south, following the street that linked Milan to Monza, and to then attack the enemy from behind. The Venetian contingent led by Francesco Maria Della Rovere, Duke of Urbino followed the same path to capture the enemy baggage train. Together with Lescun, were also Baiardo and Federico da Bozzolo. The light cavalry led by Giovanni de Medici was tasked with the protection of the advancing Swiss, screening them from the sight of the enemy. ‘The rearguard consisted of 1,000 Venetian and Tuscan light cavalrymen, 6,000 Venetian pikemen, 2,000 arquebusiers led by de Medici, and 7,000 infantrymen of the Swiss contingent and Italian infantry." 9 A. Grumello, op. cit, p28. 10 R.de la Marck Florange, cit. p.60. NPP p42. 12 According to Pier, the cavalry contingent led by Lautrec consisted of Venetian men-at-arms. 13 Cronaca di Antonio Gramello, cit. p.299. 14 P Pieri cit, p.541.THE BATTLE OF BICOCCA According to Pieri’s estimate - the numbers reported correspond with those reported by other chroniclers - the French army deployed a force of 32,000 men. In the Park of Bicocca, Colonna had expected the enemy attack and organised the defences accordingly. The first line of defence was near the northern street. The side facing the Park was elevated by three metres and, since the street was already below ground level, the defenders held the high ground. Regarding the disposition of troops, the chroniclers report that the artillery and the German and Spanish infantry were deployed near the earth bastion. However, the number of men and their formation vary depending on which source is consulted. In the biography of the Marquis of Pescara,'’ Giovio writes that the Landsknechts and Spanish infantrymen were divided into four mixed squadrons. Arquebusiers were deployed on the front line and organised in four ranks in order to provide constant fire support (after firing their weapons, the first line knelt to reload and the second one was then free to fire). The pikemen were deployed at once to the rear of the arquebusiers. ‘The Marquis of Pescara led the Spanish infantrymen, armed with a poleaxe. Georg Von Frundsberg, legendary Captain of German mercenaries, commanded the Landsknechts. De Sandoval'* mentions three flags (Fanlein in German, namely an infantry squadron of 400 men with its own flag) of Spanish soldiers accompanied by 300 lances of horsemen. Pieri writes that the two square formations of 6,000 Landsknechts (12,000 men in total) were positioned behind the Spanish arquebusiers who, according to Pieri, numbered no less than 4,000. 400 men-at-arms” of the heavy cavalry, led by Prospero, were deployed behind the first infantry line. Moreover, Sforza was asked by Colonna to join him and departed from Milan with 400 cavalrymen and 6,000 infantrymen. Sforza and his men were deployed in defence of the stone bridge that led to the Park entrance. The number of infantrymen is confirmed by Pieri, who writes that 3,000 of them were militias, 3,000 were mercenaries, and only 100 were men-at-arms.* According to the report by Paolo da Lodi,” the Imperial army could count on 20,000 Spanish, Landsknecht and Italian infantrymen, 600 heavy cavalry lances, 800 light cavalrymen, and 28 pieces of artillery - the majority being light guns. 15 P.Giovio, cit, p.102 16 P. De Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos V, Madrid 1846 tome III, p06. 17 P Pieri, cit, p.54l. 18 P Pieri, cit, p539. 19M. Sanudo, Diari di Marino Sanuto, Venice 1842 tome XXIII, col. 215. 2THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 Cz | onze ‘Second phase of the Battle of Bicocca 22 ‘The battle According to modern historians, Lautrec was anything but a brilliant military strategist. In his mind, however, the attack had to be planned rationally and neatly. ‘The artillery had to bombard the enemy from a nearby wood to force the enemy troops to abandon any defensive positions and fight in the open. Only then, could the French heavy cavalry and the Swiss pike blocks have deployed their full destructive power. Baiardo and Pietro Navarro® were sent on a reconnaissance to learn the strength of the enemy. In the meantime, the artillery was positioned. The cavalry led by de Medici, preceded the infantry to create a diversion as commanded. However, Prospero Colonna reacted swiftly. Captain Gianbattista Castaldo* was sent with a cavalry unit to hinder de Medici and his men. Moreover, Lautrec failed to consider the Swiss’ ruthless and reckless spirit. Once close to the enemy, the Swiss did not await the order of their captains and charged the enemy position to disable the artillery - the most effective weapon against pike block such as theirs. The Swiss charge was powerful, but their fighting spirit could do nothing against the well-built defences of the Imperials. ‘The Swiss infantry, forced to cross the sunken ground and attack from below, was targeted first by the artillery and then by the deadly shots of the arquebusiers. However, their fortitude was not weakened and, at last, the ‘Swiss faced their loathed enemy, the German Landsknecht pikemen. Giovo reports a curious episode” where Swiss Captain Albert von Stein shouted Frundsberg’s name, challenging him to a duel. Albert von Stein managed to. wound his opponent's thigh with his pike, but it cost him his life. Together with nearby infantrymen, he was attacked and killed by the vengeful fury of the Landsknechts. 20 P Giovio, cit, p.101. 21 PGiovio, cit, p.102. 22 P.Giovio, cit p.102.THE BATTLE OF BICOCCA In the meantime, Lescun’s heavy cavalry arrived at the stone bridge, charged the Milanese infantry, and entered the Park with the Venetians. According to Guicciardini and other chroniclers, Lescun devised a plan to trick the enemy and take them by surprise. He made his soldiers sport the red cross - symbol of the Imperial army ~ over their white cross ~ symbol of the French army: Lescun and his other captains charged the enemy infantry, but the type of terrain and the narrowness of the battlefield prevented the cavalry from using their full potential. At first, Lescun’s trick worked. Once he understood the deceit however, Colonna ordered his soldiers to put bundles of grass or twigs in their helmets to be easily recognisable. The Sforza cavalrymen and part of the Imperial cavalry were sent as reinforcement for the infantry, led by de Leyva, dalfAdorno, and Pietro Cardona Ventimiglia Count of Collesano - who died in battle. ‘The cavalry was also supported by Milanese arquebusiers who, supported by some pieces of light artillery, shot the enemy with great effect. ‘The French, trapped between the enemy cavalry and arquebusiers, routed and fled across the stone bridge. During the crossing, many were shot, or fell into the water in the ditch below and drowned. However, the Venetians succeeded in capturing some rich loot consisting of 12 wagons filled with silver and other treasures belonging to Colonna and his captains, and then retreated with Lescun's cavalry. Meanwhile, the battle continued in the ditch, and it was now clear that the assailants were succumbing. ‘The Swiss and French infantry had suffered severe losses, and Lautrec resolved to regroup the survivors and retreat to avoid a complete defeat. ‘The Imperial captains, spurred on by the victory, asked Colonna to pursue the enemy and defeat them 23 ini, cit, p328. 24 M,Sanuto, cit, col. 213. The third phase of the Battle of Bicocca cx IMPERIAL CAMP. MONZA FF C=. ®. MILAN 23THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3. 24 with ease. However, Colonna was an experienced captain and was aware of the strength of his enemy after having seen them regroup swiftly and take the route to Monza. Thus, he resolved not to pursue. The Spanish companies crossed the park wall and the ditch and chased the French on their own initiative. The German Landsknechts did not follow them, and since the Spanish had lost Guinea - one of their captains ~ they chose to return to the Imperial camp. Part of Colonna’ cavalry did pursue the French, but was swiftly blocked by Giovanni de Medicis light cavalry and the French and Venetian light cavalry who had joined de Medici. The opposing cavalry fought for about an hour, before the imperialists retreated.” ‘The following day, Lautrec headed with his troops to Bergamo and then Cremona to organise the city defences. Then, considering himself defeated, he returned to France, where he had to explain to King Francis I the reason why he returned with a defeated army instead of the conquest of the Duchy of Milan. ‘The Venetians crossed the river Adda and set camp in Brembio, whereas the remaining Swiss headed back home. ‘The losses of the two armies Guicciardini, Paolo da Lodi,® and P. de Sandoval” report the number of Swiss casualties as 3,000 dead - 22 of them were captains, but Sandoval reports the figure as 17. Some of the captains known to have fallen were Albert de Stein, one of the two commanders, Rodolphe Nagelin, Rodolphe de Mullinen, Guillaume de Bonstetten, Antoine de Diesbach, Jaques de Buttikon, and Louis Schwinkhardt, Gaspard Pfyffer and Jean Jaques Zur Gilgen, both from Lucerne, and Arnold de Winkelried from Underwalden, the other commander of the contingent. According to M. May de Romainmotier, the Swiss casualties were 4,000,"" whereas Grumello” reports only 2,000 dead. As for the French casualties, Sandoval is the only chronicler who reports the rather dubious total of 10,000 dead, however, he has included the enemy casualties as well. As is often the case, he only mentions the names of important men. According to his report, among the fallen, there were Montfort, Miolans, Graville and Launay,® Cesare Barbé from Soncino, and 25 P. Giovio, cit, p05, 26M, Sanuto, cit, col. 215. 27 P De Sandoval, cit, p.408. 28 F Guicciardini, cit, p.330. 29M, May de Romainmotier, cit. p.160. 30 A.Grumello, ct, p.300. 31 P.De Sandoval, cit, p.408. 32 M.du Bellay, Memoires, La Rochelles 1573, p.125.THE BATTLE OF BICOCCA Count Cesare Scoto.” Lescun was wounded in the leg, de Medici in the arm,** and Ugo de Pepoli®* was also wounded. Sanudo is the only chronicler who reports the Venetian casualties, and he mentions Captain Alberto da Preda and 200 dead among the infantry." The Imperial army suffered lighter losses, but none of the chronicles used in researching this book report the total number. The most famous among the fallen was Pietro Cardona Ventimigl , Count of Collesano and uncle of the Marquis of Pescara, killed by a crossbow bolt when he lifted the visor of his helmet.” 33 4 35 36 37 ™M, Sanuto, cit, p.213. M, Sanuto, cit, p.213. P. Giovio, cit. p.104. M, Sanuto, cit, p.213, P. Giovio, cit, p.106, 25The Marquis of Pescara. The Battle of Pavia tapestries, detail Permission of the Ministry for Culture - Museum and Real Bosco di Capodimonte). 26 3 Lombardy Under Imperial Rule It was not the defeat of the French at the Battle of Bicocca that led to the situation in Lombardy being overturned, but the new and decisive actions of Prospero Colonna. Colonna's first target was the city of Lodi. As Lautrec marched towards Cremona to reinforce the city’s defences after the defeat at Bicocca, Federico da Bozzolo was sent to Lodi with 200 men-at-armsto help the defenders of the city. Meanwhile, Prospero Colonna sent the Marquis of Pescara to Lodi with a Spanish contingent to attempt the capture of the city. On the 10 May 1522, an attack led by the infantry broke through the feeble defences of the Venetian infantry. Federico daLOMBARDY UNDER IMPERIAL RULE Bozzolo was aware of the coming danger and fled with Bonavalle, Governor of the City, and the surviving Venetian troops. After the sack of Lodi, the Imperial troops were sent towards Cremona, with a brief stop in Montodine and San Bassano, where Colonna ordered them to set up camp when he arrived with the rest of the army. There was a small city nearby under Venetian rule, the stronghold of Pizzighettone. Firstly, Colonna chose diplomatic methods and sent the stronghold a request to surrender as its garrison could only muster 230 infantrymen led byCaptains Pavia and Preitello.' However, the citadel chose to not surrender to Colonna’s messengers and sent a request for help to Teodoro Trivulzio, Captain General of the Venetian army. Unaccountably, the traitorous Venetian messenger delivered this vital letter to the Imperialists. Thus, Colonna learned that the defences of Pizzighettone were weak and sent part of his army there. Once again, the Marquis of Pescara was tasked with capturing the citadel and he marched to the city walls with Spanish infantry and 100 lances, awaiting there the arrival of Ludovico Vistarino, a Captain in the service of Colonna, and the heavy artillery? While the Marquis was staying in Gerre di Pizzighettone, near the citadel, two Venetian captains of the garrison arrived to negotiate a peace. The Venetians had no chance of receiving external assistance and ratified the peace by paying 200 Italian scudi directly to the Marquis’ When Lautrec left Cremona, the city was entrusted to Lescun who, after having heard of the fall of Pizzighettone and being aware of the few soldiers he had to defend Cremona made a deal with Colonna, who gladly accepted it. According to this agreement, Lescun was to surrender the city to the Imperialists if reinforcements had not come to his relief within 45 days. In exchange, assuming no relief arrived, Lescun and his soldiers would then have been free to cross Imperial territories to return to France. No relief arrived and Cremona was once again under the League's rule. However, there was another thorn in the side of the Imperialists; the city ‘of Genoa governed by Doge Ottaviano Fregoso, loyal to Francis I. Genoa had a strategically important geographical position and had become the foothold for French troops who, after disembarking there, had free access to the Piedmontese territories west of Ticino and consequently to the Duchy of Milan. Thus, the Imperial army headed towards the city, and Colonna’s troops were joined by a cavalry company led by Francesco Sforza.‘ Genoa was defended by 2,000 Italian infantrymen, and Doge Fregoso attempted to negotiate the town’s surrender by sending Benedetto dei Vivaldi as ambassador to the Imperialists. However, the negotiations were soon interrupted by the news of Piero Navarro's arrival with two galleys full of 1 A.Grumello, Cronaca in Raccolta di cronisti e documenti storici lombardi, Milan 1856, vol. 1, p.305. 2 A.Grumello, ct, p305. A. Grumello, cit, p306. 4 A.Grumello, cit. p.306. 27THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3. 28 soldiers as reinforcement for Genoa’s defences. Now that any attempt to negotiate had vanished, the Marquis of Pescara ordered the bombardment of the city walls. The Imperial artillery seriously damaged one of the defensive towers, which was soon captured by Spanish infantry. On the 30 May 1522, the Imperial troops breached the city walls. Some soldiers and citizens managed to escape via ship or galley, but Captain Pietro Navarro was captured. Doge Fregoso, who could not travel due to ill-health, surrendered to Colonna. Navarro and Fregoso’ were both sent to Naples. ‘The Imperialists wanted to sack Genoa but the intervention of the Adorni brothers (Antoniotto Adorni would become doge after Fregoso), together with other noble and influential citizens loyal to the Imperialist cause, prevented any cruelties being perpetrated against their fellow citizens.* With these latest conquests by Colonna, and with Venice on the back foot, the north of Italy was once more under Imperial rule. However, the threat of another campaign in Italy led by Francis was a constant threat for the Imperialists, forcing them to maintain a large number of troops in the territory, which was a costly expense for the Emperor to carry, The city of Milan alone could not gather all the necessary resources to pay for such a vast number of mercenary troops. Thus, Colonna forced the main cities under Imperial rule - Florence, Genoa, Siena and Lucca - to contribute to the war effort. Each city had to provide an agreed sum.’ With France temporarily out of the game, Charles V seized the opportunity to bring Venice to his side. Therefore, he sent ambassadors to the Venetian Senate to negotiate the admission of the Venetian Republic into the membership of the anti-French League, which was also supported by Henry VIII, King of England. Girolamo Adorno was the designated spokesman for the Empire and Riccardo Paceco for the King of England. The two were accompanied by Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, whose presence was considered necessary as ruler of the territories directly bordering Venice. Once the negotiations began, they soon proved to be neither easy nor quick. The death of Adorno complicated the situation, and his role was taken over by Cesare Marino Caracciolo, apostolic protonotary* Venice proved reluctant to make a definitive decision, due to the pressure put on them by Renzo da Ceri, envoy of the King of France. He promised the imminent return into Italian territory of a mighty army led by Francis I, an event that would overturn the fate of Lombardy again. The Imperial ambassadors, instead, claimed that the main cities of northern Italy were now under Imperial rule, and the King of England ~ who was opposed to Francis I - was to begin a campaign in Picardy. The news that Bourbon, an 5 Ottaviano Fregoso would die in Ischia in 1524, F. Guicciardini, Storia d'ltalia, Paris 1837, vol. V pp.29-30. 7 To read more about the obligation imposed on the single cities see F. Guicciardi it, p39. 8 F Guieciardini cit, p47.LOMBARDY UNDER IMPERIAL RULE important noble in the service of the King of France, would have rebelled against his Lord contributed to the final decision of the Venetian Senate. Finally convinced that the French army would no longer be able to reach Italy that year, the rulers of the Republic decided to join forces with the Empire. ‘The terms of the agreement included the following clauses: + A peace treaty would be signed between Charles V, Ferdinand of Austria and Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan on one side and Venice on the other, plus a new League was to be created; + In the event of a threat to the territories of Venice's associates by European enemies ~ attacks by the Ottoman Empire were excluded Venice would have to intervene in support of its allies with 600 men-at-arms, 600 light infantry and 6,000 infantrymen; + Charles V would intervene in the defence of the Republic in the case of an attack on territories under the rule of the Serenissima in Italian territory; + According to previous agreements Venice would pay Ferdinand 200,000 ducats over 8 years.” New alliances While Northern Italy saw France and the Empire competing for the Milanese Duchy, the Papal States were undergoing a period of transition. After the death of Leo X in December 1521, on 9 January 1522, Adriaan Florenszoon Boeyens of Edel was elected as the new Pontiff with the name of Adrian VI. The new Pope, originally from Utrecht, had lived in Spain since 1515 where he had held various ecclesiastical offices." After his election, he did not leave at once for Italy but arrived there only on 20 August 1522 when, with his entry into Rome, he took over his powers. The election of the new Pope at the head of one of the most influential states of the Italian peninsula led to change. Moved by the desire to finally achieve lasting peace, Pope Adrian tried to try and reconcile the two powerful foreign sovereigns. But if on one hand Charles would not have accepted a temporary truce, on the other Francis I did not want lasting peace - which would have excluded his return to the coveted Duchy of Milan. While the King of France was already planning his return to Milan, Charles V - in parallel with the negotiations with Venice ~ sent the Duke of Sessa and Cardinal de Medici as his ambassadors to the Pope, with the 9 Guicciardini cit, p61. 10 Bishop of Toulouse from 1515, he later became general inquisitor of Aragon. In 1581, In 1518, he became General of the Reunited Inquisitions of Castile and ‘Aragon, a position he held until his election as Pope. 23THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 collaboration of Henry VIII's ambassador. The influence of the Imperial messengers worked wonders and on 3 August 1523 the Pope agreed a new pact for the defence of Italy with the powerful Emperor. Thus, Francis I - who was already gathering a strong army - had to desist from personally leading his army into Lombardy. It has been previously mentioned that Charles III of Bourbon, Constable of France, was the first and most esteemed among the French nobility. ‘This was until he became the richest lord of France on the death of his wife Suzanne, officially acquiring the patrimony and the territories of his wifes dowry." Fearing his excessive power, Francis I decreed, with the | support of his mother Louise of Savoy, that all the territories he had inherited would instead return under royal control. The legal process would have taken along time, but Francis ordered that the lands were immediately requisitioned. Finding himself in such a difficult position, Charles of Bourbon decided to seek help from the enemies of the King of France. Thus, Charles entered the League with the King of England and Charles V, and pledged to puttloatPonatereeiies, iftvade Bourgogne with 12,000 infantrymen paid for by his allies, should detail(Permission of the Francis descend into Italy. Ministry for Culture ~ Despite Charles’ treason, the King of France did not abandon his plan to Museum and Real Boscodi invade Milanese territory and appointed Guillaume Gouffier de Bonnivet, Capodimonte). Admiral of France, head of the expedition. (On August 1523, while Pope Adrian VI and the Venetian Senate entered into the League with Charles V, Monsieur de Bonnivet crossed the Alps with a powerful army consisting of 1,800 lances, 6,000 Swiss infantrymen, 2,000 Grisons, 2,000 Valais, 6,000 Germans, 12,000 French and 3,000 Italians."” A rapid and unchallenged march brought the French near Novara that, with the permission of Francesco Sforza (who wished to spare the city the tragedy of a siege), opened its doors to the invaders. Shortly after, the city of Vigevano followed the example of Novara. In a short time, all the lands 11 Suzanne of Bourbon, daughter of Peter II Seigneur of Beaujew and Anne of France. 12 _F. Guicciardini cit, p:72. Guicciardini mentions a total of 31,000 infantrymen. Giovio reports almost the same impressive number of 30,000 infantrymen, B. Giovo, La vita del s Don Ferrante Davalo Marchese di Pescara, Florence 1556, 136. 30LOMBARDY UNDER IMPERIAL RULE west of the Ticino fell under Bonnivet’s control. ‘The surprise of this invasion caught Prospero Colonna unprepared and contributed to favouring the rapid manoeuvring of the French army. Colonna believed that the betrayal of Bourbon and the defection of Venice would have prevented a new enemy offensive within a year, which is why the Imperial troops had been dispersed in different locations. But once again, Prospero’s skills and experience managed to save a situation that seemed already seriously compromised. In a very short time, he managed to rally the whole army between Abbiategrasso, Boffalora and Turbigo to block the passage of the Ticino, mindful of the advantage he had won the previous year with his unchallenged passage of the Adda - an action that had led to the victory of Bicocca. ‘Meanwhile, Charles V was planning his next move. He ordered de Leyva ‘who was stationed in Naples to gather an army and march to join Colonna in Lombardy. On 20 October 1523, de Leyva left Naples at the head of 400 Spanish men-at-arms, 400 Italian men-at-arms, 500 light horsemen, 4,000 Italian and Spanish infantrymen and Captains Luigi Gaetano (son of the Duke of Traetto), Pietro Antonio Carrafa (son of the Duke of Policastro), Moriglione Catalano and 10 pieces of artillery." Nevertheless, the French still managed to cross the river. Near Vigevano, the troops began crossing the Ticino partly by fording and partly by boat. Apontoon bridge was then built in a short time to allow the passage of the artillery. Another bridge was built about 25 km from Pavia, Thus, Prospero immediately sent De Leyva to defend the town with 100 men-at-arms and 3,000 infantrymen. Prospero then withdrew to Milan with the rest of the army, consisting of 800 men-at-arms, 800 light horse, 4,000 Spanish infantrymen, 6,500 German infantrymen and 3,000 Italian infantrymen." On 28 October 13 G.Passero, Historie, Naples 1785, p.307. 14 E Guicciardini cit, p73. Charies de Lannoy. The Battle of Pavia tapestries, detail Permission of the Ministry for Culture - Museum and Real Bosco di Capodimonte). auTHE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 32 1523, the Marquis of Mantua also arrived in Milan with 300 lances, 500 light horsemen, 1,000 infantrymen and 2,000 arquebusiers."* ‘The French had to wait three days for their troops to gather, so could not use their numerical advantage. Once the army was reunited, it marched to San Cristoforo, about a mile from Milan. There, Bonnivet followed his wait-and-see strategy and instead of storming the city, moved the army to Chiaravalle to plan the siege. Bonnivet also occupied Monza and sent Chevalier Bayard and Federico da Bozzolo to Cremona to aid the city. ‘The Venetian light cavalry led by Mercurio Bua arrived to help the Imperialists and, after crossing the Oglio river in Pontevico, managed to reach the enemy camp. In the following month, a series of bloody clashes took place throughout Lombardy, and Monza, abandoned by the Swiss sent by Bonnivet to guard the bridges, was occupied by the Imperialists once more. This period of stalemate was marked by two important deaths: Pope Alexander VI died in Rome on 17 August 1523 and was replaced on 19 November 1523 by Cardinal Giulio De Medici (Clement VIN), and Colonna passed away in Milan on 30 December. ‘The position of Bonnivet, who had occupied the territory around Milan, became unsustainable. The French commander lacked initiative, and he hoped that the attrition and their lack of funds would lead to the natural dissolution of the Imperial army, and that Milan - besieged and with little possibility of relief from the province - would fall due to starvation. However, neither of his predictions came true. Indeed, it was the French who suffered from a shortage of provisions because they had devastated the surrounding countryside. This situation, together with the worsening climate of the region due to an increase in humidity and the urgent requests for payment by the Swiss, forced the Bonnivet to lift the siege of Milan and withdraw beyond the Ticino. 15 Passero p.307.4 The Battle of Romagnano ‘The French army was divided into two groups (three according to Passero), the larger one in Abbiategrasso led by the Bonnivet, the other in Rabecca (Robecco sul Naviglio) under the leadership of the Chevalier de Bayard = about 4km from Milan. It was the beginning of January 1524, and the French were retreating. The troops’ morale was not high, but they had not yet been defeated and had suffered no losses. Bonnivet gathered an army of 200 lances, 8,000 Swiss, 4,000 Italian infantrymen and 2,000 German infantrymen in Abbiategrasso." ‘The Marquis of Pescara was well aware of the position of his enemies and, although the army at his disposal in Milan was certainly not small in number? he chose not to attempt any military action against the French. However, the Marquis changed his mind when he learnt that Bourbon had come down from the north and had established himself in Binasco, near Milan, with 6,000 Landsknechts. After a short time, Bourbon was joined by the Duke of Urbino, Captain General of the Venetian army, with 600 men- at-arms, 600 light horsemen and 6,000 infantry? These reinforcements for the Imperial army convinced the Marquis to attempt an attack against the French ensconced in Robecco. On the night of 27/28 January 1524, the Marquis of Pescara left Milan with an army of 3,000 veteran Spanish infantrymen - he had ordered them to cover their armour with white shirts to hide the reflection of their armour! and to blend in with the snow. He ordered Lannoy to follow him the following morning with the rest of the army, and Giovanni de Medici? it, p.105, ms, 1,500 light horsemen, 7,000 Spanish infantrymen, 12,000 Germans and 1,500 Italians. 3B Guicciardini cit, p.105-106. 4 P.Giovo in “La vita del s. Don Ferrante dAvatos Marchese di Pescara’, Florence 1556, p.140, 5 In July 1522, Giovanni de Medici left French service to join Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. 33THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 34 to take his troops on the road to Abbiategrasso to prevent the arrival of any French reinforcements. ‘Once at the walls of Robecco, the Pescara immediately attempted an assault, taking the garrison off guard and swiftly conquered the place. Most of the defenders were taken prisoner, while de Bayard managed to save himself and flee to Abbiategrasso, Having conquered Robecco and forced part of the enemy army to Abbiategrasso, the Pescara decided not to stop. Afier occupying Vigevano, he sent the Duke of Urbino with his men to conquer Garlasco, near Pavia, where de Medici joined him with his troops. “The town, garrisoned by the Corsican Captain Battista Lecca with his fellow infantrymen, and by Captain Geronimo Maffeo, offered little resistance. “The situation for Bonnivet was dire, so he decided to retire on Novara Abbiategrasso was left defenceless and was taken by Giovanni de Medici and the soldiers of Francesco Sforza.” The rest of the Imperial army then moved quickly to Biandrate, where a new camp was established. ‘The months passed and the situation of the French troops stationed in Novara did not improve. Provisions and cash for the payment of wages were in short supply. To add these already difficult conditions, a disease broke out and ran rampant through troops and citizens alike. Despite his request for reinforcements, no help came from France. However, when the already dire situation seemed even more desperate, good news came to cheer the French Admiral. In mid-April, two large contingents of Swiss infantry hired by Francis I had left their native valleys to finally come to his aid, with 10,000 men marching from the Aosta Valley, while another 5,000 men were taking the Valtellina route! Naturally, the news that fresh troops were on their way to help the French immediately reached Avalos, who sent Giovanni de Medici with his men to counter the descent of the Swiss from Valtellina. The two opposing forces. clashed near Caprino, between the Adda and Brembo rivers, but, despite heavy losses, the Swiss managed to join their compatriots in Gattinara on the right bank of the Sesia river. Despite the arrival of these reinforcements, Bonnivet’s intention was unchanged, and he still planned to return to France. However, he could not ignore the presence of the enemy army, which on 27 April 1524 had moved to Briona, just south of Gattinara, On 28 April 1524, Bonnivet left Novara with the army and moved to Romagnano, just north of Gattinara but on the lefi bank of the Sesia, while the Imperialists continued their approach from the south, halting at Ghemme about 5km away from Romagnano. With this manoeuvre, Bonnivet aimed to unite the army with the Swiss in Gattinara. On the morning of 29 April 1524 Bonnivet ordered a trestle bridge’ built P.Giovio cit. p.141 and 142. P.Giovio, La seconda parte delle historie del suo tempo, Venice 1555, p.12. P.Peeri cit, p.548, Trestle bridges were the fastest way to build a passage to cross not particularly large stretches of water. They consisted of main transverse beams connected to piersTHE BATTLE OF ROMAGNANO over the river Sesia, thus succeeding in passing his baggage and artillery across to the opposite bank. Shortly afterwards, all his remaining troops crossed the river, partly by fording and partly by the bridge. To defend the bridge, some artillery pieces were deployed on the right bank protected by a contingent of Corsican and French infantry. Bonnivet remained in the rear- guard with the men-at-arms to cover the movement of the army towards Gattinara, ‘The Imperialists had left Ghemme and were now nearing Romagnano, and they engaged in fast-moving skirmishes throughout the morning with the French troops that had not yet managed to reach the opposite bank. At this point, Avalos took decisive action. In the afternoon, he instructed Paolo Luzzasco, commander of the Mantuan light cavalry, to cross to the opposite bank. Luzzasco found a ford and crossed the river, attacked the French artillery guarding the bridge and overran their position. Bonnivet intervened with his men-at-arms and a group of Swiss to help his infantry defend the cannons, but this move was immediately countered by the arrival of the Marquis of Pescara with other light cavalry and 3,000 Spanish arquebusiers. The Imperialists easily defeated the French by feigning a retreat only to then regroup and attack the pursuing French who were massacred by the methodical volleys of the Imperial arquebusiers. In this combat, 400 Swiss infantrymen and many men-at-arms lost their lives. Bonnivet himself was wounded in the left arm, and the brother of La Palice was mortally wounded, dying a few days later. At this point, command of the army was entrusted to the Marquis de Saint Paul and Bayard, one of the best commanders in the service of France. The main French army continued its withdrawal towards Gattinara, pursued by the Imperialists. Bayard attempted another attack to cut off the enemy advance but was shot dead. However, his sacrifice was not in vain as all the French army managed to reach Gattinara. Once there, the Marquis of Pescara decided to withdraw the troops from the right bank of the Sesia and to camp for the night. On 30 April, the whole Imperial army crossed onto the left bank of the Sesia, reaching Rovasenda to cut the French retreat towards the west. The French deployed to prepare for a new enemy assault but, against all expectations, theorder did not come. The Marquis of Pescara considered it unwise to engage in battle with an army that was still strong and dangerous ~ and the Swiss reinforcements had not yet arrived. Bonnivet's troops were thus able to resume their retreat undisturbed, moving first to Ivrea and then taking the Aosta Valley route to return home. After the Battle of Bicocca, the Imperial tactical superiority was confirmed once more. Just as at Bicocea, the French had still based their tactics on the recklessness of the moment, and on furious assaults that were often planted into the riverbed or resting on boats. The beams were then connected with planks that formed the actual roadway. 35THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 36 devastating but not well organised or co-ordinated. Meanwhile, the Imperialists had sensed the important role played by the arquebus in battle, especially if used systematically through the orderly deployment of shooters in several lines to deliver an overwhelming volume of fire, and also coordinated with other elements of the army. ‘The siege of Marseilles: ‘The Imperialists open up the road to Lombardy to the French. In the following months of May and June, the whole French army returned home. Thus, the Imperialists, now masters of Northern Italy, could reorganise and consider new strategies to maintain control of their territory. Encouraged by the recent victories, Bourbon thought that it was time to return to France and avenge the wrongs he had suffered at the hands of the King. At the beginning of July 1524, he entered Provence together with the Marquis of Pescara at the head of 500 men-at-arms, 800 light horsemen, 4,000 Spanish infantrymen, 3,000 Italians and 5,000 Germans." Initially, the Imperialists planned to attack the city of Lyon, but Marseilles was chosen instead for its strategic position close to Spain. In Marseilles, there was a garrison of 5,000 French and 5,000 Italians under the orders of the fearsome Italian Captains Renzo da Ceri and Federico da Bozzolo. In August 1524, the Imperialists camped under the city walls. On 21 September, Imperial artillery opened fire, opening numerous breaches in the walls. But Pescara, ever prudent, decided not to attempt an assault, and was discouraged by the news that the reinforcements he was waiting for would not arrive. Moreover, he learnt that the King of France was assembling a large army in Avignon. The siege and unsuccessful assaults on the walls continued until 28 September 1524, when Pescara and Bourbon decided to withdraw their army, retreating first to Nice, then to Albenga. 10. F. Guicciardini cit, p.121.THE BATTLE OF ROMAGNANO ‘The hasty return of the Imperial army to Italy made the King of France realise that the moment had come to try to reconquer Milan. In Avignon, where he had halted before moving on Marseilles, Francis had gathered a very strong array of 2,000 lances and 20,000 infantry." Furthermore, the Emperor's main supporters - the Pope and Venice - were sitting on the fence acting as if they were neutral powers rather than allies. The Pope, an advocate of peace, had judged the Marseilles enterprise inappropriate. Against all expectations, the Emperor had demonstrated with this move that peace in Northern Italy was not the only reason he had involved the Pope in the anti-French League. Furthermore, Venetian politics still divided them between their sympathy for France, with whom they were in an alliance only a few years earlier, and the fear of a new devastating French campaign against Milan and by extension against them now they were allies of the Empire, Considering the current situation, Francis I left Avignon at the head of his troops and headed to the Alpine border. In a few days, he reached Italy through the Montgenevre and Mont Cenis passes, reaching Turin and then Vercelli. Meanwhile, the Imperialists knew that the King of France was pursuing them, so they divided the army into two groups. The Marquis of Pescara took the road to Alba to reach Lodi with the cavalry and the Spanish infantry. Bourbon, together with Captain Antonio De Leyvaand the German infantry, passed through Voghera and arrived in Pavia, where he left De Leyva with a garrison of 300 men-at-arms and 5,000 infantry. Bourbon took the road to Milan where, on 23 October 1524, he reinforced the defenders of the city. However, when he arrived in the capital, he found the city exhausted due to a furious pestilence that had broken out, weakening the proud Milanese citizens. Bourbon judged the city indefensible and arranged to leave 700 Spanish infantrymen (only 500 according to Passero) to defend the castle. He then left, moving to Cremona accompanied by Charles de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples.” 11 Guicciardini cit, p.125. 12 G, Passero cit, p.315-316. The Battle of Pavia. The Battle of Pavia tapestries, detail, Permission of the Ministry for Culture - Museum and Real Bosco di Capodimente. 37THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 The south facade of the Visconteo castle, towards the centre of Pavia. The ‘castle is not very different towhatit might have looked ike at the time of the battle, except for the ‘empty moat. Its rooms are used for displaying the collections of the civie museum. (Author's collection} ‘The advance of the King of France was un: . Having crossed the Ticino, he reached the gates of Milan. Once at the gates of the city, in an act of magnanimity towards the citizens, (Francis considered himself a person of noble values) or perhaps out of fear of the pestilence in the city, he did not enter with the entire army. He sent a garrison instead to control the city and a contingent of troops to besiege the Spanish holding out in the castle. ‘Conquering the capital of the Duchy of Milan did not by any means mark the defeat of the Imperial army, and Francis was well aware of this. To consolidate his conquest of Milan, the King had to conquer Pavia. The expedition into Italy and sending soldiers to garrison the conquered territory required a reorganisation of the army before he resumed his advance. The review of the army carried out by Francis at the camp outside Milan showed that there were 2,000 lances, 8,000 German infantry, 6,000 Swiss infantry, 6,000 venturieri (mercenaries of various types and nationalities) and 4,000 Italians available. Once these troops were reorganised the King led his army on the road to Pavia. Although the intentions of Francis had already become clear, the Imperialists did not react immediately. The Marquis of Pescara, in Lodi with 2,000 Spanish infantrymen, was still separated from his captains. ‘The Viceroy of Naples Charles de Lannoy, Francesco Sforza and Bourbon were in Soncino, a few kilometres from Cremona. It was decided to send contingents of troops to Alexandria, Como and Trezzo in an attempt to control at least in part some of the territory not yet in French hands.” At this time, assisting Pavia seemed impossible under these conditions as the 38THE BATTLE OF ROMAGNANO Pope had decided not to renew the League'* and Venice was effectively ignoring constant requests to send troops. Francis was now at the gates of the city of Pavia. What was to be the biggest and most decisive battle of the Italian Wars was about to begin. 14 According to Guicciardinis reports, the Pope had also made arrangements with the King of France not to intervene during his attempt to reconquer the duchy: F Guicciardini cit, p.131. 3940 5 The Siege of Pavia ‘The decision to capture Pavia was not taken immediately. Logically, Francis’ main target should have been Lodi, where the Marquis of Pescara was located. However, as Bonnivet rightly pointed out, conquering Pavia and its garrison of German soldiers would certainly have been simpler. The Landsknechts, in fact, had suffered badly during their return from France through the mountain passes and were chronically short of money for wages and provisions, and therefore likely to be more willing to surrender. Furthermore, the French still counted on the fact that simply keeping an active army in the field would be challenging for the Imperials — rich in spirit but poor in funds - to the point that the war would end due to the opposing army being unable to continue the campaign as their army faded away. On 24 November 1524, the German and Spanish soldiers’ of the Pavia garrison led by Antonio de Leyva, looking out from the ramparts of the walls, saw the imminent threat to the city. The mighty army that the King of France had led up there from Milan was being deployed before the gates to the city. According to Guicciardini’s estimates,’ noted in the previous chapter, 2,000 lances of the best heavy cavalry in Europe were arrayed in front of Pavia led by the créme of the French nobility. There were also 6,000 fearsome Swiss infantry, whose fame and ferocity, despite their recent defeat of the Bicocca, had remained unchanged, and 8,000 veteran infantry of the Black Band - the famous contingent of Landsknechts that had rebelled against the Imperial edict not to fight for France, who had never failed in their loyalty to the crown, commanded by Francis of Lorraine, 1 Historian Pieri reports that the garrison amounted to 5,000 Germans and 1,000 Spaniards: P. Pieri, 1! Rinascimento e la crisi militare italiana, Einaudi editore, 1952, .555. According to Robert de la Marck Florange, 3,000 Spaniards, 200 men-at- ‘arms, 7,000 Landsknechts were in Pavia; at least 10,000 men had been placed at the disposal of the city government to support them: R. de la Marck Florange, ‘Mémoires du Maréchat de Florange, Paris 1924, tome Il, p.174 2 F.Guicciardini, Storia d'falia, Parigi 1837, tome V, p.130.the Duke of Suffolk and the Count of Wolf? There were also 4,000 Italian infantry and 6,000 venturieri (soldiers of fortune) of various origins. An unspecified number of baggage attendants, sutlers, women and officials also marched with the army. Last but not least, there was the largest and best equipped artillery park that an army of the time could have at its disposal, that included heavy siege pieces and light and mobile artillery mounted on carts pulled by horses and oxen. ‘Young Giovanni de’ Medici and his troops would join the French army after a little while. The audacious captain, in fact, had switched his allegiance to the French in November after having been offered generous terms and a substantial pension. He was at the head of 500 light horsemen and 4,000 Italian infantry, half of them arquebusiers.* THE SIEGE OF PAVIA The Siege of Pavia by Wolf Huber, detail. Reproduction by Massimo Predonzani, 3. The total number of men under the command of the King of France amounted to a total of 28,000. According to de la Marck Florange, the number of Black Band Landsknechts is decidedly higher: 18,000 men, a figure that is most likely unreliable: R. de la Marck Florange, cit, p.176. Guicciardini, in a later passage of his work, reports the same total of men, 28,000, divided between 1,300 lances, 10,000 Swiss, 4,000 Germans, 5,000 French and 7,000 Italians: F.Guicciardini, cit, 153. It is interesting to note how Spanish chronicler de Oznayo reports that the French army amounted to 50,000 infantrymen and 12,000 men at arms - certainly to underline the importance of the victory: . de Oznayo, Batalla de Pavia y prision del Rey de France Francisco Tin Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de Espana, Madrid 1846, vol IX, p44. 4 Rdela Marck Florange cit. p.193. 41THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3 42 Francis decided to set up three separate and yet connected camps to isolate the city. Montmorency was stationed with his troops near the bridge over the Ticino. The King set up camp west of the city, near the monastery of San Lanfranco. La Palice with the Swiss and the vanguard of the army was assigned to the Ronche area near Porta Santa Giustina, between the churches of San Piero, Santa Apollonia and San Girolamo west of the town. ‘The first act of the French was to mount a direct attack on the city to ‘weaken its garrison and force it to surrender immediately. The artillery was deployed, and a heavy bombardment began against the city walls from the camps near San Lanfranco and of that Montmorency. ‘The bombardment badly damaged the city walls, opening a breach. De Leyva ordered his men to bring a large amount of earth to reinforce the breach. He also deployed almost the entire garrison of the city to defend it - 5,000 to 6,000 infantrymen, 100 men-at-arms on foot and a number of cannons. For the assault on Pavia, the French and Italian venturieri and the men- at-arms were deployed in the front rank, while the Landsknechts and the Swiss were in the second. The first to engage the defenders of the breach were the Francs-archers, the venturieri and the Italians, immediately followed by Marshal de Foix with 200 men-at-arms and Montmorency. Finally were the Black Band Landsknechts led by the Duke of Suffolk and the Count of Wolf. Not even the intervention of the Swiss would prove to be effective.® De Leyva’s reaction was immediate, The Germans and Spaniards sortied from the city and crossed the bridge over the Ticino to fight against Montmorency’s troops but were repulsed, seeking shelter behind the city walls after having demolished the last arch of the bridge” The following day, Montmorency resumed the bombardment in the area of the bridge, destroying the mills built outside the walls — vital for the sustenance of the city ~ and a tower. To facilitate the communication with La Palice’s camp, he had a pontoon bridge built south of the ruins of the tower he had just destroyed. Within the city, the situation was certainly not easy. Matteo Beccaria, head of the pro-Imperial faction, helped encourage the citizens who were rightly frightened by the prospect of the city being captured but firm in the idea of defending it to the end. With speeches, solicitations and actions, he convinced the citizens to contribute to the defence, and had also by made his own supplies and cash available for the sustenance and payment 5 Once again, Marck Hlorange reports unreliable figures: 6,000 French and Italian soldiers of fortune and 200 men-at-arms. In the second line, 8,000 Landsknechts and 14,000 Swiss. ‘The latter is undoubtedly too high a number: R. de la Marck Florange cit, p.183. 6 — R-dela Marck Horange cit. p.185-186. 7 P.Giovo in ‘La vita del s. Don Ferrante d’Avalos Marchese di Pescara, Florence 1556 p.184,of the German and Spanish garrison. To [ help support the soldiers, de Leyva himself decided to melt his personal gold and mint coins within the city.* The coins minted in that period are recognisable because they bear the initials A. L? ‘The French, attracted by the prospect of a rapid conquest, attempted a new and ferocious assault near the gate of Santa Maria in Pertica, which was repulsed. A new opportunity for the French arose when a square-shaped tower called Mezzabarba was demolished thanks to the continuous bombardment ordered by artillery commander Jacques de Genouillac.”” However, even now fortune smiled on the besieged. The fallen tower obstructed the French advance and created new defensive positions for the garrison. Both sides were suffering heavy losses. Francis realised that, despite being in a bad position, the Landsknechts and Spaniards of the city garrison, supported by the citizens, would not have surrendered. He decided to resort to the work of the numerous pioneers in his army. A massive assault would have been effective only by having a free field of fire in front of the walls, which were protected by the waters of the Ticino. The river forked into two branches about 2km north of Pavia. Francis ordered his sappers to divert the course of the secondary branch, called the Gravellone, into the area before the city. Creating a detour by using sacks and linen sheets was quickly done. However, the river waters were swollen by seasonal rains and had the best of the French pioneers’ work, nullifying the result of their initiative, This setback, together with the increasing number of casualties in men and materials, forced Francis to cease further direct assaults and settle down to a formal siege. ‘The situation of besiegers and besieged was quite different, The French received regular and abundant supplies from the lands around Pavia now under their control. The city, instead, could not receive any supplies from the outside, and the food situation was escalating rapidly. The despair of the troops and citizens is documented by the discovery of secret negotiations 8 — PGiovio, cit, p.185. R. de la Marck Florange, cit. p.181 10 Jacques de Genouillac (1465-1546) became Grand Master of the Artillery of France in 1512, and served the King of France for all his military career: R. de la Marck Florange, cit. p.195. THE SIEGE OF PAVIA A section of the defensive wall north of the Visconti castle, The wallis visible on several contemporary ‘maps of the battle (Author's collection) 43THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 3. 44 that two soldiers of the garrison, a German and a Spaniard, were having with the French." They were exposed, and both immediately executed. ‘The sudden change of allegiance of Venice and the Pope contributed to the worsening the situation of the Imperialists. The former allies promised not to attack, but they still lost their support. ‘The situation was becoming more favourable for Francis, both from a political and military point of view. The King decided to focus his attention to the second reason that had pushed him to cross the Alps again; namely, the reconquest of the Kingdom of Naples, coveted by his predecessors. To support Francis, and driven by his own motives, the Pope asked his new ally to send troops to support him. The Pope wanted not so much to restore French sovereignty in the south as to strengthen their territories and at the same time convince other Italian states to support France against the Imperialists. In December 1524, against the will of his commanders, Francis decided to send John Stewart, Duke of Albany at the head of 7,000 infantry to the south," with orders to unite with Renzo da Ceri in Emilia, strengthen French influence in Tuscany and then march to join the Pope. When the news arrived that a French contingent was heading south, de Lannoy - stationed in Lodi - decided to send some of his troops to intercept the Duke of Albany. While the Viceroy of Naples was on his way to Piacenza, Francis sent Giovanni de’ Medici with men, supported by a contingent of Swiss, to help the Duke of Albany, for fear that he could be defeated. Once reunited with the French near Fiorenzuola, they entrenched in their camp and waited for the Imperialists. De Lannoy discovered that the French had received reinforcements and decided to return to Lodi, considering the troops at his disposal insufficient for the task. The French reinforcements with de’ Medici returned to the camps near Pavia and the Duke of Albany continued on his way towards the Papal States. ‘The breakthrough While the French spent the days of the siege comfortably, being able to dispose ofall the resources of the area around Pavia, the Imperialists had not remained inactive, Bourbon had gone to Germany to ask for reinforcements from Charles V and Ferdinand of Habsburg. In mid-January 1525, he returned to Lodi with an army consisting of 20 companies of Landsknechts led by Mark Sith and Georg von Frundsberg, and 200 Bavarian knights led by Nicolas Salm.'? However, the arrival of reinforcements did not reassure 11 P.Giovio, cit, p.193. 12 Florange reports differing numbers: 500 men-at-arms, 4,000 Landsknechts and some pieces of artillery. R. dela Marck Florange, cit. p.192. 13. J, Newald, Niclas Graf 2u Salm, eine historisch studie, Wien 1879, p.4l and P. Giovio cit, p.193. Giovio reports the presence of 2,000 Bavarian cavalry, a quiet exaggerated figure. Guicciandini, instead, writes that Bourbon was accompanied by 6,000 Landsknechts and 500 Burgundian horsemen: F. Guicciardini, cit. p.150.