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    Mulvaney 1996 - What To Do On A Rainy Day

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    Rock Art Research 1996 ~ Yolune 13, unber 1. K. MULVANEY 3 & KEYWORDS: Rock painting - Ethnography - History - Keep River - Northern Territory WHAT TO DO ON A RAINY DAY Reminiscences of Mirriuwung and Gadjerong artists Ken Mulvaney ‘This paper deals with one group of Aboriginal station people and a particular aspect of ties during the early period of European contact. During the “wet season’, Minriuwung and Gadjerong people, of the border azea of the Northem Territory and Western Australia, congregated and moved through ther traditional country, very much as they had before the coming of the white ‘man. People now in their seventies remember these times, focusing on the 1920s and 1930s when family members painted rockshellers throughout their county. This paper presents these ethno- historical dat, and looks atthe possible implications for the antiquity and purpase of the rack art in this region of Australia. Introduetion ‘Some years ago, while assisting Mirriuwung people in their attempt to be granted land for a community living area (Excision) on Newry Pastoral Lease in the Northem Territory, I asked why they wanted to reside at the parti- cular location, “We will show you", they replied. Then the ‘men, old women, children and even the dogs all piled into the vehicle and we headed off over the ereek towards the nearby sandstone ridges. We came to several rockshelters used by Mirriuwung people during the 1920s and 1930s. Adorning the walls and ceilings of these shelters were numerous paintings, many of which people identified as produced while they camped at this location. So began a continuing program of documenting sites and the associ- ated rock art at specific places which these people had continued to utilise throughout the first half ofthis centu- ‘A debate has raged over the years within Australian rock art research, conceming the timing, sequence and rmaterial cultural aspects of art styles and traditions. The current trend is towards the study of the more recently developed art and its anthropological connections, Part of this involves ascertaining the contemporary meaning and the cultural context of the production of the art. Research- ers have utilised ethnographic accounts to develop expla- nations and interpretations (Crawford 1968; Tagon 1987, 1988) or through use of current anthropological studies (Merlan 1989), to determine a meaning for the art Contemporary Aboriginal relationships (ownership) to art sites and culturally based explanations and interpretations of rock art images give 2 particularity to research in the Australian situation. In northern Australia. there is certainly a high correlation between the location of rock art sites and places of mythico-religious significance, ‘commonly referred to a5 sacred sites. In many cases, however, there is evidence of an antiquity for the art, leading some researchers to question the acceptance of Aboriginal rights to ‘own’ the art (e.g. the recent media debate concerning the ‘Bradshaw culture’, cf. Walsh [1994). However, such disassociation of pre-Historic art and contemporary Aboriginal culture ignores the continu- ity of traditional association (Mulvaney 1993). During the past few years, as a component of sacred site research in the north-western part of the Northen Territory, I have documented aspects of the area’s rock art. This paper deals with the particular data pertaining to the recollections of elderly Aboriginal people specifically about the production of rock art motifs. Such information provides insight both into the reasons why the art was, produced and into the specific meaning of motifs. In addition, a sense of individuals’ movements through their country is revealed by where they painted. The people ‘whose recollections were recorded are of Mirriuwung and Gadjerong descent; their country is in the border region of the Northen Territory and Western Australia. Their traditional country is associated with the Joseph Bon parte Gulf, between the Ord River to the west and with the Victoria River and Baines River to the east, an area of some 14 000 square kilometres (Figure 1). The Keep River and Bullo River comprise the two major water courses within the area. Mirriuwung country is now inclu- ded within the Pastoral Leases of Argyle, Ivanhoe, Newry, Spirit Hills and Rosewood. Gadjerong country lies north of Mirriuwong, and is included within the Pastoral Leases of Carlton Hill, Legune, Spirit Hills and Bullo River. People of the Gadjerong language group have long held strong social and cultural links with Mirriuwang, These links are possibly even stronger Rock Art Research 1996 ote 13, amber 1. K MULAN (A rosea CN OX U arp * Figure 1. Area of Mirriuyung and Gadjerong country today, both in residential patterns and through marriage. Located between latitude 15 and 16 degrees south, the climate is tropical, distinguished by marked wet and dry ‘seasons. The wet extends from December through March and is dominated by thunder storms and rain episodes associated with cyclones. Most of the 750-900 mm annual precipitation falls during this period. ‘The landforms within the study area are characterised by rugged sand- stone ranges and hills, interspersed with sandy alluvial flats, giving way to extensive black soil plains and tidal sud flats toward the coast. Vegetation is of eucalypt open woodland with a savanna grassland understorey. On the ‘open sandy plains speargrass (native sorghum) is predo- minant, with spinifex grass cover associated with the more stony country around the hills. Present throughout this landscape, except on the high stony ranges, are the striking forms of boab or bottle tree (Adansonia gregorit. Lash and more diverse rainforest and riparian vegetation ‘communities are associated with small protected pockets, springs and semi-permanent waterholes. Information discussed in this paper is primarily derived from a relatively small number of people. In particular, ‘members of a large family group resident on the Bubble Bubble (alt. name Dumbral) Excision, an Aboriginal Living Area within the Newry Pastoral Lease, were af the north-west Vitoria River District and east Kimberley region consulted. Three of the people who have contributed information are the elderly sisters Lardie (deceased), Blan Flyingfox and Sheba Dilyngarriya (Figure 2). These first two women were married to the one husband, known as Old Bamey Lamgoorok, a man who features promi- nently in the recent history of the area. Another who supplied information is Katherine Yarrbie, the daughter of Lardie Bamey and Larngoorok, An elderly lad Maggie John Woorigot, the daughter of Bubble Bubble Dick (alias Garndiwul or Dumbral), an elder brother of Old Bamey, also provided data used in this paper. Another informant was Paddy Carlton Kwanbine, a senior Gadjerong man married to Katherine Yarrbie. This man’s younger brother, Carlton George Nadgbil (deceased), was married to another of Old Barney's daughters, Peter ‘Newry also contributed information during a visit to one of the rockshelter sites within the Keep River National Park. This man is the son of Junbun, one of the husbands ‘of Dina Galwat (mother of the three elderly sisters). At best estimate most of these people are now in their seventies and early eighties. Carlton George, one of the 1, difficulty when writing about individuals is that within Aboriginal tration there isthe avoidance of naming people who are dead, ‘especially if their deahs are relatively recent. However, peopl have ‘consented tothe use of ames inthis paper. Rock Art Research 1996 Volume 1, Sumber K MULAN 5 Figure 2, Blan Flyingfox, Katherine Yarrbie and Sheba Dilyngarriva, three of the Bubble Bubble women within the ‘main shelter of Goorungenim. youngest of the informants, stated that he was bor in 1929. He was the only one of these people who knew his approximate birth date. ‘The quietening time ‘There were several exploration parties through this part of Australia, including King in 1818, Stokes in 1839, Gregory in 1855, and Forrest in 1879. These expeditions, were on the periphery of the Mirriuwung and Gadjerong country and would have had no impact, although certain that knowledge of these events would have been passed to these groups by neighbouring tribes, It was only after the expedition of Forrest and his associated favour- able report on grazing country that European interest in the region intensified. The major push for opening the country to pastoralism came following the successful droving of cattle from Queensland in the early and mid- 1880s (Durrack 1959). ‘This moderate population expansion of whites associ- ated with pastoral speculation was bolstered by the disco- very of gold in the Halls Creek area in 1886. Although the ‘rush? lasted little more than six years, the result was that struggling pastoral enterprises were supported and a permanent white population became entrenched, This period saw the establishment and growth of the port town ‘of Wyndham, located on the westem edge of Gadjerong, county. Within the first decade of this century began an increased period of disruption to the traditional Abor nal way of life. Police and pastoralists set out in earnest to quisten the country, mainly by rounding up groups of Aboriginal people and taking them into the stations to form a source of labour. Comments made by Mirriuwung people about these times invariably dvvell on the continual cyele of being rounded up and then running away: “hat ime now, them old people bin come Back, come back la {to} sation. That's the od an used to bing, “em back them {people Thy ts one bin bring “em back all abo. tar ‘now the work. They’ use to ork and ran away carly dy, "Rn avay and go back to bush now. And tat Dutak, Dursk ‘mob brig us back now. (Kathrine Vari, Joly 1995) Policeman Des Feze, manager bin want fo have dad for an, you now for worker He bin look rouné for that man. That ‘vay’ from station again [Cockatoo Lagoon aca. He bi ind, he bingo down [md wile Tou. Go tack ta sation, dy, smuramy taken we fas], We bin sit down tere, no un aay, ‘we bin Seared to ron aay. They bin get shot now [that] Old Bonen. Tha’ te time we bin go evay now, whole lat nov. “They set “noter oldman, hat manager [lid Tats vy wel loteun ewey ow They no ty station. That’ he time wwe bin go sway. Plienan Des Figs, tas man bin come round, ie him up we flew, take bak. My mess bin (ork) in the house se, that's the ine bin looking foe wom ee (Candie Barey, Augsst 1992) These times were not harmonious, with many stories of killings, and people continually escaping, being reeap- tured, and brought back to the stations (Shaw 1980, 1983). That is if they were fortunate, many people, espe- cially those regarded as trouble makers or cattle killers, were often taken in Police custody to the jails at Wynd- ham and Timber Creek. However, it was not always whites who instigated trouble Sus ke "nother whit man sot hm that “other man ne don't vant ike] him. Wel Tike tht fkiling}, same "Neer man an come infonge his fire and 0 what he want? No! That fallow him Rook up shovel pear anil him thee, Tht cy day really hard ay. Fae for my motherivlaw (Ginger 6 Rock Are Research 1986 ~ Vole 1, Nunber 1 K MULTANEY ‘Wadhi he died up tat way thy bin il him, cheeky oe that cone, They bin Kill him with shovel spear. He bin dis Bucket Springs, on top county. Ak he [Ginger] bin Kill to many people, he) murderer, they bin cover him up fbody] gots Spine and walk ay. Cheeky flow alright and bin bi Sil his brother old blood like Newry again (reference to nother ling), And that old fellow for that tady (Mogeic Sohn), tht piccaninny belongs tat boy now where him bin Kill him fa Newry. That oldman bin finish him up, old Bubble ‘Bobble Dick kill hin (Caton Georg, May 1992) ‘This reference to the killing at Newry station relates to ‘an incident where an Aboriginal worker (Bubble Bubble Dick's classificatory son) was shot by one of the white station hands. A version of this event is retold by Jack Sullivan (Shaw 1983: 155-6). For the Mirriuwung people residing at Newry at the time, the events and the shooting were brought about by sorcery. Bubble Bubble Dick recognised that Ginger Wadbi, who was regarded as a ‘clever man’, had been the real culprit in the killing and so had tracked him, eventually locating him up past Bucket Springs (c. 40 km north of Newry homestead) and speared him. Old Wadbi performed his magic by utilising a womera to create and focus the madness which caused fone person to kill another. As this was recounted: im bin get him tht boy longa Newry, and so what [hy] that gad [ite maa] bin sot hit. Because hi Wadbi bint Bim now that} when him bin Kil him a, thea whole fta White men shot you, That oldman bin Know im {aboriginal worker, he meke him mad. He bin rub Kim Tike That omer be Bn like that, well lt him white man hot you. And thet fella was good boy too, working, fa sation. Brotier for Dinka now, his youngest brother. Gadia jst hot bi because him bin chuck him tht white man. They had fight, pump sit ov of him, (Caton George, May 1982) Despite all this harassment and the increased involve- ment of Aboriginal people within the pastoral industry, it is clear that people continued to carry on with their tradi- tional pursuits. As the century progressed this was increa- singly curtailed. From about the 1960s, Aboriginal people moved to the towns, and with equal wages legislation by the early 1970s, there were few Aboriginal employment prospects on the stations, More and more families shifted to the camps on the fringes of European settlements. It is in this context that the people of Bubble Bubble recount their own experiences and reminiscences, with particular focus on the rock art oftheir country Most of these people were bom in the bush and spent their childhood living free from the yoke of pastoral acti- vities, that is apart from the occasional ‘bit oh bullocky’ (meat from stolen cattle). They stayed in relatively small family groups, but continually met up with other families, or attended larger gatherings associated with ceremonial activites. There seem to have been few restrictions over travelling through Mirriuwung ot Gadjerong country, with people from the Bubble Bubble area clearly mixing swith other groups and being able to travel freely over relatively long distances (between Carlton Hill and ‘Auvergne Stations, ¢. 200 km). Even after these people were ‘brought into’ the stations of Newry, Carlton Hill and Legune, they contin- ued to travel through and reside for periods of time within their territory away from station influences. Family members also remained in the bush, with very litle station contact, until the advent of the Second World War. ‘Continued contact with the country was facilitated by the pastoral practice of dismissing the Aboriginal workers at the end of the dry season. The monsoon period was the time for the station resident Aborigines, released from their work obligations, to tum in their European clothing, ‘get a few supplies from the station store and head out into their traditional country. This was a time of re- ‘establishing contact with those people remaining out in ‘the bush, renewing links with sites, fulfilling cultural obligations and holding ceremonies. At these times, bands of people would move through the landscape, between Newry, Carlton Hills and Legune stations. As a result, large congregations of people would form, with accounts given by people that upwards of 100 individuals could be setted in any given location. As this was the rainy season, water availability was not a prob- Jem, but shelter from storms was an important considera- tion, The geological nature ofthis region means that rock- shelters abound, although indications given by these Mirriuwung and Gadjerong people are that certain places ‘were preferred for camping, and that places along defined foot walking routes were favoured. Mirriuwung and Gadjerong informants recount their ‘own movements through their country and associated events. Amongst these oral histories are episodes of rock art painting in a number of the shelters in which people sought refuge ftom approaching rains. Seven of these rockshelter sites were visited in the company of relevant custodians, Several other locations where these people witnessed the painting of motifs remain unvisited by myself because of access problems and are not discussed in this paper. Although this is a small sample of the total number of rockshelter art sites within Mirriuwung and Gadjerong country, the information is significant, parti- cularly in regard to specific links between individuals and their country. Site location A preferred location was Goorungenim in the rugged stone country east of Chinaman Creek near the present Aboriginal community of Bubble Bubble (Figure 3). This ‘area contains numerous small boulder formations afford- ing variable protection from storms. Among the many rockshelters there are three which contain art which is directly attributed to the two brothers, the older, Bubble Bubble Dick Gamdiwul (also known as Dumbral) and the ‘younger brother Old Bamey Lamgoorok (the husband of Lardie and Blan). Bubble Bubble Dick is reputed to have been a prolific and proficient painter and it is likely that ‘ther paintings in this country could be his handiwork. However, this paper deals only with those motifs directly attributed to identified individuals witnessed by those people who supplied the following information. ‘The largest rockshelter in this area is formed by an undercut large boulder supported on two pedestals, creat- ing several alcoves ranging in height from two metres down to crawl-through ares (Figures 2 and 4). This shelter formation provides for an area of some 25 m by Figure 3. Location of art sites ‘and pigment sources indicating primary colour available, ‘within the pastoral leases. Figure 4. View towards the ‘western face of the Goorungenim rockshelter, with Sheba Dilyngarriva standing infront Rock Art Research 1896 — Vole 13. Nobr J. K MULVANEY JOSEPH BONAPART GULF 5 ne WS, ae ang ee “cuniyolminyaia Sh wornbo ee “si a is te sony lewey H/S Kvometors 50 ST ako sive HP ony sw el N 3] Teal Fete teas TE] engee / ‘et| S L, AA 8 Recht Rescerch 1996 17 m protected from the elements, with the majority of the shelter formation having a ceiling lower than 130 em. ‘The floor is formed by rock shelves and stacked boulders; in some areas, soil has built up to form a more comfort- able floor. It is stated that people slept in the main alcove (Girt floor area) with an easterly aspect. Art is present on the ceilings throughout the shelter and on the vertical faces of several boulders within the shelter. South of the main Goorungenim shelter two other sites were visited. One is a natrow shelter formed by the sloping and undercut face of a large sandstone formation, with smaller boulders set in front providing a protected, though uneven and irregular area of 17 m by up to 3m. To the north-east ofthis site is a second shelter formed by one large block overhanging a second block of sandstone. ‘This creates an area of some 15 m by 4m, although the ceiling provides a clearance of only 100 cm. There are many more boulder-formed and _undercut-bedrock shelters present in this rugged and dissected sandstone country. Many were noted to contain art, although none as prolific as in the main Gorrungenim shelter, nor was any of tis other art attributed to identified individuals The site Ngaralum, located 25 km to the west of Goorungenim, is one of sixteen concentrations of art associated with an isolated sandstone ridge. This sand- stone formation of some 700 m by 200 m rises nearly 40 rm above the surrounding plain, Situated to the west of the Keep River, Ngaralum is located within the Keep River National Park (Figure 3). Some 2597 motifs have been recorded within the Ngaralum shelter. This art corpus comprises 207 painted motifs and 2390 petroglyphs, of which the majority are abraded grooves, with some ‘geometric and “bird track’ forms also present (Gunn 1988). Several of the paintings are attributed to Mick Carlton (father of Carlton Gorge), others 0 Pee Wee Junbun (Peter Newry’s father), and Ginger Wadbi, the father of the three old sisters. Bubble Bubble Dick was said to have painted here also, although custodians did not ascribe any particular motifs to this man. This shelter, ‘measuring some 24 m by 10 m, comprises of a bedrock floor and wall, with a small area of sandy soil present in part of the shelter. Differential weathering has produced ‘an archway of several metres diameter, a feature that has mythological associations with a bird, the Little Corella (Cacatua pastinator) and is of sacted significance to the Mirriuyrang people, Ina gorge on the Keep River, seven kilometres to the south-east of the Ngaralum site, is a large rockshelter, Largun. This site is situated at the base of the westem face of a short gorge along the Keep River channel. ‘Bubble Bubble Dick and Ginger Wadbi painted a number ‘of the motifs at this location. Blan Flyingfox, the daughter of Dina Galwat and Ginger Wadbi, was born in this shelter, while her family group were camped at the waterhole adjacent to the rockshelter. Slight undercutting of the cliff wall has formed the shelter which extends along the base of the cliff for 30 m. The nature of the floor area varies from angular rock rubble to large boutl- ders of sandstone where they have fallen from the cliff, Vole 13, Sumber 1. K MULVANEY and patches of loose sand (Figure 5). Out from the cliff face the ground is clear of sandstone blocks. Although densely vegetated now, this sandy area above the steep bank of the Keep River used to be cleared and was a favoured camping area Figure 5. Looking south along part of the Largun rock- shelter, the stony nature of the floor evident. Some 30 and 35 km north of this site, situated along Sandy Creek and a tributary of this ereek, are two loca- tions at which Paddy Cariton’s father, Andy Cariton ‘Wurditgari, is reputed to have produced paintings on the rockshelter walls. The larger of these rockshelter loca~ tions, known as Kaljai, is an area that Paddy remembers as frequently visited when he was a boy. His father's mother's sister is buried beside a large boab tree situated several hundred metres from the shelter, with a ring of ‘small stones marking the grave. Following this burial in the early 1940s the site was abandoned for a period of mourning. The advent of the war and subsequent pastoral ‘employment meant that this place was not visited again. In fact, the trip to document the site was the first time ince then that Paddy had been back to the area. The Kaljapi rockshetter is atthe base of the cliff on the west- tem side of a broad gorge. This shelter is formed by the stepped undercutting of the sandstone providing an over- hang of some 30 m along the wall of the cliff and some 4 m deep (Figure 6), Paintings occur on the smooth under- surface (ceiling) of this weathered sandstone and on the relatively smooth patches along the back wall of the shelter. The sandy floor is relatively stone-free and continues out beyond the dripline toward the creek that flows by the shelter. ‘Rech Ar Research 196 ~ Volume 13 Mamber 1. K. MULVANEY 9 Figure 6. View north into the Kealjapi rockshelter, the concentration of = painting on the tnder-surface ofthe ‘over-hang left of the people. The seventh site documented, and like Kaljapi located in the Sandy Creek area, is known as Lesrgem. This site

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