INFORME (1) (1) KAZAJSTÁN Eleccionespresidenciales

COMPOLITICAS
Grupo Interdisciplinario de Estudios en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social
INFORME
Kazajstán
Elecciones Presidenciales
2005
Abril 2006
http://alojamientos.us.es/cico/observatorio
Facultad de Comunicación. Universidad de Sevilla
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Presentación
El Observatorio de Geopolítica y Comunicación en Asia Central y el Cáucaso es un

proyecto que se encuadra dentro de la línea de “Historia de la propaganda y análisis de la
comunicación política” del Grupo Interdisciplinario de Estudios en Comunicación, Política y
Cambio Social (COMPOLITICAS), y tiene como principal objetivo el estudio, investigación y
difusión de los principales fenómenos políticos y comunicacionales que tienen lugar en ese
espacio geográfico.
El Observatorio es, asimismo, un foro de debate que, con sede en la Facultad de

Comunicación de la Universidad de Sevilla, pretende discutir y dar a conocer,
especialmente en lo que a los aspectos comunicacionales se refiere, una zona del mundo
muy poco estudiada en la Universidad española.
Contacto
Miguel Vázquez
Facultad de Comunicación. Despacho E5.
Avenida Américo Vespucio, s/n
Isla de la Cartuja, 41092 Sevilla - España
mvazquez@us.es
Teléfono: (+34) 954 559 642
http://observatorio-eurasia.blogspot.com
Coordinadora del Informe: María Ángeles Gutiérrez Bascón
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INDICE
KAZAJSTÁN
Breve cronología…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……4
Cronología elecciones 1991-2005…………………………………………………………………………………..5
Elecciones y Parlamento…………………………………………………...………………………………………………6
Partidos políticos………………………………………………………………………………...…..…………………...……6
Libertades fundamentales…………………………………………………………………………………………….….9
ELECCIONES 1999 Y 2004
Elecciones presidenciales. 10 de enero de 1999…………………………………………………………13

Elecciones parlamentarias. 10 y 24 de octubre de 1999……………………………………………14
Elecciones parlamentarias. 19 de septiembre y 3 de octubre de 2004……………………16
ELECCIONES 2005
Observadores Internacionales……………………………………………………………………………………….20
Marco legal……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….21
Administración de las elecciones…………………………………………………………………………………..22
Nominación y registro de candidatos…………………………………………………………………..………22
Periodo preelectoral……………………………………………………………………………………………………..…25
Campaña electoral………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…26
Medios de comunicación…………………………………………………………………………………………...…..28
Día electoral, recuento de voto y tabulación de los resultados…………………………………31
Recomendaciones finales de la OSCE……………………………………………………………………….….32
SITUACIÓN POST ELECTORAL …………………………………………………………….……………………………………33
Documentos y enlaces…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…..36
APÉNDICE. Las elecciones kazajas en la prensa internacional…………………………………………….…40
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KAZAJSTÁN
Población: 15.4 millones

Superficie: 2.7 millones km²
Capital: Astana
Presidente: Nursultan Äbishuly Nazarbayev
Idioma: kazajo y ruso
Religión: musulmanes (47%), ortodoxos (44%), protestantes
(2%), otros (7%)
Grupos étnicos: kazajos (53 %), rusos (30 %),
ucranianos (4 %), uzbecos (3 %), alemanes (2 %), otros (8 %)
Esperanza de vida: 66.07 años
PIB per capita: $6,300
Breve cronología
Siglo I-VIII – Tribus mongoles y de habla turca se establecen en lo que hoy es Kazajstán y
Asia Central.
Siglo VIII – Los árabes introducen el Islam.
1219-24 – Tribus mongoles dirigidas por Genghis Khan invaden Kazajstán y Asia Central.
Finales del siglo XV – Con la formación del janato kazajo, los kazajos emergen como grupo
étnico.
Principios del siglo XVII – Los kazajos se dividen en tres hordas o uniones tribales, liderada
cada una por un jan.
1731-42- Los janes de las tres hordas se unen a Rusia para protegerse de las invasiones de
los mongoles del este.
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1822-68 – A pesar de las numerosas revueltas, la Rusia zarista controla las tribus kazajas,
deponiendo a los janes.
1916 – Una gran rebelión antirrusa es reprimida, con 150.000 muertos y más de 300.000
desplazados.
1917 – Comienza la guerra civil.
1920 – Bajo mandato soviético, Kazajstán se convierte en una república autónoma de la

URSS.
1920s-1930s – Industrialización intensiva y colectivización de la agricultura. Más de un

millón de muertos como resultado de la campaña para que las tribus kazajas abandonasen
el nomadismo y pudiese colectivizarse la agricultura.
1940s – Miles de coreanos, tártaros de Crimea, alemanes y otros grupos étnicos son
forzados a trasladase a Kazajstán.
1954-62 – Alrededor de dos millones de personas, principalmente rusos, se trasladan a

Kazajstán durante la campaña de desarrollo de tierras vírgenes promovida por Jruschev.
La proporción de kazajos se reduce al 30%.
1986 – Unas 3.000 personas protestan en Almaty después de que Gorbachov nombrase a
Kolbin, ruso, líder del Partido Comunista de Kazajstán, en reemplazo de Kunayev, kazajo.
1989 – Nursultan Nazarbayev se convierte en líder del Partido Comunista de Kazajstán. El

Parlamento adopta una nueva ley sobre el idioma, convirtiendo al kazajo en el idioma
oficial del país y al ruso en el idioma de la comunicación interétnica.
1990 – El Soviet Supremo elige a Nazarvayev como primer presidente de Kazajstán y

declara su independencia el 25 de octubre. 1
Cronología elecciones 1991-2005
1991 – Narbayev es elegido Presidente por el Soviet Supremo de Kazajstán. Su mandato es

ratificado por las elecciones de diciembre del mismo año.
1995 – Referéndum para prolongar el mandato de Nazarbayev como presidente hasta el

año 2000 y nueva Constitución sancionada por referéndum.
1999 (junio) – Nazarbayev gana las elecciones presidenciales (mandato de 7 años).
2004 (septiembre-octubre) – Elecciones parlamentarias. Cuarenta y dos de los setenta y

siete escaños para Otan, el partido de Nazarbayev.
2005 (enero) – El partido opositor Elección Democrática de Kazajstán es disuelto por

decisión judicial.
1
Datos tomados de BBC. “Timeline: Kazakhstan”.
< http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/country_profiles/1298395.stm >
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2005 (abril) – Enmiendas a la Ley Electoral (aumentan las restricciones).
2005 (4 de diciembre) – Elecciones Presidenciales.
Elecciones y Parlamento
De acuerdo con la Constitución, adoptada por referéndum en agosto de 1995,

Kazajstán es una república presidencial.
El presidente es elegido cada siete años y por un máximo de dos legislaturas

consecutivas.
El candidato debe obtener más de la mitad de los votos para acceder a la

presidencia. En caso de que no sea así, debe celebrarse una segunda vuelta entre los dos
candidatos con mayor número de votos.
Las elecciones parlamentarias tienen lugar cada cinco años.
El Parlamento consta de dos cámaras:

- Majilis o Cámara Baja: 77 representantes elegidos por votación popular
cada cinco años.
- Senado: 39 representantes, 32 de los cuales son elegidos indirectamente,
mientras que los 7 restantes son elegidos por el Presidente.
Partidos políticos
Entre las restricciones que la ley kazaja impone a la formación de partidos políticos
se encuentra la prohibición de que estos estén basados en el origen étnico, la religión o el
género. Como consecuencia de esto, la participación de las minorías en la vida política se
encuentra restringida de forma importante.
Otra de las restricciones es el número de miembros necesarios en total y el número

de miembros por oblast 2 que debe tener un partido político para registrarse. Como explica
la organización Freedom House 3, las trabas para el registro aumentaron en 2002. Durante
ese año, la ley incrementó de 3.000 a 50.000 el número de miembros necesarios para
registrarse. Además, el partido debe tener al menos 700 miembros en cada uno de los
oblast del país.
En su “Informe anual sobre derechos políticos y libertades civiles” 4, Freedom House

expone, además de estas restricciones para el registro oficial de partidos políticos, otras
barreras a las que deben enfrentarse los partidos opositores: acoso, vigilancia, negación de
2
Oblast: cada una de las regiones en que se divide el territorio de Kazajstán.
3
Freedom House es una organización no gubernamental y sin ánimo de lucro que lleva a cabo diversos
programas para la expansión de la libertad política y económica y realiza informes sobre el estado de los
derechos civiles a lo largo del mundo. <www.freedomhouse.org >
4
Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2005. The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties.
Kazakhstan”. < http://eurasia.org.ru/cgi-
bin/datacgi/database.cgi?file=News&report=SingleArticle2005&ArticleID=0002044>
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acceso a los medios de comunicación estatales y prohibiciones arbitrarias en el registro de

candidatos electorales.
La prohibición del partido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán 5
En la actualidad hay once partidos registrados en Kazajstán, uno menos (el partido
Elección Democrática de Kazajstán) que en 2004.
El partido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán (EDK), uno de los principales

opositores del país, fue prohibido por orden judicial a principios de 2005.
EDK fue fundado en 2001 y registrado oficialmente como partido político en 2004.
Según Freedom House, EDK sufrió durante 2002 un gran acoso gubernamental. Dos de
sus principales líderes, Galymzhan Zhakiyanov y Mukhtar Abliyazov, fueron detenidos por
corrupción y encarcelados, al parecer de forma injusta.
En enero de 2005, el EDK fue acusado de amenazar la seguridad nacional

llamando a la protesta contra el resultado de las elecciones parlamentarias de septiembre
de 2004, y fue disuelto por orden judicial.
Rachel Denber, directora de la división de Europa y Asia Central de Human Rights

Watch, asegura en una dura y crítica carta 6 dirigida a Nursultan Nazarbayev que la
prohibición del EDK está políticamente motivada y afecta al desarrollo del pluralismo
político en Kazajstán. Human Rights Watch denuncia que el gobierno kazajo ha intentado
desde un principio negar al EDK la entrada en el juego electoral impidiéndole el registro
oficial como partido político sin motivo alguno, acosando a sus miembros y encarcelando
a sus fundadores, Galymzhan Zhakianov y Mukhtar Abliazov. El tribunal que ha ordenado
la disolución del EDK, según HRW, no diferencia lo que es un acto pacífico de
desobediencia civil, como el llevado a cabo por el EDK en legítima protesta por los
resultados de las elecciones, de un acto de disrupción del funcionamiento del estado. Así,
la decisión de disolver el EDK, motivada por lo ocurrido en Ucrania y por la voluntad de
mermar a la oposición antes de las elecciones presidenciales, no supone sino un paso atrás
en el progreso democrático y el pluralismo político.
Partidos pro-Nazarbayev y partidos opositores
Después de la disolución del partido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán, el número

de partidos políticos que actúan en el país ha quedado en once, una gran parte de ellos
pro-Nazarbayev.
Principales partidos pro-Nazarbayev

- Otan 7 (Nursultan Nazarbayev)
- Asar 8 (Dariga Nazarbayeva)
- Partido Democrático de Kazajstán 9 (Maksut Narikbaev)
- Partido Cívico 10 (Azat Peruashev)
5
En inglés suele encontrarse como “Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan”. Nombre original: “Qazaqstannyn
Demokratiyalyk Tandau”.
6
Human Rights Watch. “Kazakh Opposition Party Shut Down”. 07/01/05.
<http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/01/07/kazakh9957.htm >
7
En textos en inglés suele encontrarse como “Otan” (nombre original). En español, “Patria”.
8
En textos en inglés, suele encontrarse como “Asar” (nombre original). En español, “Todos juntos”.
9
En inglés: “Democratic Party of Kazakhstan”. Nombre original: “Qazaqstan Demokratiyalyk Partiyasi”.
10
En inglés: “Civic Party”. Nombre original: “Qazaqstan Azamattlyk Partiyasi”.
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Oposición
- Ak Zhol 11
- Partido Comunista del Pueblo de Kazajstán 12
- Por un Kazajstán Justo 13
Dariga Nazazarbayeva, potencial sucesora de su padre
Dariga Nazarbayeva, hija de Nursultan Nazarbayev, convirtió en 2003 el

movimiento político que lideraba, Asar, en un partido político, y se presentó a las
elecciones de 2004. Esto ha servido para proporcionar un apoyo adicional a la familia
Nazarbayev y ayuda a Dariga a posicionarse como sucesora de su padre. Dariga
Nazarbayeva posee además un vasto imperio televisivo y periodístico que controla el 80
por 100 de los medios de comunicación del país mientras que su marido, Rakhat Aliyev,
dirigió durante años la agencia de seguridad interna de Kazajstán. 14
Por un Kazajstán Justo: la oposición se une
En octubre de 2004, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, portavoz del Majilis (cámara baja del
parlamento) y posterior dirigente del movimiento opositor de coalición Por un Kazajstán
Justo, anuncia su dimisión, citando como razón las irregularidades del proceso electoral
parlamentario de septiembre, y pasando así a la oposición.
Por un Kazajstán Justo, formado en marzo de 2005 y registrado oficialmente el 3 de

agosto (al tercer intento), pronto se convirtió en el movimiento líder de la oposición. El
movimiento agrupa los siguientes partidos: Partido Comunista de Kazajstán 15, Movimiento
de los Pensionistas, partido Alga (parte del prohibido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán) y
Naghyz Ak Zhol 16 (una facción separada de Ak Zhol).
Por un Kazajstán Justo ha sido acosado desde su fundación por parte del gobierno,
según denuncian sus representantes. Ya en agosto de 2005 denunciaron lo que
consideraban una auténtica campaña orquestada contra la oposición, que incluía
violencia física y detenciones ilegales.
El 5 de agosto, Bulat Abilov, uno de los dirigentes de Naghyz Ak Zhol y miembro

de Por un Kazajstán Justo, fue acusado de fraude y evasión de impuestos. Tras anunciar
que iba a formar parte del movimiento opositor, sus cuentas bancarias fueron congeladas.
La oposición considera que la presión administrativa ejercida sobre Abilov está motivada
por ser opositor político. También en agosto, una de las activistas de Por un Kazajstán
Justo, Marzhan Aspandiyarova, fue multada y encarcelada por manifestarse. Durante ese
mes, las reuniones y vistas de Tuyakbai a lo largo del país fueron interrumpidas o
restringidas de algún modo: ataques de desconocidos, cortes de electricidad o
impedimentos para acceder a locales acondicionados para reuniones. 17
11
En textos en inglés, suele encontrarse como “Ak Zhol” (nombre original). En español: “Camino brillante”.
12
En ingles: “Communist People’s Party of Kazakhstan”. Nombre original: “Qazaqstan Khalyk Kommunistik
Partiyasi”.
13
En inglés: “For Just Kazakhstan”. Nombre original: “Ediletti Kazakhstan Yuzhin”.
14
RASHID, Ahmed. Yihad: El auge del islamismo en Asia Central. Barcelona: Península, 2003. pp. 98-99.
15
En inglés: “Communist Party of Kazakhstan”. Nombre original: “Qazaqstan Kommunistik Partiyasi”.
16
En textos en inglés, suele encontrarse como “Nagyz Ak Zhol” (nombre original). En español: “Verdadero
Camino Brillante”.
17
“For Just Kazakhstan denounces repressions against opposition”. For Just Kazakhstan Weekly
Newsletter.15/08/05.
<http://eurasia.org.ru/cgi-bin/datacgi/database.cgi?file=News&report=SingleArticle2005&ArticleID=0001937>
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Por un Kazajstán Justo se declara un movimiento por la democracia. No obstante,

según algunos observadores, una de las críticas que puede hacerse a la oposición kazaja
(extensible a las demás repúblicas ex soviéticas), es que los líderes de la oposición son en
muchos casos antiguos dirigentes del régimen. Es el caso de Tuyakbai, viejo amigo de
Nazarbayev y, hasta el pasado año, diputado del partido gobernante Otan. Algunos
votantes podrían ver la candidatura de Tuyakbai como un acto de oportunismo personal
en lugar de como el producto de una auténtica voluntad de mejorar la vida de los
ciudadanos del país. 18
Libertades fundamentales 19
Las autoridades de Kazajstán continúan limitando las libertades fundamentales de

los ciudadanos y presionando a los opositores políticos y a los medios de comunicación
independientes, y han intensificado en el último año la presión sobre grupos de la
sociedad civil y ONGs extranjeras, según diversas organizaciones internacionales.
Sociedad civil
Distintas ONGs han sido objeto durante 2005 de duras inspecciones fiscales e
intimidación por parte del gobierno.
Por otra parte, los complicados procesos para obtener permiso para llevar a cabo
cualquier tipo de manifestación incluyen el requisito de que las organizaciones pidan
permiso a las autoridades locales con diez días de antelación. Con frecuencia, los permisos
se conceden con arbitrariedad y se procesa y condena a los organizadores y asistentes de
manifestaciones no autorizadas.
Las libertades de expresión, reunión y asociación siguen sin ser respetadas en

Kazajstán. En un incidente de particular importancia, ocurrido en mayo de 2005, la policía
y las fuerzas especiales detuvieron a unas ochenta personas que participaron en una
manifestación y un concierto de rock en Astana en apoyo a una iniciativa política. La
policía detuvo y golpeó a jóvenes que llevaban bufandas y globos de color naranja
cuando abandonaban la manifestación. A los detenidos se les amenazó con expulsarles de
la universidad o destruir sus negocios. Los organizadores de la manifestación, considerada
ilegal, fueron procesados.
Medios de comunicación
La Constitución de 1995 garantiza la libertad de expresión y prohíbe la censura.

Según la ley, todo ciudadano tiene derecho a recibir y difundir información libremente.
Según los datos del Ministerio de Cultura, Información y Deporte, en septiembre de

2005 había 2.110 medios de comunicación operando en Kazajstán. La mayor fuente de
18
Bruce Pannier. “Kazakhstan: Can Opposition Compete In Presidential Elections?” Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty. 22/08/05.
< http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/8/A226431C-126F-4CCC-866F-957B21B9E987.html >
19
Información tomada de informes de OSCE, Committee to Protect Journalists, Freedom House, Human Rights
Watch y Reporteros sin Fronteras.
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información política en Kazajstán es la televisión (en 2004, el 95% de los hogares contaban
con televisión) 20, seguida de los periódicos y la radio.
Aunque la mayoría de los medios son privados, pocos son independientes u

ofrecen una información equilibrada sobre la actualidad política del país. La libertad de
prensa está limitada, de este modo, por la fuerte concentración de los medios, con los
propietarios controlando la línea editorial.
Las leyes que penan la difamación del honor y la dignidad del Presidente, cuya
violación puede suponer hasta tres años de prisión, contribuyen a crear un ambiente en el
que los periodistas practican normalmente la autocensura.
Varios medios impresos simpatizantes con la oposición, según sus representantes,

han tenido dificultades para registrarse oficialmente, para acceder a la impresión de sus
ejemplares y a las redes de distribución. El Ministerio de Cultura, Información y Deportes,
responsable del registro de medios, niega, por su parte, que se impongan dificultades para
el registro que no sean puramente técnicas.
A pesar del consenso con respecto a la necesidad de adoptar una nueva ley de
medios de comunicación, los medios aún operan bajo la inadecuada ley de 1999. El
borrador de la nueva ley (revisado en abril de 2005) presenta, según la OSCE 21, ciertas
mejoras. Está previsto que se introduzcan enmiendas en un corto periodo de tiempo.
En suma, la situación de la libertad de prensa en Kazajstán continúa siendo crítica.

Las autoridades siguen presionando duramente a los medios opositores tanto a través de
intimidación ilegal como a través de la ley, sancionando todo medio que atente contra el
honor y la dignidad del Presidente, lo que en la práctica supone la persecución a toda
crítica contra el gobierno.
Ejemplo de ello es el caso del periódico independiente Respublika (antiguo Assandi

Times), obligado a cerrar en mayo de 2005 por orden judicial. También en mayo, el
periódico Soz fue condenado a pagar cinco millones de tenge (40.000 $) por un pleito
interpuesto por el Comité de Seguridad Nacional (KNB, sucesor del KGB) por atentar
contra el honor y la dignidad del Presidente.
Durante el año anterior (2004), los ataques a los periodistas y medios

independientes se sucedieron. En enero de 2004, la periodista de Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty Zhuldyz Toleuova fue atacada y golpeada por desconocidos, un
ataque que sus colegas creen conectado con su trabajo, que incluye el informar sobre las
actividades de la oposición política. Ese mismo mes, la policía golpeó a la periodista
Svetlana Rychkova del periódico opositor Assandi Times, que había publicado artículos
sobres la corrupción del gobierno y sobre los derechos de los medios de comunicación.
En marzo, un grupo de desconocidos atacaron al periodista del periódico deportivo
Vremya, Maxim Khartashov, que había expuesto con frecuencia escándalos de corrupción
del país relacionados con el sector del deporte.
En julio, el periodista independiente Ashkat Sharipzhan, que había entrevistado a
líderes de la oposición e informado sobre escándalos de corrupción del gobierno, murió
de las heridas provocadas por un sospechoso accidente de coche.
20
Datos tomados de informe del Banco Mundial: “Kazakhstan. ICT at a Glance”.
< http://devdata.worldbank.org/ict/kaz_ict.pdf >
21
“Analysis of the draft law of the Republic of Kazakhstan On the Mass Media”. OSCE. 27/09/05.
< http://www.osce.org/documents/rfm/2005/09/16416_en.pdf >
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En junio, se publicó una edición especial falsa de Assandi Times que contenía
información falsa sobre políticos de la oposición. El periódico acusó al gobierno de estar
detrás de la edición falsa en un esfuerzo por desacreditar a la oposición antes de las
elecciones parlamentarias de septiembre. El gobierno respondió con un pleito por
calumnias, que ganó en julio, debiendo pagar el periódico unos 370.000 $ por perjuicios.
En enero de 2003, en un juicio que atrajo la atención internacional, el periodista

opositor Sergei Duvanov 22 fue condenado a tres años y medio de prisión por violar a una
niña de 14 años. Sus partidarios insisten en la inocencia de Duvanov y en que el caso
dirigido contra él no es sino un acto de persecución política. La OSCE criticó las
irregularidades del proceso judicial y la falta de pruebas. Duvanov había escrito artículos
acusando a Nazarbayev y otros dirigentes políticos de corrupción, incluyendo el escándalo
“Kazakhgate”. Duvanov pasó de la cárcel al arresto domiciliario en enero de 2004 hasta
que, en agosto del mismo año, fue liberado, según se ha indicado, debido a la presión
internacional.
En 2003 y años anteriores, se dieron también numerosos casos de acoso a

periodistas y medios independientes. Ejemplo de ello fueron los ataques físicos sufridos por
Maxim Yeroshin o Andrei Doronin, ambos periodistas que trabajaban para medios
opositores. Durante ese año, se sucedieron las sanciones contra periódicos opositores
(SolDat, Kazakhstan, Vesti Pavlodara, Altyn Gasyr, Soz, Assandi-Times…)
• Internet
En los últimos años, Internet se ha convertido en toda Asia Central en una fuente
plural y alternativa a la televisión y la prensa. 23 No obstante, las tasas de penetración de
Internet siguen siendo muy bajas. En el ranking de países con acceso a la Red, Kazajstán se
situaba en 2005 sólo en el puesto 62 (con una puntuación de un 2.97 sobre 10). 24 En el
año 2000, únicamente el 2.3% de la población kazaja tenía ordenador y sólo un 0.7% era
usurio de Internet. En 2004, el porcentaje de usuarios de Internet aumentó al 2% (20
usuarios por cada 1000 habitantes) 25. Los problemas citados para acceder a Internet son,
entre otros, los altos precios [34.5 $ al mes en 2004 26, siendo la renta per capita anual de
6.300 $ (525 $ al mes)], o la ausencia o mal estado de las líneas telefónicas. 27
22
“Sergei Duvanov: The target of harassment”. Eurasia. < http://www.eurasia.org.ru/cgi-
bin/datacgi/database.cgi?file=News&report=PageArticles2005Unlimited&pagename=Duvanov&firstrecord=0
&finalrecord=20 >
23
“Almaty Declaration on Pluralism in the Media and the Internet”.OSCE. 28/10/05.
24
Datos disponibles en Global Technology Forum:
< http://globaltechforum.eiu.com/index.asp?layout=rich_story&doc_id=6427 >. Fuente: Economist Intelligence
Unit (< http://www.eiu.com >), organización dedicada al análisis de la economía, la industria y las posibilidades
de negocio en todo el mundo.
25
Banco Mundial. “Kazakhstan. ICT at a Glance”. 2000-2004.
26
Ibídem.
27
Kazakhstan Development Gateway. “E-readiness and Needs Assesment Report”. p.56. Fuente: Actis Systems
Asia (on-line), noviembre 2000. <http://www.developmentgateway.org/
download/140237/KzDGERANeeds.doc>
- 12 -
En cuanto a la libertad de expresión, según lo acordado en la VII Conferencia de

Medios de Comunicación de Asia Central 28, que tuvo lugar en Almaty en octubre de 2005,
deben limitarse las restricciones a la difusión de información en Internet, no deben existir
barreras para el registro de dominios que no sean de carácter puramente técnico y los
órganos administradores del sistema de nombres de dominio (DNS) deben ser
independientes del gobierno.
A pesar de esto, la ley kazaja sobre Internet, aprobada en abril de 2005, introduce
medidas restrictivas para el proceso de registro de dominios. 29
Además, en la práctica, el gobierno obstruye sistemáticamente el acceso a webs

independientes a través del servidor estatal Kazakhtelecom y de la otra gran red, Nursat.
Páginas web opositoras como Navigator.kz, Kub.kz y Eurasia.ru han sufrido bloqueos
periódicos.
28
“Almaty Declaration on Pluralism in the Media and the Internet”
29
“Kazakhstan's regulations for the allocation of domain space”. OSCE. 28/10/05.
- 13 -
ELECCIONES 1999 Y 2004
- Elecciones presidenciales. 10 enero 1999

- Elecciones parlamentarias. 10 y 24 octubre 1999
- Elecciones parlamentarias. 19 septiembre y 3 octubre 2004
Elecciones presidenciales. 10 de enero de 1999
El Informe Final 30 de la Organización para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa

31
(OSCE) con motivo de las elecciones presidenciales de enero de 1999, de las que salió
vencedor Nursultan Nazarbayev, concluyó que el proceso electoral no cumplió con los
requisitos mínimos para el desarrollo de un proceso electoral limpio y justo.
Carencias significativas en todo el proceso
De particular relevancia es, según la OSCE, el hecho de que se negase a dos de los
candidatos la posibilidad de registrase por motivos administrativos menores. La OSCE
también denuncia un entorno mediático inadecuado para unas elecciones libres y
continuas alegaciones de votantes intimidados para que diesen su voto a Nazarbayev.
A la luz de lo descubierto en el periodo preelectoral, la OSCE llega a proponer en

diciembre que se pospongan las elecciones, sin resultado alguno.
La OSCE informa asimismo de casos de restricciones del derecho de reunión y de

casos de acoso a diversas organizaciones durante el año anterior.
En cuanto a los medios de comunicación, la OSCE denuncia la concentración de

los mismos en manos cercanas al presidente, así como el acoso por medios legales y
alegales hacia medios de comunicación independientes. Numerosos medios de oposición
fueron obligados a cerrar durante 1998. De acuerdo con la OSCE, las licencias de emisión,
la adjudicación de frecuencias y los impuestos se usan como medios para hostigar a los
medios opositores. La OSCE concluye que la cobertura que recibió la campaña electoral de
Nazarbayev fue cuantitativamente mayor y cualitativamente más positiva que la de sus
opositores, que recibieron escasa atención mediática y, en general, neutral o negativa.
En resumen, la OSCE encuentra las carencias más significativas del proceso

electoral de enero de 1999 en la corta duración de la campaña electoral, en el propio
marco legislativo, en la falta de pluralismo en la composición de las comisiones electorales,
en las restricciones del derecho de reunión y asociación, en el escaso acceso a los medios
de comunicación por parte de la oposición y en las irregularidades generalizadas en los
procesos de votación y recuento.
30
OSCE. “Final report on the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 10 January 1999”.
< http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/1999/02/1263_en.pdf >
31
La OSCE es sucesora de la Conferencia para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa, puesta en marcha por
el acta final de Helsinki (1975). Está formada por 55 estados de Europa, Norte América y Asia Central.
< www.osce.org >
- 14 -
Elecciones parlamentarias. 10 y 24 de octubre de 1999
Las elecciones parlamentarias de 1999, en sus dos rondas (10 y 24 de octubre), aun
presentando ciertas mejoras con respecto al proceso electoral anterior, no cumplieron con
mucho, una vez más, con los requisitos de unas elecciones justas, libres y transparentes,
según el Informe Final de la OSCE. 32
A pesar de las mejoras, carencias importantes continúan
De acuerdo con la OSCE, se dieron ciertas mejoras con respecto a los anteriores
comicios fundamentalmente en tres puntos: mejora del marco legal por parte de la
Comisión Electoral Central; mayor pluralismo, con el registro de diez partidos políticos en
las listas electorales; acreditación a partidos, candidatos y organizaciones independientes
para observar el proceso electoral en una gran parte de los colegios electorales.
Sin embargo, estas mejoras representan únicamente cambios puntuales en lo que

fueron claramente unas elecciones fraudulentas. La OSCE destaca la interferencia ilegal
por parte de las autoridades en el proceso electoral, prácticas injustas durante la campaña
por parte de partidos relacionados con las estructuras de poder existentes (como la
distribución a posibles votantes, por parte del Civic Party, de regalos como aparatos
eléctricos, televisores o reproductores de vídeo), amenazas administrativas y judiciales
contra medios de comunicación opositores, intimidación y obstrucción a la campaña
electoral de partidos y candidatos opositores y actuación no transparente de las
comisiones electorales durante el recuento y la tabulación de los resultados.
Un marco legislativo no favorable
La OSCE dirige sus críticas al mismo marco legislativo en el que se desarrolla el

proceso electoral: la nueva ley electoral, aprobada el 6 de mayo de 1999. Según la OSCE,
la ley presenta carencias significativas en cuanto a diversos puntos: la independencia de
los cuerpos de administración electoral, la transparencia del proceso, el recuento y la
tabulación de los resultados, el acceso equitativo a los medios de comunicación, el registro
de partidos y candidatos o la posibilidad de abuso a través de “sanciones administrativas”
para eliminar de las listas a candidatos opositores.
En cuanto a los medios de comunicación, la OSCE hace una crítica a la Ley de

Medios adoptada en julio de 1999, en la que se hace referencia al secreto de estado y a la
seguridad nacional, y que permite una interpretación arbitraria en muchos de sus puntos
y, como consecuencia, un importante debilitamiento de la libertad de prensa. Se informa,
asimismo, de diversos obstáculos administrativos puestos a los medios opositores durante
el año 1999. Uno de los casos es el del periódico SolDat, uno de los de mayor tirada en
lengua kazaja y con frecuencia crítico con el gobierno, que se encontró en la situación de
que ninguna empresa kazaja estaba dispuesta a imprimir sus ejemplares. Así, SolDat tuvo
que optar por editar el periódico en Rusia e importarlo, encontrando sumas dificultades
para que los ejemplares pasasen la frontera.
32
OSCE. “Final report on the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, 10 and 24 October 1999”.
<http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2000/01/1267_en.pdf>
- 15 -
Actuaciones poco transparentes de la CEC
Tras la segunda vuelta, la Comisión Electoral Central declaró las elecciones no

válidas en tres de los 47 distritos en base a violaciones que no fueron especificadas. No
obstante, lo preocupante, de acuerdo con la OSCE, fue que la Comisión desautorizó a los
candidatos que se habían presentado a las primeras elecciones a que se presentasen a las
nuevas, en base a dos artículos arbitrariamente interpretados de la ley electoral. Según la
OSCE, esta actuación por parte de la Comisión Electoral Central no puede justificarse de
ningún modo. Las nuevas elecciones, con nuevos candidatos, se convocaron para el 26 de
diciembre. Al final, en los tres distritos, los ganadores fueron actuales o antiguos miembros
de las estructuras gubernamentales.
El Foro de Fuerzas Democráticas: la oposición reacciona
La oposición reaccionó, tras las dos vueltas electorales, con la convocación de

diversas ruedas de prensa para expresar su desacuerdo con el fraudulento proceso
electoral. Más significativa fue la reunión en la que se creó un frente unido, el Foro de
Fuerzas Democráticas 33, formado por representantes de partidos políticos, de
organizaciones de derechos humanos y de ONGs en oposición al gobierno. El Foro
demandó que las elecciones fueran declaradas no válidas y que los parlamentos y
gobiernos de Estados Unidos, Japón, Rusia, la Unión Europea, la Comunidad de Estados
Independientes y la OSCE no reconocieran el parlamento salido de las elecciones.
Asimismo, se pidió que la Comisión Electoral Central fuese juzgada por las violaciones
cometidas y que se convocaran nuevas elecciones para elegir diputados, gobernadores
locales y nuevos jueces a todos los niveles. Las demandas del Foro de Fuerzas
Democráticas no tuvieron resultado alguno.
Resultado final: mayoría para Nazarbayev
La composición final del Parlamento presentó una mayoría de escaños para el

partido de Nazarbayev, Otan, y para partidos afines al mismo.
Otan………………………………………………………………………….24
Partido Cívico.………………………………………………………….11
Partido Comunista..…………………………………………………..3
Partido Agrario 34..……………………………………………………..3
Partido Republicano del Pueblo de Kazajstán….…...1
Cooperativa del Pueblo…………………………………………...1
Negocios.………………………………………………………………..10
Asociados al gobierno…………………………………………..20
Otros/desconocidos………………………………………………..4
33
El Foro de Fuerzas Democráticas aglutinaba a diversas organizaciones y partidos: Partido Comunista, Partido
Republicano del Pueblo de Kazajstán, Alianza Política de Organizaciones de Mujeres, la unión ecológica
Tabigat, Orley, el Kazakhstan Internacional Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law, Polokeniye, Azamat,
Asociación de Medios Electrónicos Independientes de Asia Central, Movimiento de los Trabajadores y otros.
Según la OSCE, esta es quizás la primera vez que las fuerzas de oposición de Kazajstán se unen bajo un mismo
techo.
34
Nombre original: “Qazaqstan Agrarlyk Partiyasi”.
- 16 -
Recomendaciones de la OSCE
A la luz de lo observado en estas elecciones, la OSCE hizo recomendaciones claras,

como la necesidad de prohibir las interferencias de las autoridades en el proceso electoral,
de llevar a cabo un proceso transparente de votación y recuento de los resultados, o de
eliminar las prohibiciones al registro de candidatos en base a disposiciones poco claras. Las
recomendaciones se refirieron, asimismo, al acceso de la oposición a los medios de
comunicación y a asegurar que los observadores internacionales pudieran llevar a cabo su
labor sin restricciones.
Elecciones parlamentarias. 19 de septiembre y 3 de octubre de 2004
Al igual que en las anteriores elecciones presidenciales y parlamentarias de 1999

en Kazajstán, la OSCE actuó de observador internacional durante el proceso electoral
parlamentario de 2004 y concluyó que 35, aunque hubo una sensible mejora con respecto
a elecciones anteriores, el proceso electoral no cumplía, en muchos aspectos, con las
exigencias de la OSCE y los estándares internacionales para unas elecciones democráticas.
Elecciones 2004, puerta a la presidencia de la OSCE en 2009
Con anterioridad a las elecciones de 2004, el gobierno de Kazajstán había

expresado su interés por presidir la OSCE en el mandato correspondiente a 2009 36, hecho
por el que estas elecciones fueron vistas como una oportunidad para que el país
demostrase su compromiso con los valores democráticos.
Algunas mejoras
El proceso electoral de 2004 contó con ciertas mejoras: el registro de doce partidos,
entre ellos el Elección Democrática de Kazajstán, contribuyeron a aumentar el pluralismo;
varios debates televisivos, aunque de forma limitada, dieron una oportunidad a los
candidatos para expresar sus ideas; no hubo cierre oficial de medios opositores ni se
procesó a ningún periodista, como había ocurrido en elecciones previas; aunque de forma
todavía limitada, se ofreció a los observadores internacionales un mayor margen de
actuación.
Carencias significativas permanecen
A pesar de la mejoras, como ocurrió en las elecciones pasadas, la OSCE advirtió

carencias significativas durante todo el proceso electoral.
Uno de los asuntos de mayor relevancia fue la falta de transparencia en la
administración electoral. Resultado de ello fue que dos de los líderes opositores no
35
“Final report on the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, 19 September and 3 October 2004”
36
- “Kazakhstan: Astana seeks OSCE rotating chairmanship in 2009”. Eurasianet. 05/11/05.
< http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/pp110505.shtml >
- “Kazakhstan could lead OSCE in 2009”. RFE/RL. 27/03/06.

< http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2006/3/FF820573-7808-439A-8EAA-460926AAF485.html >
- 17 -
pudieran concurrir a las elecciones, prohibición que fue vista de forma generalizada como
políticamente motivada.
En varias ocasiones, la Comisión Electoral Central actuó de forma arbitraria,

sesgada y no transparente. De hecho, la composición de las comisiones electorales, a
todos los niveles, continuaba siendo desequilibrada, teniendo ciertos partidos poca
representación.
La decisión tomada el día antes de las elecciones, por parte de la CEC, de cambiar
el sistema de voto en el 10 por ciento de los colegios electorales en el que se había
instalado el sistema de voto electrónico (al sistema electrónico se añadió la posibilidad de
votar mediante papeleta) provocó complicaciones de organización que fácilmente
permitían el voto múltiple y la falsificación. La OSCE no sólo criticó esta actuación, sino
también la falta de transparencia del propio sistema de voto electrónico, que no ofrecía
posibilidad a una auditoría manual. No obstante, no sólo se advirtieron complicaciones en
el sistema de voto, sino en las propias listas de votantes. Los observadores informaron de
que en algunos colegios electorales, los votantes eran añadidos en el momento de la
votación a las listas, mientras que otros no pudieron votar por no encontrar su nombre
registrado. Asimismo, como en las elecciones anteriores, se observaron problemas en el
proceso de recuento y tabulación de los resultados. No se ofreció a los observadores
informes de los protocolos seguidos ni de los resultados de cada colegio electoral, como
establece la ley.
La cobertura mediática de la campaña electoral fue fuertemente sesgada, a favor

de los dominantes partidos pro-Nazarbayev.
Asimismo, se observó una considerable presión a los votantes para que apoyaran a
los partidos pro-presidenciales.
Finalmente, el cauce de quejas y reclamaciones fue inefectivo y poco transparente.
Desregistro de candidatos y restricciones a las libertades fundamentales: los problemas

para la oposición continúan
Una de las carencias de la ley electoral que tuvo su incidencia en estas elecciones
fue la restricción del derecho a ser registrado, junto con la sanción desproporcionada que
supone la eliminación de un candidato de las listas electorales. Ejemplo de ello es el caso
de Bolat Abilov, uno de los dirigentes del partido opositor Ak Zhol, que fue privado de
poder concurrir a las elecciones en base a que había sido procesado con anterioridad por
calumnia. En este sentido, la OSCE recomienda que no se prive a los ciudadanos juzgados
por delitos menores de sus derechos de participación en las elecciones.
A pesar de que la ley electoral garantiza el derecho de los partidos y candidatos a

acceder a los votantes, el decreto presidencial sobre la organización de concentraciones
pacíficas, mítines, marchas, huelgas y manifestaciones, en la práctica, permite a las
administraciones locales negar el permiso para este tipo de eventos de forma arbitraria.
También la ley para la lucha contra la corrupción, que permite desregistrar a los
candidatos por pequeños errores en los informes fiscales, se ha usado en ocasiones de un
modo arbitrario, según la OSCE.
El 16 de septiembre, la Comisión Electoral Central desregistró a diez candidatos,

alegando que la información financiera que habían aportado era deficiente. La decisión
no se tomó en sesión abierta; tampoco los candidatos fueron informados de que la
- 18 -
Comisión estuviese investigando sus casos. Los candidatos recibieron faxes informándoles
de su desregistro únicamente un día antes de las elecciones, sin tener tiempo para cursar
una reclamación.
Mayoría de partidos pro-Nazarbayev
Nueve de los doce partidos que se presentaban apoyaban a Nazarbayev. El mayor

de ellos era Otan (Patria), dirigido por Nazarbayev. Las dos otras fuerzas pro-Nazarbayev
más importantes eran Asar, dirigido por Dariga Nazarbayeva, y AIST, una coalición del
Partido Cívico y el Agrario. Los otros cinco partidos no opositores, que jugaban un papel
menor al de los anteriores, eran Auyl, el Partido de los Patriotas, Rukhaniyat, el Partido
Comunista del Pueblo de Kazajstán y el Partido Democrático de Kazajstán.
Los tres partidos opositores – EDK, el Partido Comunista y Ak Zhol – tuvieron que
hacer frente a una gran presión por parte del gobierno, incluyendo la detención de
miembros del partido, la interferencia en las campañas electorales y la injusta adjudicación
de espacio público para la propaganda electoral.
Campaña electoral y medios de comunicación
En cuanto a al desarrollo de la campaña, éste fue particularmente complicado para

el bloque opositor formado por el partido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán y el Partido
Comunista (EDK/PC), que tuvo que enfrentarse a detenciones policiales, interferencia por
parte de las autoridades locales y retirada de su campaña de las emisoras de televisión por
petición de la Comisión Electoral Central.
En numerosas ocasiones, las autoridades locales tomaban decisiones partidistas,

negando el permiso de organizar mítines a los partidos de la oposición o concediéndolo
demasiado tarde, mientras que los partidos pro-gubernamentales podían organizar sin
problemas sus eventos, y en los mejores locales.
En cuanto a los medios de comunicación, la mayoría de las televisiones dieron

mucha más cobertura a las campañas de Otan y demás fuerzas pro-Nazarbayev. No
obstante, hay que señalar como mejora con respecto a las anteriores elecciones que
ningún medio fue cerrado por orden judicial durante la campaña electoral. Pero esta
sensible mejora se vio especialmente empañada por la “recomendación” no oficial de la
Comisión Electoral Central a las televisiones de retirar los anuncios del EDK/PC.
La prensa escrita, por su parte, ofreció una panorama más diverso: los medios
gubernamentales mostraron un claro sesgo a favor de Otan, mientras periódicos como
Respublica (antiguo Assandi Times) y Soz publicaron artículos críticos con el gobierno y los
partidos pro presidenciales.
Resultado final: abrumadora mayoría de fuerzas pro-Nazarbayev
Otan……………………........................42
Ak Zhol…………………….....................1
Asar…………………………………………...4
Bloque AIS.……………………………..11
Partido Democrático...…………….1
Candidatos independientes…18
- 19 -
Muchos de los candidatos estaban vinculados de algún modo a algún partido, en

su mayoría a Otan. La representación de Otan en el Parlamento es, por tanto, mayor de lo
que oficialmente suponen sus 42 escaños.
El único opositor real con escaño en el parlamento fue Alikhan Baymenov, del
partido Ak Zhol, que renunció a su puesto en protesta por lo que consideraba un proceso
electoral injusto y no limpio. Ningún miembro de la oposición aceptó los resultados de las
elecciones.
En octubre de 2004, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, portavoz del Majilis, anunció su

dimisión, citando como razón las irregularidades del proceso electoral, y pasando así a la
oposición.
- 20 -
ELECCIONES 2005
Observadores Internacionales
El proceso electoral fue controlado por observadores a corto y largo plazo de la

Organización para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa (OSCE), la Comunidad de
Estados Independientes (CIS), la Asamblea Parlamentaria del Consejo de Europa (PACE), el
Parlamento Europeo (EP) y otras organizaciones internacionales, así como organizaciones
no gubernamentales como Republican Network of Independent Monitors o League of
Voters of Kazakhstan.
Siguiendo la invitación del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores de la República de

Kazajstán, la OSCE, a través de su Oficina para las Instituciones Democráticas y los
Derechos Humanos (ODIHR) llevó a cabo la observación de las elecciones presidenciales
kazajas del 4 de diciembre de 2005.
El objetivo era, al igual que en pasados comicios, valorar todo el proceso electoral
en términos de cumplimiento con los requerimientos de la OSCE para unas elecciones
democráticas, con otros estándares internacionales y con la legislación nacional.
La misión de observación electoral de la OSCE se centró en los distintos ámbitos y

periodos del proceso electoral: la campaña, el marco legislativo, la situación de los medios
de comunicación, el trabajo de la administración electoral y de cuerpos gubernamentales
relevantes, los resultados y el uso del sistema electrónico de voto. 37
Según la OSCE, las recomendaciones hechas en su Informe Final de las elecciones

parlamentarias de 2004 con respecto al marco legal en que estas se desarrollaron, así
como las contenidas en su Valoración sobre la Ley Constitucional de Elecciones 38, no
fueron tenidas en cuenta. 39
Dos organizaciones internacionales, European Network of Election Monitoring

Organizations (ENEMO) 40 y Elections and Democracy 41, no fueron acreditadas por la
autoridades para observar el proceso electoral en base a que no eran organizaciones
internacionales, según la definición de la legislación nacional. No obstante, Elections and
Democracy fue acreditada en una ocasión anterior bajo la misma legislación.
Algunas organizaciones kazajas, en particular la Liga de los Votantes, fueron

presionadas hacia el término del periodo preelectoral. El grupo se vio sometido a
intimidación por parte de las autoridades regionales.
37
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights – Elections. Election observation mission. Observation
of the presidential election in Kazakhstan.
<http://www.osce.org/odihr-elections/item_12_16649.html>
38
OSCE. “Assessment of the Constitutional Law on Elections of the Republic of Kazakhstan”. 24/08/04.
39
OSCE. “Needs assessment mission report ahead of the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 4 December
2005”. p.2.
40
ENEMO es un grupo de 17 organizaciones de 16 países de la antigua URSS y de Europa Central y del Este.
Han observado más de 110 procesos electorales en todo el mundo.
<http://www.enemo.org.ua>
41
Elections and Democracy es una asociación internacional de ONGs procedentes de la Comunidad de
Estados Independientes.
- 21 -
Marco legal
Ley Constitucional de Elecciones
La ley electoral vigente en Kazajstán fue adoptada en abril de 2004. A pesar de

incorporar algunas mejoras, la OSCE indica carencias importantes: limitaciones al derecho
de ser elegido y de llevar a cabo un discurso político crítico, sanciones desproporcionadas
como el desregistro por violaciones menores de la ley, falta de garantías suficientes para
una representación plural en las comisiones electorales, ambigüedad en las disposiciones
en cuanto a la invalidación de las elecciones o el acceso al cargo del candidato elegido y
falta de garantías satisfactorias para un proceso electoral claro y eficiente, entre otras. 42
Enmiendas a la Ley Constitucional de Elecciones en abril de 2005
En abril de 2005 se hicieron cambios a la Ley de Elecciones, así como a la

legislación sobre seguridad nacional. Según la OSCE, las enmiendas a la ley electoral
restringen derechos fundamentales, como la libertad de reunión, reducen la
representación de los partidos políticos en las comisiones electorales y causan problemas
con respecto al voto por correo. Además, se incrementan los requisitos para registrarse
como candidato a las elecciones. 43
Continúan, asimismo, las limitaciones al derecho de los candidatos a llevar a cabo

un discurso crítico durante la campaña electoral y las disposiciones que prohíben la
difamación del honor y la dignidad del Presidente y los candidatos.
Además de esto, el artículo 44.6 introduce: “cualquier forma de expresión de

intereses o protestas públicas, grupales o personales que puedan tener un impacto en los
votantes o en las comisiones electorales no están permitidas desde el fin de la campaña
electoral hasta la publicación oficial de los resultados de las elecciones”. Esta enmienda
viola, según la OSCE, los fundamentales y universalmente reconocidos derechos de
asociación, expresión y reunión pacífica.
Ley de reuniones pacíficas y código administrativo
La OSCE también ha expresado en varias ocasiones su preocupación por la “Ley

para el orden en la organización y conducción de reuniones pacíficas, mítines, marchas,
huelgas y manifestaciones de la República de Kazajstán”. En combinación con el código
administrativo, esta ley impone limitaciones claras a los derechos fundamentales.
Además, la aplicación de esta ley a las reuniones de los candidatos con los votantes
crea innecesarios y poco razonables obstáculos al acceso al electorado y ofrece a las
autoridades ejecutivas locales el poder incuestionable de denegar las peticiones para este
tipo de mítines y de decidir el lugar y el horario de éstos, según la OSCE.
42
OSCE. “Assessment of the Constitutional Law on Elections of the Republic of Kazakhstan”. 24/08/04. pp. 2-4.
43
“Needs assessment mission report ahead of the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 4 December 2005”. p.2,
5,6.
- 22 -
Código penal
El atentado contra el honor y la dignidad del Presidente está penado con duras
sanciones, de hasta tres años de cárcel.
El resultado en la campaña electoral de la oposición es una restricción significativa

de la libertad de expresión y el derecho a la difusión de información, según la OSCE.
Bajo estos supuestos, el tribunal Almaty prohibió que se debatiera públicamente el

caso Giffen. 44
Administración de las elecciones
Las comisiones electorales actúan a tres niveles: una Comisión Electoral Central, 16
Comisiones Territoriales (una por cada oblast 45) y 9600 colegios electorales.
Según la OSCE, los partidos opositores tuvieron poca representación en todos los
niveles de la administración electoral. Los partidos con mayor representación fueron Otan
y Asar (partidos pro-Nazarbayev). La proporción de miembros propuestos por otros
partidos fue considerablemente menor. La razón de ello fue la baja representación que
tienen estos partidos en los órganos que deciden la composición de las comisiones (el
Majilis decide los miembros de la Comisión Electoral Central, mientras que los
componentes de las comisiones a nivel regional y local son nombrados por los Malikhats 46
en base a las propuestas de los partidos políticos. Las asociaciones civiles deciden un muy
pequeño porcentaje de los miembros).
La OSCE señaló también que existían problemas con las listas de votantes y que el
voto electrónico era poco fiable. 47
La CEC mantuvo reuniones abiertas y publicó la mayoría de las decisiones en su

página web. No obstante, las “reuniones de trabajo” de la CEC no siempre se anunciaban
con antelación y no podían ser observadas.
Nominación y registro de candidatos
Pueden registrarse como candidatos a la presidencia los ciudadanos que cumplan

los siguientes requisitos:
- Ser ciudadano kazajo

- Tener como mínimo 40 años de edad
- Haber residido en el país durante no menos de quince años
44
Caso Giffen o “Kazakhgate”: desde 2003, James Giffen, hombre de negocios, es juzgado por un tribunal
estadounidense en uno de los mayores casos de corrupción internacional de la historia de Estados Unidos.
Giffen sobornó en los años noventa a altos dirigentes kazajos, entre ellos el propio Nursultan Nazarbayev, a
cambio de suculentos contratos petrolíferos para empresas occidentales.
45
Oblast: región en que se divide el territorio de Kazajstán.
46
Maslikhat: órgano legislativo a nivel regional o local.
47
“Needs assessment mission report ahead of the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 4 December 2005”. p. 6-
7.
- 23 -
- Aprobar un examen de lengua kazaja 48

- Presentar informes fiscales propios y del marido o la mujer
- Aportar firmas de apoyo a su candidatura de más del 1% de los votantes
registrados (unas 86.000 firmas), recogidas equitativamente en al menos dos
tercios de los 14 oblast y las ciudades de Almaty y Astana.
- Entregar una contribución electoral equivalente a 50 veces el salario mínimo
mensual. (Esta contribución sólo se devuelve en el caso de que el candidato sea
elegido o reciba al menos el 5% de los votos, o en el caso de muerte del candidato).
De los dieciocho candidatos que se presentaron, cuatro no aprobaron el examen

de lengua kazaja, uno no hizo el examen, dos se retiraron y otros seis fueron rechazados
por no aportar el número de firmas requeridas y otra documentación.
Aunque inicialmente se habían presentado tres mujeres, finalmente no hubo

ninguna mujer registrada como candidato.
Reclamación de uno de los candidatos a la CEC
Uno de los candidatos que no fue aceptado, el senador Ualikhan Kaisarov, apeló la
decisión de la CEC al Tribunal Supremo, (que terminó por dar la razón a la CEC con su
sentencia del 10 de noviembre). Según Kaisarov, aunque él aportó 87.400 firmas (probado
mediante documentos), la CEC sólo admitió 60.852 de esas firmas como válidas y dentro
del periodo establecido, ya que la comisión de Karaganda no había terminado de verificar
las firmas. Kaisarov fue el único candidato cuyas firmas fueron revisadas por una comisión
regional. Se trata, por tanto, de un trato desigual en el proceso de verificación. De hecho,
el proceso de verificación de firmas, según la OSCE, no está claro en la legislación vigente.
Finalmente, sólo cinco de los dieciocho candidatos fueron registrados.
- Nursultan Nazarbayev (Otan)

- Zharmakhan Tuyakbai (Por un Kazajstán Justo)
- Mels Yeleussizov (independiente)
- Yerassyl Abylkasymov (Partido Comunista del Pueblo de Kazajstán)
- Alikhan Baimenov (Ak Zhol)
48
Desde la independencia de Kazajstán, la lengua kazaja ha cobrado un papel muy importante, convirtiéndose
la lengua oficial del país. Esto ha provocado que una gran parte de la población rusa residente en el país haya
emigrado y que muchos de los rusos que han permanecido, la mayoría de los cuales no habla kazajo, se
quejen de la discriminación en el empleo y la educación.
(Freedom House. “Freedom in the World 2005. The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties.”)
- 24 -
Candidatos a la presidencia 49
Nursultan Nazarbayev
Nursultan Nazarbayev (65 años) ha sido el presidente de Kazajstán desde que el

país obtuvo la independencia tras el colapso de la URSS en 1991.
Comenzó su carrera profesional en los años 60 como trabajador del acero en la
ciudad industrial de Karaganda. En 1969 comenzó su carrera en el Partido Comunista
uniéndose a la organización juvenil Komsomol. En 1984 se convirtió en el presidente del
consejo de ministros de la República. Cinco años después fue nombrado Secretario del
Partido Comunista de Kazajstán, puesto que le permitiría dirigir el desarrollo postsoviético
del país. Ganó las primeras elecciones presidenciales en diciembre de 1991.
El centro de su discurso político es la estabilidad y modernización de Kazajstán.
Zharmakhan Tuyakbai 50
Zharmakhan Tuyakbai (58 años) es el candidato del movimiento opositor Por un

Kazajstán Justo. Su coalición incluye el Partido Comunista de Kazajstán, el Movimiento de
los Pensionistas, Alga (parte del antiguo Elección Democrática de Kazajstán), y el partido
Naghyz Ak Zhol (facción separada de Ak Zhol). La coalición fue registrada oficialmente el 3
de agosto de 2005, y se ha convertido en el gran grupo de oposición de Kazajstán.
Después de graduarse en Derecho, Tuyakbai comenzó a trabajar como fiscal. De
1990 a 1995 fue el Fiscal General de la República de Kazajstán. En 1999, Tuyakbai se
convirtió en miembro del parlamento. Asimismo, lideró el partido pro-Nazarbayev Otan,
convirtiéndose en un gran aliado del presidente. A finales de 2004, Tuyakbai renunció a su
escaño en el parlamento para unirse a la oposición, alegando como razón de su dimisión
las irregularidades en las elecciones parlamentarias de octubre del mismo año. Tuyakbai se
convirtió pronto en el principal líder opositor.
Los temas centrales de su campaña fueron la reducción de la pobreza y la
democratización del país. 51
Mels Yeleusizov
Mels Yeleusizov (55 años) ha sido presidente del movimiento ecologista Tabigat
desde 1991. Estudió Derecho desde 1975 a 1981 en la Universidad Estatal Kazaja. En
1989, Yeleusizov se involucró en el movimiento ecologista, trabajando por la protección de
los ecosistemas cercanos al mar Aral y al lago Balkhash. Durante ese periodo, también
formó parte del movimiento antinuclear Nevada-Semipalatinsk.
Su campaña electoral se centró en la protección del medio ambiente.
49
Datos biográficos tomados de Eurasianet. “Kazakhstan votes 2005”.
< http://www.eurasianet.org/kazakhstan_election/candidates.shtml >
50
< http://www.tuyakbai.info/eng >
51
For Just Kazakhstan. Programa electoral. < http://www.tuyakbai.info/eng/movement/prog >
- 25 -
Erasyl Abylkasymov
Erasyl Abylkasymov (57 años) es el líder del Partido Comunista del Pueblo de
Kazajstán, una facción escindida del Partido Comunista de Kazajstán.
Ha sido miembro del parlamento desde 2001.
Alihan Baimenov
Alikhan Baimenov (46 años) es el líder del partido centrista Ak Zhol. Comenzó su
carrera política en 1990, año en el que ganó un escaño en el Consejo Regional de
Diputados de Zhezkazgansk. De 2000 a 2001 fue Ministro de Trabajo. En 2001, Baimenov
estuvo entre los miembros fundadores del opositor Elección Democrática de Kazajstán
(EDK). En 2002, se separó del EDK para unirse al moderado partido de la oposición Ak
Zhol.
El centro de su campaña fue la reclamación de un incremento en el ritmo de la
democratización del país, así como de la reducción del poder ejecutivo.
Periodo preelectoral
Antes del comienzo oficial de la campaña electoral (25 de octubre), Nursultan

Nazarbayev manifestó su voluntad de que se condujese un proceso electoral libre y justo.
El 9 de septiembre, el Presidente firmó un decreto (“Sobre las medidas de apoyo a los
derechos electorales de los ciudadanos de la República de Kazajstán”) en el que instó a los
candidatos, los ministros, los gobernadores locales y la Comisión Electoral Central a que
asegurasen el desarrollo de unas elecciones libres y justas, de acuerdo con las leyes de la
República de Kazajstán. 52
Por su parte, la Comisión Electoral Central, el 11 de octubre, instó a todos los

candidatos y autoridades estatales, a través del documento “Apelación a todos los
candidatos a las Elecciones Presidenciales de 2005” 53, a respetar la ley y permitir el
desarrollo de unas elecciones libres y justas. Asimismo, se aseguró que los medios estatales
cubrirían objetiva y equitativamente las campañas electorales de los candidatos.
No obstante, estas declaraciones de “buenas intenciones” no evitaron que se

dieran durante el periodo anterior al comienzo de la campaña electoral una serie de
hechos que afectaban claramente a la libertad de reunión y expresión.
El 8 de octubre, varios ciudadanos (la mayoría de ellos miembros del equipo de

Tuyakbai) fueron detenidos y multados por asistir a una reunión “no autorizada” en
Almaty.
Unos días después, el 11 de octubre, uno de los líderes de Por un Kazajstán Justo,
Tolen Tokhtasynov, fue detenido por su participación en una reunión “no autorizada”. La
detención tenía lugar un día antes de la reunión con la Secretaria de Estado de Estados
Unidos, Condoleeza Rice. Con la detención de Tokhtasynov, se evitaba que la reunión
prevista para el día siguiente tuviese lugar.
52
“On measures for Supporting the Electoral Rights of the Citizens of the Republic of Kazakhstan”.09/09/05.
< http://kazelection2005.org/library/Presidential_Decree_of_9_September_2005.pdf >
53
“CEC Appeal to all Candidates in the 2005 Presidential Election”. 11/10/05.
< http://kazelection2005.org/library/Appeal_to_All_Candidates_in_the_2005_Presidential_Election.pdf >
- 26 -
El 19 del mismo mes, las autoridades confiscaron 50.000 copias del periódico
opositor Svoboda Slova. Una parte de los ejemplares no confiscados fueron llevados a la
sede de Por un Kazajstán Justo. Durante toda la tarde, la policía rodeó la sede e intentó
confiscar las copias restantes. Cuando Tuyakbai abandonó la sede, su coche fue parado y
registrado.
A esto se suma un caso de interferencia directa en la libertad de expresión y

reunión de uno de los candidatos. La OSCE indica que uno de los principales líderes de la
oposición recibió una carta de “clarificación” del fiscal de Almaty antes de que las
elecciones fuesen oficialmente convocadas, advirtiéndole de que debía suspender sus
reuniones con ciudadanos a lo largo del país, ya que la ley electoral sólo permite que la
campaña tenga su comienzo a partir del fin del periodo de registro (24 de octubre). Según
la OSCE, la carta parecía malinterpretar la ley, ya que las elecciones no habían sido
convocadas en el momento en que se envió la carta, y esto indicaría, por tanto, una
interferencia directa de las autoridades en la libertad individual de movimiento, asociación
y expresión. 54
En cuanto a la recogida de las firmas necesarias para el registro de candidatos, se

recibieron quejas de presiones a ciudadanos que firmaban en apoyo a algún candidato,
así como a las personas que recogían las firmas.
En particular, Tuyakbai manifestó haber sufrido acoso y amenazas por parte de las
autoridades durante su campaña de recogida de firmas.
En total, se dirigieron unas 17.000 quejas a las autoridades y a la administración

electoral, la mayoría de ellas con motivo de la recogida de firmas de apoyo.
Por otra parte, las declaraciones del Ministro del Interior y del Consejo de Seguridad
Nacional advirtiendo de supuestos planes de acción violenta de la oposición, que
recibieron una notable atención en la prensa, contribuyeron a incrementar la tensión en el
periodo preelectoral.
Campaña electoral
La campaña electoral comenzó oficialmente el 25 de octubre y terminó el 2 de

diciembre.
Según la OSCE, las campañas se centraron en el posicionamiento a favor o en

contra de Nazarbayev, y no tanto en un programa político específico. Tres de los cinco
candidatos (Abylkasymov, Baimenov y Tuyakbai) mantuvieron importantes mítines con sus
votantes a lo largo del país. Por su parte, Yeleusizov llevó a cabo una campaña centrada en
cuestiones ecológicas. Nursultan Nazarbayev no hizo, oficialmente, campaña electoral,
aunque acudió a diversas visitas en varias regiones.
El 17 de noviembre, todos los candidatos, excepto Nazarbayev, que se encontraba

de viaje oficial en Ucrania, participaron en un debate televisivo. Aparte de éste, no hubo
más debates electorales en televisión.
54
OSCE. “Needs assessment mission report ahead of the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 4 December
2005”. p. 3.
- 27 -
Durante todo el periodo de campaña electoral, la OSCE observó limitaciones

continuas a las libertades fundamentales. A pesar de que la CEC había establecido que la
campaña electoral de ningún candidato contaría con impedimentos, Tuyakbai, Baimenov
y Abylkasymov encontraron restricciones para reunirse con los votantes, como la
concesión de locales excesivamente pequeños o situados a las afueras.
Según la ley, los candidatos deben pedir permiso a las autoridades para organizar
mítines con diez días de antelación. El 14 de noviembre, las autoridades permitieron a
Tuyakbai hacer un mitin en Almaty. Después de que las autoridades le denegaran el
permiso en varias ocasiones, ésta era la primera vez que le permitían a este candidato
organizar el evento en Almaty. El lugar de reunión que le concedieron resultó ser uno
alejado del centro de la ciudad, y no el que se había solicitado en un principio.
Tuyakbai reclamó que, de 51 peticiones que había cursado para llevar a cabo
mítines a lo largo del país, sólo cinco habían sido atendidas (y sólo una concedida para el
lugar de reunión solicitado).
A las dificultades impuestas a la organización de mítines de candidatos de la

oposición se suma el hecho de que éstos fueran interrumpidos en su curso por lo que
parecían intervenciones orquestadas, según reclamaron Tuyakbai y Baimenov.
Según la OSCE, tres candidatos presentaron quejas por interferencia en su

campaña e intimidación de sus votantes (Tuyakbai, Baimenov y Abylkasymov). La
interferencia incluyó, en varias ocasiones, la confiscación y destrucción del material
electoral. Varios candidatos se quejaron, además, de la falta de acceso a las vallas
publicitarias, copadas por la campaña de Nazarbayev.
Especiales obstáculos encontró la campaña de Tuyakbai, con la detención de

candidatos y militantes opositores de Por un Kazajstán Justo en Aktobe durante reuniones
con votantes. A esto se suman casos de confiscación de materiales de campaña,
intimidación de partidarios y vehículos que transportaban material electoral robados o
quemados. Además de ello, en dos de sus edificios, miembros de Por un Kazajstán Justo
descubrieron que estaban siendo vigilados por cámaras y micrófonos. La OSCE pudo
comprobar esta vigilancia.
Por otra parte, el asesinato de un líder de la oposición contribuyó a enturbiar el

clima del periodo de campaña electoral. El 12 de noviembre, Zamanbek Nurkadilov,
antiguo ministro y miembro del consejo político de Por un Kazajstán Justo, fue encontrado
muerto en su casa de Almaty con dos disparos en el pecho y uno en la cabeza. El
abogado de la familia dijo que se había encontrado una almohada que podía haber sido
utilizada como silenciador. Las autoridades no arrestaron a nadie y sugirieron que se
trataba de un suicidio. La oposición vio la muerte de Nurkadilov como un asesinato con
motivaciones políticas.
- 28 -
El marco legal que rige la campaña electoral es, principalmente, el de la Ley

Electoral y las normas de la CEC, adoptadas el 16 de septiembre. Según esto, los
candidatos y sus representantes tienen derecho a conducir sus campañas sin
impedimentos y a tener acceso a los medios de comunicación.
Los candidatos disponen, sin coste, de 15 minutos en la televisión estatal y 10

minutos en la radio, así como dos artículos en un medio impreso estatal (Kazakhstanskaya
y Egemen Kazakhstan). Según los candidatos opositores, hubo intentos por parte de los
medios estatales de modificar su material electoral.
Asimismo, los candidatos pueden anunciarse pagando espacios a los medios, que
deben ofrecer las mismas condiciones a todos.
El 29 de septiembre, los principales medios kazajos firmaron la declaración “Por

unas elecciones justas”, entre cuyos objetivos se encontraban el de promover desde los
medios unas elecciones honestas y libres basadas en los principios de la transparencia y el
respeto a los candidatos, y el de ofrecer a éstos las mismas oportunidades para expresar
sus opiniones. 55 No obstante, desde la firma del acuerdo se observaron diversos casos de
limitación a la libertad de expresión y difusión de información. Varios medios fueron
multados y sus copias confiscadas por violación de la legislación que protege el honor y la
dignidad de los candidatos.
El 19 de octubre se llevó a cabo la confiscación y destrucción de 50.000 copias del

periódico opositor Svoboda Slova. El mismo día, cinco periodistas fueron detenidos en
Almaty por informar sobre la confiscación del periódico. El 26 del mismo mes se volvió a
confiscar la tirada de Svoboda Slova. Los ejemplares fueron devueltos a los propietarios
después de unas horas.
A la confiscación de Svoboda Slova siguió, el 3 de noviembre, la del periódico

opositor Zhuma Times.
En estos casos, la policía detuvo los coches en los que eran transportadas las copias
sin presentar orden judicial alguna. La razón alegada para la confiscación fue la de
información falsa y difamación del honor y la dignidad de un candidato.
A las confiscaciones se sumaron sanciones económicas a Svoboda Slova, Zhuma

Times y Nachnem s Ponedelnika durante el mes de noviembre.
También se dieron casos de bloqueo de páginas web que ofrecían información

alternativa sobre el curso de la actualidad política. Poco antes del comienzo de la campaña
electoral, la web Navigator fue cerrada. Se alegó que había estado usando un nombre
que ya estaba registrado.
Un caso notable de restricción a la libertad de expresión fue la prohibición de

informar sobre el caso Giffen (o escándalo “Kazakhgate”), hecha efectiva en noviembre
por decisión del tribunal de Almaty. Las razón que alegó el tribunal kazajo para prohibir
que se discutiese en los medios este tema fue que ese tipo de debates atentan contra la
presunción de inocencia y constituyen un insulto al honor y la dignidad del presidente
55
“For Honest Elections”. 29/09/05.
< http://kazelection2005.org/library/Charter_For_Honest_Elections_adopted_by_Kazakh_Media.pdf >
- 29 -
(sancionado por el código penal). La decisión contraviene claramente la libertad de

expresión y el derecho a la información, según la OSCE.
Control OSCE medios
El 19 de octubre, la OSCE comenzó un control de los medios en cuanto al tiempo

que dedicaban a informar de la campaña de cada candidato y el modo en que lo hacían.
El control se hizo sobre cuatro televisiones (Kazakhstan-1, Khabar, Canal 31 y KTK) y
quince medios impresos diarios y semanales, privados y estatales.
Según la OSCE, durante las tres primeras semanas de campaña electoral (25
octubre – 14 noviembre), Nazarbayev recibió con diferencia la mayor cobertura por parte
de las cadenas de televisión.
Cadena de Porcentaje del tiempo ofrecido a información

televisión electoral dedicado a Nazarbayev
KTK……………………………………………….. 93%
Canal 31……………………………………….. 69%
Kazakhstan-1………………………………… 51%
Khabar…………………………………………... 36%
El resultado final del tiempo dedicado a cada candidato durante las seis semanas
de campaña electoral (25 octubre – 2 diciembre), en los programas de noticias, es el
siguiente:
- 30 -
Televisión kazaja
Porcentaje de tiempo dedicado a cada candidato 56
25/10/05 – 02/12/05
Kazakhstan-1 Khabar
Baimenov Tuyakbai Baimenov Tuyakbai
13% 12% 12% 14%
Abylkasymov
8% Abylkasymov
12%
Yeleussizov
8%
Yeleussizov
13% Nazarbayev
49%
Nazarbayev
59%
KTK Canal 31
Baimenov Tuyakbai Baimenov
6% 6% Abylkasymov 3% Tuyakbai
Abylkasymov 3% 12%
9% Yeleussizov
Yeleussizov 8%
2%
Nazarbayev
Nazarbayev 74%
77%
Además de recibir más atención en términos cuantitativos, la información sobre

Nazarbayev era predominantemente positiva.
Mientras que el tono de la información sobre los demás candidatos era positivo o
neutro, el ofrecido sobre Tuyakbai era en ocasiones negativo, en particular en Khabar y en
Canal 31. Estos medios presentaron la campaña de Tuyakbai con un cierto grado de
distorsión.
La televisión privada KTK, que ofreció una cobertura desmesurada de Nazarbayev,

ignoró con mucho las actividades de los demás candidatos en sus telediarios. En sus
programas satíricos, el medio se centraba exclusivamente en miembros y candidatos de la
oposición.
56
Datos y gráficos tomados de “Media monitoring charts (television) for the 4 December 2005 presidential
election in Kazakhstan”. OSCE.
< http://www1.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/12/17259_en.pdf >
- 31 -
Los medios estatales, en general, dedicaron un tiempo significativo a ofrecer una

imagen positiva de los logros del presidente, el gobierno, y otras estructuras estatales.
Entre los temas principales se encontraba la estabilidad kazaja, frente a los criticados
cambios políticos de algunos países del área postsoviética.
En cuanto a los medios impresos, Nazarbayev y Tuyakbai recibieron la mayor

cantidad de espacio. La mayoría de los medios mostró un sesgo a favor o en contra de
alguno de estos candidatos. Los medios impresos estatales, junto con un número de
periódicos privados, ofrecieron una cobertura mayor y más positiva de Nazarbayev. En
cambio, periódicos privados como Zhuma Times o Svoboda Slova, que simpatizan con la
oposición, dedicaron la mayoría de sus páginas sobre la campaña electoral a Tuyakbai,
siempre de forma muy positiva.
Día electoral, recuento de votos y tabulación de los resultados
Día de las elecciones (4 de diciembre)
Según la OSCE, en la gran mayoría de los colegios electorales, el voto se hizo en un

clima de calma. No obstante, se observaron numerosas irregularidades a lo largo de la
jornada electoral.
Personas no autorizadas estaban presentes en el 11% de los colegios electorales, en

ocasiones interfiriendo o dirigiendo el proceso (4%).
Los observadores advirtieron presión directa a votantes sobre a quién debían dar
su voto en el 3% de las mesas de votación.
Se observaron otras irregularidades importantes, como firmas idénticas en las listas

de votantes (10%) o casos de claro relleno de urnas con papeletas falsas (cinco casos).
Además, el hecho de que las urnas no estuvieran precintadas correctamente (12%)
posibilitaba la falsificación.
En numerosos colegios electorales, un significativo número de votantes solicitó ser

añadido a las listas, sin que se les exigiera ningún tipo de documento o certificado que
permite votar en otro colegio electoral. En total, unos 100.000 votantes fueron añadidos a
las listas electorales el día de la votación. Por el contrario, en otros casos fueron
ciudadanos que habían comprobado previamente que sus nombres estaban en las listas
los que no los encontraron el día de las elecciones, no permitiéndoseles votar.
Recuento de votos
El proceso de recuento de votos fue valorado negativamente en el 28% de los

casos. Los observadores advirtieron serias irregularidades en el 21% de los recuentos
observados, incluyendo la falsificación.
Durante el recuento, en el 54% de los casos, las papeletas electorales no se

enseñaron a los que estaban allí presentes.
Los resultados preliminares no fueron ofrecidos en los colegios electorales y en la

web de la CEC hasta las 13.00 h del día siguiente a las elecciones.
- 32 -
Tabulación de los resultados
La transparencia en la tabulación de los resultados fue valorada negativamente por

los observadores de la OSCE en el 43% de las comisiones electorales de distrito.
Resultado finales 57
Candidato Nº votos porcentaje

Nursultan Nazarbayev 6.147.527 91.15
Zharmakhan Tuyakbai 445.934 6.61
Alikhan Baimenov 108.730 1.61
Yerassyl Abylkasymov 23.252 0.34
Mels Yeleussizov 18.834 0.28
Recomendaciones finales de la OSCE
En su Informe Final, la OSCE hace a las autoridades de Kazajstán claras

recomendaciones 58 con respecto al marco legal, la administración de las elecciones, el
voto electrónico, las regulaciones de la campaña y los medios de comunicación. Entre
otras, la OSCE propone introducir una serie de medidas indispensables: eliminar las
limitaciones a las libertades de asociación y reunión; introducir una mayor pluralidad en la
composición de las comisiones electorales, imparcialidad en la actuación e independencia
con respecto a la rama ejecutiva del poder; respetar la igualdad de condiciones en el
acceso a espacios durante la campaña electoral; asegurar que las autoridades no intimidan
a los votantes y candidatos; introducir una política más razonable de registro de partidos
políticos; respetar la libertad de prensa, no sancionando a los periódicos con la
confiscación de sus ejemplares, y evitar la concentración de los medios.
57
Datos de la Comisión Electoral Central. < http://kazelection2005.org >
58
OSCE. “Final report on the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 4 December 2005”, pp. 27-30.
- 33 -
SITUACIÓN POST ELECTORAL
Las elecciones presidenciales de diciembre habían sido anunciadas como un

examen a la reforma democrática que en teoría ha emprendido la antigua república
soviética. Sin embargo, según numerosos observadores independientes, periodistas y
organizaciones internacionales, las elecciones no han cumplido los estándares
internacionales y no han sido conducidas sino por la manipulación, la censura y el acoso a
los candidatos de la oposición y a la prensa independiente kazaja. A través de sus
declaraciones e informes, organizaciones e instituciones como Human Rights Watch, el
Congreso Democrático de Asia Central, la Unión Europea, la Comisión de Helsinki o la
OSCE, han señalado las diversas irregularidades que se han dado durante proceso
electoral.
La oposición no acepta los resultados de las elecciones
Además de las organizaciones e instituciones internacionales, también la oposición

kazaja ha denunciado las restricciones a las libertades fundamentales y la falta de
transparencia del proceso electoral, no en la calle, sino en los tribunales. Los resultados de
las elecciones fueron cuestionados por el principal líder de la oposición, Zharmakhan
Tuyakbai, que apeló el 15 de diciembre al Tribunal Supremo, alegando que el resultado de
las elecciones publicado oficialmente por la Comisión Electoral Central no se correspondía
con la decisión del pueblo de Kazajstán. Tuyakbai presentó copias de los resultados de
1.012 comisiones electorales a nivel de distrito y alegó que existían diferencias entre estos
resultados y los publicados por la CEC en su página web. El 23 de diciembre, el Tribunal
Supremo falló en contra de Tuyakbai. La subsiguiente apelación de la decisión del Tribunal
Supremo al Colegio de Casos Civiles del Tribunal Supremo por parte de Tuyakbai no fue
admitida a trámite.
De cualquier forma, la reelección de Nazarbayev parecía ya un hecho consumado y

era poco probable que la Comisión Electoral Central reconsiderara los resultados de la
votación. 59
Ante las quejas desde filas opositoras, la respuesta oficial de Nazarbayev fue, en sus
apariciones públicas tras las elecciones, una llamada a la oposición para cooperar “de
forma constructiva” para el beneficio del pueblo. 60
Después de las elecciones, la presión a la oposición continúa
Consecuencia de las irregularidades y limitaciones a las libertades fundamentales

durante el proceso electoral fue que ningún miembro de un país occidental acudiese a la
ceremonia de nombramiento del presidente kazajo tras las elecciones. La pregunta que
ahora se hacen algunos es si queda alguna posibilidad de un cambio político positivo,
después de que Nazarbayev y su familia se hayan asegurado sus puestos. 61
59
YERMUKANOV, M. “Kazakhstan after elections: what is in store for the opposition?” Central Asia Asia-
Caucasus Analyst # 24. 14/12/05.
< http://www.cacianalyst.org/issues/20051214Analyst.pdf?SMSESSION=NO >
60
YERMUKANOV, M. op. cit.
61
- Eurasian Transition Group. “Essay on the post-electoral situation in Kazakhstan”. 16/01/06.
< http://www.tuyakbai.info/eng/movement/review/2006/01/18/review_30.html >
- Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst # 24:
SJÖBERG, F. “Could Kazakhstan move beyond electoral authoritarianism?”
YERMUKANOV, M. “Kazakhstan after elections: what is in store for the opposition?”
- 34 -
Pero la actualidad política del periodo post electoral del país no ha estado marcada
por un cambio positivo ni por una disminución de la presión a la oposición. Aunque se
concedió la libertad condicional a Galymzhan Zhakianov, importante opositor político,
otros opositores como Bulat Abilov, Alibek Jumabaev o Makhambet Abjan fueron
arrestados o acusados de distintos cargos.
Galymzhan Zhakianov, antiguo líder del prohibido Elección Democrática de

Kazajstán, se encontraba en prisión durante las elecciones por una sentencia de agosto de
2002 en la que se le declaraba culpable de abuso de poder, sentencia que fue vista de
forma generalizada como motivada políticamente. Tras las elecciones, a Zhakianov le fue
concedida la libertad condicional.
En diciembre, Bulat Abilov, importante figura opositora y hombre de negocios que

apoya económicamente a la oposición, fue acusado de cometer delitos financieros. La
oposición vio estas acciones como un medio de silenciar voces discordantes.
Alibek Jumabaev, uno de los agentes electorales de Tuyakbai en el sur de

Kazajstán, fue arrestado durante más de un mes, según las autoridades, por organizar
disturbios e insultar al presidente. Jumabaev no ve su caso sino como un ejemplo de
persecución política.
A finales de diciembre, Makhambet Abjan, joven activista que había buscado asilo
político en Kirguizistán, fue extraditado a Astana por las fuerzas secretas kazajas, que
habían sobornado a policías kirguises para arrestarle en suelo kirguiz. Abjan se valía de las
posibilidades que le ofrecía Kirguizistán para desarrollar su actividad como uno de los
principales portavoces de la así llamada oposición kazaja en el exilio. Reconocidos
demócratas, ONGs y grupos de derechos humanos se dirigieron a las autoridades de
Kirguizistán para que no le entregasen a las autoridades kazajas.
Además de la persecución de opositores, en Kazajstán ha continuado la presión a

medios independientes. El caso más destacable es el de Zhuma Times, el periódico
opositor líder del país. Tras publicar artículos sobre el escándalo de corrupción
“Kazakhgate” (o “caso Giffen”, en relación al juicio que se está llevando a cabo en Nueva
York por sobornos masivos supuestamente pagados por empresas occidentales a altos
mandatarios kazajos, entre ellos el propio Nazarbayev, a cambio de contratos petrolíferos
durante los años noventa), el tribunal de Almaty ordenó la suspensión de la publicación el
20 de diciembre, más la confiscación y destrucción de la tirada completa del 8 de
diciembre.
Otro de los movimientos en contra de la oposición fue la sentencia del 20 de

diciembre contra la intención del partido opositor Nagyz Ak Zol de establecer una sede en
la capital, Astana. Desde su formación en abril de 2005, cuando Bulat Abilov y otros
políticos abandonaron el originario Ak Zol, Nagyz Ak Zol no ha podido registrase como
partido político nacional.
Alga, otro de los partidos opositores, sucesor de Elección Democrática de Kazajstán

(prohibido a principios de 2005), tampoco obtuvo el registro oficial, no pudiendo
participar así en las pasadas elecciones.
- 35 -
En tres meses, dos líderes opositores asesinados
Por encima de los actos de presión sobre la oposición, la actualidad política kazaja
ha estado marcada muy especialmente por el escándalo provocado por el asesinato del
opositor miembro de Nagyz Ak Zol, Altynbek Sarsenbayev, el 11 de febrero 2006. Tras la
detención de cinco miembros de cuerpos especiales del Estado, las autoridades
anunciaron que el asesinato había sido organizado por Yerzhan Utembayev, antiguo
presidente del Senado, por cuestiones puramente personales. La oposición y la comisión
designada para controlar la investigación no dan crédito a esta versión e indican que el
círculo de personas interesadas en la muerte de Sarsenbayev es más amplio e incluye a
altos dirigentes kazajos. Se apunta a la familia del presidente (Rakhat Aliev, Timur Kulibayev
o Kairat Satypaldy) e incluso se afirma que Aliev, antiguo dirigente de la agencia de
seguridad kazaja y marido de Dariga Nazarbayeva, estuvo presente en la escena del
crimen. 62 Rakhst Aliev dice ser objeto de una campaña de difamación y asegura que
demandará a todos los individuos y medios de comunicación que le han involucrado en el
asesinato de Sarsenbayev.
La muerte de Sarsenbayev trae a la memoria el asesinato de Zamanbek Nurkadilov,

encontrado muerto en su casa de Almaty en noviembre de 2005, antes de las elecciones
presidenciales. Nurkadilov presentaba dos disparos en el pecho y uno en la cabeza. La
investigación oficial concluyó que se trataba de un suicidio.
Los asesinatos de los dos líderes opositores han traído consigo, además de la
condena por parte de instituciones como el Parlamento Europeo 63, un destello de rebelión
popular contra Nazarbayev. 64 El 15 de febrero, miles de personas salieron a la calle con
motivo del funeral de Sarsenbayev, muchos con bufandas naranjas, el color de la
oposición política.
El 26 de febrero hubo disturbios entre la policía y los ciudadanos que se

manifestaban en Almaty en conmemoración de la muerte de Sarsenbayev. Según Reuters,
la televisión kazaja no informó del incidente. Dos días después de la manifestación, varios
dirigentes de Por un Kazajstán Justo fueron condenados por la organización y
participación en la manifestación por Sarsenbayev, considerada ilegal. Zharmakhan
Tuyakbai y otros cuatro líderes de FJK fueron multados con 200-400 $ cada uno. Otros
activistas, entre ellos Bulat Abilov, fueron encarcelados.
Abril 2006
62
“Rakhat Aliyev was present at the crime scene when the murder was committed” Eurasia. 26/02/06.
63
“Condemning the murders of Altynbek Sarsenbayev and Zamanbek Nurkadilov”. Eurasia. 17/03/06.
< http://www.eurasia.org.ru/cgi-
bin/datacgi/database.cgi?file=News&report=SingleArticle2005&ArticleID=0002109 >
64
STAROBIN, P. “Murder in Kazakhstan”. The Atlantic (Washington). 01/03/06.
- 36 -
DOCUMENTOS Y ENLACES
Elecciones presidenciales 1999
- OSCE. “Preliminary statement on the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 10 January

1999”
- OSCE. “Final report on the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 10 January 1999”

Elecciones parlamentarias 1999
- OSCE. “Preliminary statement on the first round of the parliamentary elections in

Kazakhstan, 10 October 1999”
- OSCE. “Preliminary statement on the second round of the parliamentary elections in

- OSCE. “Final report on the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, 10 and 24 October

1999”
Elecciones parlamentarias 2004
- OSCE. “Preliminary statement on the first round of the parliamentary elections in

- OSCE. “Preliminary statement on the second round of the parliamentary elections in

- OSCE. “Final report on the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, 19 September and 3

October 2004”
- ABAZOV, R. “Parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan: reading and interpreting the results”.

UNISCI Discussion Papers. UNISCI (Unidad de investigación sobre Seguridad y
Cooperación Internacional de la UCM)
< http://www.ucm.es/info/unisci/Rabazov.pdf >
Elecciones presidenciales 2005
- OSCE. “Needs assessment mission report ahead of the presidential election in Kazakhstan,
4 December 2005”
- OSCE. “2005 presidential election in Kazakhstan: Interim Report 1”

- 37 -
- OSCE. “2005 presidential election in Kazakhstan: Interim Report 2”

- OSCE. “Statement of preliminary findings and conclusions on the presidential election in

Kazakhstan, 4 December 2005”
- OSCE. “Final report on the presidential election in Kazakhstan, 4 December 2005”

- “On measures for Supporting the Electoral Rights of the Citizens of the Republic of
Kazakhstan”.09/09/05.
< http://kazelection2005.org/library/Presidential_Decree_of_9_September_2005.pdf >
- “CEC Appeal to all Candidates in the 2005 Presidential Election”. 11/10/05. Disponible en
<http://kazelection2005.org/library/Appeal_to_All_Candidates_in_the_2005_Presidential_Election.pdf >
- Caspian Information Centre. “Inquiry into the Preparations for a free and fair presidential
election in the Republic of Kazakhstan. December 4 2005”
<http://caspianinfo.org/downloads/CIC_Report_on_its_Visit_to_Kazakhstan_10_November_2005.pdf >
- Eurasian Transition Group. “Essay on the post-electoral situation in Kazakhstan”

http://www.tuyakbai.info/eng/movement/review/2006/01/18/review_30.html
- Statement of the Central Asian Democratic Congress

- EU statement on the Presidential Elections in Kazakhstan

- U.S. Helsinki Commission. “Missed Opportunity in Kazakhstan”. 21/12/05.

- Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst. 14/12/05

- “Kazakhstan’s presidential elections: a step forward”
- “Could Kazakhstan move beyond electoral authoritarianism?”
- “Kazakhstan after elections: what is in store for the opposition?”
http://www.cacianalyst.org/issues/20051214Analyst.pdf?SMSESSION=NO
Ley electoral
- OSCE. “Assessment of the Constitutional Law on Elections of the Republic of Kazakhstan”.

24/08/04.
Medios de comunicación – Libertad de expresión
- OSCE. “Media monitoring charts (television) for the 4 December 2005 presidential
election in Kazakhstan”
< http://www1.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/12/17259_en.pdf >
- “Almaty Declaration on Pluralism in the Media and the Internet”. 28/10/05.

- 38 -
- OSCE. “Analysis of the draft law of the Republic of Kazakhstan On the Mass Media”.
27/09/05.
- OSCE. “Kazakhstan's regulations for the allocation of domain space”. 28/10/05.

- “For Honest Elections”. 29/09/05.

<http://kazelection2005.org/library/Charter_For_Honest_Elections_adopted_by_Kazakh_Media.pdf >
- CPJ Committee to Protect Journalists

“Attacks on the Press 2003” (Kazakhstan)
< http://www.cpj.org/attacks03/europe03/kazak.html >
“Attacks on the Press 2004” (Kazakhstan)

< http://www.cpj.org/cases04/europe_cases04/kazak.html >
- Reporters without Borders

“Kazakhstan Annual Report 2004”
< http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=9963 >
“Kazakhstan – Internet under Surveillance 2004”

< http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=10680&Valider=OK >
- Human Rights Watch.

“World Report 2006: Kazakhstan”
< http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/01/18/kazakh12287.htm >
Kazakhstan: New Restrictions Put Election at Risk 12/10/05

< http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/10/12/kazakh11853.htm >
- Freedom House
“Freedom in the World 2005. The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil
Liberties. Kazakhstan.”
<http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&year=2005&country=6764>
“Freedom of the press 2005. Kazakhstan.”

< http://65.110.85.181/template.cfm?page=16&year=2005&country=6764 >
Internet
- Banco Mundial. “Kazakhstan. ICT at a Glance”. 2000-2004.

- Kazakhstan Development Gateway. “E-readiness and Needs Assesment Report”. 2000.

< http://www.developmentgateway.org/ download/140237/KzDGERANeeds.doc >
- 39 -
Actualidad en Kazajstán tras las elecciones 2005
Asesinato Altynbek Sarsenbayev
“Terror in Kazakhstan”. Eurasia

< http://www.eurasia.org.ru/cgi-
bin/datacgi/database.cgi?file=News&report=PageArticles2005&pagename=Terror&firstrecord=0&finalrecord=
20 >
Presión a la oposición
“No Let-Up in Pressure on Kazak Opposition”. IPWR. 12/01/06

< http://www.iwpr.net/?p=rca&s=f&o=258937&apc_state=henirca2006 >
Caso Giffen / “Kazaghate”
“Businessman reported Kazakh corruption to U.S. intelligence”. 17/12/05

< http://www.wpherald.com/storyview.php?StoryID=20051217-104441-5997r >
Enlaces
Eurasianet
< http://www.eurasianet.org/index.shtml >
Eurasia - Central Asia: Information, Analysis, Review

< http://www.eurasia.org.ru/index_en.shtml >
International Crisis Group – Central Asia

< http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=1251&l=4 >
Kazakhstan elections 2005

< http://kazelection2005.org/index.php >
Zharmakhan Tuyakbai – Por un Kazajstán Justo

< http://www.tuyakbai.info/eng/index >
Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty. News and Features on Kazakhstan

< http://www.rferl.org/featuresarchive/country/kazakhstan.html >
- 40 -
APÉNDICE. Las elecciones kazajas en la prensa internacional
Medios
- Españoles……………………………………………………………………………………………...…………...41
- Británicos…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….48
- Estadounidenses………………………………………………………………………………………………..56
- Franceses…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….87
- Italianos……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….93
- Rusos……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………94
- Árabes……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….121
- Otros medios /organizaciones………………………………………………………………………127
- 41 -
MEDIOS ESPAÑOLES
Texto 1
Medio El País.es (diario digital)

Enlace http://www.elpais.es/articulo/elpporint/20051205elpepuint_6/Tes
Fecha de 05-12-05 (11.21 h)
publicación
Fecha de 05-12-05 (20.30 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título La OSCE acusa al presidente de Kazajistán de impedir unas elecciones
libres
Subtítulo Nursultan Nazarbayev revalidó ayer su mandato con más del 90% de los votos
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Agencias Madrid-Almaty
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de
texto La Organización para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa (OSCE) ha
criticado hoy duramente al Gobierno de Kazajstán por “limitar la posibilidad”
de unas elecciones libres, en referencia a los comicios generales celebrados ayer
en este país centroasiático, y ha afirmado que no se ajustaron a los "estándares
europeos de unas elecciones democráticas".
La OSCE, que ayer desplegó a más de 460 observadores para revisar la

transparencia de la elección, ha reconocido que el gobierno de Nursultan
Nazarbayev, en el poder desde los tiempos en que Kazajistán era aún una
república soviética, ha realizado algunas reformas, pero ha advertido que han
sido insuficientes para garantizar un proceso democrático.
Nazarbayev se aseguró la reelección hasta 2012 gracias al 91% de los sufragios,

lo que le permitirá poner en práctica su promesa de triplicar la producción de
petróleo, y mantener así el crecimiento económico sostenido que vive el país en
la última década.
Kazajstán, un enorme país que abarca buena parte del centro de Asia, tiene un
57% de población musulmana, y sus mayores inversores extranjeros en los
últimos años han sido grandes petroleras norteamericanas como Chevron o
Exxon Móvil.
El presidente ruso, Vladimir Putin, se ha apresurado a felicitar a Nazarbayev por

la que considera una “victoria convincente”, y le ha expresado su intención de
desarrollar y reforzar los lazos de “buena vecindad y cooperación estratégica”.
Observaciones ---
- 42 -
Texto 2
Medio El Mundo.es (diario digital)

Enlace http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2005/12/05/internacional/1133784394.html
Fecha de 05-12- 05 (15.23 h)
publicación
Fecha de 06-12-05 (13.09 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título La OSCE denuncia irregularidades en las elecciones presidenciales de
Kazajistán
Subtítulo Los datos oficiales otorgan al presidente, Nursultán Nazarbáyev, más del 90%
de los votos
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Agencia EFE
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de
texto La Organización para la Seguridad y Cooperación en Europa (OSCE) ha
denunciado que los comicios presidenciales en Kazajistán -en los que triunfó el
presidente Nursultán Nazarbáyev con más del 90% de los votos- "no se han
ajustado a los estándares internacionales".
"A pesar a los esfuerzos para mejorar el proceso electoral, las autoridades no
mostraron la suficiente voluntad política para celebrar unas elecciones genuinas
en línea con los estándares europeos de unas elecciones democráticas", señaló
Bruce George, jefe de la misión de observadores de la OSCE, durante una
conferencia de prensa en Astaná, capital kazaja.
En sus conclusiones preliminares, la OSCE agregó que, si bien la votación

transcurrió en un clima de tranquilidad, el proceso se deterioró durante el
escrutinio que fue considerado malo o muy malo en uno de cada cuatro colegios
electorales.
Este organismo observó casos de votación múltiple, interferencia de personas no

autorizadas en los colegios, presiones a los estudiantes para que acudieran a
votar y numerosas irregularidades.
Mientras, el líder de la oposición de Kazajistán, Yarmaján Tuyakbái, anunció

que no reconoce y recurrirá los resultados de los comicios. "Consideramos que
estas elecciones son el colmo de la injusticia y de la deshonestidad", señaló en
rueda de prensa el líder de la formación Por un Kazajistán Libre, que obtuvo un
6,64% de votos, según los datos de la Comisión Electoral Central.
- 43 -
Tuyakbái recalcó que su estado mayor electoral recurrirá ante la Justicia los
resultados del escrutinio, pero, que sus acciones se ajustarán estrictamente a los
límites constitucionales.
"La oposición puede sacar a la calle a miles de personas, pero ha tomado la

decisión de no hacerlo", dijo el dirigente opositor, que ya antes de los comicios
adelantó que no llamaría a los opositores a tomar las calles.
En opinión de Tuyakbái, antiguo presidente del Parlamento kazajo, los

resultados anunciados son "consecuencia de las violaciones sin precedentes a la
Constitución y la ley durante toda la campaña electoral".
Mientras, el jefe de la delegación de observadores de la Asamblea Parlamentaria
del Consejo de Europa (PACE), Tadeusz Iwinski, dijo que "la gran participación
muestra el interés y la esperanza del pueblo kazajo en el desarrollo de una
sociedad democrática".
La OSCE ha observado casos de votación múltiple e interferencias de personas

no autorizadas en los colegios
Esta alta participación, agregó, condujo a que en algunos casos los colegios
electorales estuvieran abarrotados de votantes, lo que ralentizó el proceso y minó
el carácter secreto del voto.
El jefe de la misión del Parlamento Europeo, Struan Stevenson, dijo haber sido
testigo "de mejoras en el proceso electoral", aunque aseguró que todavía "queda
mucho trabajo por hacer para que la democracia embrionaria de Kazajistán
crezca y madure".
Por su parte, el jefe de la misión británica de observadores, el diputado Peter

Lilley, aseguró que el "gran respaldo obtenido por el presidente no deber ser
interpretado como un pretexto para poner en duda las elecciones".
Lilley también admitió que Nazarbáyev contaba con "una serie de ventajas
evidentes que le permitieron obtener esos resultados, como el creciente nivel de
vida, la baja inflación, el aumento de las pensiones y el alza de los salarios de los
funcionarios públicos".
Observaciones
Texto 3
Medio El Mundo.es (diario digital)

Enlace http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2005/12/05/internacional/1133765637.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 06-12-05
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título El presidente de Kazajistán renueva su mandato con el 91% de los votos
Subtítulo ---
- 44 -
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Agencia EFE
Entradilla El máximo mandatario de Kazajistán, Nursultán Nazarbáyev, ha logrado un
triunfo arrollador en las elecciones presidenciales con el 91,1% de los votos,
según los resultados oficiales anunciados por la Comisión Electoral Central.
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de
texto De acuerdo al escrutinio en 9.546 circunscripciones, el principal rival de
Nazarbáyev y líder del frente opositor Por un Kazajistán Libre, Yamarján
Tuyakbái, se hizo con el 6,64% de votos.
Los otros tres candidatos -Aliján Baiménov, presidente del partido Ak Yol
(Sendero Luminoso), Erasyl Abylkasímov, del Partido Comunista del Pueblo, y
el diputado Mels Eleusízov, líder de la unión ecologista Taguibat (Naturaleza)-
no han tenido casi respaldo.
"Puedo felicitar al pueblo de Kazajistán con la victoria del presidente

Nazarbáyev", declaró Onalsin Zhulmabékov, presidente de la Comisión
Electoral Central, a la que solo le falta el recuento en 34 circunscripciones para
completar el escrutinio.
Según las autoridades kazajas, la jornada electoral transcurrió sin incidentes

considerables, en un ambiente de total normalidad.
Sin embargo, el partido de Tuyakbái señaló que "el resultado de las elecciones es
simplemente absurdo y tan alejado de la realidad como lo ha sido la campaña de
los comicios de las normas establecidas por la OSCE".
El equipo del principal rival del actual presidente denunció centenares de

irregularidades en todo el país durante el proceso electoral, pero descartó
manifestaciones callejeras que rompan el marco legal.“La oposición puede sacar
a la calle a miles de personas, pero ha tomado la decisión de no hacerlo", dijo
Tuyakbái, que ya antes de los comicios adelantó que no llamaría a los opositores
a tomar las calles.Los resultados de las elecciones, que contaron con una
participación ciudadana del 75,52%, revalidan por siete años más el mandato de
Nazarbáyev, quien llegó al poder en Kazajistán en 1989, aún en tiempos de la
URSS.Luego, lo dirigió a partir de la independencia, proclamada en 1991, y fue
el principal artífice del 'milagro kazajo', como se califican los logros económicos
y socio-políticos conseguidos en estos años.
Observaciones ---
- 45 -
Texto 4
Medio La Vanguardia.es (diario digital)

Enlace http://www.lavanguardia.es/web/20051205/51203695017.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 06-12-05 (13:57 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título La oposición de Kazajstán acepta la derrota y aparca la revolución naranja
Subtítulo Las primeras estimaciones dan a Nazarbaiev más de un 70% de los votos
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Gonzalo Aragonés. Corresponsal en Almaty
Entradilla Las presidenciales en el petrolero Kazajstán siguieron el guión previsto: victoria
contundente de Nazarbaiev y estabilidad para una zona sensible a intereses
internacionales. A ésta contribuye la decisión de la oposición de no efectuar
protestas pese a denunciar el fraude.
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de
texto La resignación de la oposición de Kazajstán es mayor que en las otras ex
repúblicas soviéticas donde se han celebrado elecciones y se han denunciado
irregularidades. Su debilidad y el apoyo popular al presidente Nursultán
Nazarbaiev no permiten a los opositores soñar después de las presidenciales de
ayer con manifestaciones, ni siquiera testimoniales como las que todavía se
organizan en Azerbaiyán contra los resultados de los pasados comicios
legislativos. Nazarbaiev, que ha ganado con entre el 71 y el 89,7 por ciento de
los votos, según diversas encuestas, seguirá al frente del país siete años más.
"Es evidente que Nazarbaiev sólo puede ganar si hay fraude electoral",
argumentaba después de votar en un colegio de la capital económica Almaty
Zharmaján Tuyakbai, el candidato del movimiento Por un Kazajstán Justo. Pero
cuando los periodistas le preguntaron qué harán, la respuesta fue hasta lacónica:
"Protestar...". Tuyakbai confirmó luego que no piensan organizar "revoluciones
naranjas". Y aseguró estar "preparados" para negociar con el Gobierno la
liberalización económica y la democratización de la sociedad. Su jefe de
campaña, Bolat Abitov, denunció que mucha gente no pudo votar por haber sido
excluidos de las listas electorales y que muchos electores votaron a Nazarbaiev
por orden de sus jefes o de funcionarios del Gobierno.
Tuyakbai fue aliado de Nazarbaiev en los noventa. Fiscal general en el primer

lustro, llegó a dirigir el partido oficialista Otan. En 2004 rompió con el
presidente y surgió como el principal líder opositor. Ayer habría sido el único en
superar el 5 por ciento. Los otros candidatos eran el ex ministro de Trabajo
Alikhan Baimenov, líder del partido Ak Zhol; el comunista Erasyl Abylkasimov
y el ecologista Mels Eleusizov.
- 46 -
"Hay que ser realista, aquí nadie piensa que vaya a haber segunda vuelta. La
victoria del presidente será contundente", pronosticaba a La Vanguardia Peizulá
Magomedov, un compromisario del Partido Popular Comunista impecablemente
vestido con la murida (traje tradicional). "Hemos vivido años de paz cuando en
todos nuestros vecinos había guerras. Los cambios ahora se producen muy
rápido, la economía mejorará y nos irá muy bien".
Magomedov, ingeniero de profesión y de 62 años, es de origen checheno. Llegó

a Kazajstán cuando todavía era un bebé, en 1944, durante las deportaciones de
Stalin. Y es que se da la circunstancia de que Kazajstán es la única ex república
soviética donde la etnia dominante no supera el 50 por ciento de la población.
Los kazajos son el 46 por ciento, seguidos de los rusos con un 35 por ciento.
Además hay ucranianos, armenios, uzbekos, tártaros, alemanes, chechenos. Esta
situación se mantendrá si, como apuntan todos los expertos y las estadísticas, los
ricos pozos petroleros del mar Caspio convierten a Kazajstán en un emirato en
pleno centro de Asia. Muchos de los rusos que emigraron en los noventa
volverán en los próximos años.
Para la oposición, el resultado de las elecciones de ayer es fruto de un fraude

electoral orquestado desde el poder. La OSCE, que participó en los comicios
con 465 de los 1.600 observadores internacionales, criticó la víspera al Gobierno
kazajo por "no cumplir sus obligaciones para asegurar unas elecciones libres".
Los observadores de la Comunidad de Estados Independientes (CEI)
discreparon, como suelen, con los occidentales. "No ha habido irregularidades
serias que puedan distorsionar el resultado", aseguró ayer Vladimir Pejtin,
vicepresidente de la Asamblea de la CEI.
Observaciones ---
Texto 5
Medio El País.es (diario digital)

Enlace http://www.elpais.es/articulo/elpporint/20051206elpepiint_14/Tes
Fecha de 06-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 06-12-05 (12.05 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título La OSCE denuncia anomalías en las elecciones de Kazajistán
Subtítulo Nazarbáyev gana los comicios presidenciales con el 91% de los votos
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Pilar Bonet, corresponsal en Astana
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
- 47 -
entradilla
Cuerpo de
texto El presidente de Kazajistán, Nursultán Nazarbáyev, de 65 años, obtuvo el 91,1%
de los votos en las elecciones celebradas el pasado domingo, según los
resultados oficiales provisionales. La delegación de observadores de la OSCE,
formada por 460 miembros de un total de 43 países, concluyó, sin embargo, que
los comicios no cumplieron los requisitos necesarios para poder ser
considerados democráticos. La OSCE denunció la "tendenciosidad" de los
medios de información a favor del presidente, la "intimidación" y "persecución"
de los activistas de los otros candidatos y deficiencias que "limitaron las
posibilidades de una verdadera competencia". Pese a algunas mejoras, las
autoridades de Kazajistán "no mostraron suficiente voluntad política para
celebrar una elección verdaderamente buena de acuerdo con los criterios
internacionales", manifestó Bruce George, coordinador de los
observadores.Nazarbáyev, que lleva en el poder 15 años y ha sido reelegido por
otros siete, calificó los comicios de "abiertos y transparentes". El pueblo, dijo,
votó por la unidad, la estabilidad, el futuro y por su plan de modernización
económica. Con todo, reconoció: "La democracia es el fin del camino, nosotros
estamos al principio". Nazarbáyev goza de gran prestigio entre sus
conciudadanos, y esta corresponsal ha oído cómo muchos kazajos repetían
frases como ésta referidas a su presidente: "Que se quede y acabe lo que ha
empezado, porque si vienen otros, primero querrán llenarse los bolsillos y
Nazarbáyev ya no tiene esa urgencia".
Las cifras obtenidas, que recuerdan a las obtenidas en Uzbekistán por Islam
Karímov (91,9% en 2000) y en Turkmenistán por Saparmurat Niyázov (99,50%
en 1992), han sorprendido incluso a los expertos en mercadotecnia política del
equipo presidencial. "Los gobernadores provinciales han exagerado en su celo
de alagar a Nazarbáyev", señalaban medios de este entorno, según los cuales la
suma de diversas manipulaciones locales ha producido un porcentaje
embarazoso, que pone en entredicho la seriedad de las intenciones
democratizadoras del líder. Ni siquiera las encuestas más afines a Nazarbáyev
pronosticaban unas cifras semejantes.
Según la comisión electoral central, el segundo clasificado entre los cuatro

candidatos restantes, Zharmaján Tuyakbai, logró un 6,64 % de los votos. En
Almatí, Tuyakbai calificó los comicios como "el colmo de la injusticia" y
anunció "medidas legales de protesta" y "presiones para que sean invalidados".
A primera hora de la mañana, Nazarbáyev se reunió en un estadio deportivo con
miles de estudiantes convocados para jalear al líder. "Además de liberarnos de
las clases, nos han dado desayuno y nos han traído en autobús", señalaba un
alumno de la escuela del funcionariado, mientras grupos de rock atronaban en el
escenario y los activistas agitaban banderas amarillas.
Observaciones Foto de Nazarbayev celebrando su victoria (agencia EFE)
- 48 -
MEDIOS BRITÁNICOS
Texto 1
Medio BBC News

Enlace http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/4488236.stm
Fecha de 01-12-05 (15:50 GMT)
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazakhs set to vote for stability
Subtítulo Kazakhstan goes to the polls on Sunday to elect a president, in a distinctly
upbeat mood.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Ian MacWilliam
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de texto While the other Central Asian republics struggle with repressive presidents and
sluggish economies, this vast country - the ninth largest in the world, by area -
is on a roll.
With huge reserves of oil and gas around the Caspian Sea, Kazakhstan expects
to become a major oil exporter in the coming decade or so.
The economy has been growing strongly, at about 9% a year - on a par with its
giant neighbour, China. Kazakhstan's biggest city and former capital, Almaty,
is emerging as a regional commercial centre in the shadow of the Tien Shan
mountains.
The city is flush with cash, its streets choked with sleek and expensive
imported cars. The new rich, and an emerging middle class, have turned the
staid provincial atmosphere of a decade ago into a cosmopolitan party town of
clubs, restaurants and casinos. New buildings are going up everywhere you
look.
To the north, the new Kazakh capital, Astana, is rising from the steppe, a post-
modernist showcase for a country which is proudly emerging at last from the
shadow of its domineering Soviet-era master, Russia.
Recent elections in other post-Soviet republics - Georgia, Ukraine and

Kazakhstan's neighbour, Kyrgyzstan - have triggered popular protests which
drove presidents from power. But few people expect such an outcome in
Kazakhstan.
- 49 -
Kazakhstan certainly shares some of those countries' problems - a corrupt elite,

sharp divisions between rich and poor, and an opaque electoral system which
favours the incumbent. But unlike Kazakhstan, those three republics were all
still deep in post-Soviet torpor.
On the streets of Almaty, most people seem to think their country is on the
right track.
"Of course I'll go to vote," said one woman firmly when asked. "I'll vote for
the president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, naturally."
"We'll vote for the standing president," said another woman. "I don't know the
programmes of the other candidates. They may be capable, but if they come to
power, they'll start looking after themselves. The one who's there, we know
him by what he's already done and I trust him."
Corruption allegations
There are some dissenting voices, mostly people angered by the wealth
President Nazarbayev and his family members have accumulated during 14
years in power.
"When we have an honest society, we'll have honest elections," said one man
in central Almaty. "I'll vote for an opponent of the current president. He's done
enough for himself, but now it's time for a more progressive president who
understands society."
Five candidates are standing for president, including the incumbent. Mr

Nazarbayev's main rival is Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, standing for the main
opposition alliance, For a Just Kazakhstan.
The head of the alliance's election campaign, Bulat Abilov, claimed it had 40%
support. But political backing is hard to judge in Kazakhstan because there are
no independent polling agencies.
Mr Abilov said the alliance had serious concerns about how fair the voting
process would be.
Kazakhstan has never yet held an election judged fair by international

standards. The opposition, and most foreign observers, say the official results
of parliamentary elections held only last year were clearly rigged in favour of
pro-presidential parties.
The country's media is also largely controlled by the government and

supporters of President Nazarbayev.
Mr Abilov said the country's priority should be the fight against corruption and
poverty.
"Millions of people in Kazakhstan still live very badly. Corruption corrodes

our society. Even the schools and institutes are corrupt, so what future is there
for our children?" he said.
Privatisations which saw five of the country's top enterprises acquired by
- 50 -
associates of the president should be reviewed, he said. A tax should also be

imposed on the country's extractive industries so that some of the profits being
made from Kazakhstan's natural resources could go towards improved
education and health care.
Vote for stability

But analysts say the opposition is not widely known or trusted by voters.
Dosym Satpayev, head of the Assessment Risks Group in Almaty, said they
suffered from three serious weaknesses.
"Firstly, they have no charismatic leaders. Secondly, they have very limited
access to the media. And thirdly, the opposition have less money than the
president, and he can count on the support of the state bureaucrats to back his
campaign."
There seems little doubt that Sunday's vote will be a vote for stability. Its
significance will be what it shows about Kazakhstan's political maturity.
"The elections are important," said John Ordway, the US ambassador in

Kazakhstan, "because they will be a demonstration of whether and how
Kazakhstan is prepared to carry out its commitments to modernise and
democratise the country."
Kazakhstan is now a middle-income country which aspires to serve as a model

for post-Soviet transition. Some say it should strive to compare itself not with
the rest of Central Asia - given the region's poor democratic and human rights
record - but with the more successful emerging economies of eastern Europe.
These elections will indicate whether that is now a realistic objective.

Observaciones ---
Texto 2
Medio Reuters UK
Enlace http://today.reuters.co.uk/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=worldNews&storyID=20
05-12-04T093819Z_01_ARM413201_RTRUKOC_0_UK-KAZAKHSTAN.xml
Fecha de 04-12-05 (9.38 GTM)
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (23.43 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakhs vote for president, opposition cries foul
Subtítulo ---
Traducción ---
de títulos
Autor Olzhas Auyezov, Reuters. (Additional reporting by Dmitry Solvyov and Raushan
- 51 -
Nurshayeva in Astana and Maria Golovnina in Almaty)

Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
de entradilla
Cuerpo de ALMATY (Reuters) - Kazakhs voted on Sunday in an election almost certain to
texto return Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev to power but the opposition
cited early signs of fraud.
The world's ninth-largest country by landmass has attracted billions of dollars of

Western, Russian and Chinese investment as production from its oilfields grows,
but it has never held an election judged free and fair.
"We already have the first alarming signals from the provinces where there have
been a number of violations," opposition challenger Zharmakhan Tuyakbai told
reporters after he voted in the biggest city Almaty.
He said his campaign had evidence of duplicate voter lists that could allow
multiple voting -- a feature of past elections where monitors have reported voter
list problems and pressure on state employees to vote for the government.
But in the bitterly cold and windswept new capital Astana, Nazarbayev said he
had wound up his own campaign early to give his opponents more of a chance.
"This year's election is being held in unprecedentedly democratic conditions," the

65-year-old former Communist Party apparatchik told reporters, flanked by wife
and two daughters.
He says his main achievement has been securing political and inter-ethnic
stability for the Central Asian state during the turbulent post-Soviet years and
fostering economic growth.
Voting started before dawn at 7:00 a.m. (0100 GMT) and the polls were due to
close at 8:00 p.m. (1400 GMT).
Early results from a controversial Belarus-designed electronic voting system that

is used alongside paper ballots are expected on Monday morning, election
officials have said.
The opposition has said it will not break the law by arranging spontaneous
demonstrations against alleged vote-rigging like those that swept through
Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan and ousted long-serving leaders.
But the authorities have not taken any chances, closing the border with neighbour
Kyrgyzstan and issuing statements in recent weeks saying they would come
down hard on any disorder.
Almaty -- the most opposition-minded city -- has been awash with rumours of
impending unrest and Central Election Commission data at 2:00 p.m. showed it
had a very low turnout: just 25 percent compared to a national average of 49
percent.
Bulat Abilov, an opposition campaign manager, said he feared the low turnout
- 52 -
could assist any vote-rigging because it would leave unused ballot papers. He
blamed the atmosphere of fear on television stations "that have been inciting
hysteria".
Tuyakbai, 58, running for opposition alliance For a Just Kazakhstan, has
focussed his campaign on corruption scandals under Nazarbayev and his family's
business interests.
Three other candidates are also running, including Alikhan Baimenov, a former
labour minister who has broken away from the main opposition bloc.
In Astana, Oktobrina, a retired doctor said she voted for Nazarbayev due to his
economic reforms.
"Just look around you, people have really started to live better here, look at how
well they are dressed and how many cars there are," she said.
But in Almaty, Nina, also a pensioner, said: "I find it difficult to approve of
Nazarbayev's inner circle and the fact there was so much dirt thrown at Tuyakbai
on television."
Observacione ---
s
Texto 3
Medio BBC news

Fecha de 04-12-05 (11.07 GTM)
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (23.50 h)
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazakh voters in combative mood
Subtítulo Kazakhstan's largest city Almaty awoke slowly to election day, with polling
stations opening to a typically sleepy Sunday early morning.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Robert Greenall
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de texto A solitary street-sweeper and a few cars easing up and down the city's wide
avenues were all that broke the 7am silence. But within hours there was plenty
of activity, ranging from the humdrum to the unashamedly festive.
At the main polling station in the city's central Medeu district, a female singer
- 53 -
belted out Kazakh ballads as women in national costume lined the steps to the
entrance.
The occasion was the visit of city Mayor Imangali Tasmagambetov, former
prime minister and close ally of President Nazarbayev.
Elsewhere things were more low-key, but by mid-morning voting was brisk -
especially among the elderly - and voters in combative mood.
'Change vs stability'
Shomkhan made no secret of her choice, the main opposition candidate
Zharmakhan Tuyakbai.
"Everything has to change," she told the BBC News website at another city
polling station. "Everything has been stolen from us."
Mels, a super-fit cycling pensioner, refused to say how he had voted but his
opinions were clear. "He wants to go on like Brezhnev until his jaw drops off,"
said the 69-year-old former psychologist of the president.
"There'll be totalitarianism even worse than the Soviet Union."
By mid-morning, pollsters outside gave Mr Nazarbayev a slight lead over his

main rival, though this inner city polling station may not be representative.
"I respect Nazarbayev," says pensioner Natalya Malinovskaya, a member of

the dwindling ethnic German minority.
"I lived all my life in Kazakhstan, and now things are calmer and better than
ever."
Her daughter, Elena Urasheva, said her mother was so satisfied with life in
Kazakhstan that she had stayed when all her relatives left for Germany.
"We have calm in the region, and the best banking system in the former Soviet
Union," she said. "I am earning well, thanks to Nazarbayev, and I can support
my children and my mother."
Fears of unrest
Inside the polling station, there were moments of tension as a few angry voters
slated the new electronic system, which some older or less computer-literate
voters are finding complicated.
The names of only three of the five candidates appear on the screen, and
voters have to scroll down to find the other two, which happen to be Mr
Nazarbayev and Mr Tuyakbai. Most are choosing to stick to paper voting.
There were few observers in the first hours of voting, all but one from pro-
Nazarbayev parties.
Solitary communist Zoya Alina seemed despondent about her candidate's

chances.
- 54 -
"There's been a lot of pressure from the pro-Nazarbayev parties," she said.
"There all are sorts of rumours flying around about a revolution, but as you see
everything here is calm."
Fear of unrest is common here, with many people worried that the country's
stability will be threatened by some kind of opposition revolt like that in
neighbouring Kyrgyzstan.
But on the ground there seems little evidence of anger, and opposition
demonstrations and rallies are virtually non-existent.
In the days leading up to the election you could not help but think this was a
one-horse race.
Apart from outside polling stations, where all candidates were allowed to put
their posters before election day, Nazarbayev flags and portraits are
everywhere. Electioneering methods sometimes seem dubious.
"Our company is voting for Nazarbayev," said a representative of tiny

provincial airline Semey Avia, unashamedly sporting a chewing gum-shaped
badge where the words Wrigleys Juicy Fruit are replaced by the president's
slogan "Kazakhstan, only forward!"
The airline's planes have Nazarbayev posters on the wall, and staff have even
been wearing jackets in the president's colours.
The president's grip on his country seems firmer than ever.

Observaciones ---
Texto 4
Medio BBC News

Fecha de 04-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakhstan chooses new president
Subtítulo The people of Kazakhstan have been voting in an election widely expected to
return President Nursultan Nazarbayev for another seven-year term.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor ---
Entradilla ---
- 55 -
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de texto Mr Nazarbayev has headed the Central Asian republic since independence.
The other four contenders - all men - include the main opposition candidate,
former governing party member Zharmakhan Tuyakbai.
International observers have criticised previous elections in Kazakhstan as
neither free nor fair.
Voting started at 0700 (0100 GMT) and ends at 2000 (1300 GMT), with early
results expected on Monday morning.
A candidate must gain more than 50% of votes in the first round to avoid a
run-off.
Upbeat
A survey by the US-based Intermedia Survey Institute suggested Mr
Nazarbayev enjoyed 71% support, with none of his challengers getting above
2%.
However, an opposition-ordered opinion poll claimed that Mr Nazarbayev was

only narrowly ahead of Mr Tuyakbai - leading by 41.2% to 40.3%, the
Associated Press news agency reported.
The election is being seen as an important test of whether this vast oil-rich
country is moving towards greater political openness, says the BBC's Ian
MacWilliam in the capital, Astana.
Hundreds of international observers have arrived to monitor the poll.

Parliamentary elections last year were widely seen as rigged.
Mr Tuyakbai, a former prosecutor general and parliamentary speaker, has said

he expects the results of Sunday's election to be "fraudulent".
The opposition has warned of street protests if the voting is unfair.
However, analysts say Mr Nazarbayev is genuinely popular among voters.
"He managed three things: real economic growth, inter-ethnic and inter-
religious peace, and successful foreign policy," Dosym Satpayev, director of
the Risk Assessment Group think tank, told the AFP news agency.
Voters are in a more upbeat mood than they have been in many years, our
correspondent says, as after more than a decade of post-Soviet drabness and
depression, Kazakhstan is suddenly on the edge of a relative boom.
Economic reforms and foreign investment in the country's huge oil reserves
have brought a new prosperity which was almost unthinkable a few years ago,
and while corruption is widespread, life is definitely getting better for many
people, our correspondent adds.
Observaciones ---
- 56 -
MEDIOS ESTADOUNIDENSES
Texto 1
Medio The Washington Post

Enlace http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
dyn/content/article/2005/11/21/AR2005112100391.html?sub=AR
Fecha de 21-11-05 (9.31 h)
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (3.46 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakh Diplomat Praises Presidential Vote
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Bagila Bukharbayeva, The Associated Press
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan -- Kazakhstan's top diplomat said Monday that next
texto month's presidential election will be a serious step toward democracy for the
oil-rich, former Soviet republic.
Long-ruling President Nursultan Nazarbayev faces the strongest-ever opposition

challenge in the Dec. 4 elections, but is widely expected to win a new seven-
year term. None of the previous elections during Nazarbayev's 16-year tenure
have been recognized by Western observers as free and fair.
The fledgling democratic opposition accuses Nazarbayev of holding back

democratic reforms and alleged corruption, however, he is credited with
bringing steady economic growth to the Central Asian nation.
In an interview with The Associated Press, Foreign Minister Kasymzhomart

Tokayev said Nazarbayev's government is doing its utmost to make sure the
vote is legitimate.
"Never before did (Nazarbayev) and his administration pay such focused
attention and was so keen to ensure free and fair elections as this time,"
Tokayev told AP.
"I'd like to say responsibly that the (December) election will become a serious
step toward democratic values," he said.
Opposition groups have complained of alleged beatings and illegal detentions of

activists, the seizure of opposition newspapers and the lack of access to the
media. Most TV channels are controlled by Nazarbayev's family or his loyalists.
- 57 -
The campaign has also been marred by the Nov. 12 fatal shooting of a former
government minister who had become an outspoken critic of Nazarbayev and
backed the president's main challenger, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai.
"The opposition's job is to oppose authorities and protest. It would be absurd to

expect something else from them," Tokayev said during the interview in his
office in the capital Astana.
He also said that state TV channels have been giving equal access to all five
candidates.
The conduct of the December elections could have an impact on Kazakhstan's

bid to chair the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in 2009. If
successful, Kazakhstan could become the first ex-Soviet republic to chair the
OSCE.
"We are talking about integrating Kazakhstan into the system of European
values," he said. "It's an additional stimulus to promote reforms, first of all
democratic reforms, and it's also a desire to have constant contact with
European institutions and countries."
The campaign also is expected to be closely watched in the wake of election

fraud and mass protests in other former Soviet republics that have brought
opposition leaders to power.
Also Monday, the governing Otan party said unknown assailants had broken
into its office in a major southern city and stolen documents. Otan's leader in
southern Kazakhstan, Shalatai Myrzakhmetov, said the assailants had severely
beaten a guard at the party's office in Shymkent early Monday.
He said the stolen documents contained information on Otan's activities,

although he did not elaborate.
In a statement, Otan said "given the political situation, the incident requires
close attention."
Observaciones ---
Texto 2
Medio International Herald Tribune

Enlace http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/11/24/news/kazakh.php
Fecha de 25-11-05
publicación
Fecha de 30-11-05
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazakhstan, with its rough edges, faces election
- 58 -
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Andrew E. Kramer (The New York Times)
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de Standing beside Condoleezza Rice, the U.S. secretary of state, when she visited
texto Kazakhstan last month, President Nursultan Nazarbayev said he "wholly and
truly" supported freedom of speech in his country.
Six days later, the police seized 50,000 copies of Svoboda Slova, an opposition
newspaper whose name means freedom of speech.
The remaining papers, which the police said contained an article that libeled the
president, were rushed by the editors to the headquarters of the main opposition
candidate in presidential elections scheduled for Dec. 4.
Police officers searched the cars of people leaving the opposition's offices,
looking for copies of Svoboda Slova, according to opposition officials and a
report by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which has
an electoral observer mission here.
"These elections will not be fair," Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, the leading opposition
candidate, said in an interview later, hours after returning from a campaign trip
where, he said, the electricity had been cut in the hall where he spoke and his
microphone did not work.
As the election nears, international observers say, there have been some
troubling turns on the campaign trail. A member of the main opposition group,
For a Fair Kazakhstan, an alliance of four political parties that represents
Tuyakbai, was shot and killed in his villa overlooking Almaty, this country's
financial capital, on Nov. 12. The 14-year-old daughter of an opposition worker
is missing. Four international election monitors have been expelled.
Western analysts and diplomats are closely watching this election, which comes
a year after the Orange Revolution in Ukraine toppled another entrenched
regime, and after a disputed parliamentary election in Azerbaijan was held
earlier this month.
In government polls, Nazarbayev leads Tuyakbai, a former general prosecutor

who is supported by a coterie of other ousted government ministers, by more
than 50 percentage points.
Nazarbayev, 65, the son of ethnic Kazakh shepherds, is a shrewd politician who
rose in the Soviet system and has ruled Kazakhstan since before its
independence in 1991. He has deftly balanced the three dominant Kazakh clans
in his government, observers say, while retaining the support of the country's
large Russian population.
"Every year he strengthens his own, limitless power," Tuyakbai said. "Mr.
- 59 -
Nazarbayev is moving toward the status of a dictator."
Karim Massimov, an aide to the president, brushed aside criticism of

Nazarbayev's extended term in office, pointing out that Franklin D. Roosevelt
had served multiple terms as president of the United States.
"We're hoping that the policy of the president, democracy through economic
development, can be a model for our neighbors, and maybe other Muslim
countries," Massimov said in a telephone interview from the capital, Astana.
"Kazakhstan is not moving toward a dictatorship.
While analysts and Western diplomats say the ingredients for a popular
uprising, like those that shook Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, are lacking
here, other issues are at stake. Kazakhstan, a sprawling country the size of
Western Europe, holds two-thirds of the crude oil reserves in the Caspian Sea
area, and it is seen as the most important source of oil for world markets outside
the Middle East.
But as in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan's oil-rich neighbor across the Caspian Sea,

opposition groups feel deflated by a lack of backing from the United States, and
they say the oil beneath the steppe has something to do with that. "The West is
interested in the wealth of Kazakhstan, not its democracy," said Tolen
Tokhtasinov, campaign manager for the opposition alliance in Almaty.
This year the United States budgeted $15.4 million for programs to encourage
democracy in another Central Asian state, Kyrgyzstan - a mostly rural,
mountainous country of 5 million people where the United States maintains an
air base for servicing military aircraft on missions to Afghanistan - and only
$7.4 million for Kazakhstan and its 15 million people, according to State
Department figures. Workers with nongovernment organizations in Kazakhstan
say it is often difficult to use even the small amounts of financial aid they
receive from the United States and elsewhere because of intense scrutiny by
government officials.
Rice, speaking with reporters after she met Nazarbayev in Astana on Oct. 13,
said she had pressed him on democratic reforms.
"While we do have interests in terms of natural resources and in terms of the

struggle against terrorism, we have in no way allowed those interests to get in
the way of our open and clear defense of freedom," she said.
Nearly 15 years after the breakup of the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan is the
economic leader among the five former Soviet states of Central Asia, and
despite its problems it is more politically and economically stable than its
troubled neighbors. Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are ruled by autocratic
leaders; the governments of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan remain politically and
economically weak and unstable.
The economy here has grown for the past six years, driven by oil exports made
possible through production-sharing agreements with U.S.-based multinational
companies. Average per capita income will approach $3,000 this year.
Still, economic tensions are mounting. Unemployment in the oil regions is high.
- 60 -
The Soviet-era housing stock is crumbling into the desert, and some people
continue to live in mud-and-wattle shacks built beside gleaming new oil pumps
put up by the international oil companies.
As campaigning continues, corruption has emerged as a central theme of the

opposition, but it has not been of great help because the opposition has almost
no way to get its message out. There are several opposition newspapers with
small circulations, but as with Svoboda Slova the government sometimes
confiscates them.
Advisers to Tuyakbai say they have tried, without much success so far, to gain
traction in an uphill presidential race by pointing out that filings for a case
pending in a U.S. federal court name Nazarbayev as the recipient of millions of
dollars in bribes from an intermediary in contract negotiations with U.S. oil
companies. The case has not had much coverage here.
In a letter to the opposition alliance on Oct. 8, the general prosecutor's office

said any mention of the case would be prosecuted as libel, the legal justification
given two weeks later for seizing copies of Svoboda Slova.
Sergei Duvanov, the editor of a human rights newsletter published here, was
among the first journalists to write about the case in 2003. During a recent
interview, he lifted his sweater to show an X-shaped scar on his chest. He was
beaten and cut with a knife in the entranceway to his home after his article came
out, he said. "'If you don't stop writing we will mutilate you,"' the attackers told
him, Duvanov said. The police have made no arrests.
In addition to Tuyakbai, there are three other opposition candidates, all with
minuscule support. If no candidate wins more than 50 percent of the vote, a
runoff election will be held. But right now that seems unlikely.
Massimov, the presidential aide, said Nazarbayev was committed to democratic

reforms, including ceding powers to the Parliament.
Observaciones ---
Texto 3

dyn/content/article/2005/12/02/AR2005120200980.html
Fecha de 02-12-05 (14.04 h)
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (3.44 h)
consulta
Género Noticicia
periodístico
Título Demonstrations Feared in Kazakhstan
Subtítulo ---
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Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Jim Heintz, The Associated Press
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan -- Kazakhstan is electing a president Sunday amid little
texto doubt that longtime leader Nursultan Nazarbayev will win _ and dark
speculation about what will happen thereafter.
In recent weeks, authorities have repeatedly accused the pro-democracy

opposition of planning demonstrations modeled on the protests that drove
President Askar Akayev of neighboring Kyrgyzstan out of the country in
March.
Last week, Kazakhstan closed its border with Kyrgyzstan, either fearing an
influx of troublemakers or trying to create the impression that an uprising was
being plotted.
Nazarbayev's main challenger, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, leaves the question open.

He maintains the opposition won't mount any demonstrations that violate
Kazakhstan's restrictive laws, but tells reporters that "if authorities provoke a
standoff with people, civil unrest, we will stand by the people."
Kazakhstan, four times the size of Texas, has vast oil and gas reserves that are a
potential alternative to Middle East petroleum, and its stability matters greatly
to the United States and Western Europe. The country borders both Russia and
China.
Under Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan has cannily maneuvered between Washington,

Moscow and Beijing. With Russia and China, it's a member of the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization that has called for U.S. bases in the region to be
closed. At the same time, a small Kazakh contingent is part of the U.S.-directed
forces in Iraq. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, in an October visit, urged
Kazakhstan to undertake democratic reforms, but it was a mild statement,
compared with Washington's strong criticism of some other ex-Soviet
governments.
Nazarbayev, who has led the nation of 15 million since 1989, when it was still
part of the Soviet Union, is widely esteemed for his economic reforms, in
contrast to Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, also led by Soviet-era presidents.
Kazakhstan's economy has grown by some 75 percent in the last seven years,
and per capita gross national income is about $2,250, about five times higher
than neighboring Uzbekistan's.
Rival Tuyakbai promises to curb corruption, make democratic reforms, reduce

poverty and distribute energy revenues more fairly. But opinion polls predict
Nazarbayev will win a new seven-year term with 60 percent to 70 percent of the
vote against four challengers.
Kazakhstan's comparative prosperity is his strong suit, while dissatisfaction

with him is rooted in the Kazakhstan's inhibited political climate, and in
- 62 -
allegations that he and his family have enriched themselves at the country's
expense. His two previous election victories were widely criticized as
undemocratic.
Opposition candidates complain that they can't rent billboards, that their
campaign materials have been stolen and that press runs of newspapers
supporting them have been seized.
Astana, the capital perched on Kazakhstan's snowy steppes, has few posters of
opposition candidates, but huge banners extolling Nazarbayev abound. One
calls him "The best president in the world."
The campaign also is shadowed by the Nov. 12 shooting death of politician

Zamanbek Nurkadilov, a prominent Nazarbayev critic and Tuyakbai supporter.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe is deploying about
400 election observers and its day-after verdict on the voting could spur or
dampen any postelection protests. It also is likely to carry weight because of
Nazarbayev has said he wants Kazakhstan to chair the prestigious organization
in 2009.
"Any chairman has to exemplify the core values of the organization, and this
will require that they demonstrate that in a serious way," said U.S. Ambassador
John Ordway.
Nazarbayev is promising political reforms if re-elected, including reducing the

president's power and giving more to parliament. But he made his priorities
clear in a recent visit to Ukraine, where protests forced a rerun of a fraudulent
presidential election a year ago and inspired Kazakhstan's opposition.
"We must strive toward democratic values," Nazarbayev said, but added that
"economic reforms must come first, then political reforms."
Observaciones ---
Texto 4
Medio Washington Post

Fecha de 04-12-05 (16:37 h)
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género ---
periodístico
Título Polls: Kazakh Incumbent Wins Election
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
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títulos
Autor Jim Heintz, The Associated Press.
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan -- President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has ruled oil-
texto rich Kazakhstan since Soviet times, was re-elected Sunday by an overwhelming
majority, according to four exit polls released hours after voting ended.
The exit tallies announced early Monday are likely to undermine any opposition
opportunity to claim a miscount in Sunday's presidential balloting in Central
Asia's most prosperous nation. But complaints are likely that the comparatively
authoritarian government did not allow a genuinely free vote.
Election officials planned to announce preliminary results Monday.
The assessment of international election observers likely will play a key role in
how the opposition responds to the elections. A prominent mission led by the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe was due to issue its initial
assessment of the vote later Monday, as was a group of observers from the
Russian-led Commonwealth of Independent States.
The largest exit poll, surveying some 300,000 people, found Nazarbayev
winning 86.9 percent of the vote, giving him an overwhelming mandate for a
new seven-year term. The poll was conducted nationwide by the Association of
Sociologists and Political Analysts.
Another poll of some 16,000 voters by the Kazakhstan Institute for Social and
Political Information think-tank put his support at 77 percent, with 13.4 percent
voting for Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, one of four challengers.
Two other exit polls also put Nazarbayev's support above 80 percent, with
Tuyakbai receiving less than 10 percent.
Nazarbayev, who has ruled for 16 years, often shows an authoritarian streak,
and opposition candidates claim their campaigns have been hindered by the
theft of campaign materials, seizure of newspapers backing them and denial of
attractive sites to hold rallies.
Nazarbayev, whose two previous election victories were widely criticized as

undemocratic, said, "This year's elections are being held in unprecedented
democratic conditions."
Seventy-five percent of the electorate, about 6.7 million people, voted,

according to the Central Elections Commission.
Bolat Abilov, campaign chief for Tuyakbai, said late Sunday that Tuyakbai
observers saw many violations, including people being excluded from voter
lists and some voters being ordered to cast ballots for Nazarbayev.
Kazakh officials have alleged that the opposition plans postelection

disturbances similar to protests in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan over the
- 64 -
past two years that helped bring opposition figures to power.
Tuyakbai, who voted in Almaty, the country's commercial capital, said that if
there is evidence of election fraud, he and his supporters "will use all legal
means to resist."
Kazakhstan, four times the size of Texas and the world's ninth-largest country
by area, has vast oil and gas reserves that are a potential alternative to Middle
East petroleum, and its stability matters greatly to the United States and
Western Europe. The country borders both Russia and China.
Under Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan has maneuvered between Washington, Moscow

and Beijing. With Russia and China, it is a member of the Shanghai
closed. At the same time, a small Kazakh contingent is part of the U.S.-led
coalition in Iraq.
Nazarbayev, who has led the nation of 15 million since 1989 when it was still
part of the Soviet Union, is widely admired for his economic reforms, in
Kazakhstan's economy has grown by some 75 percent over the past seven years,
Observaciones ---
Texto 5
Medio The New York Times

Enlace http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/international/international-kazakhstan-
exitpoll.html
Fecha de 04-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Nazarbayev Wins Kazakh Vote with 83 Pct: Survey
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Reuters
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de ALMATY (Reuters) - President Nursultan Nazarbayev won 83.2 percent of the
texto vote in Kazakhstan's presidential elections, an exit poll by Gallup and the U.S.
- 65 -
International Republican Institute showed on Monday.
The poll gave the main opposition challenger Zharmakhan Tuyakbai 9.9
percent in Sunday's ballot, International Republican Institute spokeswoman
Lisa Gates said by email.
The survey involved voters across Kazakhstan and had a margin of error of one
percent.
Observaciones ---
Texto 6

Enlace http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/04/politics/04democracy.html
Fecha de 04-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Pro-Democracy Groups Are Harassed in Central Asia
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Joel Brinkley
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de WASHINGTON, Dec. 3 - Groups paid by the United States to promote
texto democracy in Central Asia are under sustained assault, not only from those
governments but also from Russia, which is locked in conflict with Washington
for dominance in the region's former Soviet republics.
The United States needs military bases and permission to use the airspace in the
region to service its forces in Afghanistan, and it holds large oil and gas
investments in some of the countries. But the United States also pays a handful
of organizations to aggressively promote democracy in Central Asian nations,
many of which are ruled by longtime presidents who do not allow competitive
elections. Several also have close ties to Russia.
The nongovernmental organizations - and American diplomats supporting them

- are under near-constant harassment from their host governments and from
Russia.
Russia has always looked askance at democracy programs, but following

popular uprisings that led to changes of government in Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan
over the last year, it began inveighing against them, saying the United States
- 66 -
was trying to create "franchised revolutions," as Tass, the Russian government

news agency, put it recently.
The United States spent $75.6 million on programs promoting democracy in

Central Asia in the most recent fiscal year for which figures are known. In
Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine, American-financed groups gave training and
assistance to opposition groups that ousted leaders.
In Moscow, the lower house of Parliament gave preliminary approval late last
month to a law that would, if put into effect as written, severely restrict, if not
close down, many nongovernmental organizations working in Russia, including
the pro-democracy groups. American officials and other experts said Russia was
pushing Central Asian states to enact similar laws.
Russia worries not only about growing American influence along its southern
border but also about change, a senior State Department official and an expert
on the region said in an interview. He spoke on the condition of anonymity in
keeping with departmental ground rules.
The official said that among the countries debating restrictions like Russia's
were Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan.
The official said a bill that was "analogous to the Russian approach" came close
to enactment in Kazakhstan this summer, but President Nursultan A.
Nazarbayev pulled it back. The United States had made its opposition clear.
As a result of these and other pressures from Russia, said Nelson Ledsky, a
former State Department official who now leads the Central Asia programs for
the National Democratic Institute, "we have run into considerable difficulty in
the last six to eight months, everywhere, because the Russians have mounted an
organized campaign wrongly accusing" the United States of working to foment
revolution.
The institute is a government-financed, semiprivate agency established by

Congress and often working under government mandates. In many foreign
countries, it is regarded as a branch of the United States government.
Russia places accusatory news articles and commentaries in Russian-language

newspapers across the region, American officials and officers of the pro-
democracy groups said. One in Kazakhstan asserted recently that Mr. Ledsky's
organization, and others like it, "are like secretive, revolutionary spies."
Russian commentators are invited to appear on government-controlled

television news shows in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and other states, to
rail against the American efforts at promoting democracy. Many of those
working for the groups are under constant scrutiny of their host governments,
which harass them to show their displeasure.
In Kazakhstan, as an example cited by nongovernmental groups, tax authorities

conduct surprise weeklong audits that paralyze operations. Immigration officers
sometimes seize workers' passports. In other countries, including Tajikistan,
citizens hired to work for the organizations receive threatening visits and phone
calls, telling them to quit.
- 67 -
Officers working for Freedom House, a private agency working under a

government contract in the region, are on trial, in essence, in Uzbekistan, as the
agency faces accusations of violating a variety of arcane regulations governing
its work.
"The Russian press and the coverage in the region are incredibly misleading, but
they are having a tremendous impact in Central Asia," said Paula Schriefer,
program director for Freedom House. The regional news media "is echoing
what is on the air in Moscow," saying "we are a nefarious force."
United States government officials, current and former, express some wonder
that the authoritarian leaders in these states put up with the American
democracy programs at all, given that the programs' ultimate aim is to remove
these leaders from power.
Mr. Ledsky said he believed the states had an interest in "professing to the West
that they have an interest in democracy," even if it was not heartfelt.
The international rules have changed, said Lorne W. Craner, a former assistant
secretary of state for democracy and human rights and now the head of the
International Republican Institute, another of the government-financed
organizations dedicated to advancing democracy. "To be a part of the club" of
respectable nations, he said, it is necessary to hold elections.
The American organizations can help create credible opposition candidates, the
present and former officials said, so that the leaders can offer at least the
appearance of competitive elections. But, they said, even that can give a nation
a taste of democracy.
Observaciones ---
Texto 7
Medio CNN
Enlace http://www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/asiapcf/12/05/kazakhstan.vote.reut/index.ht
ml
Fecha de 05-12- 05 (11:15 GMT)
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género ---
periodístico
Título Observers say Kazakh vote 'flawed'
Subtítulo Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev won re-election by a landslide on
Monday, but international observers said the vote was flawed, citing ballot box
stuffing and intimidation.
Traducción ---
de títulos
- 68 -
Autor Reuters
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
de entradilla
Cuerpo de In a strongly worded statement, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
texto Europe (OSCE) said its 460 monitors had noted some improvements but the
flaws "limited the possibility for a meaningful competition."
"The voting was generally calm and peaceful, but the process deteriorated during
the count, which was viewed as bad or very bad in one out of four counts
observed," the statement said.
"There was harassment, intimidation and detentions of campaign staff and

supporters of opposition candidates, including cases of beatings of campaign
staff," it said.
Speaking before the OSCE verdict, Nazarbayev, who has held power since 1989,
said the vote was clean and made clear he believed he had put a stop to the
"people's revolutions" that have deposed veteran leaders in Ukraine, Georgia and
Kyrgyzstan.
"We're talking not about revolutions but evolutions," he told reporters.

"Kazakhstan voted for calmness and stability."
In the biggest city Almaty, the opposition cried foul.
"We think that this election was absolutely unfair, absolutely unlawful, and it's
an obvious sign that our country is turning from an authoritarian regime into a
totalitarian one," opposition challenger Zharmakhan Tuyakbai told reporters.
The result means Nazarbayev will rule for another seven years in the vast Central
Asian state, a reassuring signal to big oil investors in the United States, China
and Russia who have negotiated billions of dollars of contracts with him.
Nazarbayev dismissed any suggestion that the Soviet-style margin of victory --
91 percent against less than 7 percent for the main opposition challenger -- was
in any way suspect in a country that has never held a vote judged free and fair.
"Percentage points and democracy have nothing in common," he said.
Oil and democracy

The OSCE report noted other flaws including restrictions on campaigning,
people interfering in polling stations, cases of multiple voting, pressure on
students to vote, media bias in favor of Nazarbayev and legal restrictions on
freedom of expression.
Nazarbayev came to power as the Communist Party head of Kazakhstan, then

won presidential elections in 1991 with 98.8 percent of the vote, and in 1999
with 79.8 percent.
Despite his patchy democratic record and an authoritarian streak, he has

maintained warm relations with the West, former imperial master Russia and
China, a rising power in the region.
- 69 -
The country is forecast to become one of the world's top 10 oil producers in the
next decade as it develops new offshore oil fields in the Caspian Sea.
The opposition has accused the West of putting Kazakhstan's oil before
democracy. Visiting Western leaders usually come to praise Nazarbayev for
economic reforms and political stability -- his own favorite themes -- rather than
criticize his record.
The opposition says it will not break the law by organizing demonstrations
against the alleged vote-rigging like those that swept through Ukraine, Georgia
and Kyrgyzstan.
Such protests were banned outright during the elections and require official
permission at other times.
Under Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan has reversed economic decline after the collapse
of the Soviet Union and reformed its economy.
But it has also been plagued by corruption scandals, opposition parties have been
closed down, and several politicians and an anti-corruption reporter have been
jailed.
Observacione ---
s
Texto 8
Medio CNN
Enlace http://www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/asiapcf/12/05/kazakhstan.poll.ap/index.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género ---
periodístico
Título Incumbent wins big in Kazakh poll
Subtítulo President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has ruled oil-rich Kazakhstan since Soviet
times, has been re-elected by an overwhelming majority, according to
preliminary results released Monday.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor The Associated Press
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de An opposition leader alleged that the count was fraudulent.
texto
- 70 -
The Central Elections Commission said that Nazarbayev won 91 percent of

votes in Sunday's elections, according to the initial count.
His closest challenger, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, won 6.6 percent. Seventy-seven

percent of registered voters cast ballots, the commission said.
"This is a victory for the country, for all Kazakhs," Nazarbayev told about
10,000 flag-waving students in Astana.
"The people have positively evaluated my 14 years of rule since Kazakhstan

won independence."
He pledged to use his seven-year term to double salaries and pensions over the
next seven years, "putting Kazakhstan on the same level of Eastern European
countries in terms of per capital income."
Four exit polls announced Monday gave Nazarbayev about 80 percent of the
vote, but they also suggested that the president had won a less overwhelming
victory than the official results indicated.
The opposition was taken aback by the election commission's announcement.

"We know this government is unpredictable, but even for us, the results
announced this morning came as a surprise," said Altynbek Sarsenbayev, a
leader of the For a Fair Kazakhstan alliance. "We hoped there would be a fair
vote count."
In addition to questions about the count, complaints were also likely that the
comparatively authoritarian government did not allow a genuinely free vote.
how the opposition responds to the elections.
winning 87 percent of the vote. The poll was conducted nationwide by the
Association of Sociologists and Political Analysts.
Political Information think-tank put his support at 77 percent. Two other exit
polls also put Nazarbayev's support above 80 percent.
Nazarbayev, who has ruled for 16 years, often shows an authoritarian streak, and
opposition candidates claim their campaigns have been hindered by the theft of
campaign materials, seizure of newspapers backing them and denial of attractive
sites to hold rallies.

observers saw many violations, including people being excluded from voter lists
and some voters being ordered to cast ballots for Nazarbayev.
- 71 -
means to resist."
Kazakhstan, four times the size of Texas and the world's ninth-largest country by
area, has vast oil and gas reserves that are a potential alternative to Middle East
petroleum, and its stability matters greatly to the United States and Western
Europe. The country borders both Russia and China.

and Beijing. With Russia and China, it is a member of the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization that has called for U.S. bases in the region to be closed. At the
same time, a small Kazakh contingent is part of the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq.
part of the Soviet Union, is widely admired for his economic reforms, in contrast
to Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, also led by Soviet-era presidents.
Observaciones ---
Texto 9

Enlace http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/international/international-kazakhstan.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
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consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakh Leader Re - Elected, but Poll Flawed
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Autor Reuters
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Cuerpo de ASTANA (Reuters) - Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev won re-
texto election by a landslide on Monday, but international observers branded the vote
flawed, citing ballot box stuffing and the intimidation of opposition
campaigners.
In a strongly-worded statement, the Organization for Security and Cooperation
- 72 -
in Europe (OSCE) said its 460 monitors had noted some improvements but the
many flaws ``limited the possibility for a meaningful competition.''
``There was harassment, intimidation and detentions of campaign staff and

supporters of opposition candidates, including cases of beatings of campaign
staff,'' the OSCE said.
Nazarbayev, in power in the Central Asian state since 1989, looked set to shrug
off the criticism. The opposition stopped short of calling for protests due to
laws -- criticised by the OSCE -- banning them.
Opposition challenger Zharmarkhan Tuyakbai told reporters in Almaty the

result ``is an obvious sign that our country is turning from an authoritarian
regime into a totalitarian one.''
The vote means Nazarbayev will rule for another seven years, a reassuring
signal to big oil investors in the United States, China and Russia who have
negotiated billions of dollars of contracts with him.
Russian President Vladimir Putin, a close ally, was the first foreign leader to
phone to congratulate him. Russian observers gave the vote a clean bill of
health.
``The (Russian observers') methodology appears to be: be nice to your friends,''

Bruce George, head of the OSCE mission, told reporters. He said he was
expressing a personal view.
In Astana, the capital that he built, Nazarbayev said the vote was clean and
made clear he believed he had put a stop to the ``people's revolutions'' that have
deposed veteran leaders in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan.
``We're talking not about revolutions but evolutions,'' he told reporters.

``Kazakhstan voted for calmness and stability.''
Nazarbayev dismissed any suggestion that the Soviet-style margin of victory --

91 percent against less than 7 percent for the main opposition challenger -- was
in any way suspect in a country that has never held a vote judged free and fair.
GETTING THE VOTE OUT

The OSCE report noted many flaws including restrictions on campaigning,
people interfering in polling stations, multiple voting, pressure on students to
vote, media bias in favor of Nazarbayev and legal restrictions on freedom of
expression.
``The voting was generally calm and peaceful, but the process deteriorated
during the count, which was viewed as bad or very bad in one out of four
counts observed,'' it said.
Nazarbayev came to power as the Communist Party chief in Kazakhstan. Then

he won presidential elections in 1991 with 98.8 percent of the vote, and in 1999
with 79.8 percent.
Despite his patchy democratic record and an authoritarian streak, he has

maintained warm relations with the West, former imperial master Russia and
- 73 -
China, a rising power in the region.
The country is forecast to become one of the world's top 10 oil producers in the
next decade as it develops new offshore oil fields in the Caspian Sea.
The opposition has accused the West of putting Kazakhstan's oil before
democracy. Visiting Western leaders usually come to praise Nazarbayev for
economic reforms and political stability -- his own favorite themes -- rather
than criticize his record.
Under Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan has reversed economic decline after the

collapse of the Soviet Union and reformed its economy.
But it has also been plagued by corruption scandals, opposition parties have
been closed down, and several politicians and an anti-corruption reporter have
been jailed.
Observaciones ---
Texto 10

Enlace http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/international/AP-Kazakhstan-Election.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Observers: Kazakh Vote Not Up to Standards
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Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan (AP) -- Opposition leaders on Monday called for
texto Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev's election victory to be declared
invalid, while Western-led observers said the vote that gave him 91 percent
support was flawed.
Similar criticisms by international observer missions were key in establishing

an air of legitimacy for mass protests that helped bring opposition leaders to
power in the other former Soviet states of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan
over the past two years.
But in oil-rich Kazakhstan, as in Azerbaijan's contested parliamentary elections
- 74 -
last month, the opposition's options appeared to be limited by the comparatively

authoritarian regimes they live under.
''We reserve the right to stage public protests, but we take into consideration the
possible response from the authorities and we don't want innocent blood being
spilled,'' said Nazarbayev's main challenger, Zamarkhan Tuyakbai.
''We will take all necessary measures to appeal the results released by the
Central Election Commission and declare the vote illegitimate,'' Tuyakbai said.
The Central Elections Commission said Nazarbayev won 91 percent of the

votes in Sunday's elections, while Tuyakbai, his closest challenger, won 6.6
percent. Seventy-seven percent of registered voters cast ballots, the commission
said.
An array of exit polls had indicated Nazarbayev would win with 70 percent to
80 percent of the vote.
Kazakhstan, which is four times the size of Texas and borders both Russia and
China, has vast oil and gas reserves that are a potential alternative to Middle
Western Europe.

coalition in Iraq.
At a news conference shortly after the results were announced Monday,

Nazarbayev said ''political reforms will be a priority'' in his new seven-year
term.
He also suggested he would continue to seek partnership with many countries.

''Kazakhstan will have a multipolar policy,'' he said Monday. ''Kazakhstan's
pipelines are an indication of that.''
Nazarbayev, who has led the nation of 15 million since 1989 when it was still a
Soviet republic, allowed some political reforms in the early 1990s. But analysts
say he later backed away from that path. Audrey Glover, head of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's long-term observer
mission, rebuked him for failing to keep promises.
''I much regret that the Kazakhstan authorities did not provide a level playing
field for democratic elections. This happened despite assurances from the
president that the elections would be free and fair,'' she said Monday.
The United States also said that Kazakhstan's election did not meet international
standards, though some improvements were shown over previous votes.
''They did some things well. There were other areas where they fell a little
short,'' State Department spokesman Adam Ereli said in Washington.
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Ereli said the United States generally shared the OSCE's view that the vote did
not meet international standards for democratic elections. But, he said, ''you
don't go to perfect elections over night.''
Much of the OSCE's criticism focused on the election campaign, saying the
opposition was denied equal coverage in state media and its supporters faced
intimidation, beatings and seizure of campaign materials. The OSCE also said
evidence showed university students had been pressured by faculty to vote for
Nazarbayev.
On election day, observers saw serious violations in more than 20 percent of the
district vote counts, the OSCE report said.
Central Elections Commission head Onalsyn Zhumabekov said Kazakh

authorities didn't agree with some of the OSCE mission's findings and they
would be discussed further.
Observaciones ---
Texto 11

Enlace http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/05/international/asia/05kazakhstan.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
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Título Signs of Big Win for Kazakhstan President in Peaceful Election
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Autor C. J. Chivers
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Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan, Dec. 4 - The election for president in Kazakhstan passed
texto peacefully on Sunday, and early signs indicated that President Nursultan
Nazarbayev, the former Communist boss who has governed this country since it
declared independence from the Soviet Union, was heading to a landslide
victory over four opponents.
Opposition candidates contended that there was vote fraud, but suggested that
they would not hold public protests or mass actions in this enormous Central
Asian state, underscoring the strength of Mr. Nazarbayev, whom they have tried
to portray as authoritarian and unfailingly corrupt. The opposition said it would
prepare legal challenges instead.
- 76 -
Mr. Nazarbayev, 65, has dominated Kazakh political life since the last years of
the Soviet Union.
He has been accused in federal court documents in New York of receiving

millions of dollars in bribes from an intermediary representing American oil
companies seeking rights to Kazakhstan's oil fields, in a case against an
American businessman under the corrupt practices act. But he has also
maintained popular support even as his critics have struggled to circulate word
of the accusations in a nation in which the independent news media are severely
restricted.
The president's supporters say he has tightly managed Kazakhstan's politics and
oil-dominated economy, moving it from the dysfunction of the Soviet period to
relative prosperity in recent years, and without the war, ethnic strife, disorder
and outright dictatorships that have marked Central Asia since Communism's
collapse.
Preliminary election results were expected to be released Monday; early data of

a survey of voters leaving the polls indicated that Mr. Nazarbayev had received
nearly 85 percent of the vote. Although the reliability of the poll could not be
immediately determined, it seemed roughly consistent with the sentiment in the
capital, where a preponderance of voters interviewed Sunday expressed
eagerness to keep him in office.
"I trust him, because I see the changes in our country, and they are positive,"
said Arai Ospanova, 19, a university student, after casting her ballot here in the
capital on the Asian steppe.
Kazakhstan, however, has never held a free and fair vote, and there have been
ample signs that the latest presidential campaign was marred by abuses of state
resources, restrictions on freedom of assembly and speech, and election-day
fraud.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which has provided
the principal election observation mission, was scheduled to release its
preliminary report on the election on Monday.
The organization's pre-election reports have noted, among other shortfalls, that
Kazakh newspapers have been shut down or seized, television coverage has
favored the president, and there have been complaints of intimidation and
beatings of opposition supporters.
Perceptions of the election have also been undermined by the fatal shooting last
month of a former Nazarbayev loyalist who had become a prominent opposition
figure. He was found dead at his home in Almaty with two gunshot wounds in
the chest and one in the head. The police officials have suggested that the death
was a suicide.
Kazakh officials, while acknowledging that the country is still developing and
civil society remains nascent, were lobbying for a favorable election report from
the monitors, hoping to enhance the nation's credibility as it seeks tighter
integration with the West.
- 77 -
"I hope that the final report will be objective and without any double standards,"
Onalsin I. Zhumabekov, chairman of the Central Election Commission, said in
an interview.
Voter turnout was high, exceeding 75 percent of Kazakhstan's nearly nine

million voters, according to the election commission's preliminary results.
But there were suggestions that turnout was manipulated, as voters were seen by
observers and journalists receiving gifts from poll workers, including theater
tickets, electric teapots, mixers and hair dryers. Mr. Zhumabekov said Kazakh
law did not prohibit such practices.
"I do not see this as any attempt at interference," he said, adding that it helped
lure voters to polling places. "Let them do it. It is good."
The opposition also claimed that there were organized efforts at multiple voting,
with the result of inflating the turnout.
Observaciones ---
Texto 12

Enlace http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/05/international/asia/05cnd-kazakh.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
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Género Noticia
periodístico
Título President of Kazakhstan Secures a Third Term in Office
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Autor C. J. Chivers
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Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan, Dec. 5 - President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan
texto secured a third term in office over the weekend in an overwhelming victory, the
country's election commission announced today, while a prominent
international observer mission said the election did not meet democratic
standards.
Mr. Nazarbayev, a former Soviet leader who has ruled the country since 1989,
received 91 percent of ballots cast, according to official results. His closest
challenger, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, received 6.6 percent.
- 78 -
The huge margin of victory, embraced by Mr. Nazarbayev and his government
as both a fresh mandate and a confirmation of his work modernizing this
Central Asian oil state, was quickly called into question by the opposition.
International observers described the election as "flawed."
Kazakhstan has never held an election that met international standards. The
independent observers, leaders of a 460-person mission from the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, said the government's conduct during
the latest campaign and on election day once again limited the chance for
meaningful competition and prevented voters from making a free and informed
choice.
"Despite some efforts which were undertaken to improve the process, the
authorities did not exhibit sufficient political will to hold a genuinely good
election," said Bruce George, a British member of Parliament who led part of
the observer group.
Among the problems, Mr. George said, were pro-government bias in the state
media, voter intimidation and restrictions of freedom of press and assembly
during the campaign, as well as ballot stuffing, multiple voting, pressure against
students to vote for Mr. Nazarbayev and irregularities of vote counting on
election day.
The observers placed responsibility for the shortfalls largely on Mr. Nazarbayev
himself. "This happened despite assurances from the president that elections
would be free and fair," said Audrey Glover, who also led part of the
organization's efforts in Kazakhstan.
Speaking to reporters in the financial capital of Almaty, Mr. Tuyakbai, the

second-place finisher, called the results "an unprecedented violation of our
constitution and laws" and warned that Mr. Nazarbayev had created what he
called "a totalitarian government."
He refrained from calling for protests, alluding to worries of a violent

government crackdown and saying that the opposition would fight by legal
means.
"We do not want to be responsible for the death of innocent people," he said.
"We are considering our options, including gathering signatures for a
referendum to force the president to make the democratic reforms he has
promised us."
Mr. Nazarbayev's victory gives him a seven-year term. The opposition,

emerging in a nation where he has long dominated politics and is regarded by
many Kazakhs as the father of the most successful post-Soviet Central Asian
state, has limited support. Its chances for a meaningful challenge of the results
seemed slim.
The consolidation of power occurs during a period of political reorganization

through much of Central Asia.
The government of Kygryztsan fell amid street protests earlier this year, and the
- 79 -
new government has struggled to establish order and public confidence.
Uzbekistan, a highly repressive state, put down a prison break and anti-
government demonstration in Andijon in May with rifle and machine gun fire.
Survivors said the crackdown killed hundreds of people, leading to the
government's closer alliance with Russia and China and its isolation from the
West.
Against this backdrop, the race in Kazakhstan had been regarded as a test of
whether Western notions of governing could still spread through the region, and
whether Mr. Nazarbayev's government, dogged by corruption even as it has
developed this sprawling nation more than any other Central Asian state, would
continue the reforms begun with the Soviet Union's collapse.
Such questions were overwhelmed by the events of the day, as even the
president's advisers appeared surprised by a margin of victory high enough to
resemble the sham elections of President Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan and
former President Saddam Hussein of Iraq.
"Our forecasts were based on 75 percent for Nazarbayev," Yermukhamet

Yertysbayev, a political adviser to the president, said in a phone interview. He
noted, as do many diplomats and citizens here, that Mr. Nazarbayev enjoys
genuine public support and was expected to win the race comfortably. But he
added: "Frankly speaking we did not expect such a large gap."
He said the low percentage for the opposition reflected a poor turnout among its
potential supporters.
Observaciones ---
Texto 13

Fecha de 05-12-05
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Título Kazakhstan's Leader Elected To Third Term
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Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan, Dec. 6 -- President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has
texto ruled oil-rich Kazakhstan since Soviet times, was reelected to a third term
Sunday by an overwhelming majority, according to preliminary results released
Monday.
The Central Elections Commission said that Nazarbayev had won 91 percent of
votes, according to the initial count. His closest challenger, Zharmakhan
Tuyakbai, got 6.6 percent. The commission said 77 percent of registered voters
cast ballots.
The results were likely to undermine any opposition opportunity to claim a

miscount in the presidential balloting in Central Asia's most prosperous nation.
But complaints are likely that the comparatively authoritarian government did
not allow a genuinely free vote.
how the opposition responds to the elections. A prominent mission led by the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe was due to issue its initial
assessment later Monday, as was a group of observers from the Russian-led
Commonwealth of Independent States.
Opposition candidates said their campaigns had been hindered by the theft of
campaign materials, seizure of newspapers backing them and denial of access to
Observaciones ---
Texto 14

dyn/content/article/2005/12/05/AR2005120500263_2.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
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Género Noticia
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Título Observers: Kazakh Vote Not Up to Standards
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Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan -- Opposition leaders in Kazakhstan said Monday that
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texto the overwhelming re-election of President Nursultan Nazarbayev should be

declared invalid, and foreign observers said the balloting did not meet
international standards.
Nazarbayev, who has ruled the oil-rich country since Soviet times, won 91
percent of the vote in Sunday's elections, the Central Elections Commission
said.
His closest challenger, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, received 6.64 percent, while

Alikhan Baimenov came in third with 1.65 percent. Seventy-seven percent of
registered voters cast ballots, the commission said.
Nazarbayev told about 10,000 flag-waving students gathered in an Astana

sports center that his election was a victory for the country, for all Kazakhs.
"The people have positively evaluated my 14 years of rule since Kazakhstan
won independence," he said.
Tuyakbai, speaking at a news conference in Almaty, called the vote "the height
of unfairness and injustice."
"We will take all necessary measures to appeal the results released by the
Central Election Commission and declare the vote illegitimate," he said. "We
reserve the right to stage public protests, but we take into consideration the
possible response from the authorities and we don't want innocent blood being
spilled."
observers saw many violations, including people being excluded from voter lists
and some voters being ordered to cast ballots for Nazarbayev.
Tuyakbai said if the count had been fair, he and Nazarbayev would have gone
into a second round, but he didn't give any figures.
A mission led by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe said
the vote did not meet international standards for democratic elections.
"Regrettably, despite some efforts which were undertaken to improve the

process, the authorities did not exhibit sufficient political will to hold a
genuinely good election," said Bruce George, co-ordinator for observers from
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe
and the European Parliament.
The observers criticized the campaign, including authorities' allegations that the
opposition planned violent protests after the vote, which they said had raised
tensions. They alleged that "persistent and numerous cases of intimidation by
the authorities" during the campaign had "limited the possibility for a
meaningful competition."
A group of observers from the Russian-led Commonwealth of Independent

States called the balloting was "free and open." President Vladimir Putin
telephoned Nazarbayev to congratulate him on his victory.
- 82 -
and opposition candidates claim their campaigns were hindered by the theft of
campaign materials, seizure of newspapers backing them and denial of
attractive sites to hold rallies. Nazarbayev's two previous election victories were
widely criticized as undemocratic.
In his speech Monday, he pledged to use his seven-year term to double salaries
and pensions.
"In seven years, the country's economy will double and we will be on the level
of Eastern European countries in terms of per capita income," Nazarbayev said.
He later told reporters that Kazakhs had thrown their support behind "peace and
development."
"It's not about revolution but evolution," he said, contrasting Kazakhstan's vote
to the election-sparked uprisings that have swept away long-standing leaders in
the former Soviet republics of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan.
"No revolution has solved people's immediate needs, but instead has thrown
them backward."
Three exit polls announced earlier Monday had given Nazarbayev more than 80
percent of the vote. The Washington-based International Republican Institute
announced another poll later Monday showing that Nazarbayev had won 83.2
percent to Tuyakbai's 9.9 percent. That poll surveyed 23,780 people at 283
polling stations throughout the country.The exit polls suggested that
Nazarbayev had won a less overwhelming victory than the official results
indicated, and the opposition was taken aback by the election commission's
announcement.
George said that discrepancies between the official results and exit polls, which
showed a somewhat lower showing for Nazarbayev, did not necessarily signal
fraud.
Noting that exit polling is not an exact science, he said, "on the evidence so far,
I wouldn't get alarmed."
Kazakhstan, the world's ninth-largest country by area, has vast oil and gas
reserves that are a potential alternative to Middle East petroleum, and its
stability matters greatly to the United States and Western Europe. The country
borders both Russia and China.

coalition in Iraq.
- 83 -

Observaciones Pie de foto:
A Kazakh artist sings a song during a celebration ceremony following President
of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev's victory in Sunday's presidental elections,
in the capital Astana, Monday, Dec.5, 2005. According to the latest presidential
election results, Nazarbayev was supported by 91.02 percent of the voters or 6.1
million people out of 8.9 million of those put on the voters' lists. His main rival
- Zharmakhan Tuyakbai got 6.64 percent of the votes.
Texto 15

Fecha de 05-12-05
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Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakh Leader Overwhelmingly Re-Elected
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Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan -- President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has ruled oil-
texto rich Kazakhstan since Soviet times, was re-elected Sunday by an overwhelming
majority, according to preliminary results released Monday. An opposition
leader alleged that the count was fraudulent.
The Central Elections Commission said that Nazarbayev won 91 percent of

votes in Sunday's elections, according to the initial count. His closest
challenger, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, won 6.6 percent. Seventy-seven percent of
registered voters cast ballots, the commission said.
"This is a victory for the country, for all Kazakhs," Nazarbayev told about
10,000 flag-waving students in Astana. "The people have positively evaluated
my 14 years of rule since Kazakhstan won independence."
He pledged to use his seven-year term to double salaries and pensions over the
next seven years, "putting Kazakhstan on the same level of Eastern European
countries in terms of per capital income."
- 84 -
Four exit polls announced Monday gave Nazarbayev about 80 percent of the
vote, but they also suggested that the president had won a less overwhelming
victory than the official results indicated.
The opposition was taken aback by the election commission's announcement.
"We know this government is unpredictable, but even for us, the results
announced this morning came as a surprise," said Altynbek Sarsenbayev, a
leader of the For a Fair Kazakhstan alliance. "We hoped there would be a fair
vote count."
In addition to questions about the count, complaints were also likely that the
comparatively authoritarian government did not allow a genuinely free vote.
how the opposition responds to the elections.
winning 87 percent of the vote. The poll was conducted nationwide by the
Association of Sociologists and Political Analysts.
Political Information think-tank put his support at 77 percent. Two other exit
polls also put Nazarbayev's support above 80 percent.
and opposition candidates claim their campaigns have been hindered by the
theft of campaign materials, seizure of newspapers backing them and denial of

observers saw many violations, including people being excluded from voter
lists and some voters being ordered to cast ballots for Nazarbayev.
means to resist."
Kazakhstan, four times the size of Texas and the world's ninth-largest country
by area, has vast oil and gas reserves that are a potential alternative to Middle
Western Europe. The country borders both Russia and China.

coalition in Iraq.
- 85 -
Observaciones ---
Texto 16
Medio Washington Post

Fecha de 7-12-05 (12:10 h)
publicación
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Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakh President Declared Election Winner
Subtítulo ---
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Autor Bagila Bukharbayeva, The Associated Press
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Cuerpo de ALMATY, Kazakhstan -- Kazakhstan's president on Wednesday was officially
texto declared the winner of last weekend's election, while the opposition insisted the
vote was manipulated.
President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has led the oil-rich Central Asian nation
since the Soviet era, was re-elected with 91 percent of the vote, according to
final results released by the Central Elections Commission. Nazarbayev's
closest challenger, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, received less than 7 percent.
Tuyakbai, leader of the pro-democracy For a Fair Kazakhstan alliance, alleged

fraud and called for the election results to be declared invalid. In a statement
Wednesday, the alliance accused election authorities of withholding official
records of results from some 80 percent of polling stations.
It also complained that election authorities had yet to publish full results with a
breakdown for every electoral district, as well as the results of electronic voting
that was used in less than 20 percent of the polling stations.
The opposition said the new system, which has not been tested by independent
- 86 -
experts, could easily be manipulated, and it had urged voters to use paper
ballots.
The alliance also said opposition representatives were not allowed to see the
final voter lists at any polling station. It claimed the turnout was not more than
60 percent, as opposed to the official 76 percent figure.
Alikhan Baimenov, leader of the opposition Ak Zhol party who received less
than 2 percent of Sunday's vote, said in a statement the official results did not
reflect the real outcome of the election.
"They reflect the government's desire to diminish the role of democratic

aspirations in society," he said.
The United States said Monday the election did not meet international
standards, although some improvements were shown over previous votes.
Observers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe said
opposition supporters had suffered intimidation, beatings and seizure of
campaign materials. They also noted pressure on voters and serious violations
in counting votes.
Nazarbayev, however, called the election "unprecedentedly democratic."
Kazakhstan, which is four times the size of Texas and borders both Russia and
China, has vast oil and gas reserves that are a potential alternative to Middle
East petroleum, and its stability matters greatly to the West.
Nazarbayev is credited for the nation's post-Soviet economic progress but is

criticized for holding up democratic changes.
Observaciones ---
- 87 -
MEDIOS FRANCESES
Texto 1
Medio Le Monde
Enlace http://www.lemonde.fr/cgi-
bin/ACHATS/acheter.cgi?offre=ARCHIVES&type_item=ART_ARCH_30J&obje
t_id=925891
Fecha de 04-12-05 (18.15 h)
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (20.00 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título M. Nazarbaïev remporterait largement la présidentielle au Kazakhstan
Subtítulo
Traducción Nazarbayev ganará ampliamente las presidenciales de Kazajstán
de títulos
Autor Le Monde y AFP
Entradilla Le président kazakh sortant, Noursoultan Nazarbaïev, aurait remporté près de 85
% des voix et un nouveau septennat lors du scrutin présidentiel de dimanche, selon
un sondage réalisé à la sortie des urnes par un institut de ce pays d'Asie centrale.
Traducción El presidente kazajo saliente, Nursultan Nazarbayev, habría obtenido cerca del
entradilla 85% de los votos y un nuevo periodo de siete años tras las elecciones
presidenciales del domingo, según un sondeo realizado a la salida de las urnas por
un instituto de ese país de Asia Central.
Cuerpo de M. Nazarbaïev aurait obtenu 84,55 % des voix. Son principal concurrent, le leader
texto du mouvement d'opposition Pour un Kazakhstan juste, Jarmakhan Touyakbaï,
aurait recueilli 9,58 % des suffrages, selon cette enquête réalisée auprès de 12 158
électeurs par l'Agence eurasiatique de sondages.
Les trois autres candidats se partageraient les 5 % restant des voix.
Lors de la dernière élection présidentielle en 1999, M. Nazarbaïev, 65 ans dont 16

à la tête du pays, avait déjà remporté plus de 80 % des voix.
"Oui, je pense que les premiers résultats montrent que nous avons gagné", a
déclaré kmaral Abiltaeva, porte-parole de campagne du président kazakh.
L'opposition a tout au long de la journée de vote dénoncé des "fraudes massives",

alors que M. Nazarbaïev avait estimé que le scrutin serait le plus démocratique de
l'histoire du pays.
Quelque 1 600 observateurs ont parcouru le pays dimanche pour s'assurer du bon
déroulement du vote, dont plus de 450 de l'Organisation pour la sécurité et la
coopération en Europe (OSCE).
- 88 -
Depuis l'indépendance du Kazakhstan en 1991, jamais une élection n'a été

reconnue comme libre et démocratique dans cette ancienne république soviétique.
L'opposition dénonce des fraudes
L'élection présidentielle kazakhe a été entachée de "violations multiples de la loi"

électorale, a déclaré dimanche soir Aïdos Sarimov, un porte-parole du principal
candidat de l'opposition Jarmakhan Touyakbaï.
"Nos observateurs ont constaté des violations multiples de la loi" électorale, a

affirmé M. Sarimov en ajoutant que la "manipulation des listes électorales" avait
été largement utilisée.
Interrogé sur la stratégie à venir de l'opposition, le porte-parole s'est refusé à dire si

son candidat appellerait les Kazakhs à manifester, et a simplement précisé qu'il
aurait recours à "tous les mécanismes juridiques potentiels et possibles".
Il a également ajouté que "la loi interdisait toute campagne politique

jusqu'au 14 décembre".
Observacion ---
es
Texto 2
Medio Libération
Enlace http://www.liberation.fr/page.php?Article=342144
Fecha de 02-12-05 (18.41 h)
publicación
Fecha de 03-12-05
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título «Je dénonce le système de pouvoir autoritaire et opaque de Nazarbaïev»
Subtítulo
Traducción de “Denuncio el sistema de poder autoritario y opaco de Nazarbayev”
títulos
Autor Lorraine Millot, enviada especial a Almaty
Entradilla Principal candidat de l'opposition aux présidentielles de dimanche au
Kazakhstan, Jarmakhan Touyakbaï aimerait appliquer à cette ancienne
république soviétique les recettes qui ont renversé le régime fort
ukrainien
Traducción El principal candidato de la oposición a las presidenciales del domingo en
entradilla Kazajstán, Jarmakhan Tuyakbai, querría aplicar a esta antigua república
soviética las recetas que han derribado al fuerte régimen ucraniano.
Cuerpo de Jarmakhan Touyakbaï, 58 ans, est le principal candidat de l'opposition aux
- 89 -
texto présidentielles de ce dimanche au Kazakhstan. Ancien procureur, puis président

du Parlement, il n'est passé à l'opposition contre le président Noursoultan
Nazarbaïev qu'en 2004, après des élections législatives qu'il a soudain jugé
falsifiées. A la tête d'une coalition «Pour un Kazakhstan juste», Jarmakhan
Touyakbaï a tenté d'appliquer au Kazakhstan les recettes qui ont permis de
renverser les pouvoirs en Géorgie, Ukraine et au Kirghizstan ces dernières
années : unification de l'opposition, choix d'une couleur de ralliement (le jaune),
bataillons d'observateurs pour dénoncer les fraudes à venir... Mais au
Kazakhstan, l'opposition se heurte à un régime populaire et très aguerri, qui a
aussi tiré les leçons des récentes «révolutions colorées». Interview, réalisée au
quartier général de la coalition «Pour un Kazakhstan juste», une grande maison
au centre d'Almaty.
Dans quelles conditions s'est déroulée votre campagne électorale ? Qu'avez-

vous pu faire ?
Pour nous, ce fut extrêmement difficile de faire campagne. Je n'ai eu

pratiquement aucun accès à la télévision. Les rares fois où on a pu voir mon
visage à la télévision, c'était sans le son : on me montre en train de parler, mais
avec par-dessus l'image, un commentaire toujours négatif, expliquant par
exemple que très peu de gens sont venus assister à mon meeting. Dans les
régions, nos militants ont été menacés. Sans cesse, on nous a refusé des salles
ou bien les places où nous voulions manifester étaient toutes toujours occupées.
Nous sommes malgré tout convaincus que si les élections sont libres et honnêtes
le 4 décembre, nous l'emporteront. Les gens sont fatigués de Nazarbaïev,
fatigués de la corruption, fatigués de devoir sans cesse payer des pots-de-vin.
Vous n'êtes passé à l'opposition que depuis un an. Comment un opposant d'un
an seulement peut-il être crédible ?
Depuis plus longtemps déjà, je défendais au sein du pouvoir les valeurs

démocratiques et je plaidais pour des réformes. Les odieuses falsifications que
j'ai constatées lors des législatives de 2004 ont été pour moi la dernière goutte
qui a mis fin à ma patience.
Quel est votre principal reproche à l'encontre du président Noursoultan

Nazarbaïev ? Vous l'accusez personnellement de corruption ?
Je n'attaque pas personnellement le Président, je dénonce le système de pouvoir

autoritaire et opaque qu'il a construit. Tout le pouvoir et toute la richesse du
pays sont concentrés entre les mains de l'entourage étroit de Noursoultan
Nazarbaïev. Et je pose la question : si aux Etats-Unis, un ancien conseiller de
Nazarbaïev est accusé d'avoir versé 70 millions de dollars, sur des comptes
personnels, aux dirigeants kazakhs surnommés KO1 et KO2 (1), à quoi était
destiné cet argent ? Etait-ce pour les dépenses personnelles de KO1 et KO2 ?
Quand lundi, selon toutes probabilités, la réélection triomphale de Nazarbaïev

sera proclamée, appelerez-vous à des manifestations de protestation?
Si le pouvoir nous vole notre victoire, nous dénoncerons les falsifications. Nous
protesterons, mais dans le cadre de la constitution. D'avance, il est d'ailleurs
visible que le pouvoir se prépare à des falsifications : une loi a été adoptée
récemment qui interdit toute manifestation dans les dix jours suivant l'élection.
- 90 -
Recevez-vous quelque soutien de l'étranger ? Il semblerait que les Etats-Unis,

autant que la Russie et la Chine, sont très satisfaits du régime Nazarbaïev, n'est-
ce pas ?
Oui, le cas du Kazakhstan montre bien qu'on n'applique pas les mêmes
standards démocratiques à tous les pays de l'ex-URSS. Des pays (Etats-Unis et
Union européenne, ndlr) qui estiment possible d'agir, et d'exiger la démocratie,
dans la partie européenne de l'ex-URSS, estiment aussi possible d'ignorer la
démocratie au Kazakhstan. Il semble que l'Ukraine mérite la liberté et la
démocratie, mais pas le Kazakhstan. C'est pourtant une erreur de confondre
notre pays avec le Turkmenistan ou le Kirghizstan. Le Kazakhstan n'est pas si
éloigné de l'Ukraine, nous sommes aussi imprégnés de valeurs européennes et
nous sommes prêts pour ces valeurs. Nous espérons que les observateurs
occidentaux constateront tout de même les falsifications de ces élections.
(1) Cet ancien conseiller, James Giffen, est actuellement en procès aux Etats-Unis, pour
versements de pots de vins aux dirigeants kazakhs afin de décrocher des contrats
pétroliers. Les noms de code KO1 et KO2 désigneraient Noursoultan Nazarbaïev et un
de ses proches.
Observaciones ---
Texto 3
Medio Libération
Enlace http://www.liberation.fr/page.php?Article=342283
Fecha de 03-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (20.00 h)
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Nazarbaïev assuré d'être réélu haut la main au Kazakhstan
Subtítulo Au pouvoir depuis 1989, le populaire chef de l'Etat n'a pas de vrais rivaux
Traducción de Nazarbayev aseguró que sería reelegido en el gobierno de Kazajstán
títulos En el poder desde 1989, el popular jefe del Estado no tiene verdaderos rivales
Autor Lorraine Millot, enviada especial a Astana
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de «Les constructeurs votent pour Nazarbaïev», «L'entreprise Continent est pour
texto Nazarbaïev», «Oui à Nazarbaïev !» ... Partout à Astana, même les squelettes de
béton des grands chantiers de la nouvelle capitale kazakhe clament leur
allégeance, sous forme de calicots jaunes, au Président qui doit être réélu ce
dimanche. Les 8,6 millions d'électeurs kazakhs sont appelés à plébisciter le
- 91 -
«père» de la nation, Noursoultan Nazarbaïev, au pouvoir depuis 1989, et tout a

été assuré pour que cette élection soit une fois de plus magistrale. Sur toutes les
chaînes de télévision, contrôlées par la fille aînée du Président, Dariga
Nazarbaïeva, on ne voit pratiquement que «Papa», comme disent
affectueusement les Kazakhs.
Ton sur ton. Officiellement, «Papa», 65 ans, ne fait pas campagne, mais tantôt
inaugure un chantier, tantôt préside une réunion d'entrepreneurs, tantôt harangue
des pêcheurs ou des syndicalistes, tous coiffés de casquettes jaunes... Le jaune,
couleur des steppes kazakhes, est l'emblème de l'opposition, qui aurait bien
voulu tenter une variante kazakhe de la «révolution orange» ukrainienne. Pour
brouiller les cartes, Nazarbaïev s'est aussi approprié cette couleur, et toute la
campagne s'est déroulée ton sur ton.
«Pour nous, ce fut extrêmement difficile de faire campagne, soupire Jarmakhan

Touyakbaï, le principal candidat de l'opposition, un ancien procureur et
président du Parlement qui a rompu il y a un an seulement avec Nazarbaïev et
dénonce depuis la corruption du régime. Les rares fois où l'on a pu me voir à la
télévision, c'était sans le son : on me montre en train de parler, mais avec un
commentaire toujours négatif sur l'image, expliquant par exemple que très peu
de gens sont venus assister à mon meeting.» Dans les rues d'Astana ou
d'Almaty, l'ancienne capitale, pas de grands posters non plus du candidat de
l'opposition : «Quel que soit l'argent que nous proposions, les loueurs de
pancartes n'ont pas voulu prendre nos affiches, confie un adjoint du candidat.
On les a prévenus qu'ils auront des problèmes s'ils accrochent le portrait de
Touyakbaï.»
Cette conception encore très soviétique de la démocratie n'empêche pas

Nazarbaïev, ancien premier secrétaire du Parti communiste devenu père de
l'indépendance, d'être très populaire dans son pays. «Il mériterait le prix Nobel,
rien que pour le calme et la paix qu'il a su préserver au Kazakhstan depuis la fin
de l'URSS, constate un simple ouvrier du bâtiment, employé sur les chantiers
géants d'Astana. Chez nous, le sang n'a pas coulé, et l'économie se développe.
Pourvu qu'il règne longtemps encore !»
Sous la férule de Nazarbaïev, ce nouveau pays, peuplé à 50 % de Kazakhs et

d'une forte minorité de 30 % de Russes, a su éviter les conflits ethniques qui ont
déchiré la plupart de ses voisins de l'ex-URSS, tout en se «kazakhisant»
progressivement. Noursoultan Nazarbaïev a fait de son pays non seulement le
plus stable mais aussi le plus riche d'Asie centrale, sachant attirer les
investissements internationaux, américains surtout, pour développer ses
énormes réserves pétrolières. Depuis 2000, la croissance est de près de 10 % par
an et le PIB a quadruplé en dix ans, pour atteindre 2 700 dollars annuels par
habitant. A l'arrivée à Astana ou Almaty, le mieux-être du pays saute aux yeux :
aéroports modernes, routes lissées, supermarchés, restaurants et guirlandes de
lumière... Le contraste est frappant par rapport au Kirghizistan ou à
l'Ouzbékistan voisins, même si, dans les campagnes kazakhes, la misère est
encore grande et que beaucoup survivent avec moins de 50 dollars par mois.
Travail de sape. «Nazarbaïev convient à tout le monde : à son peuple, à la

Russie, qu'il a toujours su ménager, aux Etats-Unis, à qui il a accordé
d'importants contrats pétroliers, et à la Chine aussi, résume Dosym Satpayev,
analyste politique à Almaty. Son souci pour cette élection n'est pas de gagner,
- 92 -
mais de gagner en beauté, avec au moins 60 % des suffrages, sans avoir besoin
de trop frauder.» Pour cela, un gros travail de sape de l'opposition a été mené à
bien, en amont : parmi les cinq candidats à cette présidentielle, un seul,
Touyakbaï, peut être considéré comme un véritable opposant, les autres étant
plutôt là pour faire diversion.
«Le pouvoir n'aurait même pas eu besoin de tout cet autoritarisme pour gagner,
regrette Oksana Manouchina, journaliste au petit hebdomadaire d'opposition
Respublica, qui, depuis 2000, a dû changer de nom une demi-douzaine de fois
pour survivre. Mais depuis les révolutions en Géorgie, en Ukraine puis chez
notre voisin le Kirghizistan, nos dirigeants ont très peur qu'il leur arrive une
chose semblable.» Pour prévenir ce scénario révolutionnaire, toute
manifestation a d'ailleurs été interdite au Kazakhstan dans les dix jours qui
suivront le scrutin. Seuls des concerts ont été prévus, lundi, pour célébrer la
réélection de Nazarbaïev, au premier tour.
Observaciones ---
- 93 -
MEDIOS ITALIANOS
Texto 1
Medio RAI 1
Enlace http://www.rai.it/news/articolornews24/0,9219,4208843,00.html
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 05-12-05 (14.30 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakhstan. A Nazarbayev il 91% dei voti. Opposizione: risultato
"assurdo"
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de Kazakhstan. El 91% de los votos para Nazarbayeb. Oposición : resultado
títulos “absurdo”
Autor ---
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de Il presidente del Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev ha vinto le elezioni
texto presidenziali con il 91,01 per cento delle preferenze. I risultati ufficiali sono stati
comunicati questa mattina dalla Commissione elettorale. Nazarbayev ha battuto
nettamente Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, il principale candidato dell' opposizione, che
ha ottenuto il 6,64 per cento dei voti validi.
Dopo la sua trionfale rielezione, il presidente ha parlato di vittoria del popolo,

mentre i rappresentati dell'opposizione hanno definito "assurdo" l'esito dello
scrutinio, denunciando centinaia di violazioni della legge elettorale.
Observaciones ---
- 94 -
MEDIOS RUSOS
Texto 1
Medio Radio Liberty

Enlace http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/11/65acb48b-7fb5-432a-9000-
04ed94a5efcf.html
Fecha 04-12-05 (15:00 h.)
consulta
Fecha 29-11-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Kazakhstan: Almaty Deports Hundreds Of Foreign Nationals
Subtítulo ---
Traducción ---
Títulos
Autor (RFE/RL's Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Tajik services contributed to this report.)
Entradilla Almaty city police have deported hundreds of Kyrgyz, Uzbek, and Tajik
nationals in an operation that began on 27 November. Many of the deportees
said they had been working in Kazakhstan legally for months or even years,
often as businesspeople in Almaty's central bazaar. Kazakh authorities said the
deportees are mainly illegal workers at construction sites.
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de The largest known group of foreign nationals deported in recent days from
texto Kazakhstan are Kyrgyz citizens.
Aziza Abdirasulova, a member of the Kyrgyz nongovernmental group Kylym

Shamy, said that 215 Kyrgyz nationals were arrested and deported by the
Almaty city police on 27 November. She said the deportees were legally
working in Almaty, Kazakhstan's largest city.
Scores of the Kyrgyz deportees protested in Bishkek on Monday, demanding

action from their government.
Other deportees reportedly include people from Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. It is

impossible to know their numbers, however, because they have lodged no
protests in their home countries.
Eshengul is a young Kyrgyz woman who works as a trader at the central market
in Almaty. She described what happened on 27 November this way.
"They do not give us annual residence permits any more, we have three-month
permits now," she said. "But even those who had such three-month permits were
taken away by police. They all had proper documents and permits. Just among
those whom I know personally, five or six were deported. There were two or
three 'Gazel' trucks full of the detained Kyrgyz traders. People who came from
Bishkek yesterday say that the Qorday customs point [on the Kazakh-Kyrgyz
- 95 -
border] is overcrowded with deported Kyrgyz people."
Official Point Of View
Kazakh officials give a different account of the events.
Arman Zhusanbay, spokesman for the Almaty Interior Affairs Department, told
RFE/RL that most of the people deported from Kazakhstan were illegally in the
country.
"Among those deportees, 43 persons were Tajik citizens, 108 [were] persons
from other 'near abroad' [former Soviet republics], of whom 50 are Uzbek
nationals," Zhusanbay said. "All of them have been deported due to the
decisions of the local administrative court. Among them is one Turkish citizen,
one Chinese citizen, and eight are Kyrgyz citizens. Those are people who have
been mainly working at construction sites here without proper documentation
and visas. They were deported."
The Kazakh official put the total number of deportees at 211. He said they are
among some 546 foreign nationals detained in Almaty City since 27 November.
Chaotic Affairs
Some of those who have witnessed the arrests and deportations said they were
erratic affairs.
One Tajik trader in the central market told RFE/RL privately that many Tajiks
escaped arrest by offering bribes to the policemen.
"The police surrounded the traders from all sides. About 70 Tajik traders were
detained," the trader said. "Later on, about 40 of them were taken away; others
escaped such a fate thanks to money they offered to the police as bribes."
Kazakh official Zhusanbay denied such statements. He told RFE/RL that the
case of each detained individual was thoroughly reviewed by the administrative
court before the deportations were carried out.
"Only those whose documents were found improper have been deported. Every
case was studied meticulously," Zhusanbay said. "If a person is living and
working in our country legally with proper documents and contracts, he or she
should not have any problems. But if the person is living illegally he or she must
be deported. This has nothing to do with the elections."
Kazakhstan's presidential poll -- essentially pitting long-time incumbent

President Nursultan Nazarbaev against four challengers -- is scheduled for 4
December.
Zhusanbay said the campaign against what he called illegal migration began on
26 October and will last until 2 December.
Analysts said that the current deportation campaign differs from previous
operations because it was not publicly announced in advance. In the past, prior
announcement has given employers and foreign nationals time to check that all
- 96 -
papers, visas, and permits are in order.

Observaciones Se incluye esta noticia a pesar de que el medio no es propiedad rusa, por la
importancia que las emisiones en lengua rusa de Radio Liberty tienen en
territorio de la Federación Rusa.
Texto 2
Medio The Moscow Times (diario)

Enlace http://www.themoscowtimes.com/stories/2005/12/01/012.html
Fecha consulta 01-12-05 (15:02 h.)
Fecha 01-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Kazakhs to Vote for Stability
Subtítulo ---
Traducción ---
Títulos
Autor Dmitry Solovyov (Reuters)
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de KASKELEN, Kazakhstan -- Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev's electoral
texto opponents may be right, talking about corruption in high places and unfairly
distributed profits from the country's booming oil exports.
But opposition voices recede once you leave the big cities and enter rural
Kazakhstan, where the veteran leader's message rings loud and clear ahead of
Sunday's presidential election.
"I will vote for Nazarbayev, thanks to whom we have stability and peace,"
Tabarik, an ethnic Chechen businesswoman in her 40s, said in the bustling
bazaar of Kaskelen, a small town outside Kazakhstan's biggest city, Almaty.
In a country that was a dumping ground for Josef Stalin's purges and the
transportation of whole ethnic groups, Nazarbayev's supporters praise him for
holding the ethnically diverse state together since independence.
Nazarbayev, a 65-year-old who has ruled since 1989, has never won an election
judged free and fair by the West, but the sprawling country of 15 million has
seen its own economy grow while other former Soviet states have struggled.
His campaigners and state media frequently predict economic chaos if anyone
tries to stage the kind of "people's revolutions" that swept away veteran leaders
in Ukraine and Georgia.
Observaciones La noticia aparece en la versión escrita: Thursday, December 1, 2005. Issue
3307. Page 3.
- 97 -
Texto 3
Medio Nezavisimaya Gazeta (diario)

Enlace http://www.ng.ru/printed/cis/2005-12-01/5_zachistka.html
Fecha 01-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título ЗАЧИСТКА С КИРГИЗСКИМ УКЛОНОМ
Subtítulo Перед президентскими выборами Казахстан закрывает свои границы
Traducción “Operaciones de limpieza” a la kirguiza
Títulos
Autor Сакен Салимов (Saken Salímov)
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Накануне президентских выборов, которые пройдут 4 декабря, власти
texto Казахстана в рамках полицейской спецоперации «Правопорядок»
предприняли беспрецедентные меры безопасности и даже закрыли
границу с соседней Киргизией. Чем, надо сказать, весьма озадачили
официальный Бишкек: пресс-центр Пограничных войск Совета
национальной безопасности Киргизии уже выразил недоумение в связи с
подобными действиями соседей.
Между тем в Астане факт закрытия казахстанско-киргизской границы не

подтверждают. Как заявил «НГ» источник в республиканском МИДе,
Казахстан лишь усилил режим охраны государственной границы с
Киргизией, но не закрывал ее. По словам источника, на практике это
означает, что отныне «более тщательно будут проверяться документы всех
граждан, а также все транспортные средства, которые пересекают
казахстанско-киргизскую границу». Так что ни о каком закрытии
Казахстаном в одностороннем порядке границы с соседней Киргизией
речь не идет, эта информация не соответствует действительности,
подчеркнули в МИДе.
Сейчас беспрепятственный проезд из Киргизии в Казахстан разрешен

лишь тем, у кого на руках имеется либо дипломатический паспорт, либо
командировочное удостоверение. Для остальных дорога из Киргизии в
Казахстан пока закрыта. Ну и, конечно же, никаких ограничений нет для
граждан Киргизии, выезжающих в эти предвыборные дни из Казахстана.
Таким людям, кстати, казахстанские правоохранительные органы даже
помогают «ускорить» возвращение на родину. Причем даже помимо их
желания. Так, в ночь на 27 ноября, то есть уже в первые часы полицейской
спецоперации «Правопорядок», казахская миграционная полиция
выдворила за пределы страны более 200 киргизских предпринимателей,
торговавших на алма-атинских рынках. Людей покидали в автобусы и тут
же повезли на границу. Каждому в паспорт поставили штамп о
депортации, что означает лишение права въезда в Казахстан в течение
- 98 -
нескольких лет.
Причины столь масштабной зачистки киргизов пока неизвестны. Их

сейчас и пытается выяснить спешно вылетевшая из Бишкека киргизская
делегация во главе с руководителем республиканского Госкомитета по
миграции и занятости Айгуль Рыскуловой. Свою озабоченность в связи с
этим инцидентом выразил и киргизский премьер-министр Феликс Кулов,
который пытается хоть что-то прояснить уже на уровне главы
казахстанского правительства Даниала Ахметова.
Не исключено, что в преддверии главного события года – президентских

выборов – казахстанские силовики просто пытаются не допустить
проникновения в республику «нестабильных элементов», в том числе и
новоявленных революционеров из соседней Киргизии. По всей стране
полицейские наряды следят не только за общественным порядком, но и
выявляют нелегальных мигрантов. С начала операции «Правопорядок»
только в Алма-Ате полиция выявила 546 иностранных граждан,
нарушивших правила пребывания в Казахстане. Среди них 108 граждан
Киргизии и 43 таджика. Большинству из них грозит депортация.
Нелишне вспомнить, что руководители МВД и КНБ Казахстана ранее

неоднократно заявляли, что у них имеется достоверная информация о
подготовке неких «дестабилизирующих ситуаций» в ходе выборов
президента. Назывались даже «некоторые конкретные лица» и при этом
делались намеки на оппозиционное движение «За справедливый
Казахстан», лидер которого Жармахан Туякбай считается основным
соперником Нурсултана Назарбаева на предстоящих выборах. Судя по
всему, казахстанские силовики опасаются, что оппозиция могла бы
заручиться поддержкой «революционных сил» из соседних стран. А чтобы
те не мутили воду в преддверии президентских выборов, решено на всякий
случай закрыть и границу.
Observaciones ---
Texto 4
Medio Nezavisimaya Gazeta (diario)

Enlace http://www.ng.ru/cis/2005-12-02/5_kazakhstan.html
Fecha 02-12-05
publicación
Género period. Entrevista
Título КАЗАХСТАН НАСТРОИЛСЯ НА ОБРАЗЦОВЫЕ ВЫБОРЫ
Subtítulo Министр иностранных дел республики после встречи с Путиным полон
оптимизма
Traducción Kazajstán se mentaliza para unas “elecciones modelo”. El ministro de asuntos
Títulos exteriores de la República se muestra muy optimista tras una reunión con Putin.
Autor Виктория Панфилова (Viktoria Panfílova)
Entradilla Министр иностранных дел Казахстана Касымжомарт Токаев, побывавший
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на этой неделе в Москве, в интервью «НГ» проанализировал ситуацию в

стране в преддверии президентских выборов, состояние и перспективы
развития отношений между Астаной и Москвой, рассказал о своих
московских встречах.
Traducción El ministro de asuntos exteriores de Kazajstán, Kasymzhomart Tokáev, que ha
Entradilla estado esta semana en Moscú, analiza, en una entrevista con “NG”, la situación
en el país a las puertas de las elecciones presidenciales, el estado y las
perspectivas de desarrollo de las relaciones entre Astana y Moscú, así como el
resultado de sus reuniones en Moscú.
Cuerpo de -Касымжомарт Кемелевич, Казахстан будет выбирать своего
texto президента уже в воскресенье. Известно, какое внимание
уделяется этим выборам за пределами страны – в плане их
открытости, демократичности...
– Судя по тому, как прошла предвыборная кампания,

президентские выборы будут для нашей страны серьезным шагом
вперед. Это будут лучшие выборы в истории независимого
Казахстана по обеспечению открытости, честности и
прозрачности. ОБСЕ рекомендовала внести изменения в выборное
законодательство, и мы это учли. И по тому, насколько мы тесно и
положительно сотрудничаем не только с ОБСЕ, но и со всеми
международными структурами, можно предположить, что эти
президентские выборы будут уникальными.
– В ходе нынешней предвыборной кампании были ли какие-то

попытки внешнего воздействия на казахстанское общество?
– Я не заметил какого-то внешнего воздействия. Но, конечно, были

пожелания, в том числе со стороны США, других европейских
институтов, но только в том плане, чтобы эти выборы
соответствовали международным стандартам.
– Возможна какая-либо дестабилизация в ходе выборов?
– Как мне кажется, для этого в Казахстане отсутствует серьезная

почва. Прежде всего социально-экономические причины, которые
могли бы послужить основой для дестабилизации. Как, например,
это было в соседней Киргизии или Грузии. У нас правительство и
президент делают все возможное для решения социально-
экономических вопросов.
– На этой неделе Казахстан закрыл в одностороннем порядке

границу с Киргизией. С чем это связано?
– Прежде всего это связано с нелегальной миграцией. Эта акция

была предпринята на уровне пограничных ведомств, и я надеюсь,
что она никак не отразится на отношениях между нашими
странами. Во всяком случае, с нашими президентскими выборами
это никак не связано.
– В ходе нынешнего визита в Москву с кем, помимо министра
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иностранных дел РФ Сергея Лаврова, вы встречались? Какие

проблемы обсуждали?
– На этот раз я приезжал в Москву для участия в министерской

встрече стран – членов ОДКБ. Особо отмечу, что впервые нас,
министров, принял президент РФ Владимир Путин. Это очень
хороший, очень важный момент, который говорит сам за себя:
Россия разворачивается в сторону ОДКБ, живо интересуется тем,
что происходит в соседних странах. Это вселяет оптимизм. Что
касается самой встречи глав внешнеполитических ведомств, то на
ней было подписано соглашение о проведении миротворческих
операций в случае дестабилизации обстановки на территории
какой-либо из стран – участниц ОДКБ.
– Обсуждали ли вы в Москве отношения Казахстана с США – в

свете недавнего визита в стану Кондолизы Райс? Вашингтон
открыто сделал ставку на Казахстан как на потенциального
регионального лидера. Нет ли в этом смысле у Астаны какого-
то расхождения с позицией Москвы?
– Конкретно этот вопрос не обсуждался. Я знаю, что в Москве

внимательно наблюдают за развитием казахстанско-американских
отношений. Вы правы в том, что Казахстан, будучи естественным
лидером Центрально-Азиатского региона был выбран в качестве
стратегического партнера. Раньше говорили так: или отношения с
Россией, или отношения с Америкой. И до сих пор мне предлагают
определиться с выбором. А мы считаем, что Казахстан имеет
возможность достаточно успешно проводить так называемую
многостороннюю дипломатию и строить беспрецедентно хорошие
отношения с Россией. Они никак не противоречат сотрудничеству
с США. И Кондолиза Райс, находясь в Астане, сделала
специальное заявление о том, что США приветствуют хорошие
отношения Казахстана с Россией, как, впрочем, и с Китаем.
Потому что без этих отношений говорить о безопасности
Казахстана как суверенного государства просто невозможно. Это
противоречило бы логике и самой природе. Поэтому, имея
союзнические отношения с Россией, мы в то же время развиваем
отношения стратегического партнерства с США. Это как раз та
многосторонняя дипломатия, которую проводит президент
Назарбаев. И я как министр иностранных дел ему всячески
помогаю в этом сложном деле.
– Допускают ли в Астане какое-то иностранное военное

присутствие на казахстанской территории, в том числе
российское?
– Пока этот вопрос не стоит. Казахстан предоставил свое

воздушное пространство для проведения антитеррористической
операции в Афганистане. Этого пока достаточно. Что же касается
России, то на Байконуре расквартирована соответствующая
воинская часть РФ. Это – космические силы. Никакой аллергии на
это нет, поскольку мы говорим о сотрудничестве в области
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космоса. Что касается дополнительных российский воинских

подразделений на территории Казахстана, а тем более российской
базы, то об этом речь не идет. В этом нет необходимости.
-Еще недавно говорили, что у Казахстана непростые

отношения с соседним Узбекистаном. Чем это было
обусловлено? Может, все дело в претензиях двух стран на
лидерство в ЦА? Как бы вы прокомментировали в этой связи
решение Ташкента присоединиться к ЕврАзЭС, готовность
узбекской стороны вернуться в систему ОДКБ?
– Мы всячески приветствовали вступление Узбекистана в

ЕврАзЭС. Более того, мы как бы подталкивали Ташкент к тому,
чтобы он стал членом этого важного интеграционного
объединения. Сейчас действительно много разговоров о
возвращении Узбекистана в ОДКБ, и если это случится, то мы
будем только рады. Мы считаем, что это важный фактор
стабильности в регионе.
Observaciones -
Texto 5
Medio Kommersant (diario)

Enlace http://www.kommersant.ru/doc.html?docId=631755
Fecha 02-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Безвыборная ситуация
Subtítulo Нурсултан Назарбаев лишил себя соперников
Traducción Elecciones “sin elección”. Nursultán Nazarbáev, sin rivales.
Títulos
Autor ВЛАДИМИР Ъ-СОЛОВЬЕВ (Vladímir Solovev)
Entradilla навстречу выборам
С сегодняшнего дня в Казахстане запрещена предвыборная агитация: в
воскресенье в стране пройдут президентские выборы, явным фаворитом на
которых считается действующий президент Нурсултан Назарбаев.
Завершившаяся избирательная кампания была насыщена скандалами и
разоблачениями. Самый большой резонанс вызвало загадочное убийство
экс-министра по чрезвычайным ситуациям Заманбека Нуркадилова, в
котором оппозиция вчера обвинила действующую власть.
Traducción Desde hoy en Kazajstán está prohibida la agitación preelectoral: el domingo se
Entradilla celebrarán elecciones presidenciales, para las que el claro favorito es el actual
presidente Nursultán Nazarbáev. La campaña que ahora termina ha estado llena
de escándalos y revelaciones. El hecho más sonado fue el misterioso asesinato
del ex – ministro de situaciones de emergencia, Zamanbek Nurkadílov, del que
- 102 -
la oposición acusó ayer a las autoridades actuales.

Cuerpo de Честная кампания
texto Вчера оппозиционное движение "За справедливый Казахстан" (ЗСК)
обвинило руководство страны в намеренном затягивании расследования
убийства бывшего министра по чрезвычайным ситуациям Заманбека
Нуркадилова. Власти пытаются отомстить покойному политику за его
"предельно жесткую критику действующего режима", говорится в
заявлении ЗСК. Оппозиция также обвинила МВД в попытках представить
громкое убийство как результат "семейно-бытового конфликта". "Этой
нелепой версии обеспечивается прикрытие со стороны целого ряда
контролируемых властью СМИ и прежде всего общереспубликанских
телеканалов",– подчеркивается в заявлении. Все это, по мнению
оппозиционеров, означает незаинтересованность режима в поиске
исполнителей и заказчиков убийства бывшего высокопоставленного
чиновника.
Как заявил Ъ лидер ЗСК, кандидат в президенты Жармахан Туякбай,

бывшего чиновника, впоследствии ставшего непримиримым
оппозиционером, наверняка убили по политическим мотивам. "Я много
думал об этом случае и склоняюсь к тому, что его могли убрать из-за
боязни громких разоблачений или же из мести".
Господин Нуркадилов был найден мертвым в собственном доме в Алма-

Ате две недели назад. Как установила экспертиза, смерть наступила в
результате трех пулевых ранений: двух в сердце и одного – в голову. Все
выстрелы были произведены из найденного рядом с телом револьвера
"Кобальт", принадлежавшего покойному. Следствие утверждает, что
Нуркадилов застрелился сам – сначала два раза тщетно пытался попасть в
сердце, а когда понял, что промахнулся, добил себя выстрелом в голову.
Между тем всего год назад господин Нуркадилов возглавлял МЧС

Казахстана и считался одним из ближайших соратников президента
Назарбаева. Однако в марте 2004 года он неожиданно выступил против
власти, резко осудил политику президента и был снят с министерского
поста. С тех пор он стал непримиримым критиком руководства страны и
лично главы государства. Господин Нуркадилов организовал
Международное бюро по расследованию коррупции в Казахстане и
неоднократно заявлял, что располагает огромным количеством
доказательств коррупционных преступлений президента Назарбаева и
многих его приближенных. Незадолго до смерти он пообещал
обнародовать собранный компромат.
Убийство Заманбека Нуркадилова стало самым громким в серии

многочисленных предвыборных скандалов. За время избирательной
кампании конкуренты Нурсултана Назарбаева направили в ЦИК сотни
жалоб на незаконные действия властей. Как рассказала Ъ Татьяна
Кудрявцева, пресс-секретарь кандидата от оппозиционной партии "Ак
жол" Алихана Байменова, власти как могли мешали проводить
нормальную агиткампанию: "Нам не давали помещений для встреч с
избирателями, запрещали развешивать билборды нашего лидера, не
пускали в регионы транспорт с агитационными материалами".
С аналогичными проблемами столкнулся и штаб Жармахана Туякбая –
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главного соперника президента Назарбаева. Правда, набор средств

отличался от перечисленного выше. Как сообщила Ъ член политсовета
ЗСК Зауреш Батталова, за всеми перемещениями кандидата и его
доверенных лиц следили службы безопасности. Залы, где господин
Туякбай встречался со своими избирателями, заранее заполнялись до
отказа его противниками. Все эти факты, по словам госпожи Батталовой,
были подробно зафиксированы в жалобах в адрес центризбиркома, однако
никаких мер не последовало.
Все за одного
На нынешних выборах на пост президента Казахстана претендуют пять
человек: действующий президент Нурсултан Назарбаев, лидер
оппозиционного альянса "За справедливый Казахстан" Жармахан Туякбай,
лидер оппозиционной партии "Ак жол" Алихан Байменов, коммунист
Ерасыл Абылкасымов и кандидат от Экологической партии Мэлса
Елеусизов. Фаворитом считается господин Назарбаев, его главным
соперником – Жармахан Туякбай. Впрочем, вряд ли между ними
развернется серьезная борьба за голоса. Уже сейчас социологи прочат
господину Туякбаю лишь второе место, и сам он, похоже, не сильно
против этого возражает (см. интервью на этой странице).
Остальные конкуренты президента в открытую говорят о том, что

господин Назарбаев, конечно, победит и, безусловно, этого достоин, а они
поборются между собой за второе и третье места. Наблюдатели отмечают,
что, несмотря на громкие выпады в адрес властей, эти кандидаты скорее
подыгрывают президенту, нежели всерьез с ним соперничают. В пользу
такой версии говорят факты их политической биографии.
К примеру, Алихан Байменов два года назад выступил инициатором

раскола достаточно мощной тогда оппозиционной партии "Ак жол". Когда
партия раскололась на два лагеря, господин Байменов возглавил один из
них, присвоив уже раскрученное название. Оставшиеся без известного
политического брэнда противники Алихана Байменова попытались хоть
как-то возместить потерю и назвали свою партию "Настоящий 'Ак жол'".
На нынешних президентских выборах эта партия вошла в альянс "За
справедливый Казахстан". Так что обычная "Ак жол" господина
Байменова, выступая самостоятельно, по сути дела, отбирает голоса у
оппозиционного объединения.
Похожая история произошла и с кандидатом-коммунистом Ерасылом

Абылкасымовым. Примерно в то же время, когда раскололась "Ак жол",
начался разлад в рядах Коммунистической партии Казахстана. Господин
Абылкасымов поссорился с лидером компартии Серикболсыном
Абдильдином. В итоге Казахстан получил две компартии, одну из которых
– Коммунистическую народную партию (КНП) – возглавил нынешний
кандидат в президенты Ерасыл Абылкасымов. Как и в случае с "Ак
жолами", просто компартия выступила на стороне Жармахана Туякбаю, а
КНП на выборы пошла сама.
Что касается кандидатуры Мэлсы Елеусизова, он на нынешних выборах

выполняет роль статиста. Его предвыборная кампания осталась
незамеченной казахстанскими избирателями.
- 104 -
Таким образом, власти страны еще два года назад начали ковать победу в
нынешней президентской гонке. И сейчас как минимум три из пяти
кандидатов работают в пользу одного – действующего президента.
Да и сам Нурсултан Назарбаев не сидел сложа руки. Он весь год активно

решал социальные проблемы, направив на поддержку малоимущих и
социальные проекты около 100 млрд тенге ($745 млн). Незадолго до
объявления даты выборов господин Назарбаев поднял пенсии, стипендии и
зарплаты. Кроме того, в этом году были необычно рано утверждены
основные параметры бюджета Казахстана на 2006 год, в котором расходы
на социальный блок составили беспрецедентные 37,8%. Обо всем этом
президент лично рассказывал народу в ходе затяжного марафона по
регионам.
Параллельно власть усыпила бдительность оппозиции, разыграв интригу

вокруг даты президентских выборов. Пока президент ездил по стране,
председатель ЦИКа Оналсын Жумабеков и глава минюста Загипа Балиева
при каждом удобном случае твердили, что выборы президента нужно
проводить не раньше декабря 2006 года. Главным аргументом было то, что
полномочия президента Назарбаева заканчиваются в январе 2006 года.
Споры о дате затянулись до лета. А в конце августа точку поставил
конституционный совет, подтвердивший, что выборы нужно провести в
первое воскресенье декабря этого года. Тем самым оппозиции не дали как
следует подготовиться к избирательной кампании. Запад Нурсултан
Назарбаев также успел задобрить, наложив вето на парламентскую
законодательную инициативу по ужесточению контроля над
неправительственными организациями.
Сегодня переизбрание действующего президента ни у кого не

вызывает сомнений. При этом революционные потрясения
Казахстану также не грозят. Конкуренты Нурсултана Назарбаева
говорят, что даже в случае фальсификации итогов голосования не
станут выходить за рамки конституционного поля. "Мы будем
соблюдать закон и обойдемся без всяких цветных революций. Нам
они не нужны",– заявила Ъ пресс-секретарь кандидата Байменова
Татьяна Кудрявцева.
Observaciones № 227 (№ 3311) от 02.12.2005, ПТ
Texto 6
Medio Kommersant (diario)

Enlace http://www.kommersant.ru/doc.html?docId=631755
Fecha 02-12-05
publicación
Género Entrevista
period.
Título "Эта власть стране надоела"
- 105 -
Subtítulo -
Traducción “El país está harto de este gobierno”
Títulos
Autor ВЛАДИМИР Ъ-СОЛОВЬЕВ (Vladímir Solovev)
Entradilla Весь вчерашний день главный конкурент Нурсултана Назарбаева
оппозиционный кандидат ЖАРМАХАН ТУЯКБАЙ потратил на то, чтобы
доделать все, что не успел за три месяца предвыборной гонки. Однако,
несмотря на занятость, он все же нашел время поговорить с
корреспондентом Ъ ВЛАДИМИРОМ Ъ-СОЛОВЬЕВЫМ.
Traducción Todo el día de ayer, el principal rival de Nursultán Nazarbáyev, el candidato
Entradilla opositor, Zharmaján Tuyakbay, lo ocupó concluyendo todo aquello que no pudo
terminar durante los tres meses de carrera preelectoral. Sin embargo, a pesar de
su apretada agenda, encontró tiempo para hablar con nuestro corresponsal
Vladímir Solovev.
Cuerpo de – Вам удалась нынешняя избирательная кампания?
texto – В принципе ее можно назвать успешной, даже несмотря на то
противодействие, которое все время нам оказывали власти.
– Сильно мешали?
– Да нам же не давали нормально агитировать! Залы для моих встреч с
избирателями заполняли заранее пригнанными бюджетниками, ну
специально, чтобы не было места тем, кому интересно. Я уже не говорю,
что мои агитматериалы срывали до того, как клей высохнет. Еще
билборды не разрешали вешать. У Назарбаева их 1000 висит, а наших
всего 20. Информационную блокаду нам устроили. Ни один прямой
репортаж о нашей деятельности не вышел в эфир, отделывались сухими
сообщениями. В телевизоре с утра до вечера мелькали только Назарбаев и
трое остальных кандидатов, нас на экран не пускали. Из-за этого мы не
смогли достучаться, например, до сельской глубинки. В общем, у них
получилось сорвать некоторые плановые мероприятия, и думаю, это может
отразиться на результате голосования.
– А что вы думаете об автоматизированной системе подсчета голосов

"Сайлау"?
– То, как власти продавливают применение этой системы, уже вызывает

подозрения. Становится ясно, что она нужна для решения конкретных
задач. Ведь благодаря такой автоматизации итоги уже не подводятся на
местах, все считают в ЦИКе, а потом данные спускают низам. Система
непрозрачна, и власть ее полностью контролирует, это вызывает
недоверие.
– То есть готовятся фальсификации? Что вы будете делать, если

установите факты подтасовок?
– Мы будем отстаивать свои права, но в рамках конституции. Через ЦИК,

через суды.
– А народ за собой поведете?

– Конечно! Мы устроим публичные акции. Мы несем правду о коррупции
наверху. Эта власть стране надоела.
- 106 -
– Кстати, о коррупции. Что происходит с делом "Казахгейт"

(нашумевшее дело о взятках нефтяных компаний руководству
Казахстана.– Ъ)? Как писала пресса, в нем напрямую замешан
президент Назарбаев. Вы будете проводить расследование, если
станете президентом?
– Безусловно, это дело должно быть расследовано и точки над i

наконец расставлены. Но в ходе избирательной кампании мы не
старались делать упор на этом скандале. Я против черного пиара и
недозволенных методов. В конце концов, есть презумпция
невиновности. Что касается ответственности Назарбаева, это не так
важно. К тому же его защищает конституция, а закон обратной
силы не имеет
Observaciones № 227 (№ 3311) от 02.12.2005, ПТ
Texto 7
Medio Gazeta.ru (diario digital)

Enlace http://www.gazeta.ru/2005/12/02/oa_180184.shtml
Fecha 03-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Казахстан выбирает из одного
Subtítulo ---
Traducción Kazajstán elige entre un candidato
Títulos
Autor Илья Барабанов (Iliá Barabánov)
Entradilla Власти Казахстана готовятся к торжественному переизбранию Нурсултана
Назарбаева на пост президента республики. Оппозиция готовится окрасить
улицы городов в революционные цвета. Центр казахской революции –
город Алма-Ата. Официальная столица, Астана, готова к обороне.
Traducción El poder en Kazajstán se prepara para la solemne reelección de Nursultán
Entradilla Nazarbáyev como prsidente de la república. La oposición se prepara para
decorar las calles de las ciudades con colores revolucionarios. El centro de la
revolución Kazaja es la ciudad de Alma- Ata. La capital, Astana, se prepara para
la defensa.
Cuerpo de Казахстан готовится к переизбранию Нурсултана Назарбаева на очередной
texto президентский срок. В 24.00 пятницы закончилась предвыборная агитация
кандидатов. Голосование начнется в восемь утра в воскресенье. На пост
главы государства претендуют пять человек. Помимо действующего
президента Нурсултана Назарбаева, который уверенно лидирует по всем
социологическим прогнозам, это: лидер оппозиционного блока «За
справедливый Казахстан» Жармахан Туякбай, председатель партии «Ак
жол» (Светлый путь) Алихан Байменов, представитель коммунистической
- 107 -
народной партии (КНПК) парламентарий Ерасыл Абылкасымов и глава

экологического союза «Табигат» (Природа) Мэлс Елеусизов. Победитель
выборов возглавит Казахстан сроком на семь лет.
По большому счету, воскресные выборы будут не соревнованием этих

пятерых, а способом выяснить, насколько именно велико доверие казахов
к многолетнему руководителю. Сомнений в том, что ни один из четырех
соперников действующего президента не сможет оказать ему достойного
сопротивления в ходе голосования, нет ни у кого.
Опасаются казахские власти другого: ситуация в республике хоть и

стабильная, но в любой момент может стать революционной. В поисках
ответа на вопрос, насколько сильна и перспективна оранжевая идея в
казахских степях, власти предпринимают все новые меры
предосторожности. На улицах центральных городов республики все
больше полиции, ходят слухи о том, что в состояние боевой готовности
приведены вооруженные силы.
«Предполагается под видом оппозиции на одну из площадей вывести

нанятых провокаторами людей и устроить беспорядки. Предполагается
сжечь несколько автомашин, разграбить несколько магазинов.
Правоохранительные органы при этом демонстрируют свои высокие
качества и разгоняют мародеров. Часть из них будет арестована». Это
строчки письма известного журналиста и общественного деятеля Сергея
Дуванова, которое он разослал в СМИ Казахстана накануне выборов. По
информации журналиста, в последние два дня накануне голосования
власть предпримет все возможное для дискредитации оппозиции.
Постановочно-показательный разгон якобы оппозиционного митинга
должен, по информации Дуванова, предотвратить действительно
спонтанные народные выступления после выборов. Пятница, однако,
прошла в Казахстане спокойно. Пойдет ли власть на подобный шаг или
информация журналиста была ошибочной, станет ясно лишь к вечеру
субботы.
Пока же конкуренты Назарбаева успокаивают власти, заявляя о своем

намерении бороться исключительно конституционными методами. В
пятницу кандидат в президенты Жармахан Туякбай заверил журналистов
на специально созванной пресс-конференции, что оппозиция привержена
конституционным методам борьбы за власть. «Если результаты
голосования будут подтасованы, фальсифицированы, то мы примем все
меры, способы, которые дозволены нашей конституцией, направленные на
опротестование результатов этого несправедливого подсчета голосов», –
заявил Туякбай, добавив, что это не означает, «что мы непременно будем
выводить людей на улицу».
Однако люди на улицы, скорее всего, все же выйдут.
Об этом говорят даже те, кто не очень верит в успех революции в

Казахстане. Известный казахский политолог, директор Группы
оценки рисков Досым Сатпаев в беседе с «Газетой.Ru» высказал
мнение, что в Казахстане наиболее вероятен не украинский или
грузинский вариант развития событий, а азербайджанская модель.
«Вероятнее развитие событий по азербайджанскому сценарию,
- 108 -
когда оппозиция выступила на митингах, предъявила обвинения

власти, но к серьезным результатам это не привело», – считает
Сатпаев. По словам политолога, «чем ближе выборы, тем
напряженнее становится обстановка, это чувствуется и властью, и
оппозицией». «Казахстанские силовики уже заявили о наличии у
них информации о готовящихся массовых акциях и беспорядках, –
рассказал Сатпаев «Газете.Ru». – Но я считаю, что это
страховочные меры, вызванные тем, что власть боится внештатных
ситуаций». «В Казахстане майдана не будет, оппозиция попытается
организовать локальные выступления, но они вряд ли приведут к
какому-то результату, – считает политолог, – при этом власть уже
привела в боевую готовность войска, чувствуется увеличение
милиции на улицах, закрыли границу с Киргизией». По словам
Сатпаева, массовые выступления возможны в Алма-Ате, но это не
столица, «это будет алма-атинская тусовка и местный масштаб», а
в столице, в Астане, вряд ли удастся организовать что-то
масштабное.
Observaciones Fecha-hora de actualización indicada por el periódico: 03/12/05; 10:33
Texto 8

Fecha 02-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Нурсултан Назарбаев
Subtítulo ---
Traducción Nursultán Nazarbáev
Títulos
Autor Gazeta.ru
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Действующий президент Казахстана родился 6 июля 1940 года. В
texto 1967 году окончил завод-втуз при Карагандинском
металлургическом комбинате. С 1960 года был рабочим
стройуправления треста «Казметаллургстрой» в Темиртау, затем
чугунщиком и горновым на Карагандинском металлургическом
заводе. Дослужившись до звания старшего газовщика доменного
цеха, ушел на партийную работу. В 1973 году стал секретарем
парткома на том же металлургическом комбинате. К 1979 году
Назарбаев – секретарь Карагандинского обкома партии, затем
секретарь центрального комитета партии, а с 1984 года
председатель совета министров Казахской ССР. К развалу СССР в
- 109 -
1991 году Назарбаев подошел на посту первого секретаря ЦК

компартии Казахстана, параллельно председательствуя в
Верховном совете тогда еще Казахской ССР.
С апреля 1990 года Назарбаев президент, хотя выборы в

независимом Казахстане пройдут лишь в 1991 году. На них уже год
как действующий президент заручается поддержкой 98,7
процентов избирателей. В 1995 году в Казахстане проходит
референдум и президентские полномочия Назарбаева продлены до
2000 года. 10 января 1999 года Назарбаев на альтернативной
основе был избран президентом Республики Казахстан, получив
79,78 процента голосов избирателей.
В 1992 году Назарбаев защитил диссертацию, став доктором

экономических наук. Президент Казахстана является академиком
Международной инженерной академии, Академии социальных
наук Российской Федерации, Национальной академии наук
Республики Казахстан, почетный профессор Казахского
государственного национального университета имени Аль-Фараби
и Московского государственного университета, почетный член
Белорусской академии наук. Награжден орденами Трудового
Красного Знамени и «Знаком Почета».
Observaciones Fecha-hora de actualización indicada por el periódico: 02/12/05; 20:31
Texto 9

Enlace http://www.gazeta.ru/lenta.shtml?451202#451202
Fecha consulta 04-12-05 (13:09)
Fecha 04-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Exit-polls: за Назарбаева проголосовали 90% избирателей
Subtítulo ---
Traducción Según los sondeos, un 90% de los electores votó por Nazarbáyev
Títulos
Autor RIA-Novosti
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Действующий президент Казахстана Нурсултан Назарбаев, по
texto данным опроса проголосовавших избирателей, лидирует на
президентских выборах с огромным отрывом. Об этом сообщили в
Центре политических технологий (Москва), который проводит
опрос избирателей. На 15:00 местного времени (12:00 мск), за
- 110 -
Назарбаева проголосовали 90,5% опрошенных избирателей. Разрыв

между действующим президентом и остальными четырьмя
претендента снова увеличился. Лидеру оппозиционного блока "За
справедливый Казахстан" Жармахану Туякбаю пока удалось
набрать 6,4% голосов избирателей. За председателя партии "Ак
жол" Алихана Байменова проголосовали 2,1%, депутата мажилиса
Ерасыла Абылкасымова - 0,6%, самовыдвиженца Мэла Елеусизова
- 0,4%.
Observaciones Fecha-hora de actualización indicada por el periódico: 04-12-05;14:00
Texto 10
Medio Novaya Gazeta (sale dos veces por semana)

Enlace http://2005.novayagazeta.ru/nomer/2005/90n/n90n-s16.shtml
Fecha 01-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título МИЛЛИАРДЫ КАЗАХОВ
Subtítulo Республика Назарбаева может войти в число пятидесяти самых развитых
стран мира
Traducción Miles de millones en Kazajstán. La República de Nazarbáyev puede entrar en el
Títulos grupo de los cincuenta países más desarrollados del mundo.
Autor Михаил СМЕТАНИН (Mijail Smetanin)
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Если выборы в Мосгордуму – генеральная репетиция федеральных
texto парламентских выборов 2007 года, то проходящие в тот же день, 4
декабря, президентские выборы в Казахстане – вероятная проекция
нашего марта 2008-го. Если бы на третий срок баллотировался
Владимир Путин, а оппонировал ему, скажем, экс-премьер Михаил
Касьянов. Возможно, не все это заметили, но на праздновании
1000-летия Казани Россия свернула с традиционного европейского
на «ордынский путь» развития – и гимны поются уже не западным,
а восточным соседям. Например, Назарбаеву.
Кампания по выборам Нурсултана Назарбаева президентом на
новый срок близится к концу не только в Астане, где на заседании
правительства лидер-кандидат объявил о грядущем вступлении
Казахстана в пятидесятку самых развитых стран мира, но также в
Москве и в… Лондоне.
Пока наш министр финансов Алексей Кудрин открыто
высказывался в пользу единой валюты ЕЭП для начала хотя бы в
трех сопредельных государствах Единого экономического
пространства («большая четверка» СНГ минус Украина),
отечественные злые языки вполголоса язвили: «Неужели тенге?».
- 111 -
А зря! Тем временем на Западе, в столице председательствующего

ныне в Евросоюзе Соединенного Королевства Великобритании и
Северной Ирландии, был обнародован доклад «Каспийского
информационного центра», нелицеприятный скорее для России с
Белоруссией, чем для республики, которая «добилась прогресса в
достижении заявленной цели». По трансформации от
тоталитарного режима бывшего Советского Союза в страну с
современной рыночной демократией.
Догнать и перегнать… Россию
Эта цель никогда прямо не декларировалась руководством
Республики Казахстан, но факты — вещь упрямая, еще более
упрямая, чем люди с восточным менталитетом. Общеизвестно, что
планетой у нас правит «золотой миллиард человечества», и попасть
в число его жителей мечтает любая страна так называемого
третьего (развивающегося) мира. С крахом системы реального
социализма в СССР и бывшем Совете экономической
взаимопомощи (СЭВ) «второго лагеря» как бы не стало, Россию
авансом приняли в индустриально развитую «большую
восьмерку», между тем дальше предбанника клуба великих держав
так и не пустили…
Расклад сил, однако, меняется, и бешеный рост ВВП в Китае,
Индии, «азиатских тиграх» и экс-советском Казахстане если где и
не замечают, то только в столице нашей империи. На прошлой
неделе Астана устами Назарбаева официально объявила, что уже в
ближайшие годы войдет в «золотой полтинник» наиболее развитых
— не развивающихся уже — стран мира. Алтын миллиард?
Алтыном, напомним, называлась золотая монета времен
Золотой же Орды, от названия которой на Святой Руси произошли
и серебряные 50 копеек (рупь с полтиной), и пятиалтынный, и
народная поговорка: «Не было ни гроша да вдруг…». Оно самое и
есть: такие же, как мы, последователи ордынских монетаристов,
казахи и свою экономику в опережающий нас рост пустили, и
лояльность капиталистического, как ни крути, Запада чем-то
подкупили.
Вот передо мной благозвучный для ушей Нурсултана
Абишевича доклад «Каспийского информационного центра» в
Лондоне от 10 ноября. Пока наши отечественные баскаки
праздновали свой День советской милиции, британские
парламентарии, оказывается, читали отчет своего коллеги Дэвида
Раффли о подготовке к свободным и честным президентским
выборам в Республике Казахстан.
Наблюдатели ОБСЕ, приезжающие в страны СНГ с
инспекционными набегами, могут расслабиться. Помимо
«свадебного парламентария» свои подписи под докладом
поставили не менее авторитетные в своей среде генеральный
директор «Каспийского информационного центра» на берегах
Темзы Джеральд Фрост, профессор Лондонской школы экономики
Кеннет Миног (всемирно известный эксперт по вопросам
конституционного развития) и профессор Букингемского
университета Денис О'Киф. Заметьте: под текстом — ни одной
даже этнически казахской, а значит, заведомо ангажированной хотя
бы эмоционально, фамилии!
- 112 -
Ознакомительный визит
Шесть дней в октябре провели все эти люди в республике с не
самым мягким климатом. Ознакомительный по форме визит на
самом деле включал в себя встречи не только с казахстанскими
официальными лицами, но также и с представителями
оппозиционных партий и движений, всеми (!) кандидатами в
президенты РК, представителями национальных и русскоязычных
СМИ, в том числе оппозиционных.
Доклад в известной мере, но достаточно откровенно
полемизирует с подходами миссии наблюдателей ОБСЕ. Главный
его вывод: «Казахстан, обеспечив успех экономических реформ,
выходит на важный этап демократического роста. Юридические и
административные рамки, обеспечиваемые властями в целях
проведения справедливых президентских выборов, адекватны и
позволяют двигаться к достижению этой цели и в целом к
заявленным целям дальнейшего демократического развития
страны». В переводе на понятный нам язык это что-то вроде
констатации: мол, экономика шла впереди политики, как и в
большинстве известных нам азиатских государств, однако нужный
шаг при строительстве современного постиндустриального
общества в сторону большей демократии тут — в отличие от
соседней КНР, к примеру — все же делается.
Анализ «как недостатков, так и положительных сторон
процесса роста Казахстана и, что немаловажно, тенденций
перспектив развития страны в глобальном и региональном
контекстах» презентован как независимая оценка реального
политического развития. Многие политические перемены, которые
последовали в Казахстане после обретения независимости в 1991
г., имели сугубо прагматический характер. Корректна с этой точки
зрения, по мнению авторов доклада КИЦ, и альтернатива.
Демократический выбор
Цитата: «Предлагаемый народу выбор из двух основных
кандидатов на выборах 4 декабря 2005 г. является по сути выбором
между политикой действующего президента Нурсултана
Назарбаева, который придерживается политики сочетания
дальнейшей экономической либерализации с программой
осуществления последовательных политических реформ, и
программой его принципиального соперника — Жармахана
Туякбая — лидера политического движения «За справедливый
Казахстан», который обещает заменить, по его утверждению,
коррумпированный и авторитарный режим на правление, которое
обеспечит демократические перемены, открытость и более
широкое распределение национального богатства». Глядя из
Москвы, похоже на 2004-й: «Путин — Глазьев», но с одной
существенной поправкой: Сергей Юрьевич у нас никогда не был
при Владимире Владимировиче ни спикером Госдумы РФ, ни зиц-
вождем партии «Единая Россия», ни прокурором республики, а
Туякбай при Назарбаеве был.
Поэтому вчитаемся в британские оценки. Они согласны с
выводами юридического заключения, подготовленного в прошлом
году профессором Кристофером Гринвудом, королевским
адвокатом, о том, что при справедливом и правильном применении
- 113 -
Закон о выборах 2004 г. был способен обеспечить проведение

выборов, отвечающих копенгагенским критериям Организации по
безопасности и сотрудничеству в Европе (той самой ОБСЕ,
которой в СНГ правители детей пугают). Последующие изменения
в закон не представляют собой значительное дальнейшее его
совершенствование. О чем речь?
Недавняя поправка к Закону о выборах, которая не допускает
проведения публичных демонстраций в строго ограниченный
период между завершением избирательной кампании и
объявлением результатов выборов (контрмера против уличного
Майдана, уже предложенная в Москве «ЕдРом» на выборах в МГД,
кстати), согласно докладу КИЦ, вовсе не обязательно представляет
собой нарушение прав человека. И тем более не является шагом
назад в развитии казахстанских демократических институтов.
Учитывая недавние волнения в ряде стран СНГ — имеются в виду
не столько Киев и Тбилиси, сколько Бишкек и Андижан, —
причины такого ограничения британцам понять нетрудно. «Где
демократические институты являются новыми и, возможно,
непрочными, наблюдатели должны быть предельно осторожными с
тем, чтобы их собственные действия не влияли на проведение
выборов», — сказано, как отрезано.
Положительная динамика
В динамике же все выглядит так: меры, предпринимаемые
ЦИК Казахстана при подготовке к 4 декабря 2005 г., показывают
более высокую степень открытости, нежели чем при выборах в
мажилис 19 сентября 2004 г., которые, в свою очередь, были шагом
вперед по сравнению с предыдущими голосованиями в республике.
«Мы понимаем опасения, высказываемые оппозицией в отношении
электронного голосования, которое будет применяться не
повсеместно. Однако мы полагаем, что эти опасения могут быть
сняты присутствием на выборах технически компетентных
независимых наблюдателей от ОБСЕ». ГАС «Выборы», как видите,
пугает не только россиян, но и там, кстати, как и в Москве,
разрешен ручной пересчет бюллетеней по первому же требованию.
И, наконец, о разноцветном золоте казахов. Эксперты из
Лондона не разделили ту точку зрения, что только ограниченный
круг лиц получил в Астане выгоды от экономического роста. Это
опровергается не только очевидным динамизмом и развитием
основных казахстанских городов, но также и данными МВФ,
Мирового банка и других авторитетных международных
организаций, которые отмечают значительное снижение
количества людей, живущих за чертой бедности, и более быстрое и
широкое распределение национальных богатств, чем ожидалось
раньше. «По этой и ряду других причин мы не считаем, что
Казахстан находится на грани цветной революции, как это
утверждается некоторыми. Поразительный факт — многие самые
жесткие критики властей, включая видных кандидатов на этих
выборах, сами недавно были во власти, а сейчас находятся в лагере
недовольных. Средства массовой информации стали гораздо
свободнее сейчас, чем до независимости. 80% СМИ являются
частными, круг печатных СМИ включает также и непримиримых
оппонентов президента и его правительства».
- 114 -
Впрочем, хватит цитат. В любом независимом исследовании их

можно настрогать, как известно, на любой вкус. Главное —
Казахстан уникален в Центральной Азии с точки зрения
существенного прогресса в развитии демократии при сохранении
стабильности и обеспечении этнической и религиозной
терпимости, а в отдельных сферах прогресс его весьма и весьма
значителен. В победу своего кандидата, положа руку на сердце, не
верит в республике и сама оппозиция. Зачем свергать власть, если
уже завтра ты будешь жить в «алтын миллиарде» человечества и
там же работать? Не меняя, заметьте, страны пребывания!
Observaciones ---
Texto 11
Medio The Moscow Times (3 veces por semana)

Enlace http://www.themoscowtimes.com/stories/2005/12/05/015.html
Fecha 05-12-05 (10:28)
consulta
Fecha 05-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Exit Polls Give Nazarbayev Victory
Subtítulo ---
Traducción ---
Títulos
Autor Kadyr Toktogulov (The Associated Press)
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de ASTANA, Kazakhstan -- Four exit polls indicated Kazakh President Nursultan
texto Nazarbayev, who has ruled oil-rich Kazakhstan since Soviet times, easily won a
new seven-year term in Sunday's presidential election.
The largest poll, surveying some 300,000 people, found him winning 86.9
percent of the vote. The poll was conducted nationwide by the Association of
Sociologists and Political Analysts.
Another exit poll of some 16,000 voters by the Kazakhstan Institute for Social
and Political Information think tank put his support at 77 percent, with 13.42
percent voting for Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, the biggest of his four challengers.
Two other exit polls also put Nazarbayev's support above 80 percent, with
Tuyakbai receiving less than 10 percent.
The exit poll results are likely to undermine any opposition opportunity to claim
a miscount. But complaints are likely that the comparatively authoritarian
government did not allow a genuinely free vote.
- 115 -
Election officials plan to announce preliminary results on Monday.

Nazarbayev, who has ruled for 16 years, often shows an authoritarian streak, and
opposition candidates claim their campaigns have been hindered by the theft of
campaign materials, seizure of newspapers backing them and denial of attractive
sites to hold rallies. His two previous election victories were widely criticized as
undemocratic.
Observaciones Edición en papel: Monday, December 5, 2005. Issue 3309. Page 5.
Texto 12

Fecha 05-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título С Назарбаевым навсегда
Subtítulo ---
Traducción Con Nazarbáyev para siempre
Títulos
Autor Илья Барабанов (Ilyá Barabánov)
Entradilla Нурсултан Назарбаев переизбран на очередной президентский срок.
Бессменный лидер Казахстана останется таковым еще семь лет, в ходе
которых он может не опасаться революций в республике: его
политический курс поддержал 91,1% казахов.
Traducción Nursultán Nazarbáyev fue reelegido para un nuevo mandato presidencial. El
Entradilla líder de Kazajstán permanecerá como tal otros siete años, en los que no tendrá
que temer revoluciones en su república: el 91,1% de los kazajos apoyan su
política.
Cuerpo de Нурсултан Назарбаев триумфально переизбран президентом Казахстана.
texto Более 90% граждан поддержали многолетнего лидера в его стремлении
руководить Казахстаном еще семь лет.
Как заявил в понедельник утром председатель республиканского ЦИКа
Оналсын Жумабеков, по предварительным данным, за Назарбаева на
воскресных президентских выборах проголосовал 91,1% избирателей.
Ближайший преследователь, единый кандидат от оппозиции Жармахан
Туякбай набрал 6,64%.
Остальные кандидаты не дотянули и до двухпроцентной поддержки:
Алихан Байменов – 1,65%, Ерасыл Абылкасымов – 0,38%, Мэс Елеусизов
– 0,32%. В условиях, когда явка избирателей составила 71,96%, выборы
признаны состоявшимися, законными и легитимными. Тем более что за
ходом голосования следили более 1,6 тыс. международных наблюдателей.
Некоторые наблюдатели по прошедшим выборам уже высказались.
Миссия наблюдателей СНГ, организация, которая редко находит
нарушения на выборах в республиках, дружественных России, в этот раз
- 116 -
серьезных нарушений не обнаружила. По мнению наблюдателей, выборы

были свободными и открытыми. Глава миссии Владимир Рушайло заверил
в понедельник журналистов в том, что минувшие выборы были
«проведены в соответствии с нормами действующего в стране
избирательного законодательства», после чего призвал наблюдателей
других организаций присоединиться к подобной оценке.
Наблюдатели от ОБСЕ присоединяться пока не спешат.
Европейские наблюдатели готовят, как ожидается, достаточно
критический доклад. В этой связи переизбранный президент Назарбаев
решил подстраховаться и первым нанес удар по европейским чиновникам.
Президент упрекнул их в том, что они не хотят работать в Казахстане так,
как им надлежит работать. «Я хотел бы, чтобы ОБСЕ выполняла все свои
пять функций, пока же ОБСЕ в отношении к нам применяет только
вопросы прав человека, – заявил Назарбаев в понедельник. – Но ведь
ОБСЕ расшифровывается как Организация по безопасности и
сотрудничеству в странах Европы, то есть это борьба с терроризмом и
наркотрафиком, против СПИДа, борьба в поддержку прав меньшинств».
По словам казахстанского правителя, «пока что влияние ОБСЕ в нашей
части света не заметно». Таким же незаметным в Казахстане, вероятно,
останется и доклад европейских наблюдателей, сколь критичным бы он ни
был.
Впрочем, докладов Назарбаев не боится. А вот факт того, что властям
удалось предотвратить очередную «цветную революцию», можно считать
президентским успехом.
За месяц до выборов в Казахстане при весьма странных обстоятельствах
погиб экс-министр по чрезвычайным ситуациям Заманбек Нуркадилов.
Несмотря на наличие трех огнестрельных ранений, двух в сердце и одного
в голову, власти объявили гибель бывшего чиновника самоубийством.
Оппозиция видела увидела в Нуркадилове «казахского Гонгадзе», и все
последние дни накануне дня голосования эксперты и журналисты
обсуждали, в каком именно городе начнутся народные волнения.
В итоге обошлось не то чтобы без революции, но и без крупных митингов.
«В Астане, Алма-Ате и других крупных городах все спокойно», – грустно
констатировал «Газете.Ru» источник в штабе проигравшего кандидата
Туякбая. Сейчас оппозиция готовится объявить результаты выборов
сфальсифицированными и незаконными. Днем оппозиционеры соберут
специальную пресс-конференцию, на которой постараются оспорить итоги
голосования. Впрочем, скорее всего, этот последний протест оппозиции
останется таким же «незаметным», как и все попытки ОБСЕ указать на
нарушения, допущенные казахскими властями в ходе выборов.
Observaciones Actualización de la publicación: 11:27.
- 117 -
Texto 13
Medio Rossiskaya Gazeta (diario oficial)

Enlace http://www.rg.ru/2005/12/05/nazarbaev.html
Fecha 05-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título Вне конкуренции
Subtítulo Bновь оказался президент Казахстана Нурсултан Назарбаев
Traducción Sin competencia. El presidente de Kazajstán Nursultán Nazarbáyev vuelve a
Títulos ganar.
Autor Владислав Воробьев (Vladislav Vorobiov)
Entradilla Согласно данным экзит пулов, на состоявшихся в Казахстане выборах
президента страны при почти 72-процентной явке избирателей до 90
процентов жителей республики проголосовали за действующего главу
государства Нурсултана Назарбаева.
Traducción De acuerdo a los datos de los sondeos, en las elecciones presidenciales que se
Entradilla han celebrado en Kazajstán, con un 72% de participación, hasta un 90% de los
electores votaron por el actual jefe del Estado Nursultán Nazarbáyev.
Cuerpo de Очевидно, что реальные результаты выборов вряд ли будут серьезным
texto образом отличаться от данных опроса.
Впрочем, это обстоятельство в самом Казахстане практически никого не

беспокоит. Сам Назарбаев в избирательной кампании не участвовал,
оставив, как он выразился, "это поле для других". Политическое чутье,
которое ни разу не подводило главу Казахстана с апреля 1990 года, когда
он впервые был избран президентом, не подвело его и на этот раз. Как
выяснилось, Назарбаев вновь остается на "коне" - все попытки его
политических оппонентов обогнать или составить мало-мальскую
конкуренцию президенту Казахстана явно не удались.
Опустив бюллетень в урну для голосования на избирательном участке

номер два в Астане, Назарбаев не сомневался в своей победе: "Я убежден,
что казахстанцы выберут мир, стабильность и процветание. И мы вместе
войдем в число 50 наиболее развитых государств". В победе действующего
президента, очевидно, не сомневается и его главный конкурент лидер
объединенной казахской оппозиции Жармахан Туякбай, которому по
данным все тех же экзит пулов достанется не более 10 процентов голосов
избирателей. Более того, оппозиция сообщила, что не намерена выступать
с акциями протеста даже в том случае, если не будет согласна с
окончательными итогами голосования. "Если будут обнаружены факты
фальсификаций, мы опротестуем их в рамках Конституции", - пояснил
Туякбай.
И все же как минимум одну каплю дегтя в бочку победы Назарбаева,

скорее всего, добавит руководство миссии международных наблюдателей
от ОБСЕ. Ожидается, что в понедельник они соберут пресс-конференцию.
- 118 -
О том, что именно скажут эксперты ОБСЕ, пока не известно. Но судя по

тому, что накануне выборов рассказал журналистам глава ЦИК Казахстана
Оналсын Жумабеков, выводы ОБСЕ будут негативными.
Дело в том, что после прошедших год назад в Казахстане парламентских

выборов миссия ОБСЕ передала казахским властям свои замечания.
Правда, со многими из них ЦИК Казахстана не был согласен. "Мы
неоднократно направляли в ОБСЕ свои возражения, но ни разу не
получили ответа", - пояснил Жумабеков.
Между тем
Ранее члены ЦИК Казахстана вернулись ни с чем из штаб-квартиры ОБСЕ

в Варшаве. "Нам просто улыбались и говорили, что наши возражения не
соответствуют их процедурам", - вспоминал один из участников
варшавской встречи Виктор Малиновский. По его словам, документы
ОБСЕ в принципе исключают нормальный диалог между миссией
наблюдателей и страной, где осуществляется наблюдение.
Observaciones ---
Texto 14
Medio Moskovskie Novosti

Enlace http://www.mn.ru/issue.php?2005-47-49
Fecha 09-12-05
publicación
Género Noticia
period.
Título "Цветная эволюция"
Subtítulo ---
Traducción “Revolución de colores”
Títulos
Autor Борис Юнанов (Астана – Москва) – Borís Yunánov (Astana-Moscú)
Entradilla Казахстан расколол западных наблюдателей. Каковы слагаемые успеха
Назарбаева - и не только на выборах?
Traducción Kazajstán dividió a los observadores occidentales. ¿Cuál es el secreto del éxito
Entradilla de Nazarbáyev (y no sólo en las elecciones)?
Cuerpo de Накануне голосования 4 декабря в избирательном штабе оппозиции
texto наблюдателям и прессе раздавали сувенир - "желтый шарф свободы". "Мы
взяли этот цвет раньше", - спокойно сказали пару часов спустя в
избирательном штабе Назарбаева. "Нурсултан Казахстана" предпочитает
играть с оппозицией на опережение, последовательно реформируя страну
с преимущественно мусульманским населением. В Казахстане -
стабильность. И казахская (более 50%), и неказахская (более 40%) части
населения не приемлют поножовщину как способ разрешения конфликтов.
- 119 -
По Астане можно спокойно гулять хоть в 2 часа ночи.
Тем не менее сокрушительная победа Назарбаева на выборах (более 90%

процентов голосов "за") стала сюрпризом даже для его сторонников.
Накануне голосования говорили про 70 - 75 - 80 процентов. В конце
концов, оппозиционных кандидатов - четверо. Два основных пользуются
финансовой поддержкой, как выражаются местные русскоязычные газеты,
"контрэлиты". Да и административный ресурс - уникальный случай в
современной истории выборов! - бывало использовался во благо
оппозиции. Не хочет, к примеру, редактор центрального государственного
издания печатать "некрасивую" статью представителя оппозиции, звонит в
администрацию президента, жалуется. А ему отвечают: нет, "некрасиво" -
это не печатать. И печатают. Председатель ЦИК лично потребовал от
газет, отказывавшихся размещать статьи оппозиционных кандидатов,
строгого соблюдения Закона о выборах.
В самый разгар избирательной кампании на общенациональном ТВ

появился ведущий кандидат от оппозиции Жармахан Туякбай и
обрушился на Назарбаева с гневной критикой. Но население Туякбаю,
бывшему прокурору республики, не поверило. Тот с треском проиграл
даже в родном Чимкенте. Говорят, землякам Туякбая очень не понравился
показанный по ТВ документальный фильм оппозиции про жилищную
политику властей - в нем только ленивый не мог заметить подтасовки
фактов. В итоге Туякбай спасался от разгневанных избирателей бегством
через окно.
Проблема оппозиции в Казахстане - не только в отсутствии реального

харизматичного лидера. Ни у одного из ее кандидатов не было мощного
интеллектуального ресурса. По той простой причине, что большинство
здравомыслящих людей в Казахстане понимают: эффективной
альтернативы курсу Назарбаева пока никто не предлагает.
Все привыкли к тому, что на постсоветском пространстве основными

оппонентами ОБСЕ выступают наблюдатели от СНГ. Однако в этот раз
негативных оценок ОБСЕ не разделили большинство делегаций
наблюдателей из развитых стран. Причина проста: ОБСЕ занималось
подсчетом процедурных нарушений, остальные делегации - подсчетом
геополитических выгод от дальнейшего сотрудничества с Назарбаевым.
Тот вывел страну на рекордные в СНГ 10-процентные темпы ежегодного
экономического роста, обеспечил политический плюрализм, развернул
страну лицом к Западу, реакция которого на итоги выборов в Казахстане
показывает: "цветные революции" не нужны, если есть "цветные
эволюции" - по-назарбаевски. При этом Запад не смущает и почти
поголовная любовь аборигенов к своему к лидеру, бессменно
руководящему страной 15 лет. "Существуют примеры других стран, в
которых при движении от авторитарного правления к демократическому
население всецело поддерживало конкретного лидера или партию в силу
их преданности политической стабильности - Индия, Япония, Мексика:"
- это из отчета британской делегации. Вот, оказывается, как...
Немаловажная деталь: для британской делегации мониторинг ситуации

вел действующий в регионе под эгидой Лондона Каспийский
информационный центр (CIC), для американцев - фонд "Евразия", в
- 120 -
котором работают многие студенты и выпускники казахстанских вузов. И

ничего - Нурсултан Назарбаев не намерен приносить демократию на
алтарь борьбы с "агентами западных разведок, рядящимися в тогу
работников НПО". Как не намерен он изгонять из страны зарвавшихся от
безнаказанности олигархов. Зачем, если можно, к примеру, провести
"демонополизацию мега-холдингов", то есть раздробить олигархический
капитал, направив его на новые участки деятельности. И тем самым
получить новый рост зарплат - в плюс к их недавнему 32-процентному
повышению в госсекторе.
Казахстан, где первое, что бросается в глаза в магазинах, - хамство нашего,
российского ценообразования, терпеливо выращивает собственный
средний класс, балуя его разумными ценами практически по все группам
товаров. При том, что зарплаты в Казахстане вполне сопоставимы с
российскими.
Наконец, еще одна деталь. Назарбаев не заносчив. Подобно экс-

президенту Бразилии Энрике Кардозу, который вытащил страну из
инфляционной ямы и повел ее в "южноамериканский прорыв", президент
Казахстана сознательно окружает себя людьми, чей интеллектуальный и
образовательный потенциал может быть выше его собственного. Просто
потому, что так проще принимать верные стратегические решения. Ведь
тактика в политике - категория сиюминутная. Назарбаев сам вырастил
новую управленческую элиту, в которой сейчас задают тон молодые
высокообразованные интеллектуалы - как в администрации президента,
так и в ключевых министерствах. С некоторыми из них довелось подолгу
беседовать на днях в Астане. Они поклоняются не только
государственному гению Назарбаева, но и элементарному здравому
смыслу. И они не подведут свою страну, устремившуюся в прорыв - вслед
за Бразилией, Китаем, Сингапуром и Малайзией. Но только в свой
собственный - в евразийский.
ДОСЛОВНО
"Выборы 4 декабря прошли с многочисленными нарушениями норм
демократического волеизъявления, а потому не могут считаться честными,
свободными и открытыми".
(Из итогового доклада миссии наблюдателей ОБСЕ)
"Выборы 4 декабря стали самыми свободными, справедливыми и,

несомненно, самыми транспарентными за короткую историю
существования независимого Казахстана: Мы не обнаружили ничего
такого, что ставило бы под сомнение целостность выборного процесса".
(Лорд Паркинсон, глава делегации наблюдателей

от Великобритании)
"...Эти выборы представляют собой значительный шаг вперед в

продвижении Казахстана по пути развития демократии. Они дают
основание полагать, что Казахстан сохранит лидирующие позиции в
регионе по части проведения экономических и политических реформ".
(Из итогового заявления делегации наблюдателей США)
Observaciones ---
- 121 -
MEDIOS ÁRABES
Texto 1
Medio Al Jazeera
Enlace http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/5C276F61-0E49-4686-8F68-
D5F71BACF6C5.htm
Fecha de 04-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 05-12-05 (14.30 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Fraud claims as Kazakh polls close
Subtítulo Kazakhs have voted in an election almost certain to return Nursultan
Nazarbayev to the presidency for another seven years, but the opposition cited
early signs of fraud.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor ---
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de
texto Kazakhstan, the world's ninth-largest country by landmass, has attracted
billions of dollars of Western, Russian and Chinese investment as production
from its oilfields grows, but it has never held an election judged free and fair.
Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, an opposition challenger, told reporters after he voted in

Almaty, the biggest city: "We already have the first alarming signals from the
provinces where there have been a number of violations."
He said his campaign had evidence of duplicate voter lists that could allow
multiple voting. These had been a feature of past elections where monitors
reported voter list problems and pressure on state employees to vote for the
government.
Democratic conditions
In the new capital, Astana, President Nazarbayev, 65, said he had wound up his
own campaign early to give his opponents more of a chance. "This year's
election is being held in unprecedented democratic conditions," he said.
Onalsyn Zhumabekov, the head of the Central Election Commission, said the
vote had conformed to Kazakh law.
Observers from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe were
due to give their verdict on the conduct of the election at 4pm (1000 GMT) on
Monday.
- 122 -
Early results from a Belarus-designed electronic voting system and traditional

ballots were due to be announced after the count finished at 8am on Monday.
A Moscow thinktank that also provides public relations services, the Centre for
Political Technologies, published an exit poll on its website (www.cpt.ru)
giving Nazarbayev 87% of the vote. Two other exit polls by lesser known
groups handed Nazarbayev 77% to 78%.
The opposition For a Just Kazakhstan alliance said it had no faith in exit polls
"since most citizens are frightened of telling the truth and do not say who they
vote for".
No demos
The alliance said it would not break the law by arranging demonstrations
against alleged vote-rigging like those that swept through Ukraine, Georgia and
Kyrgyzstan and ousted long-serving leaders.
But the authorities have taken no chances. They have closed the border with
Kyrgyzstan and issued statements in recent weeks saying they would come
down hard on any disorder.
Almaty, the most opposition-minded city, has been awash with rumours of
impending unrest and Central Election Commission data at 6pm showed that it
had a low turnout, 42% compared with the national average of 68%.
Bulat Abilov, an opposition campaign manager, said the low turnout could
assist vote-rigging because it would leave unused ballot papers. "We have
information that groups of people were bussed from one polling station to
another," he said.
Observaciones ---
Texto 2
Medio Al Jazeera
Enlace http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/BA27B1F9-D7D1-467A-8A48-
E4DF33E6EF38.htm
Fecha de 04-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 05-12-05 (14.30 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakhstan votes in presidential poll
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor ---
- 123 -
Entradilla The people of Kazakhstan are voting in presidential polls expected to see
Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has led the Central Asian oil power for 16 years,
secure another seven-year term.
Traducción ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de
texto Opposition allegations of fraud, as well as a row between Western election
monitors and Kazakh officials, cast a shadow over the vote in the ex-Soviet
republic on Sunday, forecast to become one the world's top 10 oil producers
within a decade.
Voters appeared enthusiastic as they queued up in the capital, Astana, in

darkness and freezing temperatures for the opening of polling stations at 7am
(0200GMT).
"Of course I'll vote for the current president," pensioner Margarita
Alexandrova, 65, said at polling station 153. "The opposition does not inspire
confidence."
"I'm voting for Nazarbayev," 50-year-old teacher Ainur Akhmedova said after
casting her ballot at another polling station. "We know him better."
Four challengers
Kazakhstan, roughly the size of western Europe or India and once part of
Genghis Khan's empire, has never held a poll judged free and fair by Western
observers.
Nazarbayev, 65, faced four challengers, led by former prosecutor-general and

ex-parliament speaker Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, and former labour minister
Alikhan Baimenov.
Also running were Mels Yeleusizov of the environmentalist Tabigat movement

and Yerasyl Abilkasymov of the People's Communist Party.
The president is believed to enjoy solid support thanks to growing prosperity in

the country, a former Soviet backwater that has recently seen billions of dollars
of foreign investment go into its Caspian Sea oilfields.
Incumbent strength
Government polls and independent analysts predict the president, who first
came to power as communist leader in Soviet Kazakhstan in 1989, will get at
least 50% and avoid a second round of voting.
However, the opposition says that media bias and pressure from the authorities
skewed the campaign. Tuyakbai, who is seen as the main challenger, followed
by Baimenov, has warned of a slide towards dictatorship.
The communist candidate, Abilkasymov, said that the names of his family were
not on voter-lists in his home precinct in Astana.
"There's disorder and chaos," he told reporters. "If they didn't put even relatives
of a presidential candidate, then what about the others?"
- 124 -
The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) sparked fury
on Saturday in declaring that the Kazakh government had not fulfilled most of
the 24 recommendations made in an OSCE report on preparations for the
election.
OSCE comments
"No, they have not. They have implemented a few of the recommendations,"
spokeswoman Urdur Gunnarsdottir told AFP, adding that a "good election" was
still possible.
A top official from the Kazakh Central Elections Commission, Marat

Sarsembayev, said the OSCE statement had "caused bewilderment."
"The observers from the OSCE non-objectively and unprofessionally

broadened their demands," he said. "All 24 recommendations which were
presented in the report ... have been fulfilled."
Polls were to close at 8pm (1500 GMT) nationwide.
About 8.6 million voters were eligible to vote. No minimum turnout is required.
About 1600 observers are monitoring the election, including 465 from the
OSCE.
Observaciones ---
Texto 3
Medio Al Jazeera
Enlace http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/FF9EE3CA-E642-470F-ADB1-
884F4B43E7E2.htm
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 05-12-05 (14.30 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakh leader wins re-election
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor ---
Entradilla ---
Traducción ---
entradilla
- 125 -
Cuerpo de Ex-Soviet official Nazarbayev has held power since 1989

texto
Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev has won re-election by a
landslide, early results show, but the opposition in the former Soviet republic
have alleged vote-rigging.
Nazarbayev has held power since 1989 in Kazakhstan, which has attracted
billions of dollars of Western, Russian and Chinese investment as production
from its oilfields grows, but has never held a poll judged free and fair by
Western monitors.
To applause in the Central Election Commission offices, chairman Onalsyn

Zhumabekov said early results indicated Nazarbayev had won 91% of Sunday's
ballot ,while the main opposition challenger Zharmakhan Tuyakbai had 6.64%.
Nazarbayev was due to appear at a stadium in Astana, capital of the ethnically

diverse Central Asian country of only 15 million people, shortly after Monday's
announcement.
Outcome expected
The results tallied with most people's expectations, although they gave
Nazarbayev nearly 8% more than the only exit poll carried out by a well-known
pollster, a Gallup survey conducted with the International Republican Institute.
European observers are due to give their assessment of the poll
Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe observers were due to

give their assessment of the poll in the world's ninth largest country at 1000
GMT.
The main opposition For a Just Kazakhstan group has accused the West of
putting oil before democracy.
Nazarbayev came to power as the Communist Party head of Kazakhstan, then

won presidential elections in 1991 with 98.8% of the vote and in 1999 with
79.8%.
Fraud evidence
Tuyakbai's campaign team said on Sunday it had evidence of electoral fraud.
But the opposition says it will not break the law by organising demonstrations
against the alleged vote-rigging like those that swept through Ukraine, Georgia
and Kyrgyzstan and removed long-serving leaders.
Tuyakbai's campaign team says it has evidence of electoral fraud
Such protests were banned outright during the elections and require official
permission at other times.
Under Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan has reformed its economy and seen rapid
growth due to oil production.
- 126 -
But it has also been plagued by corruption scandals, opposition parties have
been closed down, and several politicians and an anti-corruption reporter have
been jailed.
Nazarbayev says political and inter-ethnic stability for the Central Asian state
during the turbulent post-Soviet years and fostering economic growth have
been his main achievements.
Observaciones ---
- 127 -
OTROS
Texto 1
Medio Human Rights Watch

Enlace http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/12/03/kazakh12139_txt.htm
Fecha de 03-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazakhstan: Uzbeks Sent Back At Risk of Torture
Subtítulo Abuses Mount Ahead of Kazakh Elections
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Human Rights Watch
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de (Tashkent, December 3, 2005) — Kazakh authorities have forcibly returned ten
texto persons who had fled persecution in Uzbekistan, in violation of Kazakhstan’s
international commitments, Human Rights Watch said today. A second group of
Uzbeks missing in Kazakhstan are feared to be at risk of “disappearance” and
forcible return. The forcible returns took place days before Kazakhstan is
scheduled to hold presidential elections on December 4. The men were sought
by Uzbekistan on charges of “religious extremism.” Human Rights Watch
called on Kazakhstan to stop the forcible return of Uzbeks who face a risk of
torture in Uzbekistan.
“Uzbekistan is well-known for its brutal treatment of religious detainees,” said
Holly Cartner, Europe and Central Asia director of Human Rights Watch. “By
sending these men back to Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan has placed them at great risk
of torture and violated its international agreements.”
A Tashkent defense attorney told Human Rights Watch that ten men forcibly
returned to Uzbekistan are now in the custody of the Ministry of Internal Affairs
in Tashkent. According to the lawyer, Kazakh authorities arrested the men on
November 28 in Shymkent, in southern Kazakhstan, and handed them over to
the Uzbek authorities at the border between the two countries later that same
night (3 a.m. on November 29). It did not appear that the Kazakh authorities
followed any official extradition procedure or that there was any judicial review
of the cases before the handover. One of the ten men forcibly returned to
Uzbekistan is Nozim Rakhmonov, an asylum-seeker who had registered his
application with UNHCR prior to being detained.
“Back in July, the government of Kazakhstan withstood pressure from the

Uzbek government and refused to return a recognized refugee—Lutfullo
Shamsuddinov—to torture,” said Cartner. “With this latest move, the Nazarbaev
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government has turned its back on the most fundamental human rights
principles.”
The asylum-seeker Rakhmonov and another man forcibly returned, Sharafutdin

Latipov, stand accused by the Uzbek government of “Wahhabism”—a term the
government uses to brand as extremists those Muslims who practice their faith
outside of government mosques or otherwise beyond state controls. The other
eight men now in Uzbek custody, including Azomodin Kosimjonov, are
accused of membership in “Akramia,” a banned Islamic movement led by
imprisoned religious leader and mathematics teacher Akram Yuldashev. Some
have also been accused of participation in the May 13 demonstration in Andijan
that preceded the government massacre of hundreds of civilians.
“We are deeply concerned for the safety of these men in Uzbek custody,” said
Cartner.
Little is known about the charges against the second group of men believed to
have been arrested this week in Kazakhstan. It is not known whether they
remain in Kazakhstan or have been forcibly returned to Uzbekistan. At least
three of the men detained by Kazakh authorities—Abdurakhman Ibragimov,
Tohirjon Abdusamatov, and Shoimat Shorakhmedov—were registered asylum-
seekers. One of the men believed to be in custody is Rukhiddin Fakhrutdinov, a
former imam from Tashkent sought by the Uzbek government since 1998 for
suspected leadership of a “Wahhabi organization.” Unable to locate
Fakhrutdinov, the Uzbek government relentlessly pursued his family.
Authorities arrested and convicted the imam’s wife, and detained his daughter,
using psychological abuse, and threats of physical abuse and retribution against
relatives.
Fakhrutdinov’s sister, Zuhro Fakhrutdinova, told Human Rights Watch that the
family had received a call from an unidentified person on November 25 telling
the family that Fakhrutdinov is in custody and that they should hire an attorney
and come to Shymkent. Fakhrutdinova, who is in Kazakhstan searching for her
brother, said the Kazakh authorities deny having him in custody.
Human Rights Watch is concerned about possible “disappearances”—persons

detained without acknowledgement by the government that they are in custody.
The arrests of Uzbeks in southern Kazakhstan reportedly began on November
23. The families of those missing say Kazakh officials deny having the men in
custody. In addition to the imam, Alisher Mirzakholov, Abdurauf Kholmuratov,
Alijon Mirganiev, Farkhod Islamov, and Shoimat Shorakhmedov are among the
missing. All are wanted by Uzbek authorities on charges of “religious
extremism.”
Human Rights Watch called on the government of Kazakhstan to provide

information about the men’s whereabouts and, if they are in custody, allow
them immediate access to their attorneys, and bring legally cognizable charges,
or release them.
Kazakhstan’s arrest of Uzbeks seeking protection from repression at home

comes as Kazakhstan’s own rights record is under scrutiny. Ahead of the
December 4 elections, the government has cracked down on independent media
and the political opposition. The pre-election environment has been marred by
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the detention of opposition activists on trumped up charges, violations of

freedom of assembly, and allegations of physical attacks on relatives of
opposition leaders. Local groups charged that the Nazarbaev government has
illegally seized opposition newspapers and denied the opposition equal access to
the media.
“The government of Kazakhstan had an opportunity with these elections to

prove that it was prepared to be a rights-respecting member of the international
community, but it has failed miserably,” said Cartner. Human Rights Watch
expressed its concerns to the Kazakh government about repressive trends in
advance of the vote.
The December presidential election has been widely seen as a test of

Kazakhstan’s commitment to human rights standards and fitness to head up the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), a position sought
by the government. In its preliminary report on the lead-up to elections, the
OSCE noted violations of the rights to freedom of expression by the media, and
freedom of assembly and association by the political opposition.
“With such widespread rights violations surrounding the election, the

government of Kazakhstan has essentially forfeited its bid for the chairmanship
of the OSCE in 2009,” said Cartner. “The international community should make
clear to the government that flagrant disregard for its rights obligations will
carry serious consequences.”
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights upholds the right to seek asylum
from persecution. As a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967
Protocol, and the Convention against Torture, Kazakhstan cannot return a
person to any country where he or she would face a risk of torture. In a 2003
report on Uzbekistan, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture found that torture
was “systematic” in Uzbekistan. Torture of religious detainees has been
particularly severe.
Observaciones ---
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Enlace http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/10/12/kazakh11853_txt.htm
Fecha de 12-10-05
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Género Carta dirigida a Nursultan Nazarbayev
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Título Kazakhstan: New Restrictions Put Election at Risk
Subtítulo ---
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Autor Holly Cartner, Executive Director. Europe and Central Asia division. Human
Rights Watch
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de Dear President Nazarbaev,
texto
The presidential election scheduled for December 4, 2005 will be an important
test of Kazakhstan’s commitment to democracy, and a factor in determining
your country’s place in the community of rights-respecting nations and in
international bodies like the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE). Human Rights Watch values its dialogue with the government
of Kazakhstan on critical issues relating to human rights and the need to initiate
reforms. We would like to express our strong concern over moves by your
government to restrict fundamental rights and freedoms of the people of
Kazakhstan, and to offer concrete recommendations for improving human rights
in advance of the upcoming election.
Human Rights Watch has received numerous reports of your government’s

continuing harassment of the political opposition and violations of the right to
freedom of assembly, legal restrictions and other repressive measures against
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and a crackdown on independent
media. The issues of concern are set out below. It is essential that your
government immediately undertake remedial actions to promote conditions for a
free and fair vote.
Harassment of Political Opposition
Attacks on the ZSK

On August 3, 2005, the opposition movement For a Just Kazakhstan (ZSK) was
finally registered, after having had its application rejected on two previous
occasions. The registration was a positive step.
Leading ZSK figure Zharmahan Tuyakbai, now a presidential candidate, has

been previously a target of politically-motivated physical attacks. On April 9, a
brick thrown at Tuyakbai by unknown assailants during a meeting in eastern
Kazakhstan injured his spokesman and a cameraman. On May 2, some fifty men
stormed a meeting of opposition leaders in Shymkent, threatening to kill
Tuyakbai “for Nazarbaev.” The men reportedly shouted slogans including “we
don’t want another Bishkek,” in reference to the popular demonstrations that led
to the ouster of Kyrgyz President Askar Akaev in March. Tuyakbai managed to
escape, but the attackers injured others, including an aide who shielded him.
Authorities announced that they would investigate what they characterized as a

spontaneous attack. One suspect was arrested, tried, and convicted; he received
probation. Opposition leaders argued that it was a planned provocation and
accused the government of a cover up.
More recently, on the night of September 25, arsonists reportedly destroyed a

ZSK campaign office in the town of Kostanai.
Persecution of the DVK
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Among the several political factions comprising the ZSK movement are former
members of the now-defunct Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan party (DVK).
The Kazakh government’s treatment of the DVK sets a discouraging precedent
of intolerance for political opposition and free expression.
On February 9, 2005, the Almaty City Court upheld the Special Economic
Court’s January 6 decision to shut down the DVK on the grounds that a
statement by the party allegedly posed a threat to national security. The
statement in question, issued by the DVK at its second party congress on
December 11, 2004, said that the conduct of the parliamentary elections of
September 2004 had “dashed the last hope for the possibility of political
reform” in Kazakhstan. It stated that the DVK did not view the existing
government of Kazakhstan—either its president or parliament—as legitimate
and called on suitable segments of society to take decisive action, including
civil disobedience, in protest.
As stated to you in earlier correspondence on this matter, as a nonpartisan

organization, Human Rights Watch has no view on the content of the DVK
statement. But we believe that the court rulings uncritically accepted the state’s
argument equating the call for peaceful civil disobedience with specific acts
interrupting the functioning of the state. There is no evidence that the DVK
statement was in fact intended to cause or did cause any social disruption or
illegal acts. We are also concerned that the government deliberately chose to
seek liquidation of the party rather than less drastic administrative measures to
halt the behavior it deemed unlawful.
The period during which the DVK’s appeal against the court’s decision was
pending was marked by police harassment, violations of the right to free
assembly, illegal detentions and mistreatment, and interference with the right to
free expression. Consistent with past measures to limit the DVK’s right to
assembly, local authorities denied it permission to hold a rally in Almaty on
January 29 on the grounds that the rally would “violate public order.”
The DVK and two other opposition parties, Ak Zhol and the Communist Party,
then opted to hold the demonstration outside the DVK headquarters. Police
responded by warning schools not to let students participate in the rally and
pressuring activists from other provinces to stay away from Almaty. Despite
these attempts at interference, on January 29, a group of 2,000 to 5,000 people
gathered to protest the dissolution of the DVK. After the meeting, the crowd
began walking towards Astana Square in the city center. In response, police
arrested seven DVK members, including party executive committee member
Vladimir Kozlov, and charged them under section 2 of article 355 of the
Administrative Code—for disobeying state representatives. Following
proceedings that observers said were deeply flawed, five of the men were
sentenced to administrative detention of from two to seven days, and the other
two were fined.
The DVK also faced numerous obstructions in publishing its newsletter, Dauiis
DVK (“Voice of the DVK”). Suppression of the newsletter apparently centered
on an account of the January protest, published in the February 1 issue. On
February 7, Sobirzhan Mukanov, deputy prosecutor of the city of
Petropavlovsk, and Gennadiy Velzhanski, a city police officer, entered the local
offices of the DVK without a warrant and confiscated 7,000 copies of Dauiis
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DVK. Mukanov claimed that the newsletter was “violating the law,” reportedly
without specifying what offense had been committed.
We received confidential reports of another incident in which police detained an

18-year-old DVK worker at a provincial DVK office and kept him overnight in
a freezing jail cell. The young man said that the police told him he should leave
the DVK, and threatened to charge him with possession of extremist leaflets if
he did not. When police released him the following day, the DVK worker
returned to the office and found that the copying machine used to reproduce
Dauiis DVK had been destroyed. The young worker also reported that police
had threatened to kill him if he told his story, and he requested that we not make
his name public.
On February 19, M. Tajigulov, the prosecutor of Kyzylorda province, opened an

administrative case against Vladimir Kozlov because the February 1 issue of
Dauiis DVK had featured, within the required information about the
publication, the address of the local DVK office rather than the address of the
printing house. Despite Kozlov’s explanation that the address reflected the
location where the issue had been re-printed on a copy machine, the court
decided to confiscate the issue and ordered Kozlov to pay a fine.
In an ongoing matter, as of this writing, the co-founder of the DVK and former
chairman of its political council, Galymzhan Zhakianov, is serving the
remainder of a seven-year term at the Shiderty settlement colony in Pavlodar
province, having been transferred there from a general regime prison camp in
August 2004. He was convicted in 2002 on charges of abuse of office,
following a trial that international observers labeled as grossly flawed. He has
reported that authorities opened new criminal cases against him when he
refused to disavow his political affiliation and halt his political activities in
exchange for his freedom. Human Rights Watch has previously expressed
concern over his treatment while in detention. Zhakianov’s DVK colleagues and
his wife have alleged that camp authorities denied him medical care and
accused him falsely of violating camp rules, in order to limit his privileges.
Both the ZSK and Ak Zhol have issued statements calling for him to be granted
conditional release upon becoming eligible under Kazakh law (Zhakianov
became eligible in early October).
On September 17, police raided an impromptu public exhibit in an Almaty

market of photographs featuring Zhakianov. Officers confiscated the
photographs and detained the organizers of the exhibit for questioning. The
organizers were released a short time after, but police did not return the
photographs.
Violations of the Right to Freedom of Assembly

Recent government violations of the right to free assembly also demand
attention. New legal limitations imposed on public assembly threaten to
undermine this right, which is particularly alarming in light of the upcoming
election period.
Amendments to the country’s law on elections enacted on April 15, 2005

included a regulation banning demonstrations during the voting and result
determination period. The amendment to section 6 of article 44 of the law on
elections states that protests and rallies are prohibited from the last day of the
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pre-election campaign (i.e. from one day prior to the day when people go to the
polls) until the state electoral commission publicly announces the official
outcome of the election, which can be up to ten days after voting ends.
Violation of the law regulating demonstrations during voting periods carries
heavy administrative penalties, including a fine on individuals ranging from ten
to fifteen times the minimum monthly wage. The new law places unnecessary
and unreasonable restrictions on freedom of assembly. A potential effect of the
law would be to eliminate the possibility for the opposition to organize public
demonstrations in the event of an unfair vote. Such a measure appears
specifically designed to prevent mass demonstrations such as took place
following flawed elections in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan.
International opposition to the new law has been strong. Ambassador Christian
Strohal, director of the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights, objected to the new restrictions on freedom of assembly, saying, “This
amendment is contrary to OSCE commitments, and such a prohibition obstructs
fundamental rights that are characteristic of a genuinely democratic society.” He
urged your government to send the law back to parliament or to the
Constitutional Council for further evaluation. The international organization
Freedom House echoed Strohal’s comments, saying that the new law
“contradicts international standards of free assembly.”
The Kazakh government already has a poor record when it comes to respect for
freedom of assembly. In one particularly serious incident, police and Special
Forces (OMON) officers detained about eighty people on May 1 in Astana after
they participated in an authorized public rally and pop concert supporting the
presidential policy initiative “For Legal Kazakhstan 2030.” Several young
people wearing orange scarves and carrying orange balloons given to them by
the organizers of the concert were detained, threatened, and beaten by police as
they left the stadium where the event had been held; police told the detainees
that wearing orange was a problem because of its symbolic role in the political
unrest in Ukraine. The organizers themselves were charged with holding an
unsanctioned procession, despite the fact that the rally and concert were
sanctioned by the local government administration in accordance with the law
and that law enforcement representatives had themselves participated.
More recently, on September 18, OMON officers reportedly used excessive

force when attempting to prevent nearly a thousand residents of the Shanirak
neighborhood of Almaty from reaching the office of the akim (mayor). The
protesters were marching peacefully to express their dissatisfaction with the
poor state of housing in the neighborhood. Police beat marchers with clubs and
detained several of them.
Human Rights Watch views these cases as representative of a serious

deterioration of respect for the right to free assembly in Kazakhstan. We are
concerned that your government is resorting to excessive and illegal methods to
silence citizens who are peacefully expressing their views.
Legal Restrictions on NGOs

Human Rights Watch applauds the decision of the Constitutional Council to
reject the broad limitations placed on NGOs in the proposed laws “On the
Activities of Branches and Representative Offices of International or Foreign
Non-Commercial Organizations” and “On the Introduction of Amendments and
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Additions into Certain Legislative Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan on

Matters Related to Non-Profit Organizations.” These laws would have dealt a
serious blow to civil society.
However, troubling amendments to the election law, enacted on April 15, and
portions of the law on national security, enacted on July 8, have already come
into force. These amendments have resulted in restrictions on the activities of
international NGOs and inhibit their cooperation with domestic groups.
Although the restrictions are couched in terms prohibiting direct support to
particular candidates and political parties, their impact is likely to be much
wider.
The law “On Amendments and Additions to the Constitutional Law of the
Republic of Kazakhstan ‘On Elections in the Republic of Kazakhstan,’” signed
on April 15, created new provisions regulating the actions of foreigners and
foreign and international organizations. The amendment to section 1 of article
27 of the law on elections states that “...foreigners, stateless persons, foreign
and international organizations shall be banned from activities which create
obstacles for or assist in the promotion and election of candidates, political
parties, lists of candidates from political parties, [and] achievement of certain
results in the elections.” The new legislation builds on the restrictive language
in section 3 to article 33 of the law on elections, which stipulates that “...direct
financing or indirect participation in financing of the elections in the Republic
by international organizations and international public associations, foreign
organizations, foreign legal entities and citizens, or stateless persons shall be
prohibited.”
The July 8 law “On Amendments and Additions to Several Legislative Acts on
Issues of Ensuring National Security”sets harsh penalties for violations of this
new law. The newly added article 102-3 of the Administrative Code envisions
punishment for “…engagement by foreigners, stateless persons, foreign legal
entities and international organizations in activities to promote [the] nomination
and election of candidates, political parties by party list, and securing required
election results” by a fine of twenty to thirty times the minimum monthly wage
and possible deportation from Kazakhstan, in the case of individuals. Other
legal entities are to be fined four hundred to one thousand times the monthly
minimum wage.
Human Rights Watch is seriously concerned that such legislation could be used
to interfere with democracy-building programs and fair election initiatives such
as seminars on political organizing or voter registration, and international or
internationally-assisted election observation. We were troubled also by your
statements on September 12, 2005 warning NGOs that the government would
“closely watch” them to ensure that international groups did not “mix
themselves up in the political life” of Kazakhstan.
Harassment of Civil Society Groups

The government has taken aggressive measures against civil society groups
during the past several months. Since March, at least thirty-three NGOs have
been subjected to investigation by officials from the public prosecutor’s office
and the tax police on allegations that they passed Western aid money to political
opposition parties.
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During the course of this government campaign, foreign-based and international

organizations such as the Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), the
Eurasia Foundation, the World Health Organization (WHO), Internews, the
International Republican Institute (IRI), the National Democratic Institute
(NDI), and the United States (U.S.) Red Cross Society have been subjected to
audits of their financial records going back many years. Domestic NGOs
subjected to similar examinations included the Kazakhstan International Bureau
for Human Rights and Rule of Law (KIBHR) and the Adil Soz Freedom of
Speech Defense Fund. Several organizations, including KIBHR and IWPR,
were found to owe back taxes; none were given copies of the findings made by
the public prosecutor’s office.
Procuracy officials have said that the spate of inspections of NGOs was sparked
by a complaint issued by parliamentarian Erasyl Abylkasymov that Kazakhstan
risked facing an upheaval similar to those that took place recently in
Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine, and Georgia. NGO leaders assess that the government’s
aim has been to intimidate NGOs in order to consolidate state power.
Human Rights Watch is concerned that these investigations may be politically-

motivated attempts to intimidate and silence NGOs in retaliation for their
criticism of government policy and actions. This campaign also appears to be an
effort to smear civil society groups by portraying them as politicized or as
proxies of Western donor organizations. We are particularly concerned that this
climate of government harassment of civil society could intensify as the
presidential election nears.
Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law

Government persecution of the country’s leading human rights group has been
particularly intense. On March 3, Kazakhstan’s ombudsman Bolot Baikadamov
accused the KIBHR of publishing biased information and distorting the
situation in Kazakhstan in its reports on human rights developments. The
ombudsman reportedly communicated these accusations to you directly, and
they were subsequently made public in the national media.
More recently, during the night of August 14, unknown persons broke into the
offices of the KIBHR. The organization’s staff believes that the theft of
computer equipment was not simply a burglary perpetrated by common
criminals, as other expensive equipment was left in place. Moreover, the fact
that the perpetrators searched through the Bureau’s papers suggests that the
burglary may have been a politically-motivated attempt at intimidating the
organization.
Soros Foundation Kazakhstan

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned about the government’s recent
investigation and harassment of the Soros Foundation Kazakhstan. The actions
came in apparent retaliation for the perceived role that the Soros Foundations in
Ukraine and Georgia played in assisting civil society groups that were active in
promoting change in those countries. In December 2004, the Kazakh
government filed charges of criminal tax evasion against the Soros Foundation
Kazakhstan. The financial police alleged that the organization owed back taxes
amounting to more than 81 million tenge (approx. U.S.$623,000). The
organization decried the action as politically motivated.
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Youth Organizations
Human Rights Watch is also concerned that your government has taken specific
measures to discourage youth activism. Two organizations, the Society of
Young Professionals of Kazakhstan (OMPK) and Kahar (“Protest”), were
denied registration, making them illegal entities prohibited from holding
demonstrations or fielding candidates for public office. Authorities claimed that
registering the OMPK would violate the constitutional prohibition against
organizations “directed towards the violent overthrow of the constitutional
system.” Advocates from within the group and throughout the NGO community
dismiss this characterization as spurious. Human Rights Watch is concerned
that the government’s apparent resistance to such youth groups is a further
reaction to the perceived role of young people in the recent political upheavals
in other states of the former Soviet Union.
Fifty police officers and security personnel broke up a peaceful demonstration

(involving releasing balloons) sponsored by Kahar on April 12. Alikhan
Bektasov, the former chief of the Almaty city police department’s section on
NGOs, told the Deutsche Welle news service that the authorities had acted to
prevent a “Kyrgyz scenario.”
Crackdown on Independent Media

The organization Reporters without Borders reports that, with virtually all
broadcast media in Kazakhstan owned by companies closely associated with the
government, newspapers have been the principal source of alternative
information. As of this letter’s writing, new and drastic measures were being
taken against Kazakhstan’s independent media. On September 26, the Vremya
(“Time”) printing house nullified, without explanation, its contracts with seven
independent newspapers: Soz (“Voice”), Svoboda Slova (“Freedom of
Speech”), Epokha (“Epoch”), Pravda Kazakhstana (“Truth of Kazakhstan”),
Apta.kz (“Week.kz”), Azat (“Liberation”), and Zhuma Tayms (“Friday
Times”). Editors reported that other printing houses in the Almaty area refused
to take on their publications. A week later, after the newspapers’ editors had
gone on a hunger strike, the Daur publishing house agreed to publish five of the
papers.
Legal Restrictions on Freedom of Expression

The new legislation on national security has put unreasonable limits on free
expression in Kazakhstan. Amendments to the law “On Mass Media,” included
in the July 8 law “On Amendments and Additions to Several Legislative Acts
on Issues of Ensuring National Security,” give the courts new powers to
interfere with freedom of expression. The legislation contains what appears to
be deliberately vague language that leaves it open to abuse for political
purposes. Article13-4 states that media outlets can be shut down for “violat[ing]
Kazakhstan’s integrity,” condoning “extremism,” and “undermining state
security.” This provision could be used to bar coverage of the political
opposition or to prevent journalists from exposing crimes committed by
government members.
“Honor and Dignity” Litigation

Recently, large number of what appear to be politically-motivated government
lawsuits, which accuse critical and independent media of insulting officials’
“honor and dignity,” have undermined the right to free expression in
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Kazakhstan. Indeed, the statutory basis for these actions is fundamentally

incompatible with the international standard of freedom of expression, because
it renders the media criminally or civilly liable even when it publishes
statements that are factually true or that are clearly presented as editorial
opinion. Of dozens of incidents of state antagonism toward critical media
observed by Human Rights Watch during the past months, the following are
some of the most troubling examples.
Respublika
On May 5, 2005, the independent newspaper Respublika (“Republic”) was shut
down by order of the Ministry of Culture, Information and Sport. The paper’s
attorney, Sergei Utkin, stated that the Ministry’s order was illegal since only a
court can order the closure of a media outlet. The ministry claimed that it issued
the order because the newspaper’s parent company, Bastau, had been liquidated
by the Almaty City Economic Court in March following a lawsuit brought by
the Kazakh government. The piece that sparked the legal action against Bastau
was the January 20 publication of an interview given by Russian
parliamentarian Vladimir Zhirinovsky on the Russian radio station Ekho
Moskvy (“Echo Moscow”), in which Zhirinovsky allegedly made disparaging
remarks about the Kazakh state and people. The government’s lawsuit charged
Respublika with “inciting national enmity” and insulting the honor and dignity
of the Kazakh nation. The Ministry of Culture’s action forced the newspaper to
cease publishing under the Respublika banner. Editors were forced to start a
new newspaper (see below).
In a separate incident, in April, Kazakh authorities attempted to arrange for the

extradition from Russia of Respublika’s editor-in-chief, Irina Petrusheva, on
charges of tax evasion. Petrusheva is a Russian citizen who fled Kazakhstan in
2002 after receiving death threats presumed to be in retaliation for her
newspaper’s critical reporting. Russian authorities briefly detained her, but
prosecutors determined that the statute of limitations on the charges had expired
and refused to comply with the extradition request.
Government harassment of the independent newspaper is longstanding.

Respublika formerly published under the banner The Assandi Times, until that
newspaper was forced to close when it lost a government lawsuit and went
bankrupt in July 2004. The Presidential Administration sued The Assandi Times
on charges of insult to the “honor and dignity” of senior government officials
after the newspaper’s editors published a statement saying that they believed
government officials had been involved in the publication of a fake edition of
the newspaper distributed in June that discredited the political opposition.
Set’Kz
Police acting on orders from the Ministry of Culture, Information and Sport
confiscated 1,000 copies of the successor to the Respublika newspaper, Set’Kz
(“Kz Network”), on May 20, 2005. An hour after the incident, Interior Ministry
officers delivered a copy of a letter from the Ministry of Culture to Set’Kz’s
editorial board. The letter was addressed to the Vremya printing house, which
prints the newspaper, and said that Set’Kz’s license had been revoked. The
Ministry of Culture later claimed that Set’Kz could not be printed legally
because it had violated the terms of its license by not publishing within six
months of receiving its license. However, the editors were able to produce
evidence that the first issue of Set’Kz had been printed on September 17,
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2003—well within six months of being granted its license. According to the
law, the timing of publication of subsequent issues is at the publisher’s
discretion.
On August 25, 2005, the Supreme Court of Kazakhstan ruled that the Ministry
of Culture, Information and Sport’s decision to revoke the license was legal, but
ignored evidence presented by Set’Kz proving that it had printed within six
months of receiving its license.
Soz
Publication of the independent newspaper Soz (“Voice”) was disrupted this year
following a lawsuit by the National Security Committee (KNB) against the
owner and publisher. The suit, widely regarded by media rights groups as
politically motivated and aimed at shutting down the newspaper, centered on
charges that the paper had insulted the KNB’s “honor and dignity” when it
published allegations made at a press conference held by opposition political
activists, who said they were under surveillance by the KNB during the 2004
parliamentary election campaign. The KNB won its suit for five million tenge
(approx.U.S. $40,000) in damages. The owner’s and publisher’s bank accounts
were frozen in February 2005 and they lost an appeal hearing in March.
On May 31, Soz announced that it had transferred the last installment of the five
million tenge compensation to the KNB. Despite receiving the money awarded
by the court, the KNB continued to pursue Soz. As part of the original suit, the
court had effectively shut down the company that published the newspaper. At
the request of the KNB, the court then nullified a new publishing agreement the
paper had with another company. On the night of June 1-2, court officers seized
all of the issues of Soz printed under another agreement, which had not been
deemed invalid by the courts. The seizure was thus illegal and an additional
incident in a pattern of harassment by the KNB that extended beyond legal
proceedings. On June 10, the KNB finally withdrew its complaint in light of the
payment of damages.
Zhuma Tayms Data Nedeli

The Zhuma Tayms Data Nedeli (“Friday Times – Week’s Data”) faces what
appear to be politically-motivated criminal charges filed by the Almaty KNB on
February 2. The paper is accused of insulting the “honor and dignity” of the
president in the article “It is Time to Know Whom to Elect,” published in
November 2004. The article, written in the form of a satiric pamphlet
announcing presidential elections, included the sentence, “…our candidate [for
the presidency] would be Notnursultan Notabishevich Notnazarbaev.”
Zhuma Tayms was previously published as SolDat (“Soldier”), which also was
known for its criticism of the government and was the successor to Dat
(“Period/Dot”), which was closed following a government “honor and dignity”
suit in 1998. SolDat’s editor-in-chief, Yermurat Bapi, was convicted on tax
evasion charges in 2003 and barred from practicing journalism for five years.
The newspaper was subsequently closed down.
Internet Access
The Internet is an evolving and important source of independent news and
information for many people in Kazakhstan. We are deeply disturbed by reports
that access to websites critical of the government has been blocked. In May the
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independent web-based newspaper Navigator (www.navi.kz) reported that its

website had been blocked by Kaztelecom, a state-owned Internet provider. This
appears to be part of a pattern of government interference with Internet
publications. The U.S. State Department’s country report for 2004 noted that
“… the Government periodically blocked clients of the two largest Internet
providers, Kaztelecom and Nursat, from direct access to several opposition
websites, including Evrazia, Navigator, and Kub, although access was still
available through anonymous proxy servers.” Routine monitoring carried out by
Navigator to determine the time it took to access independent websites indicates
that bandwidth is limited or access is blocked altogether for these sites.
Navigator’s August 16 report found that the websites Svobodnaya Azia and
Evrazia were blocked even via proxy servers on the Kaztelecom service.
The organization Reporters without Borders (RSF) reported that the websites of
political opposition figures and parties are also regularly blocked. For example,
on January 7 RSF stated that authorities blocked the site of the Ak Zhol party
after it posted an article criticizing the January 6 court decision liquidating the
DVK party.
Recommendations
The Kazakh government’s policies are jeopardizing the democratic process in
the country and trampling some of the fundamental rights necessary for a free
and fair presidential election. This situation threatens to undermine the
credibility of the Kazakh government both at home and abroad. Immediate
changes are required to address these problems and bring Kazakhstan into line
with its own Constitution and with international human rights standards. In
advance of the December vote, we urge your government to:
• End harassment of the political opposition;
• Institute cooperation with international election experts to ensure that the

election process is consistent with international standards for fair elections;
• Permit peaceful demonstrations and gatherings;
• Allow domestic and international NGOs to operate without fear of harassment

or prosecution on spurious charges;
• Reject policies that aim to impede international nongovernmental

cooperation, and;
• Cease using the courts and police to silence independent media, whether print,
broadcast, or online. Work towards reforming Kazakhstan’s law on Mass Media
to ensure that freedom of expression is safeguarded.
With the presidential election approaching, the international community is

expecting your government to ensure that the political climate in Kazakhstan is
conducive to a free and fair vote and guarantees fundamental rights of all
citizens.
Thank you for your attention to these pressing concerns.
Sincerely,
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Holly Cartner
Executive Director
Europe and Central Asia division
Human Rights Watch
Observaciones ---
Texto 3

Enlace http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/10/12/kazakh11856.htm
Fecha de 12-10-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazakhstan: Attacks on Dissent Bode Ill for Free Elections
Subtítulo Condoleezza Rice Should Urge Kazakh Authorities to End Pre-Election Abuses
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Autor Human Rights Watch
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Cuerpo de (New York, October 12, 2005)—By imposing new restrictions on freedom of
texto assembly and harassing the political opposition and independent media, the
Kazakh government has cast doubt on the prospect of free and fair presidential
elections on December 4, Human Rights Watch said today in an open letter to
Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbaev.
U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who is visiting Kazakhstan today,
should raise concern about the new rights restrictions and call on the Kazakh
leadership to undertake immediate measures to correct them.
“Condoleezza Rice should tell the Kazakh authorities that the international
community is watching closely and expects a political climate conducive to a
free and fair vote,” said Holly Cartner, Europe and Central Asia director of
Human Rights Watch. “President Nazarbaev needs to hear that harassing the
opposition and suppressing civil society will carry consequences like
downgrading of diplomatic and trade relations.”
In its letter to the Kazakh president, Human Rights Watch expressed concern
about government persecution of opposition political parties and the new legal
limitations imposed on public assemblies during polling periods. The letter also
detailed abusive government measures targeting independent media and civil
society groups, including new restrictive laws on freedom of assembly and
politically motivated actions by administrative authorities and the judiciary.
- 141 -
In early January, the government disbanded the leading opposition party,

Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK). The DVK unsuccessfully appealed
the January decision. The government intensified harassment of the party as a
result. Later in the month, police arrested several DVK members attempting to
hold a peaceful assembly to protest the dissolution of the party. In February,
police illegally seized 7,000 copies of the DVK newsletter from its office.
Police also detained a DVK worker and threatened him with criminal charges if
he did not leave the party.
In April and again in May, unknown assailants attacked Zharmahan Tuyakbai,

the leading opposition candidate for president and the leader of the only legally
registered opposition movement: For a Fair Kazakhstan (ZSK).
“The government’s crackdown on the political opposition bodes ill for a free
and fair election,” said Cartner.
Freedom of assembly in Kazakhstan has also come under serious threat. Recent
amendments to the country’s electoral law ban demonstrations from the
beginning of the voting period until the state electoral commission publicly
announces official election results, which could be up to 10 days after voting
ends. This measure appears to be designed to prevent the kinds of mass
demonstrations that took place following flawed elections and triggered a
change of government in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. The Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has concluded that the
amendment is inconsistent with Kazakhstan’s OSCE commitments and violates
the right to free assembly.
Nongovernmental organizations are also suffering from the government’s

crackdown on dissent. Since March, at least 33 domestic and foreign NGOs
have been subject to investigations by the public prosecutor’s office and the tax
police on allegations that they passed Western aid money to political opposition
parties. The government has also attempted to discredit the leading Kazakh
human rights group, the International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of
Law, by accusing it in the national media of publishing biased and distorted
information, and refused to register two youth organizations.
The government has taken drastic measures to stifle free expression by

harassing the independent media. Deliberately vague language in recently
enacted media legislation leaves the laws open to abuse for political purposes
and gives the courts new power to interfere with freedom of expression.
Authorities have pressured printing houses not to print independent newspapers.
In addition, the government has initiated dozens of lawsuits against independent
newspapers and has blocked numerous Internet websites after they published
material critical of government officials.
“The government must reverse this pattern of repression in order to establish the
level playing field necessary for a fair vote,” said Cartner. “This election will
serve as an important test of Kazakhstan’s commitment to democracy and the
fundamental freedoms required to secure the country’s place in the community
of rights-respecting nations.”
Kazakhstan has a history of marred elections. The OSCE concluded that the
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polling in the September 2004 parliamentary elections fell far short of

international standards. Lack of transparency in the election commission, media
bias, pressure on voters, and apparently politically-motivated prosecutions of
two key opposition figures all contributed to a deeply flawed election.
Human Rights Watch urged President Nazarbaev to take immediate steps to

bring Kazakh laws and government practices into line with its own constitution
and human rights standards to secure the integrity of the December elections.
Recommendations included putting an end to harassment of political
opposition, NGOs and the media, and instituting cooperation with international
experts to ensure that the election process would be consistent with
international standards.
The spotlight will be on Kazakhstan again on tomorrow and Friday as it hosts a

conference by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
focusing on media pluralism in Central Asian countries, to be held in Almaty.
Human Rights Watch called on the OSCE Representative on Media Freedoms,
Miklós Haraszti, to use the opportunity of the meeting to highlight the ongoing
rights abuses and call on the Kazakh authorities to end them.
Observaciones ---
Texto 4
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav113005.shtml
Fecha de 30-11-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Despite long odds, opposition leader steps up presidential campaign
Subtítulo ---
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Autor Ibragim Alibekov
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Cuerpo de With just days to go until Kazakhstan’s presidential election, all signs suggest
texto that the incumbent, Nursultan Nazarbayev, should handily win another seven-
year term. Nevertheless, the leading opposition candidate, Zharmakhan
Tuyakbai, is stepping up his campaign by unveiling a blueprint for social justice.
Nazarbayev is facing four challengers in the December 4 election. In a poll

published November 21 by the KazRating agency, Nazarbayev enjoyed 76
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percent support -- up about 5 percent since the start of the presidential campaign
in October. Tuyakbai, the nominee of the For a Fair Kazakhstan Movement, is
generally recognized as Nazarbayev’s closest challenger. The other candidates
include Alikhan Baimenov, leader of a splinter faction of the opposition Ak
Zhol Party, Mels Eleusizov, an environmental activist, and Erasyl
Abylkasymov, leader of the Communist People’s Party.
The campaign has been notably low-key, amid the widely held expectation that
Nazarbayev will retain the presidency.
In the last few days, however, Tuyakbai has made several political moves in an
attempt to boost is voter appeal. For example, he announced that, if elected, he
would forge a cabinet comprising a wide spectrum of opposition leaders,
including Bulat Abilov, Oraz Jandosov, and Galymzhan Zhakiyanov.
On November 29, Tuyakbai, a former political ally of Nazarbayev’s who split

with the president following the 2004 parliamentary elections, unveiled a
populist political platform designed to reduce poverty. Kazakhstan, with its
abundance of natural resources, possesses Central Asia’s most robust economy.
The country recorded 9.4 percent growth in GDP in 2004, and forecasts expect
the economy to keep growing at such a pace for the foreseeable future. At the
same time, wealth is unevenly distributed, meaning a large number of citizens
live near the poverty line.
During a nationally televised campaign address, Tuyakbai stated that curtailing

official corruption was needed to give anti-poverty measures a chance to take
root. He went on to say that he would advocate a program under which 50
percent of the profits from the extraction of natural resources, including oil, gas
and minerals, would be deposited in a general fund for redistribution to citizens.
In addition, Tuyakbai indicated that some revisions in the state’s privatization
process might be necessary.
Some political scientists suggested that Tuyakbai may have made a serious
political miscalculation in raising the possibility of changes in the country’s
privatization scheme. Such a move is likely to drive Kazakhstan’s growing
number of entrepreneurs firmly into Nazarbayev’s camp. One of the main
themes of the president’s campaign has been a pledge to encourage
entrepreneurial activity.
Meanwhile, Nazarbayev and his political allies now appear to be focusing on

courting international public opinion. Since the 1991 collapse of the Soviet
Union, Kazakhstan’s elections, like those of its neighbors in Central Asia and
the Caucasus, have been marred by allegations of irregularities.
Official are now working hard to change Kazakhstan’s image. During a visit to
Moscow on November 30, for example, Kazakhstani Foreign Minister
Kasymzhomort Tokayev vowed that the presidential election will be the
country’s cleanest in its history.
On November 25, Khabar television reported that Nazarbayev had ordered

government officials to take measures to promote election transparency.
Regional governors had been given "strict instructions ... not to let the president
down, Presidential aide Yermukhamet Yertysbayev told Khabar. "He
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[Nazarbayev] said openly: ‘I do not need any vote rigging.’"
To enhance election transparency, officials have announced the abandonment of

a plan to have paper ballots sealed in special election envelopes. Central
Election Commission officials have said preliminary election results would be
released within 24 hours after the polls close. About 1,400 foreign observers
will be in Kazakhstan to monitor the election process.
Observaciones ---
Texto 5
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/civilsociety/articles/eav113005.shtml
Fecha de 30-11-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Journalism standards lag in Kazakhstan
Subtítulo ---
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Autor Timothy J. Kenny
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Cuerpo de This nation of roughly 15 million – the largest and wealthiest of Central Asia’s
texto five republics – struggles daily to balance its booming economy with a still
tentative democracy. Caught in the middle is Kazakh journalism.
Watched closely by the government, plagued by self-censorship and its own,

widespread corruption, the news business in Kazakhstan is "probably the best of
the ’stans and the most professional," says George Krimsky, a former Associated
Press reporter in Moscow and a journalism trainer with years of experience in
Central Asia. "But that’s not saying much."
Journalism standards in Kazakhstan are lagging, and they are not likely to get
much better in the near term. The government of President Nursultan
Nazarbayev – expected to easily win re-election on December 4 – continues to
maintain a firm grip on a largely compliant press. All of this does not bode well
for the development of real democracy in Central Asia, a region that’s important
to American geopolitical interests.
"If you’re working in mass media (in Kazakhstan) you’re watched very closely
by the government," said Assel Karaulova, president of the Kazakhstan Press
Club, a US-supported organization. "Officially, there is no censorship here. You
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can buy newspapers that criticize the government. However, in many cases the
government is trying to control the press with many mechanisms."
Among the means of control: direct media ownership by the government,

members of the Nazarbayev family or members of the of the president’s inner
circle; blocking of websites and the use of the "tax police," which scrutinizes
wayward media outlets for alleged tax-code and other procedural violations.
Reporters have been jailed and deported, at least six newspapers have been
closed or brought to trial over the last two years and journalists have been beaten
and intimidated, according to local journalists and the Toronto-based
International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX).
The highest-profile case involved Sergei Duvanov, a journalist who wrote about
a massive government corruption case known as Kazakhgate. Duvanov served
over a year in prison after being convicted on a rape charge in early 2003. He
maintains that the case was politically motivated. The government’s tough
tactics appears to have played a significant role in making Kazakhstani media
outlets shy away from controversial topics. Media outlets have also been known
to suffer ethical lapses.
"The forbidden ground is: internal and foreign policy, oil profits, local politics
and bribery in government," said Alyona Alyoshina, deputy editor of a business
magazine called Region, published in the western Kazakh city of Aktobe.
"Every journalist should know what he can do and what he can’t. Sometimes
reporters are able to tell the truth, sometimes they aren’t. It usually depends on
what kind of information you’re going to write."
Media tentativeness might not matter if it wasn’t so clear over the past 15 years
that an unfettered press is crucial for democracy to take root. "While everyone is
pushing for democratic reforms, it’s equally important for the media to step up
to the plate," says Chris Krafchak, an attorney who directs operations in
Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan for an American Bar Association program known as
CEELI (Central European and Eurasian Law Initiative). "Despite the obvious
obstacles that the government has made on independent media (in Kazakhstan),
which has had a chilling effect, the journalism community has to hold itself to
higher standards."
But standards are hard to come by in a country with no history of either political
or journalistic independence. Nazarbayev has been clearly worried by turbulence
in neighboring states – in particular the March revolution Kyrgyzstan and the
May violence in the Uzbek city of Andijan. He does not want another Georgia or
Ukraine revolution in Kazakhstan. The Kazakh press, meanwhile, seems mainly
intent on making money. Thus, accurate and aggressive reporting sometimes
takes a back seat to economic concerns.
Rashid Dyusembayev, editor of the Russian-language newspaper Capital and the

English-language weekly Kazakhstan Monitor, both business publications, said,
"the standard of our articles is to interview both sides and an expert." The
Monitor allows more freedom of expression than does Capital, he added. "It’s
easier for us to write in English," said Dyusembayev. "We can be harsher." But,
he cautioned, "We are always watching our words."
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Dyusembayev also freely admitted his newspaper accepts money to run stories
written by politicians, without disclosing that the stories are really
"advertorials." Such stories run as any other in the news pages. This "hidden
advertising" method of reporting is widespread in Kazakhstan and throughout
Central Asia.
Most Kazakhstani journalists do not see anything wrong with the practice of
"hidden advertising." The practice of writing puff pieces in exchange for under-
the-table payments was, as one journalist said with a shrug, "the way it’s done
here."
"Corruption in general is a major problem in Central Asia," says Krafchak.

Under-the-table payments to journalists by politicians and businessmen are "a
fairly common way for journalists to supplement their incomes."
Tulegen Askarov, a journalist and consultant for the non-profit group

Transparency International, said in an e-mail interview: "The press in
Kazakhstan is not free. Only the media [outlets that] are loyal to the authorities
have full access to printing presses, the distribution system and to advertisers."
[Tulegen Askarov is a member of the Soros Foundation - Kazakhstan Board of
Trustees. EurasiaNet and the Soros Foundation - Kazakhstan are funded by the
Open Society Institute.]
Freelance reporter Alexey Sorokin, an eight-year veteran of Kazakh journalism,

explained it this way: "Our press is very centralized. There are a few big
companies that own TV stations. They have strict relationships with political
parties and journalists cannot go outside the borders of those agreements."
Journalistic self-censorship is another matter of concern in Kazakhstan. Media

outlets of all kinds "have a list" of those who cannot be written about, Sorokin
said. "After you work there a while you get to know who’s on it." Physical
threats against journalists have lessened over the last eight years, Sorokin said.
"Here, we understand what we can write about. You take this responsibility and
you take the consequences. Each newspaper has its own path."
Observaciones ---
Texto 6
Medio Eurasianet
Fecha de 01-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazakhstan: Nazarbayev campaign cruises, but potential mine lies ahead
Subtítulo ---
- 147 -
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Autor ---
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Cuerpo de President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s reelection campaign is cruising in
texto Kazakhstan. But an ongoing corruption case in a US federal court could create
complications for the president following the vote.
Recent polls peg Nazarbayev’s voter support in the 70 percent range, with the
four other contenders in the December 4 election splitting the remaining 30
percent. Nazarbayev has been acting like a candidate assured of victory. In a
speech marking the opening of a new Kazakhstani senate session, Nazarbayev
outlined policy priorities for his next seven-year term, pledging to boost
industrial and agricultural production, to improve living standards and to expand
civil rights. "It is necessary to fulfill all these tasks through innovation and by
attracting new technologies to the educational and scientific spheres," the
Kazinform news agency quoted Nazarbayev as saying.
Supporters Nazarbayev’s highest profile opponent, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, say

that president has enjoyed an unfair advantage during the campaign regarding
broadcast media access and advertising. An election agency – the Public
Committee for Monitoring the Presidential Election – was dismissive of the
Tuyakbai camp’s complaint, according to a report broadcast by Channel 31.
However, an interim report on the campaign prepared by the OSCE’s Office for
Democratic Institutions and Human Rights noted that Nazarbayev "received the
biggest share" of television coverage. The report, which covered the period from
October 27 to November 16, also said that some television channels, including
Khabar and Channel 31, portrayed Tuyakbai’s campaign "with a certain degree
of distortion."
Meanwhile, a case making slow progress in a Federal Court in New York has
the potential to make bombshell revelations that could weaken Nazarbayev
politically, and hamper his ability to implement his agenda. The case, involving
oil consultant James Giffen, is now slated to open in April 2006. The indictment
against Giffen accuses of violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act by
channeling $84 million in bribes in the mid 1990s to two Kazakhstani officials,
subsequently identified as Nazarbayev and former prime minister Nurlan
Balgimbayev, to secure oil deals for Western conglomerates, including Mobil
Oil Corp. and Texaco Inc, which have both subsequently merged with other
entities.
A chief pillar of Giffen’s defense rests on his contention that US government

officials were aware of his actions, and tacitly condoned them. Giffen acted in
the belief that he was an agent of the US government and was seeking to
promote a US foreign policy interests by maintaining a cordial relationship
between Nazarbayev’s administration and Washington, defense lawyers argue.
According to a recently unsealed court document – a June 1996 summary of a

classified intelligence report – the US government welcomed reports supplied
by Giffen. Information from the defendant concerning corrupt business practices
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in Kazakhstan "has been particularly well received," said the summary, which is
among court papers submitted by Giffen’s defense team to bolster his case.
A defense brief submitted in the case maintains that Giffen disclosed to US

officials that Nazarbayev authorized oil-bribe money to be deposited in off-
shore bank accounts, and that the accounts were controlled directly by the
Kazakhstani president. Giffen also told US authorities that Nazarbayev "wanted
the accounts, and the movement of money to them, to be kept secret," according
to the brief.
US prosecutors are seeking to exclude the evidence linking Giffen to US

authorities, arguing that the documentation submitted by the defense does not
prove that the oil consultant ever had US government approval to arrange bribes
for Kazakhstan leaders.
The corruption case has not figured prominently in the presidential campaign.
Nazarbayev’s leading opposition challengers, Tuyakbai and Alikhan Baimenov,
have sought to focus voter attention on Nazarbayev’s conduct in what is known
locally as the "Kazakhgate" scandal. But they have largely failed to arouse
public anger over the bribery case. That could change, however, if the trial ever
opens in New York. Some observers suggest that the legal proceedings could
provide embarrassing details about the workings of the US and Kazakhstani
governments.
Observaciones ---
Texto 7
Medio Eurasianet
Fecha de 02-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Presidential campaign concludes in Kazakhstan
Subtítulo ---
Traducción de ---
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Autor ---
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Cuerpo de Although President Nursultan Nazarbayev appears headed toward certain re-
texto election, authorities in Kazakhstan are taking no chances.
There is little doubt concerning the voting results, as Nazarbayev seems set to
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trounce his four challengers and secure another seven-year term. At the same
time rumors have swirled in Kazakhstan’s major cities, including Almaty and
Astana, about possible disorder either right before, or just after election day.
Such rumors have been fueled in part by the recent mysterious death of former
prominent opposition figure, Zamenbek Nurkadilov.
Authorities have ruled Nurkadilov’s death a suicide, while friends and relatives
insist that he was murdered.
As campaigning officially ended on December 2, Almaty Mayor Imangali

Tasmagambetov acted to reassure Kazakhstanis that the voting would not
provoke instability. “There are no grounds for such rumors,” Tasmagambetov
told journalists. “We will ensure complete order.”
As part of the government’s efforts to bolster security, Kazakhstani authorities

have instituted stricter border-crossing procedures on November 29, the
Kazinform news agency reported. Along Kazakhstan’s frontier with Kyrgyzstan,
dozens of merchants were denied entry “to prevent the possible penetration into
Kazakhstan of unwanted elements.”
Some opposition leaders have suggested that they may try to organize protests,
but they stress that their demonstrations will be peaceful. Authorities are sure to
take a dim view of any such protest effort, given the recent examples of Georgia,
Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. In all three countries, election-related protests
eventually forced incumbent leaders from power.
Nazarbayev and his political allies have stressed that the presidential election
will Kazakhstan’s freest and fairest to date. During a December 2 meeting with
British election monitors, Kazakhstan’s Central Election Commission chief,
Onalsyn Zhumabekov claimed that the just-concluded campaign was held in “a
state of free competition.’
Representatives of the leading opposition movement For a Fair Kazakhstan

bitterly dispute the contention that campaign was fair. They emphasize that
Kazakhstani television channels devoted the overwhelming amount of their
election coverage to Nazarbayev.
The international advocacy group Reporters Without Borders sent Nazarbayev a

letter on December 2 expressing concerns about Kazakhstan’s media
environment. “The independent press is subject to constant harassment by the
authorities, especially since the start of the presidential campaign. Reporters
Without Borders fears that the Kazakh press, like the foreign news media, will
not have free access to information on polling day,” the letter said.
During the last days of the campaign, Nazarbayev’s challengers have stepped up
their personal attacks against the administration. Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, the For
a Fair Kazakhstan movement’s candidate, accused Nazarbayev of plundering the
country’s natural resources to enrich himself, his family and friends. Another
presidential hopeful, Alikhan Baimenov, leader of a rump faction of the centrist
opposition Ak Zhol Party, echoed the corruption allegations. In a televised
speech November 30, Baimenov argued that a lack of political turnover in
Kazakhstan might sooner or later cause severe economic damage to the country.
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“We can see that the national wealth is being distributed extremely unfairly. We
can see that some people are becoming increasingly wealthy, whereas millions
[of Kazakhstanis] are thinking how to survive,” Baimenov said. “We can see
that the authorities have started to confuse stability with stagnation.”
Observaciones ---
Texto 8
Medio Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR)

Enlace http://www.iwpr.net/?p=rca&s=f&o=258406&apc_state=henh
Fecha de 03-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (23.52 h)
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazakstan: much talk, but no revolution
Subtítulo The spectre of revolution is being used by both sides in the Kazak election
campaign to scare each other, but it does not add up to much more than talk.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Baurzhan Tleusenov
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de The opposition in Kazakstan says the authorities are artificially heightening
texto fears of a Kyrgyz-style revolution in order to justify a security clampdown
ahead of the presidential election. For its part, the government accuses
opposition leaders of using scare tactics to justify their predicted defeat.
The authorities do seem unduly jumpy about the December 4 poll which
incumbent Nursultan Nazarbaev looks likely to carry off without difficulty.
On December 1, for example, a group of young people gathered on the central

Abay Avenue in Almaty, Kazakstan’s largest city, and unfurled an enormous
banner with a portrait of opposition candidate Jarmakhan Tuyakbay,
Nazarbaev's only serious rival. Within minutes, a police officer came up and
demanded they put the banner away. When the group refused, they were taken
off to a police station.
“This is the seventh arrest in the last three days," grumbled Andrei Dudnikov, a
member of Tuyakbay’s campaign team. "Prior to this, employees of Tuyakbay’s
[campaign] headquarters had been arrested for handing out campaign materials.
The police remove them from the area, hold them for three hours to determine
their identity, and then let them go. As a result, all their work is ruined."
Dudnikov's interpretation is that the Nazarbaev camp is running scared. “People
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can see that we aren't breaking any rules and that the authorities won't let us
work. They're drawing the conclusion that our country lacks democracy and
freedom of speech, they feel inclined to protest, and they join the ranks of our
supporters.”
The security measures in place for this election are unprecedented in Kazakstan.
According to the Almaty police department, 20,000 officers will be deployed to
keep order in this one city during the election period.
The border with Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan has been all but sealed since
November 29, and police have deported 245 nationals of these two countries
plus Tajikistan as part of a nationwide sweep ostensibly intended to check up on
illegal immigrants.
Although the Kazak leadership may have been unsettled by popular revolts
which led to regime change in Georgia and Ukraine, it is Kyrgyzstan's "tulip
revolution" of March 2005 that creates the most uncomfortable comparisons.
Like Nazarbaev, Askar Akaev had led his republic since independence in 1991,
and to most observers it had seemed impossible that he would be unseated at all,
let alone so easily.
While Kazakstan is much bigger and economically more successful than its
neighbour, the political and cultural similarities between the two nations make
the idea of an imported revolution relevant, if not particularly likely.
Many members of the public are awaiting election day with trepidation as
rumours of potential instability circulate – in part thanks to remarks made by
government officials.
“The closer the election date gets, the more Astana [the government] reveals
how nervous it is," political analyst Yerlan Karin told IWPR. "Astana's
nervousness is also revealed by statements made by law-enforcement chiefs that
they are aware of the aspirations of certain forces to organise mass protest
actions, and that they will not allow a revolutionary scenario to unfold.
"Yet essentially, it's Astana itself that is creating the excitement, as it is carried
away with anti-revolutionary hysteria.”
Tuyakbay agrees that the revolutionary hype is invention.
"The hysteria is coming from the authorities themselves, so that they can justify
illegal methods of combating their opponents, and as an excuse for possible
large-scale ballot-rigging. The potential for acts of civil protest is being put
about by the authorities themselves, so as to de-legitimise us and give them a
free hand to engage in repressive activities," he said.
Kazakstan journalist Sergei Duvanov believes that if there is any unrest, it will
have been manufactured by the authorities as a way of discrediting the
opposition.
“There are rumours that there will be some disturbances. This possibility cannot
be ruled out, as it would be very profitable for the authorities in PR terms,"
Duvanov told IWPR. "Citizens would then be intimated by the example of their
- 152 -
neighbours, above all Kyrgyzstan. Doubts about who to vote for would vanish
at a stroke – people would support… the stable president.”
The authorities dismiss claims that they are whipping up fears over nothing,
although different messages are coming from various officials.
At a meeting of the Central Electoral Commission on December 1, its chairman

Onalsyn Zhumabekov – who is supposed to be a neutral figure – suggested that
the opposition was indeed planning to undermine the election. He accused them
of having prepared reports in advance that set out spurious breaches of
procedure on election day itself.
But Arman Shuraev, the head of the Khabar news group who is acting as
Nazarbaev’s election campaign spokesman, was keen to distance the authorities
from any "revolutionary" accusations.
“Talk that the authorities themselves have initiated rumours of a revolution are
rubbish," he said. "The opposition has no other choice, since they will lose in an
honest and fair fight… They want to discredit the election. It's the authorities
who are interested in the election taking place honestly and transparently."
Shuraev indicated that the Nazarbaev camp did not want to undermine the
country's reputation of being more stable than in Central Asian neighbours.
"Kazakstan is an island of stability, there's no shooting here. The authorities

value this image," he said.
Foreign minister Kasymzhomart Tokaev made a similar point in an interview

with RIA Novosti, a news agency headquartered in Kazakstan key ally Russia,
stressing, "there are no real preconditions for this – no social or economic
reasons that could form the basis for destabilisation”.
Professor Nurbulat Masanov, a long-term political observer in Kazakstan, says

the authorities and the opposition are acting quite similarly in their war of
words.
“The authorities are setting up two contrasting images: revolution as a factor for
instability, and the long-lasting stability which Nazarbaev provides. Their entire
political game-plan is built around these concepts. People are directed towards
the 'right' choice, and even TV footage of neighbouring Kyrgyzstan with no
commentary acts as a subliminal message, telling people to vote to ensure there
is no war or chaos," he said.
"The problem is that the authorities have forced these rules of the game on the
opposition, who have opted for a war between personalities instead of a war of
ideas. When Nazarbaev and Tuyakbay are contrasted, the average voter only has
only one question – is it worth trading bad for worse?"
Observaciones ---
- 153 -
Texto 9

Enlace http://www.iwpr.net/?p=rca&s=f&o=258412&apc_state=henfrca258406
Fecha de 03-12-05
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazak Media Bias Mars Leadership Contest
Subtítulo Nazarbaev promised freedom of speech in run-up to presidential election, but his
pledge is sounding very empty.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Olga Dosybieva y Askar Shomshekov en Shymkent y Pavlodar
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de The authorities and the official media appear to be trying to sabotage the
texto campaigns of opposition candidates contesting December 4 presidential
elections.
Several opposition candidates have claimed that state media are effectively
boycotting them, and there have been reports of the authorities harassing
independent and oppositional newspapers.
Observers say this flies in the face of assurances President Nursultan Nazarbaev
made to US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice at the beginning of the
electoral campaign that the country upheld all democratic principles, including
freedom of speech.
Commentators say that the state's tactics in these elections are little different
from those employed in previous ballots, making fair media coverage almost
impossible.
Two opposition candidates, Jarmakhan Tuyakbay and Alikhan Baimenov, have

in the last few days issued statements deploring the "extreme one-sidedness" and
"censorship" of the official media, which they say discredits the election.
Representatives of Tuyakbay, the main opposition candidate, say that the

newspapers Egemen Kazakstan and Kazakhstanskaya Pravda refused to publish
his campaign literature because it was deemed to violate electoral legislation and
defame the president. The national television channel, Kazakstan, is said to have
refused to broadcast a 15-minute speech by the candidate for the same reasons.
At the same time, there have been reports of state-owned printing houses
refusing to publish opposition and independent newspapers, and police trying to
confiscate the print runs of those who have been able to operate.
- 154 -
In October, staff at the newspapers Epokha, Svoboda Slova and Juma Times
went on hunger strike after a printing house refuse to publish the titles.
Last week, law enforcement officers detained for eight hours a newspaper
delivery vehicle travelling between Almaty and Astana with issues of Epokha,
Svoboda Slova, Pravda Kazakhstana and Juma Times together with Tuyakbay
campaign literature.
Police attempted to inspect the newspapers, but were prevented by Tuyakbay

representatives who insisted that they produce a search warrant.
In another incident, officers seized opposition newspapers from a car belonging

to a senior member of the candidate's campaign team. After an official
complaint was made, the titles were returned, but the police involved escaped
prosecution.
Rozlana Taukina, the head of the Kazakstan branch of the media protection
group Journalists in Trouble says opposition newspapers consistently come
under pressure during elections because of the increased demand for them," The
greater interest in alternative information triggers a negative reaction from the
authorities, so entire print runs of newspapers are confiscated and destroyed."
Tatyana Pak, president of another media rights group based in Taraz, the Forpost
Foundation says individual journalists also face intimidation during the run-up
to elections, with editorial offices around the country receiving frequent visits
from officials and police.
"They are interested in the personal details of journalists... their pseudonyms…

they ask for their home phone numbers and even try to determine their political
leanings.
"Demands this sort of information is illegal. Just as it is illegal for [them] to 'ask'
journalists not to publish 'negative' information before elections, allegedly so as
not to aggravate the situation in the country."
Under such conditions, many commentators say that it's virtually impossible to
achieve any degree of balanced and impartial media coverage of elections in
Kazakstan.
Sholan Akkazina, an observer from the Republican Network of Independent

Observers in the Pavlodar region, says that local newspapers carry numerous
appeals by various public organisations supporting the president, but none
backing any other candidate,
"When the head of the Pavlodar branch of the movement Pokolenie, Vasily
Zavizenov, asked the newspaper Zvezda Priirtyshya to print an appeal in support
of Tuyakbay, he was rejected out of hand and advised not to waste his time
coming to their editorial offices."
Diana Okremova, the president of the North Kazakstan Legal Media Centre,
says it wasn't so long ago that in the weeks before an election the media would
reflect a range of views and arguments, but now there's a clear bias to one
- 155 -
candidate or another.
"Naturally, it is quite difficult to talk about objectivity in this situation," she

said.
Summing up the level of press bias, Viktoria Li, an Atyrau-based representative

of the Adil Soz Foundation, a free speech group, said she'd just bought same-day
copies of nine local newspapers with the same pro-Nazarbaev article and the
same photograph of the president on their front pages.
Observaciones ---
Texto 10

Fecha de 03-12-04
publicación
Fecha de ---
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título E-Voting Controversy in Kazakstan
Subtítulo As Kazak voters elect a president, opinion remains divided on the fairness of
computerised polling.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Baurzhan Tleusenov
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de About one in seven voters going to the polls in Sunday's presidential election in
texto Kazakstan will be using an electronic polling system branded state-of-the art by
the authorities.
However, detractors of the new system, including prominent opposition figures,

suggest that all the technological wizardry merely provides more sophisticated
ways to rig the election, and should therefore be decommissioned.
The Saylau computer system, which cost 24 million US dollars to develop, was
first used in the 2004 parliamentary election, as Samat Uvaliev, deputy head of
the information technology centre at the Central Election Commission, CEC,
proudly explained.
"The idea came from the Academy of Sciences of Belarus, and all the rest was
developed by technical staff here in Kazakstan," he told IWPR.
Last year's election saw 961 constituencies – about ten per cent of the
- 156 -
nationwide total – using the computerised ballot. "This year we've modernised it
a bit, introducing a swipe card for voters, and we're going to use it at 1,447
polling sites, that's 15 per cent of the total," said Uvaliev.
He added that his IT colleagues at the CEC wanted to use the system at 60 per
cent of polling stations, but the OSCE recommended a more gradual
introduction
The opposition is unhappy at its use in even 15 per cent of polling stations. On
November 30, the campaign teams of three of President Nursultan Nazarbaev's
rivals in the race – Jarmakhan Tuyakbay, Alikhan Baimenov and Erasyl
Abylkasymov – issued a joint statement saying the Saylau technology should
not be used in the December 4 ballot, as it made it more likely that the vote
would be unfair.
They suspect that the election results can be manipulated once inside the
computer.
Speaking the following day, Baimenov's campaign manager Ludmila Zhulanova

also voiced concern that whereas previously voters had to show their passport or
some other form of identification, this time they might only have to have a note
of their ID details with them. "So if someone is not physically present, but his
ID details are on hand, that would be enough to vote on behalf of that person,"
she said.
Zhulanova also alleged that public-sector workers were being pressured to vote
electronically, even though everyone is supposed to be able to opt for the
conventional paper ballot. "They are being subjected to psychological pressure
and warned that someone will know exactly who they voted for," she said.
Tuyakbay, seen as Nazarbaev's most serious rival, notes the computer software's
country of origin is not exactly renowned for fair and transparent elections.
"The fact that the programme was written in Belarus raises certain doubts about
it," he said.
"The authorities' desire to rush the system into use is evidence that they intend to
use it to amend the election results. Any system that counts the votes at the CEC
rather than at the polling station itself… raises major concerns."
The authorities, and those backing the Nazarbaev campaign, dispute these
allegations and say the new IT cannot be used to tamper with results.
"We used the electronic ballot system in last year's parliamentary election and
many experts saw positive things in its use," said Nazarbaev campaign
spokesman Arman Shuraev. "We're living in the 21st century and I think that in
five year's time the electronic ballot will be universal….
"The possibility of entering additional votes is entirely ruled out. The servers are
located at the CEC and election monitors can check them out – it'll be quite
transparent."
Professor Nurbulat Masanov, a political analyst, believes that confidence is all-
- 157 -
important. "If there are any doubts at all about the reliability of electronic
voting, and if it could be a source of ballot rigging, it would be better not to use
it," he said.
Masanov thinks the time to introduce the system will be when the Kazak state is
distinct as an entity from the politicians within it.
"What we have [at the moment] is the state as a component part within one
political grouping. All the election commissions are on the side of one
presidential candidate, so there's no confidence in them."
Observaciones ---
Texto 11

Fecha de 03-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 04-12-05 (23.55 h)
consulta
Género Noticia
periodístico
Título Kazaks Shut Kyrgyz Out Ahead of Vote
Subtítulo Market traders from Kyrgyzstan are deported as Kazakstan tightens security for
the presidential election.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Cholpon Orozobekova
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de Kyrgyz migrant workers in Kazakstan say they have been summarily deported
texto ahead of the country's presidential election.
In a further sign that the Kazak authorities fear "contagion" from the Kyrgyz
revolution which ousted long-time president Askar Akaev, the border between
the two countries has been closed to most traffic.
Police raids on migrants have being going on in major cities since November 25,
and law officers in the former capital Almaty have forcibly ejected at least 200
Kyrgyz workers, putting them on buses and dumping them on the border.
Because this counts as formal deportation, the authorities are putting a stamp in
the migrants' passports barring them from re-entering Kazakstan for at least
three years.
There are around 150,000 Kyrgyz citizens working in Kazakstan, of whom some
70,000 are believed to work as traders in Almaty, which is located close to the
- 158 -
Kyrgyz border.
On November 28, over 50 people who work as market traders in Kazakstan

gathered outside the main government building in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek
demanding that the authorities address their concerns.
The protesters said that at eight in the morning the previous day, when they had
just arrived at their market stalls in Almaty, police officers arrived and arrested
all Kyrgyz nationals without giving any explanation.
According to one of the traders, who gave his name as Almaz, the detainees
were kept locked up for almost 12 hours. “We were not fed, and weren't even
allowed to go to the toilet. There was a pregnant woman with us, and when we
asked the police to let her go at least, they took two people into the next room
and beat them up. After that, no one dared asked for anything.”
Another protester, Tamara, said the police demanded 10,000 tenge, about 80 US
dollars, from each of them and promised to release them. “Many of us gave
them the money in the hope of returning home. But even when they got it, they
didn't let us out, but put us all onto two buses and took us to Kordai, where we
were left on the border at two in the morning. We had to return to Bishkek
[some 20 kilometres away] on foot.”
The migrants say their goods were simply left lying on the stalls when the police
took them away. One woman called Ainagul said, “Many women had small
children left behind at schools, kindergartens or at home. Some even had babies
left behind there.”
Asanbek told IWPR with tears in his eyes that his three-year-old daughter was
left behind, “They took me by force and pushed me into the bus, and they took
my wife. I don’t know what to do; I am so worried for my daughter. She was left
with our Uighur neighbours, and I don’t know how she is doing there.”
The Kazak authorities are adamant that what happened was an entirely legal
ejection.
“The deportation was applied to people who had committed grave breaches oif
passport and visa regulations,” the Kazak ambassador in Bishkek, Umarzak
Uzbekov, told a press conference on November 30. “These citizens did not have
valid registration on the territory of Kazakstan, and they refused to leave
Kazakstan.”
Almaty police told IWPR that the deportations were part of a much wider
campaign to round up illegal immigrants from any foreign country. Of the 3,000
foreign nationals who deported, 150 were Kyrgyz found to be in breach of
residence and labour legislation.
The protesting traders, however, say they did have the right visa papers and
temporary residence permits, but Kazak police confiscated these.
They say that while they were being transferred to the buses, policemen told
them they must remain in their own country until the December 4 presidential
election was over.
- 159 -
But when they arrived on the border, their passports were stamped “deported”.
“All the capital that we've accumulated over many years has been left behind
there; it amounts to between 5,000 and 50,000 dollars [each]. With this stamp,
we can’t go back to Kazakstan now. If we do go, their laws say we will be
arrested and imprisoned for a year,” said trader Ulan.
The Kyrgyz consulate in Almaty confirmed that the deportation stamp meant the
traders would not be able to enter Kazakstan for three years.
The head of the Kyrgyz government committee for migration and employment,
Aigul Ryskulova, suggested that Kyrgyz nationals were not being singled out.
“It cannot be said that the Almaty mayor's office is deliberately deporting only
citizens of Kyrgyzstan….. [the traders] were deported as part of a campaign by
migration police in the city."
However, Juma Abdullaev, deputy head of the Zamandash Association, which

represents Kyrgyz migrants, is certain that the deportations are political. “We
have information that the Kazak authorities think there are participants in the
[March 2005] Kyrgyz revolution among the migrants. So now this preventive
action is being taken,” he said.
Kubanychbek Isabekov, who heads the Kyrgyz parliament's committee on

migration, said the Kazak move represented a violation of human rights. “Two
hundred and fifteen of our citizens have been deported by deception," he said.
"Under the Administrative Law Code of Kazakstan, deportation can only take
place by court decision.”
According to Aziza Abdirasulova, who heads Kylym Shamy, a Kyrgyz human

rights foundation, “Citing the presidential elections is not reasonable. We too
have held parliamentary and presidential elections, but we didn’t deport
anyone.”
One of the deportees, Arslan Bakashev, insisted the migrants are apolitical.
“We businessmen and shuttle-traders are the most peaceful of people. We don't
part in demonstrations or rallies, and we aren't involved in politics…. We have
to feed our families. We don't do any harm to Kyrgyzstan or Kazakstan; on the
contrary we bring them both benefits - Kazakstan in the form of taxes, and
Kyrgyzstan in the shape of at least 50 dollars that each of us sends home every
month.”
Ryskulova and Kyrgyz consular officials in Almaty now intend to press for the
traders to be allowed to come back and reclaim their property.
In the short term, however, the restrictions are getting tougher. Kazakstan's
National Security Service announced on November 29 that the border between
the two countries had been closed to everyone except those with a diplomatic
passports or work-trip permits. Ambassador Uzbekov said the restrictions would
continue until December 8 "in order to ensure security during the presidential
election".
- 160 -
Observaciones ---
Texto 12

Enlace http://www.iwpr.net/?p=rca&s=f&o=258425&apc_state=henprca
Fecha de 05-12-05
publicación
Fecha de 06-12-05 (22.14 h)
consulta
Género Artículo
periodístico
Título Kazak Election: Too Good to be True?
Subtítulo The president claims a landslide victory, while his opponents say it lacks
credibility.
Traducción de ---
títulos
Autor Baurjan Tleusenov
Entradilla ---
Traducción de ---
entradilla
Cuerpo de Nursultan Nazarbaev’s re-election as president of Kazakstan appears to reflect a
texto desire by many voters to go for the safest bet, but opposition leaders are
deriding his massive win as unbelievable.
Preliminary results released the day after the December 4 poll showed
Nazarbaev with 91 per cent of the vote, 6.1 million votes in all. The head of the
Central Electoral Commission, Onalsyn Jumabekov, officially announced that
Nazarbaev had won.
The incumbent’s most serious rival, Zharmakhan Tuyakbay, a former speaker of

parliament and now leader of the opposition alliance For a Fair Kazakstan, got
just 6.6 per cent of the vote.
The leader of the opposition Ak Jol party, Alikhan Baimenov, came in third
place with 1.65 per cent of the vote, People’s Communist Party leader Erasyl
Abylkasymov got 0.38 per cent, and Mels Eleusizov, who heads the Tabigat
ecology group, received 0.32 per cent.
The election passed off calmly, with the authorities doing their best to make it a
festive occasion. In the second city and former capital Almaty, polling stations
were decorated with flowers, balloons and bunting, and some had musicians to
entertain the voters.
The mood contrasted with the scares that swept the city in the days leading up to
the election. Fears of unrest led to panic-buying of food supplies, while the day
before the vote there were stories of gunfire at a city market, a robbery at a large
- 161 -
supermarket, and cars set alight in the streets. None of it proved to be true.
Speaking the day after the election, Nazarbaev told supporters, “The people
have voted for unity and accord, and for the future of our country. I am certain it
is a victory for the people of Kazakstan, who gave a positive appraisal to the
work I’ve done over 14 years of independence.”
His campaign spokesman, Arman Shuraev, told IWPR, “This is a clear victory
for Nazarbaev. I agree that conditions for the candidates were unequal, but that
was because our candidate has no equal.”
Referring to predictions made by some observers that Kazakstan might go the

way of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, with election-related popular unrest
leading to regime change, Shuraev said, “Kazakstan has won because it has put
an end to all these orange revolutions. The people proved smarter than the
political strategists, and had the wisdom to show that shooting, disturbances and
instability are unnecessary.”
Opposition figures believe the election was rigged.
“The results are the logical conclusion to an election campaign which was
accompanied throughout by widespread violations of the constitution and the
law, committed by the regime. President Nazarbaev and his entourage were
unable even to create the illusion of a free and fair election,” said Tuyakbay.
The 91 per cent victory recorded by the president evoked only “laughter and a
sense of the absurd”, according to Tuyakbay.
The candidate said his supporters had recorded “thousands” of violations of the
rules on election day, and the conclusion was that the outcome was “fabricated
to a serious degree”.
“The Movement for a Fair Kazakstan intends to use constitutional means and
opportunities to seek a restoration of justice and demand that the election result
be overturned,” he added.
Asked whether this meant street protests, Tuyakbay said, “We have the capacity
to send thousands of supporters into the streets, but after the fuss that the
authorities made about possible disturbances, we decided to hold in reserve our
right to such actions, depending on the political situation.”
Protest actions are banned for a ten-day period following elections, according to
Kazak law.
A team of 460 election monitors sent by the OSCE listed a number of areas
where the election was unfair. “Despite some improvements in the election
administration prior to election day, the [vote] did not meet a number of OSCE
commitments and other international standards for democratic elections,” said a
statement by the observers.
“While candidate registration was mostly inclusive and gave voters a choice,
undue restrictions on campaigning, harassment of campaign staff and persistent
and numerous cases of intimidation by the authorities limited the possibility for
- 162 -
a meaningful competition.”
Many of the people whom IWPR interviewed on the streets of Almaty said they
had voted for Nazarbaev, because they knew what they were getting and they
feared the kind of instability they had seen in other countries. However, they
differed in how much they were actively supportive of the president.
“I voted for the current president - I believe in him,” said Nurlan Smagulov,
president of the Astana Motors company. “We have also witnessed the negative
example of all these ‘colour revolutions’, and no way do we want this to be
repeated on our streets.”
School teacher Anara Jubanova took a similar line, saying she chose the
president because he was such a reliable and familiar figure. “We don’t need
revolutionary upheavals,” she said. “I am in favour of peace and stability.”
Housewife Raisa Stepkina simply chose what she calls the “lesser evil”. “We
have lived under him for 14 years, and we will go on doing so,” she added.
Observers say popular anxieties about instability, fuelled by deliberate scare

tactics, helped secure the president a hefty proportion of the vote.
“The negative propaganda about the revolutions in Georgia, Ukraine and

Kyrgyzstan, where the impression was given that these countries had been
thrown back decades, that there was chaos, disorder and violence there,
naturally affected the frame of mind of Kazakstan citizens. They took notice of
it, and voted for the current president,” said opposition journalist Sergei
Duvanov.
Duvanov added, “Yet I think that he would have received 60 or 70 per cent
anyway if the process had been honest and fair.”
Yevgeny Zhovtis, director of the Kazakstan Bureau for Human Rights, noted
the negative role played by some media, “Voters were constantly indoctrinated
through the media of Kazakstan and Russia, to the effect that orange revolutions
must not be allowed [and] that no change at all is better than destabilisation.”
Zhovtis believes that the rumours of imminent unrest were part of the same
strategy, “Voters were first disorientated, second intimidated, and third,
deprived of information about what the opposition wanted.”
He thinks the opposition was never given a chance to compete on equal terms.
“Over the last five or six years there has been considerable pressure on the
opposition… A number of opposition leaders have faced criminal charges, some
were sentenced, and opposition parties had problems with registering and
working in the country,” he said. “So by time the presidential election year
came round, the opposition was already in an unequal position compared with
the current president.”
Observaciones ---

INFORME (1) (1) KAZAJSTÁN Eleccionespresidenciales

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INFORME (1) (1) KAZAJSTÁN Eleccionespresidenciales

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COMPOLITICAS

Grupo Interdisciplinario de Estudios en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social

El Observatorio de Geopolítica y Comunicación en Asia Central y el Cáucaso es un

El Observatorio es, asimismo, un foro de debate que, con sede en la Facultad de

Coordinadora del Informe: María Ángeles Gutiérrez Bascón

ELECCIONES 1999 Y 2004

Elecciones presidenciales. 10 de enero de 1999…………………………………………………………13

SITUACIÓN POST ELECTORAL …………………………………………………………….……………………………………33

APÉNDICE. Las elecciones kazajas en la prensa internacional…………………………………………….…40

Población: 15.4 millones

Siglo VIII – Los árabes introducen el Islam.

1917 – Comienza la guerra civil.

1920 – Bajo mandato soviético, Kazajstán se convierte en una república autónoma de la

1920s-1930s – Industrialización intensiva y colectivización de la agricultura. Más de un

1954-62 – Alrededor de dos millones de personas, principalmente rusos, se trasladan a

1989 – Nursultan Nazarbayev se convierte en líder del Partido Comunista de Kazajstán. El

1990 – El Soviet Supremo elige a Nazarvayev como primer presidente de Kazajstán y

Cronología elecciones 1991-2005

1991 – Narbayev es elegido Presidente por el Soviet Supremo de Kazajstán. Su mandato es

1995 – Referéndum para prolongar el mandato de Nazarbayev como presidente hasta el

1999 (junio) – Nazarbayev gana las elecciones presidenciales (mandato de 7 años).

2004 (septiembre-octubre) – Elecciones parlamentarias. Cuarenta y dos de los setenta y

2005 (enero) – El partido opositor Elección Democrática de Kazajstán es disuelto por

2005 (abril) – Enmiendas a la Ley Electoral (aumentan las restricciones).

2005 (4 de diciembre) – Elecciones Presidenciales.

De acuerdo con la Constitución, adoptada por referéndum en agosto de 1995,

El presidente es elegido cada siete años y por un máximo de dos legislaturas

El candidato debe obtener más de la mitad de los votos para acceder a la

Las elecciones parlamentarias tienen lugar cada cinco años.

El Parlamento consta de dos cámaras:

Otra de las restricciones es el número de miembros necesarios en total y el número

En su “Informe anual sobre derechos políticos y libertades civiles” 4, Freedom House

acceso a los medios de comunicación estatales y prohibiciones arbitrarias en el registro de

La prohibición del partido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán 5

El partido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán (EDK), uno de los principales

En enero de 2005, el EDK fue acusado de amenazar la seguridad nacional

Rachel Denber, directora de la división de Europa y Asia Central de Human Rights

Partidos pro-Nazarbayev y partidos opositores

Después de la disolución del partido Elección Democrática de Kazajstán, el número

Principales partidos pro-Nazarbayev

Dariga Nazazarbayeva, potencial sucesora de su padre

Dariga Nazarbayeva, hija de Nursultan Nazarbayev, convirtió en 2003 el

Por un Kazajstán Justo: la oposición se une

Por un Kazajstán Justo, formado en marzo de 2005 y registrado oficialmente el 3 de

El 5 de agosto, Bulat Abilov, uno de los dirigentes de Naghyz Ak Zhol y miembro

Por un Kazajstán Justo se declara un movimiento por la democracia. No obstante,

Las autoridades de Kazajstán continúan limitando las libertades fundamentales de

Las libertades de expresión, reunión y asociación siguen sin ser respetadas en

La Constitución de 1995 garantiza la libertad de expresión y prohíbe la censura.

Según los datos del Ministerio de Cultura, Información y Deporte, en septiembre de

Aunque la mayoría de los medios son privados, pocos son independientes u

Varios medios impresos simpatizantes con la oposición, según sus representantes,

En suma, la situación de la libertad de prensa en Kazajstán continúa siendo crítica.

Ejemplo de ello es el caso del periódico independiente Respublika (antiguo Assandi

Durante el año anterior (2004), los ataques a los periodistas y medios

En enero de 2003, en un juicio que atrajo la atención internacional, el periodista

En 2003 y años anteriores, se dieron también numerosos casos de acoso a

En cuanto a la libertad de expresión, según lo acordado en la VII Conferencia de

Además, en la práctica, el gobierno obstruye sistemáticamente el acceso a webs

ELECCIONES 1999 Y 2004

- Elecciones presidenciales. 10 enero 1999

Elecciones presidenciales. 10 de enero de 1999

El Informe Final 30 de la Organización para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa