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ENGLISH LEXICAL BORROWINGS IN THE SEBUANO OPINION SECTIONS OF

SELECTED LOCAL NEWSPAPERS IN ILIGAN CITY: CATEGORIES, PATTERNS, AND
MORPHEMIC STRUCTURE CHANGES Published in CDAS Rese...

Thesis · April 2006

DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.22010.21440

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 ENGLISH LEXICAL BORROWINGS IN THE SEBUANO OPINION
SECTIONS OF SELECTED LOCAL NEWSPAPERS IN ILIGAN CITY:
CATEGORIES, PATTERNS, AND MORPHEMIC STRUCTURE
CHANGES

A THESIS
Presented to
the Graduate Faculty of
Master of Arts in English Language Studies
MSU- Iligan Institute of Technology
Iligan City

In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES

MERCEDITHA D. CARREON
November 2005
 ii

ABSTRACT

This study analyzed the categories, patterns, and morphemic structure

changes in the English lexical borrowings found in the opinion sections of three

selected local newspapers in Iligan City: Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The

Philippine Post.

After the English lexical borrowings were underlined, encoded, and cross-

checked by the panel of experts, they were classified by the lexical categories and

patterns of borrowing and the frequency was determined using frequency and

percentage tests. Morphemic structure changes were also studied.

Out of 27,100 words used in the opinion sections of the three newspapers,

there is only a total of 677 English lexical borrowings found. It reveals that there

are more nouns (582 or 85.97%) than verbs (55 or 8.12%), more verbs than

adjectives (40 or 5.91%), no adverb borrowings, and that more word-level

borrowings (424 or 62.63%) than phrase-level ones (253 or 37.37%). Aside from

this, the study shows that there are affixations and indigenization.

This study concludes that: a.) English lexical borrowings in the opinion

section of three newspapers seems not extensive since there are only 677

borrowings out of the 27,100 words used, b.) writers perhaps borrow English

words/phrases if there are no equivalent Sebuano terms and if the terms would be

better understood than the terms used in the Sebuano language, c.) only

affixations and indigenization are present, d.) most borrowings are direct

borrowings, e.) writers tended to borrow more nouns than verbs, and more verbs
 iii

than adjectives, f.) there are no adverb borrowings probably because the Sebuano

language is very rich with adverbs and adverbial modifiers, and g.) there are more

word-level borrowings than phrase-level ones possibly because lexicon is the

most visible part of the language, thus word can be the most easily borrowed.

Finally, the recommendations made are: a.) writers of the opinion sections

should not consider English borrowing an issue as long as the message is

conveyed accurately, b.) Sebuanos should not take negatively any language

change brought about specifically by English lexical borrowing c.) people should

conduct researches about the Sebuano language which would, in some way, help

in the realization of the Cebuano's long-dreamed standardization of this language,

and d.) a similar research would be made to: i.) examine borrowings from other

languages to have a broader picture of the Sebuano language's lexicon, ii.)

compare the borrowings between the Sebuano and Tagalog write-ups including all

the sections, iii.) study the morphological rules on affixations involving borrowed

English words/phrases, iv.) look into the mostly borrowed semantic domains, and

v.) analyze the articles' level of formality/informality.

 iv

This work is lovingly dedicated to

GOD JEHOVAH

My Papang

and

My Children

Gon Vincent

Gwyn Venus

Gian Vanz

You are all my inspiration and strength...

 v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to express my heartfelt and sincere thanks to the following for their
valuable contribution and support during the making and completion of this study:

– to my ever-charming, zealous, and patient adviser Dr. Lerry G. Lao-Valdez,

for her guidance and supervision;

– to many of the faculty members of the English Department (MSU-IIT), for the
encouragement everytime I set foot in the department;

– to my Thesis Guidance Committee, Dr. Lerry G. Lao-Valdez, Dr. Rhodora S.

N. Englis, Dr. Luvizminda C. Dela Cruz, and Prof. Nancy Q. Echavez, whose
comments and suggestions made this study a success;

– to my panel of experts, Prof. Ma. Theresa Villabona and Mr. Alexander T.

Galleposo, for cross-checking my data;

– to the Board of Trustees, Executive Committee, and Faculty and Staff

Association of St. Peter's College, for giving me the opportunity to avail of the
Faculty Development Fund Scholarship Program;

– to Mr. Raymundo G. Alfar and Prof. Tito M. Mariquit, my immediate bosses,

who always “approved without thinking” my exemption and request letters
(exemption from DTR punching, leave with pays, etc.);

– to Ms. Mary Faith C. Balmatero, for always acting as my proxy everytime I

was on leave;

– to the Carreon and Alicando family, for their endless love and prayers for me;

– to my Papang, who is not only my encoder but also my statistician, and to my

cutie little angels Gon-gon, Gwyn, and Gian, for revitalizing and energizing
me (through their hugs and kisses) when I was burnt out;

– above all, to God Jehovah, for the knowledge, wisdom, patience, and strength
He bestowed upon me, and for His boundless love and guidance though I am a
sinner.

Merceditha D. Carreon-Alicando
 vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
TITLE PAGE ................................................................................................. i
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................... ii
DEDICATION ................................................................................................ iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................. v
TABLE OF CONTENTS .............................................................................. vi
LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................... viii
LIST OF APPENDICES ............................................................................... ix

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................... 1
1.1 Statement of the Problem ............................................. 7
1.2 Significance of the Study ............................................. 8
1.3 Theoretical Framework ................................................ 8
1.4 Conceptual Framework .............................................. 10
1.5 Scope and Delimitation of the Study ............ ............... 13
1.6 Definition of Terms Used ............................................. 14

2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES ... 18

2.1 Related Literature ............................................................ 18
2.2 Related Studies ................................................................ 24

3 METHODOLOGY ................................................................... 31
3.1 Sources of Data and Instruments Used ........................... 31
3.2 Data Gathering Procedure ............................................... 31
3.3 Data Analysis .................................................................. 32

4 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA ................... 34

4.1 Lexical Categories and their Frequency ......................... 34
4.2 Patterns of Borrowings and their Frequency .................. 38
4.3 Morphemic Structure Changes ....................................... 40
4.3.1 Affixations ......................................................... 41
4.3.2 Indigenization .................................................... 46

5 SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS .......................................................... 48
5.1 Summary of the Findings .............................................. 48
5.2 Conclusions .................................................................... 49
5.3 Recommendations ......................................................... 50

BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................... 52

APPENDICES ........................................................................... 56
 vii

A Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of

Borrowing in Lanao Mail Newspaper ............................ 56

B Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of

Borrowing in Mindanao Scoop Newspaper .................. 61

C Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of

Borrowing in The Philippine Post Newspaper ............ 76

D List of English Lexical Borrowings with

Sebuano Affixations ..................................................... 79

E Sample Sentences of Some English Borrowings

Which are Used as Nouns and Verbs ………………… 87

CURRICULUM VITAE ................................................................................ 89

 viii

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1 Frequency of Occurrence of the Lexical Categories in the

Three Newspapers 35

2 Frequency of Occurrence of the Patterns of Borrowing in

the Three Newspapers 39

3 Total Number of Sebuano Affixes Attached to the English

Lexical Borrowings 41

4 English Lexical Borrowings Which are Indigenized 46

 ix

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Page

A Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of

Borrowing in Lanao Mail Newspaper 56

B Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of

Borrowing in Mindanao Scoop Newspaper 61

C Lexical Categories Borrowed and Patterns of

Borrowing in The Philippine Post Newspaper 76

D List of English Lexical Borrowings with

Sebuano Affixations 79

E Sample Sentences of Some English Borrowings

Which are Used as Nouns and Verbs 87
 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

One characteristic of language is that it changes as time goes by. In the

Philippine setting, there have been language changes even long before other

countries colonized ours many years ago. Aside from that, media as well as

science and technology have brought changes to our language. But nowadays,

most of the changes in our language are brought about by the English language

especially when it was adopted as one of the official languages of the Philippines.

However, Holmes (1993) says that language change should not be taken

negatively since it is not necessarily deterioration but merely a process of

development in the life of a language in a new milieu.

One of the factors that seem to complicate the language situation in the

Philippines is its diversity. The Philippines is a Southeast Asian country of some

7,100 islands and islets off the southeast coast of mainland China. It is populated

by about 70 million Filipinos. It is said in Teresita V. Ramos's online essay

(www.seasite.niu.edu./) “The Tagalog Language” that there are as many as 300

languages and dialects in these islands which belong to the Malayo-Polynesian

family of languages.

In her another online essay (www.seasite.niu.edu./) entitled “Tagalog,

Pilipino, and Filipino”, it is stated that there are 75 to 150 native languages

spoken by Filipinos. In another online essay by Roxas, R.E.O and Borra, A.

entitled “Philippine Languages” (www.cs.mu.oz.au/), it is mentioned that the

 2

nationwide 1995 census conducted by the National Statistics Office of the

Philipppine Government (NSO, 1997) showed that there are about 101 languages

that are spoken within the 7,200 islands of the Philippine archipelago. The

languages that are spoken by at least one percent of the total household population

include Tagalog, Sebuano, Ilocano, Hiligaynon, Bikol, Waray, Pampanggo or

Kapangpangan, Boholano, Pangasinan or Panggalatok, Maranao, Maguindanao,

and Tausug. However, there are still other languages which are variants of these

major languages. In addition to that, it was mentioned in Ramos's essay

(www.seasite.niu.edu) that because of immigration, Pampango and Pangasinan as

well as these major Philippine languages are represented in the U.S. as other

languages.

When Tagalog was used as the basis for Filipino, it drew criticism from

other Philippine linguistic groups. To some extent, there was even an active

resistance shown against its usage. For instance in the eighties, the article

“Cebuano Language” in the Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia

(www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano) stated that after an attempt by the central

government to enforce the use of Tagalog as the language of instruction in all

public schools, the governor of Cebu initiated the singing of the Philippine

national anthem in Sebuano rather than in Pilipino (Tagalog) in the island

province of Cebu. On the part of the Cebuanos, this resistance was not intended to

undermine the country’s national unity but to express a protest against “imperial

Manila” in its implementation of Tagalog to be used as the national language and

a clamor for linguistic and regional recognition.

 3

In the article “The Clamor for Recognition of Cebuano”

(www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano), four arguments are given supporting the

Cebuanos’ desire for special recognition of their language. The first argument

given is that historically, Cebu is the first and oldest city in the Philippines. Long

before Manila fell into the hands of the Spanish Conquerors in the 16th century,

Cebu was already an established trading and military post for the Spaniards. It

was an ancient trading hub with the Arabs and the Chinese. It was the first city

established by Legazpi.

The next argument pointed out is that linguistically, Sebuano, the lingua

franca of the south, is at present the country’s second most widely used language.

During the 1898 independence, it was the first largest linguistic group. Sebuano,

though originally spoken only in the island of Cebu, is now being spoken in many

parts of Mindanao, the eastern part of Negros island, and Bohol.

The third argument given in the article “The Clamor for Recognition of

Cebuano” (www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano) is that due to its geographic

location, Cebu is strategically and commercially the alternate gateway to Manila

which therefore gives more significance to its language. Sebuano is the native

language of more regions than Tagalog is, it being the language with the most

native speakers in Region VII, IX, X, XI, XII, and the CARAGA Region. There is

also a significant number of Sebuano speakers in Region VI and Region VIII. By

comparison, Tagalog is the language of the majority in the NCR, Region IV-A,

Region IV-B, and Region III (Central Luzon, where Kapampangan and Ilocano

also dominate some areas).

 4

The last argument given is that politically, since the colonial days of the

Spanish and Americans, the Cebuanos have always resented the “arrogance” of

Manila. In the Marcos years, Cebu, with the exception of Durano-held Danao,

was regarded as a staunch center of opposition.

But what is Sebuano? In the Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia, Sebuano (also

known as Sugbuhanon or Sugbuanon) is described as an Austronesian language

spoken in the Philippines by about 18 million people. In addition, the Explore

Dictionary of World Languages describes it as the most well-known subgroup of

the Visayan languages. The name came from the Philippine island of Cebu, with

the Spanish suffix –ano meaning native of a place, added at the end. Many people

refer to Cebuano as Visayan because Cebuano is the most prominent language in

the Visayas region (www.filipinolanguages.com/visayan new.htm).

Furthermore, Cecilio Lopez (in Constantino, 1977) states that Sebuano or

Sugbuanon is the language of the island of Cebu and is spoken also in Negros

Oriental, Bohol, southern Leyte , northern Mindanao, and the minor islands of the

Visayan islands. It is also spoken in a few towns and islands in Samar. The

language is the second-most spoken language in the Philippines after Tagalog.

Just like other languages, there are also changes occurring in the lexicon

of Sebuano, most of which is the addition of new words. Fromkin (1998) states

that borrowing words from other languages is an important source of new words.

This occurs when one language adds to its own lexicon a word or morpheme from

another language, often altering its pronunciation to fit the phonological rules of

the borrowing language.

 5

Sebuano has long borrowed words from Spanish such as krus [cruz]

(cross), pista [piyesta] (fiesta), brilyante [brillante] (brilliant), lamisa [la mesa]

(table) though borrowing from this language has now somewhat waned. What is

worth noting however, is its growing propensity to borrow from the English

language. It has several hundred loan words from English which are altered to

conform to the limited phonemic inventory of Cebuano

(www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cebuano), for example: brislit (bracelet), hayskul

(high school), syaping (shopping), dikstrus (dextrose), sipir (zipper), bigsyat (big

shot), or prayd tsikin (fried chicken). Similarly, Wolff, in his A Dictionary of

Cebuano Visayan (1972), treated as main entries a number of English words

which he respelled to conform with Cebuano orthography where he adopted a

three-vowel system – a, i, u.

Rubrico (1998), in her essay entitled “The Metamorphosis of Filipino as

National Language”, states that tabloids, dailies, weeklies, showbiz magazines,

and even the Sebuano weekly Bisaya (which has been around for more than 73

years) have now printed on its pages loan words from English which, more often

than not, retain their original spelling despite their being subjected to the Sebuano

rules of grammar. Rubrico (1998) further states that one can safely say that

Sebuano, like Tagalog, is undergoing linguistic change through lexical borrowing

from English. Right now, the Cebuanos adopt two alternate forms – the original

spelling and the modified. She adds that soon only one form will be retained, by

theory of simplification as embodied in the universals of language.

 6

It is not surprising that people borrow from English because it is the new

global prestige language. But Tan (1998) states that the Americans and English

are now alarmed that the Filipinos are colonizing the Queen’s English, gobbling

up words and regurgitating them in new forms. Just look at how English nouns

have been transformed into Tagalog verbs, complete with conjugation: mag-text,

mag-che-chess, makikipag-Internet, and so on. In Sebuano, we already have mag-

foot patrol, mag-operation, mag-mall, mag-rice and many others.

Unfortunately, there is not much borrowing from other Philippine

languages. Maceda (in Constantino, 1996) however, in his discourse entitled

“Wikang Pambansa: Pagpapalaya kay Bighani” introduces some Sebuano words

and phrases. The insertion was so natural that the reader can easily contextualize

the meaning. Atienza (in Constantino, 1996) included in his text

“pakikipaglakipan” the rootword of which, “lakip”, is found in the Sebuano

lexicon. Rubrico (1998) said that at the UP campus, one sees Sebuano signs like

“Balay Kalinaw” and “Ugnayan sa Pahinungod.” Being a Cebuano, Rubrico

feels proud that some Sebuano terms are now significantly used in the national

context. Probably members of disparate ethnolinguistic groups would most likely

feel the same when some of their lexicon would also be used in the national

context, too.

It is clear now that English borrowing has a dominant and pervading

influence in the shaping of the lingua franca. But will this trend continue?

Rubrico (1998) says that for as long as English remains the official language of

commerce, science and technology, this trend will continue.

 7

The aim of this paper is to study the lexical categories, patterns, and

morphemic structure changes of the English lexical borrowings in the Sebuano

language to find out if its borrowing of English words and/or phrases is extensive

or not. This study focused on the borrowings from the opinion sections of the

three selected local newspapers in Iligan City namely Lanao Mail, Mindanao

Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post.

1. 1 Statement of the Problem

This study was conducted to analyze the lexical categories, patterns, and

morphemic structure changes of English lexical borrowings in the opinion

sections of the three selected local newspapers in Iligan City namely Lanao Mail,

Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post.

Specifically, this study aimed to answer the following questions:

1. What English lexical borrowings occurred in the opinion sections of Lanao

Mail, Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post?

2. What lexical categories were borrowed?

2.1.Which categories were more frequently borrowed – nouns? verbs?

adjectives?

3. What patterns were used in the borrowings – word-level? phrase-level?

3.1. Which pattern was the more frequently used - word-level or phrase-

level?

4. What morphemic structure changes occurred in the lexical borrowings?

 8

1. 2 Significance of the Study

This study was conducted to study Sebuano’s current lexicon, particularly

its borrowings from the English language. The result of this study may be very

significant since there are only few researches conducted in lexical borrowings in

Sebuano, specifically on the patterns, elements, and morphemic structure changes

of lexical borrowings from the English language. This may also encourage others

to do a study on the Sebuano language.

Moreover, the findings of this study would be of great help to researchers,

students, as well as language planners who are interested in language analysis

since they would be given ideas and views on what and how to analyze data on

borrowing. This would also provide additional information to those who will do

further research on the categories, patterns, and morphemic changes in the

borrowing of vocabulary from English by other Philippine languages.

1. 3 Theoretical Framework

Victoria Fromkin (1998) states that borrowing words from other language

is an important source of new words. She adds that borrowing occurs when one

language adds to its own lexicon a word or morpheme from another language,

often altering its pronunciation to fit the phonological rules of the borrowing

language. Since the borrowed words remain in the source language, there is no

need for them to be returned.

For instance, Gleason (1976) states that the loan words sometimes carry

characteristics by which their foreign origin can be readily discerned as in the

case of bwana, a recent introduction to American English whose Swahili origin is

 9

marked by the peculiar initial cluster /bw/. In other cases, loan words are made to

conform more closely to the phonologic or morphologic patterns of the language,

but tracing their etymology can usually identify such cases. Thus, this study

assumed that the same morphemic conformity would happen to the English

lexical borrowings in Sebuano language.

In addition, Pascasio’s (1978) concept of patterns of borrowing was also

considered for this study. She found out in her study that there are two patterns of

borrowings: word level and phrase level. Based on her study, most of the

borrowings are English words and phrases. Of the verb form borrowings, the most

common structure is rootword (base) + affix as in the example nakapag+ fill up.

Likewise, Valdez (2001) in her research finds out that there are more

word-level borrowings than phrase-level ones in her study of the borrowings done

by the hosts and guests of ten TV programs of ABS-CBN and GMA Networks.

Also, she finds out that at the word-level borrowings, nouns are more easily

borrowed than verbs, verbs more easily than adjectives, and adjectives more

easily than adverbs. This study wanted to know if these levels of borrowings are

also true of the lexical borrowings in three selected Cebuano newspapers.

Moreover, Rubrico (1998) states that tabloids, dailies, weeklies, showbiz

magazines, and even the Sebuano weekly Bisaya (which has been around for

more than 73 years) have now used loan words from English which, more often

than not, retain their original spelling despite their being subjected to the Sebuano

rules of grammar.
 10

Rubrico (1998) further says that Sebuano, like Tagalog, is undergoing

linguistic change through lexical borrowing from English and that right now,

Cebuanos are adopting two alternate forms – the original spelling and the

modified. In addition, she adds that soon, only one form will be retained by theory

of simplification as embodied in the universals of language.

Similarly, Wolff (1992), in making his “Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan”

treats as main entries a number of English words which he respelled to conform

with Cebuano orthography where he adopted a three-vowel system - a, i, u.

Lastly, Rubrico’s statements in her “Cebuano-English Sample Dictionary”

(1998) were also taken into consideration. It is reflected there that by affixations,

nouns could become other nouns, adjectives, or verbs and that in the Sebuano

language, almost all words can become verbs by affixation.

All of these theories and notions served as the guide of this study.

1. 4 Conceptual Framework

This study focused mainly on the English lexical borrowings used in the

opinion sections – written in Sebuano – of three selected local newspapers in

Iligan City specifically Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The

Philippine Post. It aimed to find out if the writers in these newspapers borrow

from English when they write their opinion articles using the Sebuano language.

The English lexical borrowings found in the writings were categorized in

terms of the lexical categories to which they belong – whether they are nouns,

verbs, adjectives, or adverbs – and the frequency of their occurrence was also

computed. Moreover, the data was studied by identifying the patterns of

 11

borrowing used –whether they are word-level or phrase-level borrowings. Then

the frequency of the use of their patterns was computed. After that, the English

lexical borrowings were studied in terms of the morphemic structure changes

occurring in them – whether they are affixations, partial reduplications, or total

reduplications.

The diagram on the next page shows the conceptual framework of this

study:
 12

Opinion Sections of Selected Local

Newspapers in Iligan City

English Lexical Borrowings

Lexical Categories Patterns Morphemic

Structure Changes

a. word-level a. Affixation
a. nouns
b. phrase-level 1. prefixation
b. verbs
2. suffixation
c. adjectives
b. Indigenization

Frequency Frequency

A Schematic Diagram Illustrating the Conceptual Framework of the Study

 13

1. 5 Scope and Delimitation of the Study

This paper studied the opinion sections (written in Sebuano) of selected

newspapers in Iligan City specifically Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop (Bahing

Bisaya), and The Philippine Post. All in all, there were 26 issues that were

examined in this study. The opinion section in the three newspapers that were

published during the months of August and September 2005 was the only section

studied since it is the only section that is commonly written wholly in the Sebuano

language; the rest of the sections are written in English.

The opinion sections identified in each of the newspaper were as follows:

1. Lanao Mail

a. Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)

b. Sayri/Sultihi ang Katawhan (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)

c. Mr. Public Service (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)

2. Mindanao Scoop

a. Pangutana (by Mr. Salem Arellano)

b. Makitang Kisaw (by Mr. Michael Kundiman)

c. Andoy & Bosyong (by Bro. Jerub-Baal)

3. The Philippine Post

a. Barangay Affairs (by Kag. Lorna E. Pasco)

More specifically, this study examined the lexical categories, patterns, and

morphemic structure changes of the lexical borrowings from the English language

found in the said reading materials. However, in the discussion of the morphemic
 14

structure changes, it only identified the affixes used (whether they are noun-

forming, verb-forming, adjective-forming affixes as well as prefixes or suffixes)

and what lexical categories they form when they are attached to the English

lexical borrowings. An in-depth discussion of their usage however, was not

included.

1. 6 Definition of Terms Used

The following terms are defined here for a better understanding of this

study:

Affixation. It is the process of word formation in which the stem is expanded by

the addition of an affix (Routledge Dictionary of Language and

Linguistics, 1996 in Valdez, 2001).

Affixes. These are bound morphemes that when attached to other morphemes,

they change the meaning or the grammatical function of the word in some

way (Clark, 1985).

Bilingual. It refers to any individual possessing at least one of the four language

skills (reading, writing, speaking, or listening) in two languages, even to a

minimal degree (Pascasio, 1997).

Borrowing. It occurs when one language adds to its own lexicon a word or

morpheme from another language, often altering its pronunciation to fit

the phonological rules of the borrowing language (Fromkin, 1998).

Code switching. It refers to a change from one language to another in the same

utterance or conversation (Hamers and Blanc, 1989 in Malmkjær, 1991).

English. It is the international language and in this study, the donor language.
 15

Indigenization. As used in this study, this refers to the conformity of the English

lexical items with the Sebuano phonology and morphology. It is classified

as partial indigenization and total indigenization.

Lanao Mail. It is a local publication in Iligan City, which was founded by Emilio

G. Alcuizar on 1946. This publication is registered with the Philippine

Council for Print Media Certificate of Registration No. 229 dated March

31, 1975. In this study, it is a source of data on Cebuano’s lexical

borrowing from English.

Language. It is a system of arbitrary vocal symbols which permit all people in a

given culture, or other people who have learned the system of that culture,

to communicate or interact (Brown, 1980).

Lexicon. It refers to the mental storehouse of information about words and

morphemes. It represents the knowledge speakers have about the

vocabulary of their language, including the syntactic category of words

and what elements may co-occur together (Fromkin, 1998).

Lexical Category. As operationally used in this study, this refers to the type of

lexicon being borrowed from the donor language whether it is a noun,

verb, adjective, or adverb. It is also called lexical content which

constitutes the major word classes – nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs

(Fromkin, 1998).

Loanword. It is a word which is adapted phonologically and morphologically,

e.g. pizza,czar (Haugen, 1953 in Valdez, 2001). It is a word of one

language taken into another and naturalized (Webster’s New World

 16

College Dictionary, 1997). In this study, loanwords refer to those English

words which are directly borrowed and those which conform with the

Sebuano morphology.

Mindanao Scoop. It is a local newspaper, known as “Iligan’s Guardian of Human

Rights and Exponent of Progress”. It is a member of the Philippine Press

Institute, the national association of newspapers.

Morpheme. It is the most elemental grammatical units in a language (Fromkin,

1998).

Morphemic structure changes. As used operationally in this study, these are the

changes occurring in the lexicon being borrowed (affixation, partial

reduplication, total reduplication).

Newspaper. It is a paper printed and distributed at regular intervals (Baraceros,

2000).

Opinion Section. As used operationally in this study, it refers to a column in the

newspaper/magazine where the writer’s opinions about business,

economics, sports, politics, etc. are presented.

Partial Indigenization. As operationally used in this study, this refers to the

partial conformity of the English lexical items with the Sebuano

phonology and morphology (e.g. makober up where the word up, which is

supposed to be spelled ap, is retained in its original English spelling).

Pattern. As used operationally in this study, it refers to how the borrowing

occurs, whether in a word-level pattern or phrase-level pattern of

borrowing.
 17

Philippine English. It is the English language as used in the Philippines

(Gonzalez, 1992 in Bautista, 1997).

Prefixation. As used in this study, this is the process of attaching prefixes to the

root.

Prefixes. These are affixes which precede the root with which they are most

closely related (Gleanson, 1976).

Sebuano language. It is the second largest linguistic unit in the Philippines next

to Tagalog (Constantino, 1977). It is an Austronesian language - known

also as Sugbuhanon, Sugbuanon, or Bisaya - spoken in the Philippines by

about 18 million people and is a subgroup or member of Bisaya, Visayan

and Binisaya (Wikipedia Free Encyclopedia).

Suffixation. As used in this study, this is the process of attaching suffixes to the

root.

Suffixes. These are affixes which follow the root with which they are most

closely related (Gleanson, 1976).

The Philippine Post. It is a local weekly publication in Iligan City which is said

to be “the local weekly with a global perspective”.

Total Indigenization. As operationally used in this study, this refers to the total

conformity of the English lexical items with the Sebuano phonology and

morphology (e.g. drayber, which conforms with the Sebuano language

phonologically and morphologically).

 CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES

This chapter presents the related literature and studies relevant to this

research. This is divided into two parts: a) Related Literature, and b.) Related

Studies.

2. 1 Related Literature

Language mixing is a common occurrence in all Philippine languages.

Zorc (in Bautista, 1997) defines it as the blending of two or more languages

within any given word, phrase, or sentence.

According to Malmkjær (1991), bilinguals often engage in language

mixing when communicating with another person who also speaks both

languages. This may happen for a number of reasons. For instance, the bilingual

may have forgotten the term for something in the language he is currently

speaking, and use the other language’s term instead; or the other language being

spoken may not have a term for a particular concept the bilingual wants to refer

to.

In other cases, a word, which is similar in both languages, or a name, may

trigger a switch. A bilingual can obviously also choose to quote a speech of

another person in the language the person was speaking, even when the bilingual

is engaged in speaking another language. Malmkjær (1991) also adds that

 19

language mixing can also be used to express emotion, close personal relationships

and solidarity, and to exclude a third person from being a part of the conversation.

2.1.1 Borrowing and Code Switching Differentiated

Borrowing, synonymous to code mixing, is also a characteristic of

bilingualism. According to Pascasio (1978), it is a process of lexical insertion or

branching of the lexicon of one linguistic system; the process involves the use of

only one linguistic system which is that of the borrowing language, in the case of

this study, Sebuano/Bisaya.

Similarly, Fromkin (1998) states that borrowing words from other

languages is an important source of new words. This occurs when one language

adds to its own lexicon a word or morpheme from another language, often altering

its pronunciation to fit the phonological rules of the borrowing language. And

since most of the languages are borrowers, then the lexicon can be divided into

native and nonnative words or loan words. A native word is one whose history or

etymology can be traced back to the earliest known stages of the language.

In addition, Fromkin (1998) adds that a language may borrow a word

directly or indirectly. A direct borrowing means that the borrowed item is a native

word in the language from which it is borrowed. For example, feast was borrowed

directly from French and can be traced back to Latin festum. On the other hand,

the word algebra was borrowed from Spanish, which in turn had borrowed it from

Arabic. Thus algebra was indirectly borrowed from Arabic, with Spanish as an

intermediary.
 20

Pascasio (1978) lays down the differences between borrowing and code

switching. Borrowing consists of introduction of single words or frozen idiomatic

phrases from one language into the other. The items in question are incorporated

into the grammatical system of the borrowing language, treated as part of it

lexicon, taken on its morphological characteristics, and entered into its syntactic

structures. On the other hand, code switching relies on the meaningful

juxtaposition of what speakers must process as strings formed according to the

internal syntactic rules of two distinct systems. It is putting together in a single

utterance or exchange two or more meaningful strings belonging to two linguistic

codes.

Furthermore, Malmkjær (1991) draws a distinction between two types of

linguistic mixing. Code mixing (borrowing) is the use of elements, most typically

nouns, from one language in an utterance predominantly in another language.

Hamers and Blanc (1989 in Malmkjær, 1991), on the other hand, defines code

switching as a change from one language to another in the same utterance or

conversation.

2.1.2 When Does Linguistic Borrowing Occur?

Linguistic borrowing occurs when a community of speakers incorporates

some linguistic elements into its language from another language. The borrowing

language may incorporate some cultural item or idea and the name along with it

from some external source. For example, the Hungarian goulash and Mexican

Spanish enchilada (Malmkjær, 1991) were taken into English through

borrowings, and the words llama and wigwam were derived from American
 21

Indian languages. When words are borrowed, they are generally made to conform

to the sound patterns of the borrowing language.

Malmkjær (1991) identifies three social contexts in which linguistic

borrowings occur. They have been referred to as the substratum, adstratum, and

superstratum. Substratum influence occurs when a community of speakers learns

a new language, which has been superimposed upon them. This would have been

the case when Latin was spread to the provinces of Spain or Gaul, and carry traces

of their native language into the new language. On the other hand, adstratum

influence refers to linguistic borrowing across cultural and linguistic boundaries

as would be found, for example, between French and Spanish or French and

Italian or German. Influences emanating from the superstratum are those in which

linguistic traits are carried over to the native or local language of a region as the

speakers of a superimposed language give up their speech and adopt the

vernacular already spoken in the area.

2.1.3. Characteristics of Borrowing

Malmkjær (1991) states that while borrowing across linguistic boundaries

is primarily a matter of vocabulary, other features of language may also be taken

over by a borrowing language. It has been suggested that the employment of the

preposition of plus a noun phrase to express possession in English, e.g., the tail of

the cat versus the cat’s tail, resulted from French influence: la queue du chat. In

parts of France adjoining Germany, the adjective has come to precede the noun,

unlike the French normal word order. This is due to German influence, e.g. la

voiture rouge has become la rouge voiture cf. German das rote auto.
 22

Furthermore, he adds that sometimes, only the meaning of the foreign

word or expression is borrowed and the word or words are translated in the

borrowing. Such conditions are referred to as loan translations. For instance, the

English expression lightning war is a borrowing from German Blitzkrieg. Also,

the word telephone was taken into German as a loan translation in the form of

Fernsprecher combining the elements fern ‘distant’ and Sprecher ‘speaker’.

2.1.4. Importance of Studying Borrowings

According to Wolff (in Bautista, 1997), there are several reasons why we

have to study borrowings. Primarily, it is an important source for determining

sociolinguistic facts.

Aside from that, borrowings are a way to recover information, which

would otherwise be lost. Our Spanish loan words in the Philippine languages will

provide information on facts otherwise unrecorded. Similarly, information on the

role of Malay in the Tagalog speech community in the years prior to the Spanish

conquest can be gained from a study of the Malay loan words in Tagalog.

Wolff (in Bautista, 1997) further states that a comparison of the type of

forms borrowed from Spanish as opposed to those borrowed from English will

elucidate the difference between the nature of the Spanish and the English

contact. The analysis of the domains indicates the roles of English and Spanish as

communicative codes. Aside from that, it is good corroboration of what we know

independently about social changes, which occurred in the Philippines following

the demise of the Spanish colonial regime.

 23

Moreover, Wolff (in Bautista, 1997) finds out that there are differences in

the characters of the borrowings from Spanish and from English. But the most

interesting is that this difference in character closely reflects the strongly different

influences which the Spanish and American colonial regimes had on the

Philippines.

According to Malmkjær (1991), borrowing is one of the forces behind

changes in the lexicon of many languages. In English, its effects have been

substantial. It is particularly evident in the extent to which the common language

was influenced by the Norman French, which brought hundreds of words into the

language relating to every aspect of social and economic spheres.

He also adds that the historical linguists believe that borrowings often

supply evidence of cultural contacts where vocabulary items cannot be accounted

for by other means. The ancient Greeks, for example, acquired a few words such

as basileus ‘king’ and plinthos ‘brick’, and others.

2.1.5. Reasons Why People Borrow From Another Language

Linguistic borrowing might appear to indicate speaker’s high regard for

the donor language. But Hill (1993 in Schieffelin, 1998) argues that socially

grounded linguistic analysis of Anglo-American borrowings and of humorous

misrenderings of Spanish reveals them as racist distancing strategies that reduce

complex Latino experience to a subordinated, commodity identity.

Malmkjær (1991) stipulates that the degree of borrowing from language to

language, or dialect to dialect is related to the perceived prestige of the lending

speech. Romans, great admirers of the Greeks, borrowed many words from this
 24

source, while the German tribes in contact with the Romans, took up many Latin

words. English borrowed greatly from French after the Norman Conquest when

the French aristocracy was the overlord of England.

In the Philippines sometimes, borrowing happens when there are no

equivalent Filipino terms. But there are also cases of English borrowings even

when there are equivalent Filipino terms.

Weinrich (1953, as cited in Valdez, 1998) as well as Appel and Muysken

(1987 in Valdez, 1998) points out a number of reasons why lexical borrowing

happens. Based on findings, borrowing occurs (a) through cultural influence; (b)

because rare native words are lost and replaced by foreign words; (c) because two

native words sound so much alike that replacing one by a foreign word resolves

potential ambiguities; (d) because there is constant need for synonyms of affective

words that have lost their expressive force; (e) through borrowing, new semantic

distinctions may become possible; (f) because a word may be taken from a low-

status language and used pejoratively; and (g) because a word may be introduced

almost unconsciously through intensive bilingualism.

2. 2 Related Studies on Lexical Borrowings

Macansantos' (1996) study on “Sociolinguistic Patterns of English Lexical

Borrowings in Filipino Written Texts” focuses on the English lexical borrowing

behavior of authors of academic/professional literature and print media articles

written in Filipino language. It sought to find out the patterns or the types and

frequency of English lexical borrowings in written Filipino texts. Its underlying

purpose was “ to determine how lexical borrowing from English is influencing the
 25

elaboration or intellectualization of Filipino in the registers and selected genres of

Filipino for academic/professional use and Filipino for mass communications,

thereby contributing to its standardization and modernization”.

Macansantos' findings revealed that English lexical borrowing in Filipino

prose is quite frequent. In addition, using the Haugen's three basic types of lexical

borrowing, it was found out that loanwords were the most frequently used mode

of assimilating lexical imports into Filipino while loanblends and loanshifts were

very infrequently used. Also, the findings reflected that the frequency count of

types of English lexical borrowings by Filipino writers were influenced by three

sociolinguistic variables: a.) the author's professional's academic disciplinal

background, b.) the topic or disciplinal area of the discourse, and c.) the specific

registers and genres of the discourse.

On the other hand, Pascasio (1978) identifies two patterns of borrowing:

word level and phrase level. Based on studies, most of the borrowings are English

words and phrases. Of the verb form borrowings, the most common structure is

rootword (base) + affix as in the example nakapag+ fill up. As for the noun

borrowings, the markers ang, ng, sa or their equivalent personal markers, si, ni,

kay, occur before the noun; mga as a noun marker signifies either plurality or

uncertainty.

Similarly, Valdez (1998) points out that there are two patterns of lexical

borrowings used by the hosts of the eight different TV shows that she studied:

word-level borrowing and phrase-level borrowing. But of the two, word-level

borrowings are extensive than the phrase-level ones. Moreover, she concludes that
 26

heavy lexical borrowing of Pilipino from English may, in the future, result in

either of the following: (a) no serious implications for the Pilipino language, (b) a

“mix-mix national language, or (c) language loss or eventual language death.

Also, Valdez (2001) in dissertation found out that at the word-level

borrowings, nouns are more easily borrowed than verbs, verbs more easily than

adjectives, and adjectives more easily than adverbs.

On the other hand, Tecson’s study on “The Occurrence of Lexical

Borrowing in Selected TV Programs and its Role in the Intellectualization of

Filipino” (2000) reveals that there is a massive borrowing of technical vocabulary

compared with the borrowing of non-technical vocabulary. In her study, the

technical vocabulary borrowed comprise 59% while the non-technical vocabulary

comprise 41% of the total data which indicates that the Filipino language borrows

more technical lexicon than non-technical lexicon. She further claims that the

constant use of the borrowed technical lexicon will hopefully contribute to the

building up of the registers for use in the different disciplines or field of

specialization.

Additionally, Tecson (2000) finds out in her study that borrowing is part

and parcel of the verbal interactions of newscasters, hosts, and interlocutors.

Foreign terms are being borrowed because these borrowed terminologies can

precisely and accurately identify, describe and explain the concept being

discussed. According to her, this process of lexical borrowing is a positive

movement in the intellectualization of the Filipino language, particularly in the

expansion of its technical lexicon.

 27

In Taber’s study (1979 in Valdez, 1998), he discovered that the Sango

language had a lot of borrowing from French particularly in non-core vocabulary

items. These non-vocabulary items refer to the element of very specific material

and non-material culture and organization of a group. The study shows that the

reasons for borrowing are: (a) the original vocabulary of the lingua franca, Sango,

was impoverished; (b) the language lacked morphological resources for primary

accommodation. That is why French was needed as a source of lexical expansion.

Rampton (1995) in Schieffelin (1998) however, argues that “language

crossing”, a limited form of borrowing and mixing used by Asian, Anglo, and

Carribean youths in England, can be a means of ironizing and transgressing

recognized ethnic boundaries and of situationally forging an alternative shared

identity.

Then, Andrews (1993) identifies at least four distinct types of lexical

interference. One is the outright borrowings used to denote new material objects

and concepts. Another is the semantic extension in which the meaning of the

native word expands under the influence of the other language. Examples for this

in émigré Russian are blok as in city block, forma for form, department for

department in a variety of contexts, kredit for credit in academic sense, and many

more. Furthermore, there is what we call loan translations which are related to the

previous type but involving the calquing of an entire word-phrase from one

language to the others such as brat’avtobus ‘to take bus’ and imet’klass’ ‘to have

a class’. The last type of lexical interference is the hybrid compounds in which a
 28

native affix is joined to a foreign root, as in the émigré verbs drajvit’ or drajvat’ ‘

to drive’, ‘to shop’,and tutorstvovat’ ‘to tutor’.

In his study on the American-Immigrant Russian, Andrews (1993) finds

out that the Russian language has many mechanisms for the incorporation of the

borrowings in an assimilated form. The heritage learner may therefore be unaware

that certain words or expressions are used only in émigré speech. He found out

also that most new nouns conform to one of the three declensional patterns, like

the majority of earlier borrowings into the standard language. Semantic extension

is even more difficult for the heritage learner to detect. Since these are already

bona fide Russian words that students have both heard and read, it is even more

difficult for the students to remember that their use in a particular meaning or

context may have resulted from contact with English.

He also finds out that it still holds true for loan translations, which will

seem perfectly acceptable if they otherwise conform to Russian morphology and

syntax. Even outright neologisms like tutorstvovat’ are not all that strange, in the

light of similar formations with a foreign root plus a native verbal suffix in

standard Russian –for example, organizovat’ ‘to organize’ and argumentirovat’

‘to argue’ (an opinion).

In India, Kachru (1978 in Malmkjær, 1991) has identified three varieties

of code mixing. First, English may be mixed into a regional language. The

resulting mixed code serves as a marker of high social prestige and is

characteristic of the Indian educated middle class, whose members may use it

among themselves, whereas they would speak the unmixed Indian regional
 29

language with servants. Second, philosophical, religious, or literary discourse may

proceed in discourse in which Sanskrit or High Hindi is mixed with a regional

language, as a mark of religious or caste identity. This variety may also be a mark

of political conservatism. Finally, Hamers and Blanc (1989 in Malmkjær, 1991)

states that the Indian Law Courts mix Persian vocabulary with Indian, and

Persianized code mixing may also serve as a marker of Muslim religious identity

and of professional status.

Supporting the claim that the negative evaluation of code mixing,

especially prevalent in older speakers, is attributable more to local models than to

xenophobia (Kroskrity, 1978, in Schieffelin, 1998) are two types of telling

observations. Primarily, speakers regulate language mixing from languages that

they highly value and use proficiently. In the study of Arizona Tewa, it was found

out that they have many social identities that are performed in the nonethnic

languages of their linguistic repertoire: Hopi and English. Hopi is an essential

medium of intervillage communication and the appropriate language for relating

to Hopi kinsmen. Command of English has permitted the Arizona Tewa to gain

significant economic and political advantages over the Hopi in their role as

cultural brokers, mediating between Euro-Americans and the more conservative

Hopi. Fluency in these languages is necessary for full participation in Arizona

Tewa society. Though fluency in these languages is never criticized by the Tewa,

language mixing between these languages is routinely and consistently devalued.

Secondly, there is a well-established tradition of “song renewal”

(Humphreys, 1982 in Schieffelin, 1998) from other linguistic traditions. Entire

 30

songs fully encoded in foreign languages are often performed in Tewa Village and

throughout the Pueblos. Schieffelin (1998) concludes that it is difficult to explain

the popularity of this tradition if one wants to argue for a xenophobic

interpretation of ideal speech norms against code switching.

 CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

This chapter presents the methodology that was used in this study. This

chapter is divided into three categories: (a.) Sources of Data and Instruments

Used, (b.) Data Gathering Procedure, and (d) Data Analysis.

3. 1 Sources of Data and Instruments Used

This study analyzed the English lexical borrowings identified from the

opinion sections of the three selected local newspapers namely the Lanao Mail,

Mindanao Scoop (Bahing Bisaya), and The Philippine Post.

The instruments used to get the frequency of occurrence of the lexical

categories and patterns were the frequency and percentage tests.

3. 2 Data Gathering Procedure

To get the data, the 26 issues of the three newspapers from the month of

August to September, which were written wholly or partially in the Sebuano

language, were gathered first. Next, the opinion sections were identified. Below

are the opinion sections from each newspaper with their corresponding writers:

1. Lanao Mail

a. Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)

b. Sayri/Sultihi ang Katawhan (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)

c. Mr. Public Service (by Mr. Mike P. Gonzalez)

 32

2. Mindanao Scoop

a. Pangutana (by Mr. Salem Arellano)

b. Makitang Kisaw (by Mr. Michael Kundiman)

c. Andoy & Bosyong (by Bro. Jerub-Baal)

3. The Philippine Post

a. Barangay Affairs (by Kag. Lorna E. Pasco)

After the opinion sections were identified, their English lexical borrowings

were underlined, recorded, and encoded. Then the data analysis was conducted.

3. 3 Data Analysis

This study only analyzed the following data; (a) the lexical categories

borrowed in the opinion sections and their frequency of occurrence in the 26

issues of the three newspapers from the month of August to September, (b) the

patterns of borrowings used and their frequency of occurrence, and c), the

morphemic changes that occur in the lexical borrowings.

To analyze the data, the English lexical borrowings in each issue of the

selected local newspapers in Iligan City were recorded. To ensure that the data

were indeed English lexical borrowings, these were given to a panel of experts for

cross-checking. The panel of experts were composed of Prof. Ma. Theresa

Villabona, a graduate of Master of Education in English as a Second Language at

UP Diliman, and Mr. Alexander T. Galleposo, a candidate for Master of Arts in

Linguistics at UP who was once a specialist in the Office of Research and

Coordination at UP Diliman.
 33

To identify the lexical categories borrowed and to get the frequency of

their borrowing, the data were categorized as nouns, verbs, adjectives, and

adverbs. After the lexical categories were identified and the frequency of their

borrowing was determined, the pattern of borrowing used was also studied and

differentiated as word-level or phrase-level patterns.

In studying the morphemic structure changes, the use of affixation was

looked into. These affixations were identified either as prefixation or suffixation.

To get the frequency of occurrence of the patterns and lexical categories,

the frequency and percentage tests were used.

 CHAPTER 4

PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

This chapter presents and analyzes the data gathered. This is divided into

three major parts namely: a.) Lexical Categories and their Frequency, b.) Patterns

of Borrowing and their Frequency, and c.) Morphemic Structure Changes.

4.1 Lexical Categories and their Frequency

This study primarily aimed to find out what English lexical borrowings

occurred in the opinion sections of three selected local weekly newspapers which

are Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The Philippine Post. For the listing of all

the English lexical borrowings, please see Appendices A, B, and C.

Secondly, this study sought to find out the lexical categories borrowed –

whether they were nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs – and which of them were

borrowed the most. On the next page is a table showing the frequency of

occurrence of the lexical categories borrowed in all the issues of the three

newspapers published from the months of August up to September 2005.

 35

Table 4.1. Frequency of Occurrence of the Lexical Categories in the Three Newspapers
Issues Total # of Nouns Verbs Adj. Adv. Total # of
Words Borrowings
A. Lanao Mail
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 01 443 12 1 0 0 13
Sayri ang Katawhan- Aug.08 187 6 1 0 0 7
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 15 528 18 0 0 0 18
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 22 669 22 0 1 0 23
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 29 649 9 2 0 0 11
Sultihi ang Katawhan, Mr. Public Service- Sept. 05 1,108 21 4 4 0 29
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Sept. 12 547 22 2 0 0 24
Sultihi ang Katawhan- Sept. 19 597 5 0 0 0 5
-- no opinion section- Sept. 26 0 0 0 0 0 0
Semi-Total A 4,728 115 10 5 0 130(19.20%)
B. Mindanao Scoop
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong- Aug. 7 3,136 58 8 4 0 70
Pangutana, Andoy at Bosyong - Aug. 14 1,796 35 5 2 0 42
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong-Aug.21 3,100 80 9 5 0 94
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Aug.28 2,113 45 6 5 0 56
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Sept.4 2,646 73 8 5 0 86
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.11 2,153 55 1 4 0 60
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.18 1,896 46 2 2 0 50
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.25 1,468 35 1 5 0 41
Semi-Total B 18,308 427 40 32 0 499(73.71%)
C. The Philippine Post

Hangyo sa Inahan-Jul.27 to Aug.02 533 11 0 0 0 11

Kamo ang Magpakaon Kanila-Aug.3-9 442 0 0 0 0 0
Igsoon nga Nakasala-Aug.10-16 448 1 0 0 0 1
PNPA Admission Test-Aug.17-23 404 7 0 0 0 7
Turn-Over Ceremony-Aug.24-30 356 4 1 1 0 6
Mga Tigpakaaron-Ingnon-Aug.31 to Sept.6 710 2 2 1 0 5
P1.4 M nga Livelihood Assistance-Sept.7-12 384 5 1 0 0 6
P6.9M sa Dakbayan, Na-account Na-Sept.14-20 434 6 1 1 0 8
P25M Gihatag sa CAO-Sept.21-27 353 4 0 0 0 4
Semi-Total C 4,064 40 5 3 0 48(7.09%)
Grand Total (Percentage) 27,100 582 55 40 0 677
(85.97%) (8.12%) (5.91%) (0%) (100%)
 36

Table 4.1 in the previous page shows that out of 27,100 words used in all

the issues of the three newspapers namely Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The

Philippine Post, there is only a total of 677 English lexical borrowings. Out of

these 677 borrowings, 580 (85.97%) are nouns, 57 (8.12%) are verbs, and 40

(5.91%) are adjectives. It should be noted that there are no adverb borrowings in

all the three newspapers.

In general, the table reveals that in the three newspapers, there are more

nouns borrowed than verbs, more verbs than adjectives, and no adverbs borrowed

at all.

There are several probable reasons why nouns are the most borrowed

lexical items. For one, nouns are name words and that one cannot use any verb,

adjective, or adverb without a certain noun. In other words, without nouns, other

lexical categories may not be in use. In this study, there are some noun markers

like mga, ilang, sa, nga, ug, ang, usa ka, and others. Note how many English

nouns are borrowed in each of the sentence below:

“Ang mga faculty member ug mga head sa MSU-IIT faculty miduaw sa

buhatan kon oficina ni Kag. Orlando Maglinao didto sa bag-ong legisla-
tive building sa city hall ning dakbayan sa Iligan.”

“Ang mga religious leaders usa ka moral guide ug dili king maker o mu-
pahagba sa usa ka presidente sa usa ka nasod.”

“Apan ang nagkaproblema pag-una mao ang mga operator sa quarry nga
ang ilang dump truck nga moagi sa dalan magbayad ug toll fees…”

Another reason for having more nouns being borrowed than the other

lexical categories might be the limited Sebuano lexicon; the Sebuano language

probably does not have the equivalent noun terms for some English terms that is
 37

why people tend to use the English terms. Examples of terms that may not have

equivalent Sebuano terms are registrar, streamers, supply and demand, street

parliamentary, wiretapping, computer, and others.

In Valdez’ dissertation (2001) entitled “Lexical Borrowing in Selected

Television Programs: Trends and Implications for the Intellectualization of

Filipino”, she listed down the following most possible reasons why nouns are the

most frequently borrowed lexical category: a.) nouns are less well-structurally

integrated into the borrowing language, thus facilitating easy transfer, b.) since the

most important reason for borrowing is to extend the referential function of the

language and since reference is freely established through nouns, nouns are easily

borrowed, and c.) since content words have a clear link to cultural content while

function words do not, nouns, which are content words, are thus easily borrowed.

Verb borrowing comes next in rank with noun borrowing. Valdez (2001)

reasoned out in her study that this is because the borrowing of verbs often

introduces the integration of the loanwords into the inflectional morphology of the

borrowing language. In this study, the data reveals that some verbs certainly take

and follow Sebuano morphological rules through the affixation of Sebuano

prefixes and suffixes (e.g. mag-text, gi-feature, ipang-operate, pick up-on, nag-

reevaluate, etc.) (see Appendix D for the listing of English lexical borrowings

with Sebuano affixations).

Furthermore, there are more verbs borrowed than adjectives probably

because a sentence can exist without an adjective but it cannot be called a

 38

sentence without having a verb. If there is a noun, a verb is needed to make a

complete sentence. Below are sample sentences with English verb borrowings:

“Matud pa sa akong tigpaniid, sila kono, kon maoy mag-follow up sa pa-

peles nila, kusog ra kuno kaayo mangasaba, mura kono ug si kinsa.”

“I-welcome nato ang mga Iliganon nga moabut karong pista gikan sa USA.”

“Dayon dili lang si PGMA ang mo-repent, restart, ug reflect, kon mahimo
tanan nga mga Pilipino…”

The table shows that there are no adverbs borrowed by the writers in the

opinion sections of the three newspapers. Possibly, the reason for this is because

the Sebuano language is very rich with adverbs and adverbial modifiers like

hastang, perteng, grabe, etc. Aside from that, it has been observed that English

adverb borrowing is present in spoken language especially those done by

teenagers (e.g. so bastos, very init, etc.) but not in the written texts studied here.

Finally, there are more borrowings in Mindanao Scoop than the other two

newspapers as can be gleaned from Table 4.1. This is because in the Mindanao

Scoop newspaper, there are three opinion writers: Salem Arellano (in Pangutana),

Michael Kundiman (in Makitang Kisaw), and Bro. Jerub-Baal (in Andoy &

Bosyong). On the other hand, there is only one opinion writer in Lanao Mail and

The Philippine Post: Kag. Lorna E.Pasco (in Barangay Affairs) and Mike P.

Gonzalez (in Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang and in few cases, Sayri ang Katawhan),

respectively.

4.2 Patterns of Borrowing and their Frequency

On the next page is a table showing the frequency of occurrence of the

patterns of borrowing in all issues of the three newspapers.

 39

Table 4.2. Frequency of Occurrence of the Patterns of Borrowing in the Three Newspapers
Issues Total # of Word level Phrase-level Total # of
Words Borrowings
A. Lanao Mail
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 01 443 10 3 13
Sayri ang Katawhan- Aug.08 187 5 2 7
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 15 528 8 10 18
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang-Aug. 22 669 14 9 23
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Aug. 29 649 9 2 11
Sultihi ang Katawhan, Mr. Public Service- Sept. 05 1,108 24 5 29
Hisgut-Hisgut Lamang- Sept. 12 547 17 7 24
Sultihi ang Katawhan- Sept. 19 597 4 1 5
-- no opinion section- Sept. 26 0 0 0 0
Semi-Total A 4,728 91 39 130(19.20%)
B. Mindanao Scoop
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong- Aug. 7 3,136 44 26 70
Pangutana, Andoy at Bosyong - Aug. 14 1,796 25 17 42
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong-Aug.21 3,100 64 30 94
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Aug.28 2,113 43 13 56
Pangutana, Makitang Kisaw, Andoy & Bosyong,Sept.4 2,646 46 40 86
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.11 2,153 31 29 60
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.18 1,896 33 17 50
Pangutana, Andoy & Bosyong-Sept.25 1,468 23 18 41
Semi-Total B 18,308 309 190 499(73.71%)
C. The Philippine Post

Hangyo sa Inahan-Jul.27to Aug.02 533 4 7 11

Kamo ang Magpakaon Kanila-Aug.3-9 442 0 0 0
Igsoon nga Nakasala-Aug.10-16 448 1 0 1
PNPA Admission Test-Aug.17-23 404 2 5 7
Turn-Over Ceremony-Aug.24-30 356 3 3 6
Mga Tigpakaaron-Ingnon-Aug.31 to Sept.6 710 4 1 5
P1.4 M nga Livelihood Assistance-Sept.7-12 384 3 3 6
P6.9M sa Dakbayan, Na-account Na-Sept.14-20 434 6 2 8
P25M Gihatag sa CAO-Sept.21-27 353 3 1 4
Semi-Total C 4,064 26 22 48(7.09%)
Grand Total (Percentage) 27,100 426(62.63%) 251(37.37%) 677(100%)
 40

Table 4.2 reveals that out of 677 English borrowings, there are 424

(62.63%) word-level borrowings while only 253 (37.37 %) are phrase-level ones.

The data demonstrate that there are more word-level borrowings than

phrase-level ones. Appel and Muysken (1987, as cited by Valdez, 2001) states

that the lexicon of a language is perhaps the most visible part of the language and

thus, it is the word that can be most easily borrowed. In like manner, Edwards

(1994, as cited by Valdez, 2001) states that words fill gaps in another language

and because of this, words are more easily borrowed than phrases by the

borrowing language. And these appear to be the case as this study shows.

Below are sample sentences containing word-level and phrase-level

borrowings (word-level borrowings are italicized while phrase-level ones are

bold):

“Adunay carnapping, murder, ug uban pa.”

“Anyway, mga bradir ug sister, ang midaug ang mahimo natong

ambassador of goodwill.”

“Kini nga proyekto kinahanglan abagahon sa city government, IMPC

sa MSU-IIT, mga cooperatives sa city government ug tabangan sa pag-
finance...sa mga seedlings, laborers, kanang daghang casual...mahimo
man kini silang magtanum sa land area.”

4.3 Morphemic Structure Changes

The English lexical borrowings found in the newspapers have morphemic

structure changes too. The structural changes identified were affixations and

indigenization. Affixation, as defined in Routledge Dictionary of Language and

Linguistics (1996), is the process of word formation in which the stem is

expanded by the addition of an affix. On the other hand, as operationally used in

 41

this study, indigenization refers to the conformity of the English lexical items

with the Sebuano phonology and morphology.

4.3.1 Affixations

Below is the table showing the total number of Sebuano affixes attached

to the English lexical borrowings that were found in the study.

Table 4.3.1: Total Number of Sebuano Affixes Attached to the English Lexical
Borrowings

Affixes # of Words Formed

A. Noun-forming
1. ipang- 1
2. pag- 14
3. pagka- 2
4. pagpa- 1
5. –an* 2
Total A 20
B. Verb-forming
1. gi- 5
2. gipa- 1
3. i- 4
4. ipa- 2
5. ma- 6
6. mag- 9
7. magka- 1
8. maka- 2
9. me- 1
10. mo- 7
11. na- 5
12. nag- 10
13. –on * 1
Total B 54
Over-all Total 74

Table 4.3.1 shows that there are eighteen (18) Sebuano affixes that are

attached to the English lexical borrowings found in the three newspapers (see

Appendix D for the list of all English lexical borrowings with Sebuano
 42

affixations). Of these 18 affixes, sixteen (16) are prefixes (i.e. ipang-, pag-,

pagka-, pagpa-, gi-, gipa-, i-, ipa, ma-, mag-, magka-, maka-, me-, mo-, na-, and

nag-) while only two (2) are suffixes (i.e -an, and -on) – those which have the

asterisk (*) symbol.

As can be gleaned from the table, out of the 18 Sebuano affixes used, five

(5) are noun-forming affixes while thirteen (13) are verb-forming affixes. Noun-

forming affixes are Sebuano affixes that when attached to the English words, the

English words become nouns (e.g. parking (verb) + -an = parkingan, which

becomes a noun). On the contrary, verb-forming affixes are those Sebuano affixes

that when attached to the English words, the English words function as verbs (e.g.

gipa- + blotter (noun) = gipablotter, which becomes a verb).

Of these 18 affixes, the prefix pag-, which is a noun-forming affix, is

shown to be used the most, occurring 14 times (e.g. pag-finance, pag-recover,

pag-evangelize, pag-rally, etc). Note how the prefix pag- is attached to the

English lexical borrowings in the following sample sentences:

“Ang bag-o nga tambag ni Most Rev. Archbishop Rosales… nga ang
role sa religious leaders mao sa pag-evangelize ug dili pag-politicize.”

“Kini nga proyekto kinahanglan abagahon…ug tabangan ang pag-finance

pinaagi sa paglimpyo sa yuta….”

“Sa nakalabay pa nga administrasyon ng hugon-hugon sa pag-tax levy nahisgutan

diha sa atong konseho…”

The prefix nag- is the second in the hierarchy of the most used Sebuano

affix in the borrowing of English words. This verb-forming prefix is used 10

times in all the newspapers (e.g. nag-recess, nag-walk-out, nag-increase, etc.).

 43

Unlike the Tagalog prefix nag- which denotes only past actions of the verbs, in

the Sebuano language, it denotes either the past or present tense verbs. Below are

sample sentences containing English lexical borrowings with the prefix nag-:

“Tinuod ba usab ga kanunay nga nag-increase ang balayranan ug walay

pahibalo ang SCVI ngadto sa kagamhanan ning syudad.”

“Tungod kay ang US…adunay ginabaligya nga mineral oil ug sila ang
nagkupot kon nag-control sa business production…, sila giila nga labing
gamhanan nga nasud karon sa kalibutan.”

“Ang mga Kongresista nga pro-impeachment nag-walk-out.”

“Gikan sa buhatan ni Mr. Nicolo Lluch …nga nag-reevaluate sa mga

sakop sa Philhealth sa 44 ka barangay ning dakbayan sa Iligan.”

After the prefix nag-, mag- comes next with nine (9) occurrences. Just

like the prefix nag-, mag- is also a verb-forming affix (e.g. mag-reflect, mag-

retreat, mag-text, etc). But unlike nag-, mag- only denotes future actions. Note

how this verb-forming affix is attached to the English words in the sentences

below:

“Basin siguro gusto ni Mayor Cruz nga mag-concentrate na lamang siya

sa iyang mga trabaho isip Mayor sa dakbayan….”

“…aduna siyay political mandate nga ang ato nga pangulo hangtud sa tuig
2010 unless siya mag-resign, becomes incapacitated or dies.”

“Walay makita nga mag-foot patrol.”

Furthermore, in the three newspapers, seven (7) words occur with the

verb-forming prefix mo- (e.g. mo-hire, mo-cover, mo-operate, etc.). This prefix

mo- may also denote planned future actions. The sentences below show some

English lexical borrowings with the prefix mo-:

“We are not questioning the ability of the Committee on Tourism and
 44

Fiesta Celebration 2005 nga maoy mo-supervise sa mga activities during

our fiesta sa Septiembre.”

“Hoooyyy, maayo pa nga mo-resign mo kay sa magpabilin mo diha,

walay kaayohan ang maani kay pulos binata kanang inyong kinaiya.”

“Tinuod kaha nga ang SCVI wala na mo-cover sa session?”

The prefix ma-, which is also a verb-forming affix, denotes futurity. It is

used 6 times in the three newspapers (e.g. makober up, ma-private, ma- promote,

etc.). Below are some sentences containing words that have the prefix ma-:

“Sa higayong madawat na sa panel ang duha ka mga dokumento ayha pa

dayon ma-schedule ang hearing.”

“Kini mahimo nga cash dayon ug mahimong data-data hangtud makober up

ang P2,000.00….”

“…usa na kini ka lakang nga ma-promote nato ang atong dakbayan.”

Similarly, the prefix gi- (e.g. gi-market, gireport, gi-text, gi-hire) and

prefix na- (na-assign, na-release, na-account, na-bankrupt), which occur 5 times

respectively, are also verb-forming affixes. In this study, these prefixes both occur

five (5) times. The use of gi- and na- may denote past or present actions.

Sentences with words having these prefixes are shown below:

“Gi-text kini gikan sa Naawan, Misamis Oriental…”

“Pulos miangkon nga ang ilahang gi-hire aron sa pagmatuod nga ang
ilaha nga tape maoy tukma.”

“Ug gireport usab ni Mr. Vega nga siya ang natudlong chairman sa soap
making…”

“Nasinati ako niini nga history sa barangay sa dihang na-assign ako sa

Lugait….”

“Pinaagi kaniya, sa iyang tabang, na-release ang maong kwarta ….”

 45

In addition, the prefix i- , which occurs four (4) times in the newspapers (i-

welcome, i-feature, i-dismiss, etc.), is also another verb-forming affix. Denoting

future action, the use of prefix i- is exemplified in the following sentences:

“Dyandi” festival maoy i-feature karon sa fiesta committee kay mao man

kuno kini ang unang mga pasundayag sa mga unang tawo …sa Iligan.”

“…walay mahimo kondili i-dismiss ang kaso kay nagpasabot lamang

kini nga wala sila’y ebidensya nga mapresentar….”

“I-welcome nato ang mga Iliganon nga moabut karon pista gikan sa USA.”

Aside from those mentioned above, there are other affixes that are used in

the three newspapers. These are the prefixes ipa- (ipa-increase, ipa-resign), maka-

(maka-parking, maka-withdraw), pagka- (pagka-chairman, pagka-bankrupt) and

the suffix –an (parkingan, snackan) which only occur twice. The prefixes ipa- and

maka- are verb-forming affixes while pagka- and the suffix –an are noun-forming

affixes. Below are sample sentences containing some of these affixes:

“…unsa ang gisinggit sa inyong mga supporters, dili ba ipabagsak,

ipa-resign, GMA oust ug uban pa?”

“Ngano nga palargahon man dayon ug badlongon man dayon kon

makaparking kining pipila ka pasaheroan…”

“Mi-resign si Konsehal Vicente “Varf” Belmonte sa pagka-chairman

sa Committee on Carnival Rides and Parlor Games….”

“Bisan sa mga parkingan sa buses, jeepneys, trisikad, mga shopping

centers, terminal sa mga barko…”

Other affixes that are used only once are gipa- (gipa-blotter), ipang-

(ipang-operate), magka- (magka-eye to eye), me- (me-resign), pagpa- (pagpa-

introduce), and –on (pick up-on). The affixes gipa-, magka-, me-, and –on make
 46

the words to which they are attached function as verbs while the prefixes ipang-

and pagpa- are noun-forming affixes. Note how these affixes are used in the

following sentences:

“Tinuod kaha kining gipa-blotter sa usa ka babaye nga si Geraldine

na siya gikuhaan ug P70 thousand ug duha ka bracelet nga Chinese gold?”

“Unsa kahay mahitabo kon diha sa stage magkita ang mga sakop sa konseho
nga mitimaan sa GMA Resign ug si GMA mismo magka-eye to eye kaha sila?”

“Me-resign si Konsehal Vicente “Varf” Belmonte sa pagka-chairman

sa Committee on Carnival Rides and Parlor Games….”

“…mga batan-on nga mogamit ug rugby ug mahugaw ang sinina anaa

sa dalan pick up-on kini sa polis ug barangay tanod.”

“…dili kaha mobiya ang tag-iya sa GSII sa ipang-operate sa planta?”

“Simbako kon usa kanila ang tahasan sa pagpa-introduce kang GMA

atubangan sa publiko makalitok kaha kini sila sa polong nga pagdayeg
kang GMA?

4.3.2 Indigenization

Below is Table 4.3.2 that shows the English borrowings which are
indigenized.

Table 4.3.2: English Lexical Borrowings Which are Indigenized

Partial Indigenization Total Indigenization
1. makober up 1. bradir
2. drayber
3. hering
4. hold-apers
5. isyu
6. kidnaper
7. kimikal
8. kontraktor

In addition to affixations, there are some borrowings that are indigenized,

i.e., those which conform to the Sebuano phonology and morphology. In this

study, indigenization is categorized as partial and total indigenization.

 47

Based on Table 4.3.2, the only borrowing that changes partially is the

phrase makober up. In the word makober up, the word up is supposed to be

spelled ap but it is retained in its English form. On the other hand, examples of

those borrowings that are indigenized totally are the words kimikal, bradir,

hering, drayber, hold-aper, kidnaper, and kontraktor.

In general, based on the data presented, one can say that some English

borrowings are adapted into the Sebuano phonology and morphology. There is an

assimilation of the borrowed English words at the phonological level as exhibited

by some borrowings which conform to the Sebuano phonology. Likewise, there is

an assimilation of these words into Sebuano, the borrowing language, at the

morphological level as manifested by the affixation of the Sebuano affixes to

these English borrowings.

Finally, this study reveals that some of the English terms borrowed are

sometimes used not only according to how they function in an English utterance

or sentence but also on how these words function after the Sebuano affixes are

attached to them (see Appendices D and E). For example, English adjective

forms, when given Sebuano affixes, function not as adjectives but also as verbs or

nouns already. For instance, when the Sebuano prefix nag- is attached to the

English adjective sorry, the resulting word nag-sorry does not function as an

adjective but as a verb already. In addition, there is also a case where an English

noun snack which functions as another noun after the suffix –an is attached i.e.,

snackan which refers to a place where people take their snacks.

 CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter presents the summary of findings, conclusions, and

recommendations.

5. 1 Summary of the Findings

Based on the analysis of the data, the following summary of findings is

made:

5.1.1. English lexical borrowings are present in the opinion sections of

the selected local newspapers in Iligan City namely Lanao Mail,

Mindanao Scoop, and The Philippine Post;

5.1.2. There is a total of 677 English lexical borrowings out of the 27,

100 words used in all the opinion sections of the newspapers being

studied;

5.1.3. There are more borrowed nouns (582 or 85.97%) than verbs (55 or

8.12%), and more verbs than adjectives (40 or 5.91%);

5.1.4. There are more word-level patterns of borrowings (424 or

62.63%) than phrase-level ones (253 or 37.37%);

5.1.5. There are no adverb borrowings (0%) present in the newspapers

being studied;
 49

5.1.6. There are 18 affixes used, 16 of which are prefixes, 2 are suffixes

and 13 are verb-forming affixes while 5 are noun-forming ones;

5.1.7. There are 8 borrowed items that are indigenized, 1 (12.5%) of

which go through partial indigenization while 7 (87.5%) go

through total indigenization.

5. 2. Conclusions

Based on the analysis of the frequency, lexical categories, patterns, and

morphemic structure changes, this study has arrived at the following tentative

conclusions:

5.2.1. The occurrence of English lexical borrowing in the opinion

sections of the three selected local newspapers in Iligan City

(Lanao Mail, Mindanao Scoop, and The Philippine Post) seems not

so extensive or massive as can be seen in the data. There are only

677 borrowings out of the 27, 100 words used in all the opinion

sections.

5.2.2. The writers perhaps borrow English words and phrases if there are

no equivalent Sebuano terms (e.g. registrar, streamers, supply and

demand, street parliamentary, wiretapping, computer) or if the

terms would be better understood than the terms used in the

Sebuano language;

5.2.3. Partial and total reduplications are not present in the opinion

sections of the selected newspapers. Only affixations have been

used.

49
 50

5.2.4. Most of the borrowings are direct borrowings, i.e., those which do

not conform to the Sebuano phonology and morphology;

5.2.5. The writers of the opinion sections in the three newspapers tended

to borrow more nouns than verbs, and more verbs than adjectives;

5.2.6. There are more word-level borrowings than phrase-level ones may

be because lexicon is the most visible part of the language, thus

the word can be the most easily borrowed;

5.2.7. There are no adverb borrowings probably because the Sebuano

language is perceived to be very rich with adverbs and adverbial

modifiers like hastang, perteng, grabe, etc. English adverb

borrowings are observed to be present only in spoken language

especially those used by teenagers (e.g. so bastos, very init, etc.)

but are not seen in the written texts studied here.

5. 3. Recommendations

After the conclusions were made based on the analysis of the data, the

following recommendations are made:

5.3.1. Writers of the opinion sections of newspaper who use Sebuano

language should be aware of the effects of the terms that they use

and that English lexical borrowings would not be an issue for as

long as the intent of the message is conveyed accurately;

5.3.2. People should not take negatively any language change brought

about specifically by English lexical borrowings since it is a form

of enriching the lexicon of the Sebuano language;

50
 51

5.3.3. Researchers should conduct similar studies that would:

5.3.3.1. examine not only the English but also the borrowings from

other languages (the lexical categories, patterns, and

morphemic structure changes) to have a wider picture of

the Sebuano language in terms of its lexicon;

5.3.3.2. compare the lexical borrowings between the Sebuano

write-ups and Tagalog/Filipino write-ups to include all

the newspaper’s sections (editorials, entertainment,

sports, etc.);

5.3.3.3. study the morphological rules on affixations involving

borrowed English words and phrases;

5.3.3.4. look into what semantic domains are mostly borrowed

(politics, science and technology, etc.)

5.3.3.5. analyze the level of formality/informality of the articles

and its relation to the borrowed items;

5.3.4. People should conduct researches about the Sebuano language

which would, in some way, help in the realization of the

Cebuanos' long- dreamed standardization of this language.

51
 52

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