LATIN CATHOLICISM IN OTTOMAN ISTANBUL:

PROPERTIES, PEOPLE & MISSIONS

© 2022 The Isis Press

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Cover illustration: A procession in an Istanbul suburb at the beginning of the

twentieth century (Courtesy of the Dominican Archive of SS. Peter and Paul
in Galata).
LATIN CATHOLICISM IN
OTTOMAN ISTANBUL:
PROPERTIES, PEOPLE & MISSIONS

Edited by
Vanessa R. de Obaldía and Claudio Monge

THE ISIS PRESS

ISTANBUL
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE. ………………………………………………………….. 7
Claudio Monge

PART ONE.
STATUS: LEGALITY AND CONFLICT

1. “I shall not take their churches and turn them into mosques”:
The Legal Status of Catholic Churches in Ottoman Galata as
Prescribed by the ʿAhdnāmes. ………………………………… 17
Radu Dipratu
2. An Endless Housing Dispute: Catholic - Muslim Conflict
around the Yeni Valide and Arab Mosques in Galata (1693-
1713). ………………………………………………………… 35
Kenan Yıldız

PART TWO.
PEOPLE: IDENTITY, REPRESENTATION AND RELATIONS

3. From Master to Minority: the Genoese of Pera-Galata across

the Byzantine-Ottoman Boundary. ……………………………. 63
Padraic Rohan
4. The Latin Vekil and the Vartaliti Family: Local Representa-
tion, Intermediary Work and Family Interests in Ottoman
Istanbul (1844-1923). ………………………………………… 85
Gabriel Doyle
5. Patriarch Maksīmūs Maẓlūm’s Reverse Missionary Entreprise
during the Tanẓīmāt Period: Bringing the Greek Catholics back
into the Greek Rite. ………………………………………….. 109
Anaïs Massot

PART THREE.
CHURCHES: FOUNDATION AND TRANSFORMATION

6. Latin, Armenian, Ottoman: Shared Space and Material Culture

in the Catholic Churches of Pera and Galata …………………. 123
Paolo Girardelli
6 LATIN CATHOLICISM IN OTTOMAN ISTANBUL

7. Notre-Dame Du Rosaire: Insights into the Construction and

Contestations of the First Dominican Church of the post-
Tanẓīmāt Period .……………….…………………………… 139
Vanessa R. de Obaldía

PART FOUR.
EDUCATION: NATIONALISM AND MISSION

8. Italian Latin Catholics in late Ottoman Istanbul: Transnational

Culture and National Education. ……………………………… 167
Francesco Pongiluppi
9. The Inception and Development of the Educational Activities
of the Salesian Congregation in Istanbul during the late
Ottoman Period. ……………………………………………… 185
Buğra Poyraz

CONTRIBUTORS’ BIOGRAPHIES ……………………………… 199

 3
FROM MASTER TO MINORITY: THE GENOESE OF PERA-
GALATA ACROSS THE BYZANTINE-OTTOMAN
BOUNDARY

Padraic ROHAN

In the months following the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in May

1453, reports circulated in western Europe, especially through Venice, that a
Genoese fleet had helped Ottoman ruler Mehmed II (r. 1444-46 and 1451-81)
to attack Latin ports in the east.1 Later in the century, the Catalan crusading
romance Tirant lo Blanc pilloried Genoese links to the Ottomans (while
ignoring or forgetting Catalan-Turcoman alliances of the early fourteenth
century). In this tale, Tirant valiantly defended Constantinople from the
Ottomans and their Genoese allies, who “charge two ducats for every Turk
and three for every horse they transport, [and] those renegades would sooner
be hacked to pieces than forfeit their profits.” For Tirant and his creator, the
Genoese were not just not good Catholics – they were not Catholic at all.
Many of their contemporaries had a similar view, as reflected in the proverb,
“to make a Genoese, you need a Turk, a Greek, and a Jew”2 – three epithets,
as far as Roman Catholics were concerned.

1 For background, see Wilhelm von Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge, trans.
Furcy Reynaud, vol. 2 (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1886), 305–7; Jacques Paviot, “Gênes et les
Turcs (1444, 1453): sa défense contre les accusations d’une entente,” in La storia dei genovesi:
atti del convegno di studi sui ceti dirigenti nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova (Genova,
7-10 giugno 1988), ed. Giorgio Costamagna, vol. 9 (Genoa: Associazione nobiliare ligure, 1989),
129–37; and Enrico Basso, “Genova e gli Ottomani nel XV secolo: gli ‘itali Teucri’ e il Gran
Sultano,” in L’Europa dopo la caduta di Costantinopoli, 29 maggio 1453: atti del XLIV
Convegno Storico Internazionale, Todi, 7-9 ottobre 2007 (Spoleto: Fondazione Centro Italiano di
Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 2008), 375–409.
2 Joanot Martorell and Martí Joan de Galba, Tirant Lo Blanc, trans. David H. Rosenthal (New
York: Schocken, 1984), 157–58 (chapter 106) and 300-303 (chapter 164); Carmelo Federico, I
mercanti genovesi in Sicilia e la Chiesa della loro “Nazione” in Palermo (Palermo: Graf. Luigi
Cappugi, 1958), 7, “per fare un genovese ci vuole un turco, un greco ed un ebreo”; for backgro-
und on Tirant, see David Abulafia, “Genoese, Turks and Catalans in the age of Mehmet II and
Tirant lo Blanc,” in Quel mar che la terra inghirlanda: Studi sul Mediterraneo medievale in
ricordo di Marco Tangheroni, ed. Franco Cardini and Maria Luisa Ceccarelli Lemut, vol. 1
(Rome: Pacini, 2007), 49–58; and David Abulafia, “Aragon versus Turkey – Tirant Lo Blanc and
Mehmed the Conqueror: Iberia, the Crusade, and Late Medieval Chivalry,” in Byzantines, Latins,
64 PADRAIC ROHAN

The notion that Genoese opportunism had enabled the Ottoman

conquest has come down to the present. The greatest of the modern historians
of the Genoese, Robert Sabatino Lopez, called Genoese actions at Varna in
1444 (now on the coast of Bulgaria – see map), when they helped the
Ottomans to defeat a crusader army, “the darkest page of colonial Genoese
history.”3 Though the reports circulating in the months after the Ottoman
conquest of Constantinople were false, many Genoese had indeed lent much
assistance to the Ottomans, and would continue to do so., giving credence to
Tirant’s characterization. When the Ottomans took Constantinople less than a
decade later, contemporary Latin and Greek chroniclers lamented that the
conquest was equal to the fall of Troy, and a greater calamity than
Nebuchadnezzar’s sack of Jerusalem.4
Yet many Genoese found it worth their while to remain in Ottoman
lands, at least at first. A wide body of recent scholarship has stressed the
continuity across the Byzantine-Ottoman boundary,5 and several key studies
have argued that the Genoese did not care who ruled in Constantinople, as
long as they could continue to trade.6 Some individuals may indeed have been
indifferent, and some certainly benefited from Ottoman rule. But for

and Turks in the Eastern Mediterranean World after 1150, ed. Jonathan Harris, Catherine
Holmes, and Eugenia Russell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 291–312.
3 Robert Sabatino Lopez, Storia delle colonie genovesi nel Mediterraneo (Bologna: Nicola
Zanichelli, 1938), 323–25, 377, 387, 406, 411–12; see also Geo Pistarino, “Commune,
‘Compagna’ e Commonwealth nel medioevo genovese,” in La storia dei genovesi: atti del
convegno di studi sui ceti dirigenti nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova (Genova, 10-12
giugno 1982), ed. Maria Paola Profumo, vol. 3 (Genoa: Associazione nobiliare ligure, 1983), 19;
and Matteo Salonia, Genoa’s Freedom: Entrepreneurship, Republicanism, and the Spanish Atlan-
tic (Lanham, MA and London: Lexington Books, 2017), 64–67.
4 Isidore of Kiev, “Epistola composita per ser Pasium de Bertipalia notarium ad instantiam
reverendissimi domini domini Isidori cardinalis Sabinensis,” in La caduta di Costantinopoli: le
testimonianze dei contemporanei, ed. Agostino Pertusi, vol. 1 (Verona: Arnoldo Mondadori,
1976), 98–99, line 104: “Jherosolimorum sub Nabugodonosor rege pauca equidem et parva fuit
respectu tantae et tam magnae”; John R. Melville-Jones, ed., The Siege of Constantinople 1453:
Seven Contemporary Accounts (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1972), 54.
5 Kerim İlker Bulunur, Osmanlı Galatası, 1453-1600 (Istanbul: Bilge Kültür Sanat, 2014); Kate
Fleet, European and Islamic Trade in the Early Ottoman State: The Merchants of Genoa and
Turkey (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Halil İnalcık, “Ottoman
Galata, 1453-1553,” in Essays in Ottoman History (Istanbul: Eren, 1998), 275–376; Michel Ba-
lard, “Colonisation and Population Movements in the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages,” in
Byzantium and the West: Perception and Reality (11th-15th c.), ed. Nikolaos G. Chrissis, Athina
Kolia-Dermitzaki, and Angeliki Papageorgiou (London and New York: Routledge, 2019), 26–27.
6 Ebru Boyar and Kate Fleet, A Social History of Ottoman Istanbul (Cambridge and New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2010), 17; Céline Dauverd, “Cultivating Differences: Genoese
Trade Identity in the Constantinople of Sultan Mehmed II, 1453–81,” Mediterranean Studies 23,
no. 2 (2015): 95–103, asserts that Genoese profits in the Levant during Mehmed’s reign “far
exceeded those they had enjoyed under the Byzantine emperors”; this claim is unreferenced, and
other authorities have demonstrated that by some metrics Genoese trade plummeted after the
1420s and through the reign of Mehmed. See Heinrich Johann Sieveking, “Aus Genueser
Rechnwigs- und Steuerbüchern,” Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der
Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 162, no. 2 (1909): 52–53.
 FROM MASTER TO MINORITY 65

generations, the Genoese had done more than simply trade with
Constantinople – they had dominated sea lanes, monopolized key markets,
and served as admirals and bankers to the emperors, who had tried and failed
to uproot them from their walled city of Pera, across the Golden Horn from
Constantinople.
Most Genoese knew that their power here would evaporate under
Ottoman rule. “I have always known,” wrote Angelo Giovanni Lomellini, the
last leader of Genoese Pera, “that if Constantinople were lost, then we would
lose this place too.”7 In the only extant comprehensive Greek eyewitness
account of the siege from within the city, George Sphrantzes claimed that
Constantine XI, the last Byzantine emperor (r. 1449-53), in a speech to the
defense forces, turned to the Genoese to say, “You know well that this
unhappy city has always been yours as well as mine for many reasons.”8
However much they played both sides, the Genoese intended to preserve the
Byzantine empire, in order to preserve their power over it.
After the conquest, many Genoese continued to reside in Ottoman
lands, often becoming Ottoman subjects; but in this chapter, I argue that, by
the 1460s and 1470s, the Genoese presence in Ottoman lands was much
diminished by a cascade of departures. To demonstrate this argument, I focus
on the timing and extent of the repatriation of holy relics from the churches of
Pera-Galata back to Genoa – and also on Ottoman records, particularly the
1455 survey for Istanbul and Galata,9 which offer an essential corrective to
studies based only on western sources. For example, a recent study has

7 “nam semper cognovi, amisso Constantinopoli, amisso loco isto”: Luigi Tommaso Belgrano,
ed., “Prima serie di documenti riguardanti la colonia di Pera,” in Atti della Società ligure di storia
patria, vol. 13 (fasc. II) (Genoa: Tipogr. del R. Istituto de’ Sordo-Muti, 1877), 229–33 (doc. 149,
Pera, 23 June 1453), at 230; Melville-Jones, Siege, 132; Giovan Maria Angiolello, Il sultano e il
profeta: memorie di uno schiavo vicentino divenuto tesoriere di Maometto II il Conquistatore, ed.
Jeannine Guérin Dalle Mese (Milan: Serra e Riva Editori, 1985), 97.
8 Geōrgios Phrantzēs, A Contemporary Greek Source for the Siege of Constantinople 1453: The
Sphrantzes Chronicle, ed. Margaret G. Carroll (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1985), 73; Geōr-
gios Phrantzēs, The Fall of the Byzantine Empire: A Chronicle by George Sphrantzes, 1401-1477,
trans. Marios Philippides (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1980), 124 (IV, book
three, 8-9).
9 TSMA, D2203, 1455; published by Halil İnalcık, ed., The Survey of Istanbul, 1455: The Text,
English Translation, Analysis of the Text, and Documents (Istanbul: İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları,
2012); the Genoese called their city Pera, while the Greeks called it Galata. Into the sixteenth
century, these two names were conflated. Pera often denoted the area north of the tower, and
Galata denoted the area within the walls. Likewise, though the name Istanbul was used as early as
1477, the name of Constantinople persisted. Learned Ottomans continued to call the city Kostan-
tiniyye at least through the seventeenth century, and Ottoman coinage bore the name Kostanti-
niyye until the end of the empire. See TSMA, D9524, 1477; Gábor Ágoston and Bruce Alan
Masters, Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire (New York: Facts on File, 2009), xxiii–xxiv; Bu-
lunur, Osmanlı Galatası, 21; Donald Quataert, The Ottoman Empire, 1700-1922 (Cambridge and
New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), xiv; Tijana Krstić, Contested Conversions to
Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 2014), 74; Evliya Çelebi, An Ottoman Traveller: Selections from the Book of
Travels of Evliya Çelebi, trans. Robert Dankoff and Sooyong Kim (London: Eland, 2011), xxiii.
66 PADRAIC ROHAN

asserted that a mass exodus occurred across the Byzantine-Ottoman boundary,

with the population of Constantinople plummeting by ninety percent, and
with the Genoese among the few non-Muslims choosing to stay on after the
Ottoman conquest.10
Much of the population of Constantinople was indeed enslaved, but the
1455 Ottoman survey illustrates much continuity across the boundary, as
Jews, Armenians, and Greeks still resided not only in Galata but also in the
city itself, where quarters continued under old Greek names, and some Greeks
were called Istanbullu (native of Istanbul).11 By more accurately tracking both
change and continuity through this world-historical boundary, we can better
interpret the larger geopolitical shift as contemporaries struggled to
understand it. As we will see, the Genoese at first thought the Ottoman
conquest a mere temporary setback, only later realizing that their status had
changed permanently.

A reluctant minority

Many Genoese chose to remain in what became an Ottoman trading hub, and
the quarter of Galata that had once held the Genoese loggia came to be known
as Lōnca, which came to mean guild in Turkish.12 Battista Goastavino, for

10 Dauverd, “Cultivating Differences,” 95, 103, but her figure of one million people in Constan-
tinople prior to the conquest more accurately reflects the city on the eve of the fourth crusade two
centuries earlier. On the eve of the Ottoman conquest, the city had perhaps fifty thousand inhabi-
tants; see Nevra Necipoğlu, Byzantium between the Ottomans and the Latins: Politics and Society
in the Late Empire (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 150, 179–80,
222; Ken Dark, “The Distribution and Density of Occupation in Byzantine Constantinople 1100-
1453,” in Town and Country in the Middle Ages: Contrasts, Contacts and Interconnections,
1100-1500, ed. Kate Giles and Christopher Dyer (Leeds: Maney, 2005), 7–21; Angeliki E. Laiou,
“Political-Historical Survey, 1204-1453,” in The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies, ed.
Elizabeth Jeffreys, John Haldon, and Robin Cormack (Oxford and New York: Oxford University
Press, 2008), 292–93; Paul Magdalino, “The Empire of the Komnenoi (1118–1204),” in The
Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire, c. 500-1492, ed. Jonathan Shepard (Cambridge and
New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 654; and Dionysios Stathakopoulos, “Population,
Demography, and Disease,” in The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies, ed. Elizabeth Jeffreys,
John Haldon, and Robin Cormack (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 314.
11 The 1455 register is a treasure trove for those scholars who have the necessary languages. See,
for example, the case of an Armenian renting a state-owned fortress and storefronts: TSMA,
D2203, 287b, 299a: “burġāz emīriyye... iki dükkān” plus another rented to “Domeniḳō
Lānsāvīç”; see also 392, 460-2, 470-1, 496-9 İnalcık, Survey; an Armenian church of Galata was
named for a saint carrying the same surname. See Eremya Çelebi Kömürcüyan, İstanbul Tarihi,
17. asırda İstanbul, trans. Hrand D. Andreasyan (Istanbul: Kutulmuş Basımevi, 1952), 231–32
n29; for Armenians in Genoese Pera, see Belgrano, “Prima serie,” 189 (doc. 65, Pera, 4 February
1425); reprinted in Laura Balletto, ed., Liber officii provisionis Romanie: Genova, 1424-1428
(Genoa: Università degli Studi di Genova, 2000), 66 (doc. 52); Bulunur, Osmanlı Galatası, 157;
and Nina G. Garsoïan, Church and Culture in Early Medieval Armenia (Aldershot, Hampshire
and Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Variorum, 1999), 59.
12 Lōnca Maḥallesi. See F. Kiper, ed., Fatih Mahmet II Vakfiyeleri (Ankara: Cumhuriyet Mat-
baası, 1938), 97, fol. 168; Çiğdem Kafescioğlu, Constantinopolis/Istanbul: Cultural Encounter,
 FROM MASTER TO MINORITY 67

example, found it worth his while to stay, even as he was bombarded with
letters from a fellow Genoese expressing surprise that Battista was still there
and urging him to return home.13 Commercial advantage and connections to
the Ottoman court reinforced each other. Francesco Draperio was so well-
known by the Ottomans that he needed no surname in the 1455 survey. He
had been close to Mehmed’s father, Murad II (r. 1421-44 and 1446-51),
traveling extensively with him in the 1440s; and in 1455 he managed to get
the Ottoman navy to help him collect or extort a debt from fellow Genoese on
Chios.14 Thus, he came to be viewed in Genoa as a traitor.
The 1455 survey contains names and details of property owners and
former property owners, distinguishing between Ottoman subjects (masculine
zimmī, feminine zimmīyye, plural zimmīyin or zimmīyan) and foreign
merchants (in the Genoese case Ciniviz or Frenk), and rating them as poor,
middling, or wealthy. It notes if a property had been abandoned before,
during, or after the conquest. Ottoman subjects had more rights and
recognition, and in Galata they paid a lower customs duty than foreign
merchants did – two percent instead of four percent. But foreign merchants
had considerable opportunities as well, and consortiums of Greek, Muslim,
Jewish, and Italian bankers acted as Ottoman tax-farmers; not only Ottoman

Imperial Vision, and the Construction of the Ottoman Capital (University Park, PA: Pensylvania
State University Press, 2009), 44; Bulunur, Osmanlı Galatası, 92; the Italian term fondaco, in
turn, is derived from the Arabic funduḳ, inn or hostel, itself derived from the Greek. See Cyril
Glassé, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, 3rd ed. (Lanham, Boulder, and New York: Rowman &
Littlefield, 2008), 167.
13 Domenico Gioffrè, ed., Lettere di Giovanni da Pontremoli, mercante genovese, 1453-1459
(Genoa: Università di Genova, Istituto di paleografia e storia medievale, 1982), 30–31 (29 Octo-
ber 1454); 38-39 (30 January 30 1455).
14 TSMA, D2203, 282a, 285a, 286b, 292a, always called ʿāmil Françeşḳō; Doukas, Ducae,
Michaelis Ducae nepotis, Historia byzantina, ed. Immanuel Bekker and Ismaël Boulliau (Bonn:
Weber, 1834), 322–28 (chapter 43), “Galitinorum princeps, aluminis venditi pretium petebat […]
Franciscus tyranni manum deosculatus”; Umberto Dorini and Tommaso Bertelè, eds., Il libro dei
conti di Giacomo Badoer (Costantinopoli 1436-1440) (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato,
1956), 90–91, 150, 288, 340; Cyriac of Ancona, Later Travels, ed. Edward W. Bodnar and Clive
Foss (Cambridge, MA and London: I Tatti Renaissance Library and Harvard University Press,
2003), 20–21 (letter 4, Phocaea, 2 April 1444); 30-37 (letters 6 and 8, Phocaea, Edirne, and Cons-
tantinople, 1 May through 22 August 1444); 246-55 (letters 36-38, Manisa, Phocaea, and Pera, 20
April through 15 August 1446); P. Raimondo Amedeo Vigna, Codice diplomatico delle colonie
Tauro-Liguri durante la signoria dell’Ufficio di S. Giorgio (MCCCCLIII-MCCCCLXXV), vol. 1,
Atti della Società ligure di storia patria 6 (Genoa: Tipogr. del R. Istituto de’ Sordo-Muti, 1868),
221; see also Kate Fleet, “Osmanlı Topraklarında Latin Ticareti (XIV–XV. Yüzyıllar),” in Os-
manlı, ed. Güler Eren, Kemal Çiçek, and Cem Oğuz, vol. 3 (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Yayınları,
1999), 81–85; Sandra Origone, Chio nel tempo della caduta di Costantinopoli (Genoa: Civico
istituto colombiano, 1982), 15–53; Geo Pistarino, “The Genoese in Pera – Turkish Galata,” Medi-
terranean Historical Review 1, no. 1 (June 1, 1986): 66–69; İnalcık, “Ottoman Galata,” 316;
Laura Balletto, “Draperio (Draperius, de Draperio, De Draperiis), Francesco,” in Dizionario
biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1992), 681; and Kate Fleet,
“Turks, Mamluks, and Latin Merchants: Commerce, Conflict, and Cooperation in the Eastern
Mediterranean,” in Byzantines, Latins, and Turks in the Eastern Mediterranean World after 1150,
ed. Jonathan Harris, Catherine Holmes, and Eugenia Russell (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2012), 340.
68 PADRAIC ROHAN

subjects like Francesco Draperio, but foreign merchants resident in Galata

were often involved.15
This source demonstrates considerable variation in the Genoese
responses to the Ottoman conquest. Of the nine members of the Spinola clan
mentioned, six abandoned their property, while three became Ottoman
subjects – and even among these three, only one was still in Galata in the
1470s. Similarly, of the five of the Salvago clan, only two became subjects.
For most other Genoese, the pattern was reversed, at least initially. Of the
eleven of the Doria clan mentioned, ten were Ottoman subjects, and the
eleventh registered as a foreign merchant – though most members of this clan
had departed for the west by the 1460s and 70s. Of the seven members of the
Langasco clan, six became subjects and only one abandoned his property; and
a similar dynamic prevailed among the other greater and lesser clans.16
In the critical early years after the conquest, the Ottomans had an
overriding priority to encourage the Genoese to remain in Galata, and
immediately after the conquest offered amnesty to all who had fled Pera,
allowing them to reclaim their property here if they returned within three
months. Family members and partners who lived together often claimed
different legal statuses, and Ottoman authorities carefully distinguished
between them.17 Many Genoese among the first wave of departures took
advantage of the Ottoman offer to return within three months. Angelo da
Langasco had sailed to Chios after the conquest, but returned to Galata in
August, in time to reclaim his property and become a wealthy Ottoman
subject.18 The son-in-law of Cristoforo Pallavicini, Antonio Ceba di

15 Fleet, European and Islamic Trade, 134–37; Kate Fleet, “The Turkish Economy, 1071-1453,”
in The Cambridge History of Turkey, ed. Kate Fleet, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2006), 257–58; İnalcık, “Ottoman Galata,” 287.
16 Padraic Rohan, “From the Bosphorus to the Atlantic: Genoese Responses to the Ottoman
Conquest,” The Medieval Globe 5, no. 1 (2019): 69–107.
17 See especially TSMA, D2203, 278b, “ḫāne Āntōn de Ḳastōcōn baʿdü’l-fetḥ ʿavret gitmiş,
kendü ḫarāce mültezim olup ʿavretī önce gitmiş, ġanī zimmī. Markez de Frankō ādlū zimmī ġanī
ve Ḳārībā Sārāvāyḳō zimmī ġanī ve Lūjād birāder-i Markez de Frankō zimmī ġanī ve Āḳōstin
Lerḳā ādlū Cenevīz-i tācir ġanī bī-cizye ve Cevremā Maṣōra ādlū Cenevīz-i tācir ġanī bī-cizye ve
Cevremā de Frank ādlū Cenevīz-i tācir ġanī bī-cizye ve Yānī Kanevarī ādlū bī-cizye evsaṭ ve
Dōmenō ādlū bī-cizye evsaṭ ve Zānī de Ās tācir-i mücerred zimmī ġanī”; and 297a, “ḫāne Zānī
Pōrtōma Drapōzo ve ḳardāşı Marḳō ve bir ḳardeşi Dāryō; mezkūr Zānī Pōrtōma Drapōzo
yevmü’l-fetḥ gitmiş bunūñ ḫıṣṣası emīriyye ve mezkūr Marḳō ādlū zimmī faḳīr ve mezkūr Dāryō
bī-cizye ḫıṣṣalarında mütemekkinler ḫıṣṣa emīriyye senevīye üç ḳızīl”; Dauverd, “Cultivating
Differences,” 101, has asserted that the Genoese government likewise distinguished between
Genoese who had become Ottoman subjects and those who hadn’t, but this claim is unreferenced,
and there is much evidence to the contrary. For example, in the 1450s, Lazzaro Doria registered
as an Ottoman subject, but the next decade was entrusted with command of a Genoese fleet
against the Catalans. See Rohan, “From the Bosphorus,” 92.
18 TSMA, D2203, 279b, 280b, 284b: “ḫāne Āncelō de Lanḳaşḳō zimmī ġanī,” and two houses
were empty and in ruins, “ḫālī ḫārab”; ASG, Notai Antichi 921/I (1450s), docs. 7, 15, 26-27 (in
Pera, 29 January to 16 April 1453), “de qua pecunia totius sue hereditatis emantur tot loca sive in
 FROM MASTER TO MINORITY 69

Grimaldi, had left before the conquest, but then returned. As of late 1455,
when the survey was compiled, he was absent with official permission.19
Unlike his father-in-law, he was not named as an Ottoman subject. His status
was probably that of foreign merchant, and he was expected to soon return.
The Ottoman and Latin evidence demonstrates, however, that most of
the Genoese who took advantage of this offer soon soured on it, subjects
rather than masters in what had been their own city. Some ended up migrating
west. Teodoro Spinola had left after the conquest, returned to become an
Ottoman subject, but left again before the 1455 survey was compiled. The
Ottoman authorities confiscated his property, and he was resident in Tunis in
the 1470s.20 Andrea di Marini son of Luca had fled during the conquest, but

operis Pere, sive Caffe, sive Ianue, sive aliorum quorumvis locorum”; he fled to Chios after the
conquest. See docs. 40-42 (Chios, 17-18 June 1453); and doc. 66 (Pera, 20 August 1453).
19 TSMA, D2203, 278a, “ḫāne Ḳristōfā Paravāzī, zimmī ġanī Āntōn Sabā ādlū güyegü ḳablü’l-
fetḥ gitmiş baʿdü’l-fetḥ avdet izīnle gitmiş”; for Antonio, see Ausilia Roccatagliata, Notai ge-
novesi in Oltremare: atti rogati a Pera e Mitilene, vol. 1 (Genoa: Università di Genova, Istituto di
paleografia e storia medievale, 1982), 130–32 (doc. 40, 18 July 1453); and Thierry Ganchou, “Le
rachat des Notaras après la chute de Constantinople ou les relations « étrangères » de l’élite by-
zantine au XVe siècle,” in Migrations et diasporas méditerranéennes (Xe - XVIe siècles): actes
du colloque de Conques, octobre 1999, ed. Michel Balard and Alain Ducellier (Paris: Publica-
tions de la Sorbonne, 2002), 190 and n169-70; the Ceba were incorporated into the Grimaldi clan
in 1448. See Giovanni Andrea Ascheri, ed., Notizie storiche intorno alla reunione delle famiglie
in albergi in Genova (Genoa: Tipografia Faziola, 1846), 74–76 (25 October 1448); and Jacques
Heers, “Consorterie et Alberghi à Gênes: la Ville et la Campagne,” in La storia dei genovesi: atti
del Convegno di studi sui ceti dirigenti nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova (Genova, 7-
10 giugno 1988), ed. Giorgio Costamagna, vol. 9 (Genoa: Associazione nobiliare ligure, 1989),
51.
20 TSMA, D2203, 297a, “ḫāne Dōryo Ispinōra baʿdü’l-fetḥ gitmiş, baʿde gerū gelib, ḫarāc ver-
dikten ṣōñra gerū gitmiş, ḫāne emīriyye”; ASG, Antico Comune 783 (1452), 1r, Iohannes Iacobus
spinula et fratres; 2v (24 February 1452): “Serenissimus dominus Rex Granate debet [...] pro
Iohanne iacobo et Teodoro spinulis”; 8v (18 April 1452): “Iohannes iacobus et Teodorus spinule
debent [...] computatis bisantibus illis quos Bartholomeus spinula sibi assignaturus est”; this is
probably the same Teodoro whom an empress of Constantinople called her spiritual son. See
Sandra Origone, “Marriage Connections between Byzantium and the West,” in Intercultural
Contacts in the Medieval Mediterranean, ed. Benjamin Arbel (London and Portland, OR: Frank
Cass, 1996), 236; see also Laura Balletto, “Famiglie genovesi nel Nord-Africa,” in Dibattito su
grandi famiglie del mondo genovese fra Mediterraneo ed Atlantico: atti del convegno, Montog-
gio, 8 ottobre 1995, ed. Geo Pistarino (Genoa: Accademia ligure di scienze e lettere, 1997), 58;
Giovanna Petti Balbi, Negoziare fuori patria: nazioni e genovesi in eta medievale (Bologna:
C.L.U.E.B., 2005), 243–44; Philippe Gourdin, “Émigrer au XVe siècle. La communauté ligure
des pêcheurs de corail de Marsacares. II. Vie quotidienne, pouvoirs, relations avec la population
locale,” Mélanges de l’école française de Rome 102, no. 1 (1990): 160–61; and Emilio Marengo,
ed., Genova e Tunisi, 1388-1515, Atti della Società ligure di storia patria 32 (Rome: Tipografia
artigianelli di San Guiseppe, 1901), 93; he was a son of Francesco: ASG, San Giorgio, Cancelle-
ria 248 (1470s), unmarked document (8 March 1474), referring back to 1444 and naming
“Teodorus spinula domini francisci”; but note another unmarked document in this register dated
10 August 1473 lists another Teodoro son of Carlo among the shareholders of San Giorgio,
“Teodorus spinula C[arloti]”; ASG, Antico Comune 789 (1475), 16 (26 July 1475), “teodoro
spinula quondam f[rancisci]”; ASG, Notai Antichi 630, early 1450s (doc. 271, Genoa, 23
December 1454), he is noted as the son and heir of Francesco; and the patronymic for his brother
Giovanni Giacomo is confirmed in a 1447 testament: Alfonso Assini, “Appendice documentaria,”
in Il notaio e la città. Essere notaio: I tempi e i luoghi, secc. XII-XV (atti del Convegno di studi
70 PADRAIC ROHAN

then returned. In Galata, he lived with his mother Maria, an Ottoman subject
who owned at least three properties. Though she was registered as a widow,
her husband was still alive; and she may have claimed to be widowed in order
to keep the family properties in Galata. Luca was on Chios in 1454, and back
in Genoa in 1476. For his part, Andrea left Galata sometime after 1455, and
settled in Spain from the 1460s on.21
Others remained in the east after abandoning their property in Galata.
Genoese notary Andrea di Cario fled, returned, and left again, and his
property was confiscated.22 Antonio Bozollo upon his return converted to
Islam, but then left again, giving up five shops and a house.23 Lorenzo

storici, Genova, 9-10 novembre 2007), ed. Vito Piergiovanni (Genoa: A. Giuffrè, 2009), 306–10
(doc. 3b, Genoa, 21 November 1447).
21 TSMA, D2203, 277a-b, 297a: “Mārya Māryānā bīve zimmīye [...] Āndryā ādlū oğlu yevmü’l-
fetḥ gitmiş, ṣōñra gerū gelip ticāretle gitmiş”; ASG, Antico Comune 787 (fifteenth century), 8 (19
July 1464); ASG, Notai Antichi 1009 (late 1460s and early 1470s) (doc. 88, 6 February 1466),
“andreas de marinis quondam luchini”; for the Iberian provenance of these acts, see Silvana Fos-
sati Raiteri, “Una carta pubblica tra gli atti di Giovanni da Voltaggio,” in Saggi e documenti, ed.
Geo Pistarino, vol. 2 (part II) (Genoa: Civico Istituto Colombiano, 1981), 369–84; there was a
deceased Andrea di Marini listed as a shareholder of San Giorgio in 1486: ASG, Casa di San
Giorgio 17,00365 (1486), 10v, “antonius et quondam andreas de marinis,” but our man was still
active in Spain at this time; see David Igual Luis and Germán Navarro Espinach, “Los genoveses
en España en el tránsito del siglo XV al XVI,” Historia, instituciones, documentos 24 (1997):
300–308; Justo Fernández Alonso, ed., Legaciones y nunciaturas en España de 1466 a 1521, vol.
1 (Rome: Instituto Español de Historia Eclesiástica, 1963), 340-441; Alberto Boscolo, “Il
genovese Francesco Pinelli amico a Siviglia di Cristoforo Colombo,” Nuova rivista storica 68
(1984): 356–57; and Manuel González Jiménez, “Fiscalidad pontificia e italianos en Castilla
(1470-1484),” in Presencia italiana en Andalucia, siglos XIV-XVII: actas del III coloquio
hispano-italiano, ed. José Jesús Hernández Palomo (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-
Americanos, 1989), 403; for Luca, see Ausilia Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi in Oltremare: atti
rogati a Chio (1453-1454, 1470-1471) (Genoa: Università di Genova, Istituto di paleografia e
storia medievale, 1982), 237–39 (doc. 135, 22 May 1454); Philip Pandely Argenti, ed., The Oc-
cupation of Chios by the Genoese and Their Administration of the Island, 1346- 1566, vol. 3
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958), 632–33 (doc. 175-240, Chios, 19 November
1450); Philip Pandely Argenti, ed., The Occupation of Chios by the Genoese and Their Adminis-
tration of the Island, 1346- 1566, vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958), 251
(Genoa, 19 November 1476); and ASG, San Giorgio, Cancelleria 590/1300 (1471), 88v (25 No-
vember 1479), “lucas de mari quondam cazarii.”
22 TSMA, D2203, 283b, “ḫāne Āndryā de Ḳōrō yevmü’l-fetḥ gitmiş teʿalluḳīyle gerū gelip […]
ḫarācdan gitmiş ḫāne emīriyye ḫālī”; 284a, “defaʿ ḫāne Āndryā de Ḳōrō […] ḫāne emīriyye”;
ASG, San Giorgio, Cancelleria 590/1262bis, Famagusta Massaria, April 28, 1465, 8v (28 April
1465). Note that the original scribal organization began on folio 4, though notation by a later
archivist starts at folio 5. I use the original; ASG, Antico Comune 547 (1474), 8v (1 July 1474);
Vladimir J. Koudelka, ed., “Pergamene di. S. Maria de Castello a Genova O.P.,” Archivum Fra-
trum Praedicatorum 45 (1975): 38 (doc. 140, 10 May 1460).
23 TSMA, D2203, 298a, “ḫāne Āntānotō Bōrsolō yevmü’l-fetḥ gitmiş baʿd gerū gelmiş, Islām
ḳabūl etmiş gerū mefḳūd olmuş”; P. Raimondo Amedeo Vigna, ed., Codice diplomatico delle
colonie Tauro-Liguri durante la signoria dell’ufficio di S. Giorgio (1453-75), vol. 2, part 2, Atti
della Società ligure di storia patria 7 (Genoa: Società ligure di storia patria, 1879), 44–46 (docs.
1061-62, 22 June 1473); Philip Pandely Argenti, ed., The Occupation of Chios by the Genoese
and Their Administration of the Island, 1346- 1566, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1958), 544–45; Argenti, Occupation, 1958, 3:635–36 (docs. 229-30), 23 and 27 November
1450. Note that these documents are also marked 179 and 182; see also Paul Oskar Kristeller, Iter
 FROM MASTER TO MINORITY 71

Spinola too left, returned, and left again, with the same result. These
movements had all happened between 1453 and 1455; and though Lorenzo
and Antonio surrendered substantial property in Galata, both were still active
in the Black Sea in the early 1470s. According to notarial records drawn up in
Pera after he died, Lorenzo had secured a judgment against another Genoese
from an Ottoman legal court in Trabzon (Trebizond), despite his refusal to
pay tax in Galata.24 That after returning, so many Genoese left Galata again
so quickly suggests that they were unwilling to accept Ottoman rule, however
flexible.
Indeed, even as a 1454 Genoese embassy to Mehmed negotiated
privileges and reminded him of the service they had rendered to his
predecessors, the Genoese were plotting military action against the Ottomans.
In early 1455, a group of Genoese from Galata were in Genoa to ask for funds
to take back their former city. The Genoese administration granted the
request, and instructed officials in Caffa to prepare for war to recover Pera.
Not only would these efforts be unsuccessful, but the Ottomans would soon
take Genoese Phocaea with its alum mines.25 These Genoese of Galata who
were petitioning for help against the Ottomans included an Ottoman subject
and three others registered with the Ottoman authorities as foreign merchants.
At least three of them plied the route between Chios and the north Atlantic.
They had every interest in protecting their lucrative alum networks, and were
willing to fight to do so. Nothing ever came of this plan to retake Galata, but
at this time Genoese slave-trader Marino Cigalla captured several Ottoman
ships in the Black Sea. In 1457, he led a small fleet to the Bosphorus, perhaps
to attempt again to attack Galata – but the Ottomans captured and executed

Italicum: A Finding List of Uncatalogued or Incompletely Catalogued Humanistic Manuscripts of

the Renaissance in Italian and Other Libraries, vol. 5 (London and Leiden: Warburg Institute and
Brill, 1990), 388.
24 TSMA, D2203, 309a, “ḫāne Lorenc Ispirnōrā yevmü’l-fetḥ gitmiş, baʿde gelib cizye ḳabūl
etmeyūb gitmiş, ḫāne emīriyye.” Another house of the Isbōnore family was also confiscated: see
311b; he was a son of Damiano. See ASG, Notai Antichi 944/VI (late 1470s, early 1480s) (docs.
19, 21, and 25, Pera, 20 August 1478 through 26 August 1479); Roccatagliata, Notai (Pera),
1:238–41 (doc. 110, Pera, 6 August 1479); Vigna, Codice, 1879, 2, part 2:280; but there was also
a son of Giacomo on Chios in 1457, and a son of Antonio in Caffa in 1459. See ASG, Notai Anti-
chi 848/I (late 1450s) (doc. 249, Chios, 24 September 1457); ASG, San Giorgio, Cancelleria
590/1240 (1458), 124r (10 September 1459) for the son of Damiano, and for the envoy to Sinop
see 124v (5 May 1459), “Laurentius spinula quondam antonii qui remansit in samastro pro trac-
tanda pace cum domino sinoparum”; but it seems to have been the son of Damiano who was
ubiquitous in the Massaria of Caffa. See ASG, San Giorgio, Cancelleria 590/1241 (1458), 99v (6
November 1459); ASG, San Giorgio, Cancelleria 590/1260 (1472), 188v; ASG, San Giorgio,
Cancelleria 590/1261 (1472), 99r (11 November 1472), where he is identified as “emptore cabelle
in soldaie”, 100v and 104r; and ASG, San Giorgio, Cancelleria 590/1262 (fifteenth century),
whose pagination is fragmented. See the section on the late 1450s, 262v; in the section on 1461,
4r; and in the section on 1469-70, 125v.
25 Belgrano, “Prima serie,” 259–72 (docs. 153-55, 10 December 1453, 11 March 1454, and 21
January 1455); Vigna, Codice, 1868, 1:284 (doc. 101, 3 February 1455); see also Fleet, European
and Islamic Trade, 91–94; and Christopher Wright, The Gattilusio Lordships and the Aegean
World, 1355-1462 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2014), 172–83.
72 PADRAIC ROHAN

them.26 With reason, Mehmed considered the Genoese of Galata to be

disloyal subjects.
It is difficult to reconcile the divergent evidence, and to find coherence
in the welter of individual responses. Many Genoese themselves had opposed
Marino Cigalla’s piracy, and restitution was ordered so as not to antagonize
the Ottomans. Some Genoese were indeed settling into a subordinate role in
Galata, and the Genoese of Chios declined to participate in a 1456 crusade, as
they had a treaty in place with the Ottomans. But according to Greek sources,
another Genoese embassy to Mehmed around this time requested that Galata
be given back to them. In response, Mehmed accused the Genoese of waging
war against him, and sent a fleet to capture Amasra, a minor Genoese colony
on the Black Sea, which fell in 1459. A series of other Ottoman conquests
followed: more Black Sea cities, including Trebizond in 1461, and many
Aegean islands, including Mytilene in 1462. The last Genoese ruler of
Mytilene, Nicola Gattilusio, was brought to Istanbul as a prisoner. He
converted to Islam but was later executed. Much of the population of these
conquered territories was deported to Istanbul.27
By the early 1460s, Ottoman power had consolidated and expanded.
The clearest evidence that the Genoese saw the early 1460s as a turning point
is their treatment of their holy relics. Beginning in 1461, a slew of relics,
books, and sacred objects from the churches of Galata were sent to Chios, and
later to Genoa. The value of these objects was such that the Genoese churches
and monasteries which received them were required to post considerable
security. The agreements stipulated that the objects were to be returned if the
Ottoman threat receded; and an extensive inventory was compiled on Chios in
the 1470s. These relics included the arm of Saint Anne, which is now in the

26 Roccatagliata, Notai (Chio), 108–10 (doc. 72, 5 January 1454); Donado da Lezze, Historia
turchesca (1300-1514), ed. Ion Ursu (Bucharest: Editionea Academiei Romăne, 1909), 23; Vi-
gna, Codice, 1868, 1:197–98; see also Jacques Heers, Gênes au XVe siècle: activité économique
et problèmes sociaux (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1961), 370–71; and Charles Verlinden, “Medieval
Slavers,” in Economy, Society, and Government in Medieval Italy: Essays in Memory of Robert
L. Reynolds, ed. David Herlihy, Vsevolod Slessarev, and Robert Sabatino Lopez (Kent, OH: Kent
State University Press, 1969), 5–6.
27 Laonikos Chalkokondylēs, The Histories, trans. Anthony Kaldellis, vol. 2, Dumbarton Oaks
Medieval Library 34 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 303 (book 9, chapter
25); Kritovoulos, History of Mehmed the Conqueror, trans. Charles T. Riggs (Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press, 1970), 148–49; Agostino Giustiniani, Annali della repubblica di Genova, ed.
Giovanni Battista Spotorno, 3rd ed., vol. 2 (Genoa: Libraio Canepa, 1854), 440; Théodore Span-
dounès, On the Origin of the Ottoman Emperors, trans. Donald MacGillivray Nicol (Cambridge
and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 35; see also Franz Babinger, Mehmed the
Conqueror and His Time, ed. William C. Hickman, trans. Ralph Manheim (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1978), 212; Halil İnalcık, “The Ottoman Turks and the Crusades, 1451-1522,”
in A History of the Crusades, ed. Harry W. Hazard and Norman P. Zacour, vol. 6 (Madison and
London: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 317–20; Laura Balletto, “I Gattilusio fra econo-
mia e politica,” Atti dell’Accademia ligure di scienze e lettere 54 (1997): 464; and Lopez, Storia,
427.
 FROM MASTER TO MINORITY 73

museum of the cathedral of San Lorenzo.28 Only in the early 1460s, after
almost a decade under Ottoman rule, did the Genoese of Galata take measures
to protect their most precious possessions.
The timing is significant. Eight years before, Constantinople had
passed to the Ottomans, but the Genoese at first saw the loss as a mere
temporary setback. Immediately after the conquest, Angelo Giovanni
Lomellini insisted that Ottoman victory was due to the smallest degree of bad
luck, and blamed the Genoese commander abandoning the walls. “In this
miserable fashion,” wrote Angelo, “not even a hamlet should have been
lost!”29 As we have seen, several attempts were made to recover Pera from
the Ottomans. Yet only in 1461 did the Genoese begin to fear for the safety of
precious religious objects in the churches of Pera, Chios, still under Genoese
control, was the waystation, and an extensive inventory was compiled on the
island between 1473 and 1478. Some of the new custodians of these religious
antiquaries were reluctant to part with them. For example, on Chios, Pellegro
di Marini held many objects of the Benedictine monastery of Santa Maria di
Misericordia in Pera; and in 1481, a letter from Genoa ordered the
government of Chios to oversee the transfer of these objects to a
representative of the monastery.
Yet even this evidence does not illustrate an unequivocal break. Before
the Ottoman conquest, Pope Nicholas V (r. 1447-55) had granted this
monastery’s income to the Benedictines, who after the conquest had difficulty
collecting this income. They ceded it to the archbishopric of Genoa, and this

28 Belgrano, “Prima serie,” 274–80 (docs. 158, 161-62, 164); Luigi Tommaso Belgrano, ed.,
“Seconda serie di documenti riguardanti la colonia di Pera,” in Atti della Società ligure di storia
patria, vol. 13 (fasc. V) (Genoa: Tipogr. del R. Istituto de’ Sordo-Muti, 1884), 989–96 (docs. 22,
24-5); Laura Balletto, “I Genovesi e la conquista turca di Costantinopoli (1453): note su
Tommaso Spinola e la sua famiglia,” Acta historica et archaeologica mediaevalia 26 (2005):
808; for the realignment and reorganization of benefices during this period, see also Francesco Li
Pira, “I Libri Annatarum come fonte per lo studio della latinità in Oriente Subtitle: Il caso di
Costantinopoli dal 1427 al 1547,” Byzantion 85 (2015): 157–78; and Francesco Li Pira, “Annatæ
e Regno Cypri provenientes in Archivo Secreto Vaticano,” in Dall’Archivio segreto vaticano:
miscellanea di testi, saggi e inventari, vol. 9, Collectanea Archivi Vaticani 102 (Vatican City:
Archivio segreto Vaticano, 2016), 331–402.
29 "Sic vili modo non se deberet amittere unum casale”: Belgrano, “Prima serie,” 229–33 (doc.
149, 23 June 1453); Melville-Jones, Siege, 133; Lomellini’s account of the siege is grossly inac-
curate. See Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571), vol. 2 (Philadelphia:
American Philosophical Society, 1978), 108–35; see also Giustina Olgiati, “Angelo Giovanni
Lomellino: attività politica e mercantile dell’ultimo podestà di Pera,” in La storia dei genovesi:
atti del Convegno di studi sui ceti dirigenti nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova (Genova,
7-10 giugno 1988), ed. Giorgio Costamagna, vol. 9 (Genoa: Associazione nobiliare ligure, 1989),
142, 169 n141, 171–72; and Marios Philippides and Walter K. Hanak, eds., The Siege and the
Fall of Constantinople in 1453: Historiography, Topography, and Military Studies (Farnham,
Surrey and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 13–14; Geo Pistarino, “L’ultimo eroe di Costantino-
poli: Giovanni Giustiniani Longo,” in La storia dei genovesi: atti del Convegno di studi sui ceti
dirigenti nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova (Genova, 11-14 giugno 1991), ed. Cesare
Cattaneo Mallone, vol. 12 (Genoa: Tipolitografia Sorriso Francescano, 1994), 25–29.
74 PADRAIC ROHAN

income was still being collected into the mid-sixteenth century.30 And there is
tantalizing circumstantial evidence that many of the Genoese who had chosen
to remain in Ottoman lands converted to Islam. Converts to Islam generally
took the name Abdullah (Servant of God); and by the early sixteenth century
in Galata, sons of Abdullah were particularly abundant. Some Genoese still
had ties to the Ottoman court; and in the 1540s, Gianettino or Gianesino
Salvago worked as a translator at the Ottoman chancery.31 After the Ottomans
took Chios in 1566, many Genoese were deported to Caffa and Istanbul; and
in the 1590s, one of the Genoese Cigalla clan, the convert Ciğalazade Yusuf
Sinan Pasha, served as Ottoman admiral and then as grand vizier.32
In 1627 the church of Saint Nicholas became a mosque (Kefeli Camii)
whose name today still carries traces of the 1475 Genoese refugees from
Caffa. In 1640, the church of Saint Mary also became a mosque (Odalar
Camii), which had fallen to ruin by the later seventeenth century. The
Draperio family had a private chapel in Galata which burned in 1660 and was
confiscated in 1663. In the late seventeenth century, the English ambassador
to Istanbul employed as translator and fixer Giorgio Draperys, “knight of
Jerusalem, and of the most noble and ancient family in this country.”33 Over

30 Belgrano, “Seconda serie,” 994–96 (doc. 24, Chios, 1473-76); 996-97 (doc. 25, Genoa, 30
January 1481); 999-1002 (docs. 27-28, anonymous and undated), the second written after 1560);
Pistarino, “Pera – Galata,” 76 n84.
31 ASV, Documenti Turchi (sixteenth century) (doc. 431, 11 December 1540). See also a transla-
tion of this document from Ottoman Turkish into Italian (doc. 432). He also witnessed loans to
Ottoman officials (docs. 448 and 451, 2 February 1541); Maria Pia Pedani Fabris and Alessio
Bombaci, I “Documenti turchi” dell’Archivio di Stato di Venezia: inventario della miscellanea
(Rome: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali, 1994), 114, 118–19, 142; Giovan Antonio
Menavino, I cinque libri della legge, religione, et vita de’ Turchi: et dela corte, et d’alcune
guerre del Gran Turco, ed. Apollonio Campano, trans. Lodovico Domenichi (Venice: Vincenzo
Valgrisi, 1548); İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi, 3rd ed., vol. 3, part 1 (Ankara: Türk
Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1983), 7–8; Michael E. Bratchel, “Italian Merchant Organization and
Business Relationships in Early Tudor London,” Journal of European Economic History 7, no. 1
(Spring 1978): 112; İnalcık, “Ottoman Galata,” 311; Bernard Lewis, Islam and the West (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1994), 76.
32 Hacı Osman Yıldırım, Nurullah İşler, and Murat Şener, eds., 7 numaralı Mühimme Defteri,
975-976/1567-1569, vol. 1 (Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, 1998),
184–85 (doc. 365); 194 (doc. 386); V. J. Parry, “Čighāla-Zāde (Djighāla-Zāde) Yūsuf Sinān
Pāshā,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, ed. P. Bearman et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2012),
https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/cighala-zade-djighala-
zade-yusuf-sinan-pasha-SIM_1614?s.num=0&s.f.s2_parent=s.f.book.encyclopaedia-of-islam-
2&s.q = cigala, accessed 8 September 2020; Mahmut H. Şakiroğlu, “Cigalazâde Sinan Paşa,” in
İslâm Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, 1993); Tobias T. Graf, The Sultan’s Rene-
gades: Christian-European Converts to Islam and the Making of the Ottoman Elite, 1575-1610
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 1–14, 119–23; Domenico Montuoro, “I Cigala, una
famiglia feudale tra Genova, Sicilia, Turchia e Calabria,” Mediterranea Ricerche storiche 6 (Au-
gust 2009): 277–302; Andreas Tietze, ed., Mustafā Ali’s Counsel for Sultans of 1581, vol. 2
(Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1982), 86.
33 Kömürcüyan, İstanbul Tarihi, 236–38; George Frederick Abbott, Under the Turk in Constan-
tinople: A Record of Sir John Finch’s Embassy, 1674-1681 (London: MacMillan and Company,
1920), 46–50.
 FROM MASTER TO MINORITY 75

two centuries after the conquest of Constantinople, the family remained close
with Ottoman rulers. But other Genoese, less connected to the Ottoman court,
had been unwilling to accept minority status, and left the city they had once
ruled.

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ASG = Archivio di Stato di Genova
ASG, Antico Comune 547; 783; 787; 789.
— Casa di San Giorgio 17,00365.
— Notai Antichi 630; 848/I; 921/I; 944/VI; 1009.
— San Giorgio, Cancelleria 248; 590/1240; 590/1241; 590/1260; 590/1261; 590/1262;
590/1262bis; 590/1300.

ASV = Archivio di Stato di Venezia

ASV, Documenti Turchi.

TSMA = Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, Istanbul

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APPENDICES

Padraic Rohan, "Transforming Empire: The Genoese from the Mediterranean to the
Atlantic, 1282-1492," (PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 2021), 2.
84 PADRAIC ROHAN

The Cross of the Zaccaria, and on the left the Arms of St. Anne and of St. James, in
the Museum of the Cathedral of San Lorenzo, Genoa. The Genoese Zaccaria clan ruled
the island of Chios (Sakız Ada) and the mainland opposite (today Turkish Foça) in the
early fourteenth century. Photo by Paolo Monti, licensed under Creative Commons.