The Role of International

Organizations in Shaping Philippine

Policies towards Human Rights

Final Paper in International Relations

Submitted By:

Ashley Joy S. Vargas

 Table of Contents

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………...1

The Human Rights Situation in the Philippines…………………………………………….5

Recent Human Rights Violations in the Country……………………………………….5

Existing Laws in the Country regarding Human Rights……………………………….7

International Organizations’ Influence in Policymaking……………….................................9

Effect of Membership in International Organizations……………………………………9

Ways of International Organizations to Influence Country Policies……………………….11

Comparison of Human Rights Policies of the Philippines before and after International

Organization Involvement…………………………………………………………………….17

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………..20

Effectivity of International Organizations in Shaping Philippine Policies towards Human

Rights…………………………………………………………………………………………20

Does the world live in a liberal state?...................................................................................21

Introduction

Human rights promotion and protection have been difficult in the Philippines, especially under

ex-President Rodrigo Duterte's leadership and during his war on drugs. However, it is not only

during former President Duterte’s administration that the human rights situation in the Philippines

has been less than favorable. During Martial Law, human rights was also one of the major concerns

of the country (Palatino, 2022). In an article written by Yapchiongco (2022) entitled “Martial Law

by the Numbers”, it was revealed that there were 2,236 killing and enforced disappearances, 238

who were tortured through rape and abduction, another 217 who were tortured via mutilation and

sexual abuse involving children and minors, and 1,467 who were tortured through psychological,

emotional, and mental harm. There were 182 who received cruel and inhumane, degrading

treatment while another 699 were detained for more than 6 months. 1,417 other individuals were

detained for a shorter period of time – 15 days to 6 months. Lastly, there were 579 who were forced

to exile through violence and illegal takeover of business and 2,739 who were forced to exile

through intimidation and physical injuries. The figures presented are only based on the data of

Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board (HRVCB) who recognizes 11,103 victims of the Marcos

Regime out of the 75,000 claimants of being victims of human rights violations at the time.

Likewise, during former President Duterte’s time, human rights abuse was also rampant.

According to Murdoch (2017), Duterte’s initiative regarding the War on Drugs has led to the death

of over 120,000 people. Unfortunately, this number includes children who are innocent, including

the extremely controversial 17-year old Kian delos Santos who had been proven to be innocent.

As a matter of fact, after further research, it was found that due to Duterte’s words, Filipino

policemen has become braver when it comes to abusing their power. In fact, with regards to the

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case of delos Santos, the policemen involved in his death were proven to be falsifying evidence

against the kid (Bouckaert, 2017).

It is undeniable that the regimes of both Marcos and Duterte were the administrations that were

most plagued with various human rights abuses. In between the said administrations, though,

human rights violations in the Philippines did not stop. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that Marcos

and Duterte’s administration are the ones who stand out when it comes to the said issue. During

both their times, international organizations play a huge part in combatting the abuse of power and

inhumane practices of the two administrations. According to a report published by Amnesty

International (2022) regarding the EDSA People Power Revolution, various groups, including

Amnesty, were involved to overthrow the Marcos regime. Although not technically a political

international organization, the Catholic Church was the largest influence of the said revolution. In

addition, the European Union as well as the United Nations also supported it. The European Union

showed support through imposing sanctions on the Marcos administration while the United

Nations sent observers to the country during the revolution to ensure peace and security. Amnesty

International, a non-governmental organization focused on human rights, was also involved in

combatting the violations at the time. In 1975, they sent a mission on the Philippines to investigate

human rights abuse reports. Their report in collaboration with the International Commission of

Jurists entitled “The Philippines: A Pattern of Human Rights Violations” helped the world see

through the iron curtain that the Marcos regime was implementing to the world. During the Duterte

Administration, Amnesty International did the same. Currently, they have become more vocal of

a critic of the administration’s actions. The said organization is also the one responsible for

documenting data regarding the war on drugs, claiming and [eventually] proving that there is,

indeed, extrajudicial killings that happened at the time. Moreover, Amnesty International is also

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the organization responsible for urging the international political community to pressure the

Duterte administration to stop what they are doing in the country and its people. Their report

entitled “Philippines: The “war on drugs”: A year of impunity” found that the government failed

to hold anyone accountable for the human rights abuses committed under the guise of war on

drugs, thus prompting the international community more to pressure former president Duterte.

With this, the International Criminal Court has also become involved along with the European

Union and United Nations.

With the information presented above in mind, it is evident how international organizations

have a significant influence on countries. With the world today wherein globalization, otherwise

known as the spread of culture and ideas cannot be escaped, the influence of international

organizations on various countries, especially ones that are considered as ‘weak’ much like the

Philippines, cannot be denied. Using the lens of liberalism in international relations which claims

that the world is interconnected and thus, international organizations influence state decisions, the

situation of human rights in the Philippines will be examined.

In International Relations, Liberalism is a critical theory in line with Realism and

Constructivism. According to Viotti (2012), liberalism focuses on the concept of international

cooperation and collaboration as well as the integration of states. In trying to achieve the end goal

that is global governance, international organizations are at the center of liberalism. Some of these

organizations include the United Nations, International Criminal Court, International Court of

Justice, and other non-governmental organizations like Amnesty International. In politics, there is

what is called “International Law” wherein the ICC and ICJ in relation with UN and powerful

states who are mostly part of the UN Security Council reprimands countries that violate the general

principles of international law as well as those that are although not a general principle, is a rule

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that was to be followed in agreement to various treaties and conventions (the principle of pacta

sunt servanda). One of the general principles of international law is to protect human rights. (Duke

University, 2023). Based from the facts given above, the Philippines is obviously in violation of

this general principle thus why the UN, ICC, ICJ, and Amnesty International keeps on calling the

country out. What happened and is currently happening in the Philippines and its shameful position

in the international political stage is an example of liberalism. International organizations play a

role in keeping the world safe, stable, and in order. As a result, they also have a say in how other

countries should act. Even if the state has the fundamental right of both external and internal

sovereignty, due to globalization and the seeming interconnectedness of the world, countries are

subject to international criticism when they violate public international law, specially when it

comes to human rights which is exactly what the Philippines is doing (Krasner, 2009). It is not

without anyone’s knowledge that the EDSA People Power Revolution would not be possible if not

for the involvement of various international organizations. A more current example would be the

administration of former President Duterte wherein extrajudicial killings and other human rights

violations were extremely rampant. If various international organizations, most especially the ICC

did not call his administration’s actions out, the violations would have only gotten worse. The only

people and organization stronger than the president and the state itself are those who are part of

international organizations who have the higher power to control states and give sanctions to the

country that is in violation of the law.

Since this paper is focused on liberalism and the concept of interconnectedness, it will discuss

about the policies of the Philippines that was created due to the influence of international

organizations. The paper will provide a comparison and contrast between the past and the present

– before and after actions and behavior of the state and even the politicians themselves from when

4
no international organizations were aware of what they are doing and when they are named to

shame.

The Human Rights Situation in the Philippines

Recent Human Rights Violations in the Country

“This is my order. Hunt for them. Arrest them if possible. If they confront you with a violent

stance, especially if they’re armed and you are in danger of being killed — My God, shoot the

idiot, and shoot him dead. 'Yan ang order ko”. This was one of the many statements of former

president Rodrigo Duterte during his term. This statement was specifically said in the second year

of his term. It is not a secret that during his term, the former president continuously vowed to

protect men in uniform and was extremely brutal in his words. He did not care whether innocent

people will be killed amidst his War on Drugs or more commonly known as Operation Tokhang.

(Morallo, 2017). With the continuous releasing of statements with the same essence – that he will

take care of police and military men no matter their actions so long as it is within his orders, the

said men [and women] in uniform undoubtedly gained more power as well as willpower to do

what they want. In worst case scenarios, some have even resulted to abuse of power and pure

power tripping under the guise of “he is a pusher”, “he is on drugs”, “he is an addict” just because

the president is on their side (Placido, 2017). During the peak of the current administration’s War

on Drugs, a lot of people were killed by the police, even minors and other innocent people.

According to the statistics presented by ABS-CBN’s Investigative and Research Group (2020), the

confirmed death toll of the said war from May 2016 2016 to February 2020 was 6,446.

One of the most controversial issues that shocked the whole Philippines is the case of Kian

delos Santos, a 17-year old grade 12 student who was killed by 3 Caloocan policemen last 2017.

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Kian’s body was found in a river, face down. He was holding a .45 caliber gun on his left hand

(note that he is right handed), and 10 grams of drugs was also found on his body. His parents,

especially his father, was not convinced that Kian would carry a gun with him, especially a .45

caliber one given the fact that he was wearing boxer shorts, the gun is too big, and there was an

ongoing war on drugs during the time. The policemen justified what they did by saying that the

late de los Santos tried to resist arrest. On August 22, 2017, CCTV footage surfaced in the internet

wherein 3 policemen are dragging a man. The man on the video was repeatedly asking for their

consideration, and saying that he still has dreams. Despite this, the policemen did not flinch

whatsoever, and still continued to take his life away from him. The policemen involved denied

that the man on the footage was Kian, but later on, 2 of their accomplices admitted that it was,

indeed, the minor on the video. Due to this, the Caloocan Regional Trial Court found the

policemen who were involved guilty as charged due to the inconsistency of the police’s statements

with the evidence.

Kian de los Santos is not an isolated case, there are several more other people who were killed

even if they were innocent. A lot of other undocumented abuse of power took place, and is taking

place in the country. As a matter of fact, one extremely disappointing statement that came from

former president Duterte’s mouth is that children should be considered collateral damage to the

War on Drugs (Holmes, 2016). This is extremely disappointing as children are not just numbers –

they are not mere data who do not have lives. They have a future ahead of them, a family, friends,

dreams, and ambitions that they want to reach. It is not only civilians who are not even involved

in anything whose rights get violated but also those who strive to stop these abuses. In a report

published by CNN (2021), it was revealed that human rights lawyer who is a founding member of

the National Union of People’s Lawyers, Rex Fernandez who was also a vocal critic of the

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administration was killed by unidentified people. Leila de Lima, also a vocal critic and a human

rights lawyer, even being the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) chairperson had a case against

her after her harsh critics of the administration and the president himself. Today, though, evidences

and witnesses were found to be fabricated and coerced, respectively – so what does that say about

the human rights situation in the Philippines?

Existing Laws on the Country regarding Human Rights

Human rights are basic rights that should be obtained by everyone and anyone regardless of

their sex, age, religion, and background. In the international community, there are general human

rights that should be acknowledged by every country such as the entitlement of an individual to

life and liberty, freedom from slavery and torture, freedom of opinion and expression, right to due

process of law, the right to work and education, and the right to be excluded from discrimination

(Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2023). In the Philippines, aside from the

general human rights, there are other policies that are currently existing to make the situation

clearer for everyone involved. In the recent report of the CHR that covers the 2020 – 2022 situation

of human rights in the country, existing policies were listed regarding the said topic.

These policies are, namely, Republic Act No. 11767 or “The Founding Recognition and

Protection Act”, Republic Act No. 11648 or an “Act providing for stronger protection against rape

and sexual exploitation and abuse, increasing the age for determining the commission of statutory

rape”, Republic Act No. 11642 otherwise known as the “Domestic Administrative Adoption and

Alternative Child Care Act”, Republic Act No. 11596 or an “Act prohibiting the practice of child

marriage and imposing penalties for violations thereof”, Republic Act No. 11641 or the

“Department of Migrant Workers Act”, Republic Act no. 11861 or the ”Expanded Solo Parents

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Act”. The Philippines also has policies regarding refugees through being part of the

Complementary Pathways (CPATH) Program for Rohingya Refugees and the 1981 Convention

on the Reduction of Statelessness, Executive Order 163 s. 2022 which is entitled “Institutionalizing

Access to Protection Services for Refugees, Stateless Persons, and Asylum Seekers”. With regards

to the human right to education, Philippines also has policies regarding the said aspect which are

namely, Republic Act No. 11713 or “Excellence in Education Act”, Republic Act No. 11650 or

“An Act Instituting a Policy of Inclusion and Services for Learners with Disabilities in Support of

Inclusive Education Act”. There are also the Magna Carta for Disabled Persons and for other

purposes in the existence of Republic Act 7227 as well as the Magna Carta of Women otherwise

known as Republic Act 9710.

From this list, it can be seen that the Philippines is extremely determined to protect human

rights, even creating more policies that extremely specify what happens in certain situations.

Currently, it can be seen that the focus of Philippine policies towards human rights lean on

protecting women, children, persons with disability, senior citizens, and migrant workers. What is

missing in these policies, though, is a specific policy regarding the right of a person to due process

of law which is exactly what was taken away from every victim of both the War on Drugs and

Martial Law. While it is impressive that there are policies to play the role of safeguarding human

rights in the Philippines, it is the implementation that is the problem. Although these things are

ideal on paper, it is not something that is strictly implemented nor followed – especially if the

president is a strongman just like former presidents Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and Rodrigo Duterte.

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 International Organizations’ Influence in Policymaking

Effect of Membership in International Organizations

A journal article entitled “The Company You Keep: International Socialization and the

Diffusion of Human Rights Norms” written by Greenhill (2010) revealed that a state’s membership

in an international organization be it governmental or non-governmental, as long as it is focused

on a human right mandate, will improve the human rights conditions of the said state if it is not

ideal in the first place. Greenhill used data of human rights situation in Malaysia which was then

analyzed through the Personal Integrity Rights Index. Malaysia scored a 2 in the PIR index when

they were not yet a member of an IGO but when they became one, the score became 4.28 which

is significantly higher meaning the human rights situation in the country improved. Moreover, the

article entitled “International Nongovernmental Organizations and the Global Diffusion of

National Human Rights Institutions” (Kim, 2013) states that IGOs, NGOs, and IOs are crucial for

global diffusion. Meaning to say, NGOs, IGOs, and IOs are important for countries to have a

somewhat similar legal framework when it comes to human rights. These organizations act as a

mediator and are a huge influence when it comes to making states adopt certain policies. In

addition, membership of IGOs, IOs, and NGOs will help mobilize shame on states internationally

much better and faster.

Specific to the Philippine context, the journal article written by Fernandez (2021) entitled “Rise

of Illiberal Democracy, Weakening of Rule of Law, & Implementation of Human Rights in the

Philippines” discussed the conditions of the Philippines under the rule of former president Duterte.

Fernandez came to the conclusion that during his term, the rule of law was being ignored, and the

fact that the Philippines is a democracy was being dismissed. Fernandez compared the

administration of former president Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino Jr. and former president Duterte.

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He stated that during the term of Aquino, the Philippines had a liberal democratic rule of state but

then the country, under the hands of Duterte, took a turn to the illiberal road. He stated further that

while the Philippines has a democratic façade, it suffers many democratic deficits, especially

during the time when the country was still under the Duterte administration. Ironically, even

though the Duterte regime was more authoritarian than it was democratic, the result of it was a

weakening rule of law. Fernandez stated that the former strongman of a president capitalized on

the weak mechanisms of politics in the Philippines to keep his power which unfortunately involves

allowing chaos to take place in the country. With this, the rule of law became even weaker, and

the country as well as its politicians and uniformed men who were supposed to be the first to

support the country in times like this became the very first rule breakers who had no regard for the

law be it regarding human rights, racism, gender inequality, and persecution without due process.

In effect, the enforcement of human rights in the Philippines became weak – laughable, even. The

implementation of the policies that were stated in the earlier part of the paper became minimal,

and at times, amounting to nothing. With this, the populace, without even knowing it, has been

made to accept an illiberal order. As a result, the former president was able to do whatever he

wanted without having to conform to legal policies. This unfortunate turn of events in the country

has strengthened the foundation of the claim that Domestic Non-Governmental Institutions should

be more involved in the country. According to Fernandez, the illiberal agenda espoused by former

president Duterte could be intervened with Domestic NGOs have more importance in the country.

Since the implementation of human rights depends on the cooperation of the states with

organizations related to the said aspect, it is important that Domestic NGOs which has human

rights as their advocacy be given utmost importance to prevent such events in the future. Likewise,

the article of Thompson (2016) comes to the same observation of the Duterte regime. Thompson

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stated that Duterte is an illiberal populist under the guise of democracy. Like Fernandez, he also

observed the quick illiberal turn of the country. Similar to Fernandez, Thompson also noticed how

the former president, once in position, quickly tried to change the prevailing political order through

new governing script, key strategic groups, and removal of liberal constrains to his agenda. Duterte

was quick to bash and discredit liberal institutions so that the public will be manipulated into

rejecting the prevailing political order which is liberal democracy. In the same breath, he also

challenged liberal reformism and took advantage of the vulnerability and gullibility of the public.

With this, he was able to make the public think that the death of democracy is fine even though it

is accompanied with the weakening of the rule of law, most especially the worsening of the human

rights situation in the country.

Ways of International Organizations to Influence Policies of a Country

International Governmental Organizations which will be abbreviated to IGOs for simplicity’s

sake, plays a huge role when it comes to shaping policies. More so, it is not merely policies

regarding human rights that is influenced by IGOs but also domestic economic policies. Since

IGOs are an organization, states have to sign either a convention or a treaty to be considered a

member. Once they are a member of the said organization, they are then subjecting themselves to

the rules that come with being a member of the said IGO. However, even though they are a

member-state of an IGO, it does not mean that they will get a free pass in everything that they do.

With this in mind, even member states receive sanctions and other reprimands when they do things

that are out of the ordinary. That being said, IGOs also have the power to influence a country’s

domestic economic policies.

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 In a journal article entitled “Networks of Intergovernmental Organizations and Convergence

in Domestic Economic Policies” written by Cao (2009), three reasons for causality between IGOs

and Domestic Economic Policies were found which are namely, 1) providing relevant information

to facilitate policy learning, 2) encouraging policy emulation through creating a sense of affinity

among countries which are closely connected by IGO networks, and 3) through coercing member

states to adopt policies through various methods. Taking these reasons out of the context of

domestic economic policies, these causalities can be related to the policy influence of IGOs in

general to country policies. Moreover, Cao also found that even IGOs that are deemed weaker than

those that are already well-established still have an influence on states. Further, Cao found that the

very reason why IGOs have such influence is because states follow an information-driven policy

learning mechanism which are insinuated by IGOs. In addition to the influence of IGOs when it

comes to policymaking through insinuating an information-driven policy learning mechanism,

IGOs also have the power of the media. In a globalized world wherein cultures overlap and are

interconnected, media is the most powerful tool as it is considered as the main conduit of the spread

of ideas and cultures (Matos, 2012). Since international organizations are undoubtedly extremely

powerful, they also have the means to influence media.

In another journal article entitled “How International Organizations Change National Media

Coverage of Human Rights” written by Chaudoin (2022), it was that international organizations

are now using media more than they have ever done before because of its newfound influence on

the world. Specific to the Philippines, Chaudoin analyzed the actions of the International Criminal

Court during the administration of former president Duterte. The ICC was one of, if not the noisiest

and harshest critic of the Duterte administration when compared to other IGOs. Since the former

president was not really giving them attention, ICC amplified the media coverage with regards to

12
human rights violations in the Philippines. There even came a time when all the media was

reporting was the conflict between the International Criminal Court and the former Philippine

president. While what the ICC did amplified the coverage of media on human rights abuses and

violations that took place in the Philippines, it did not get what it was aiming for which is to get

the public on their side. Despite the intensified media coverage, the trust rating on the Duterte

administration, even up until the end of his term was high, scoring 73% in 2022 which is on par

with his previous trust ratings that are all above 70%, except in 2021 when it went down to 64%

(Sarao, 2022). This circumstance, albeit unfortunate, proves that even if IGOs have the power to

influence countries, it is never a hundred percent guaranteed – especially if they are trying to win

the public opinion. With this being said, international organizations should be wary of their actions

– this is another side of the coin that is important to be considered when evaluating the influence

of international organizations in shaping policies.

International Organizations (IOs) which are mostly non-governmental but can also be

governmental are also influential. Even though they are not politically affiliated in the first place,

they can still be of much influence to state policies. Aside from the insinuation of information-

driven policy learning mechanism, IGOs also use media as a way to influence states. In addition,

international organizations also use intervention as a way of altering the decision of states.

According to Margulis (2021), intervention occurs when a certain person of authority that belongs

to an international organization becomes involved and then acts with an intent to alter an

anticipated decision of a state. Margulis further states that intervention is a tactic by international

organizations that they use for policy influence to achieve various goals. In the journal of Margulis,

the intervention made by international organizations like the Food and Agriculture Organization

for food security was analyzed to further understand how intervention influences policy. Delving

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into the little details of this analysis will lose a lot of time, and so only the general findings will be

discussed. Based on the analysis of IOs and food security, IOs influence policymaking through

three strategies which are, namely, 1) mobilizing states, 2) public shaming, and 3) invoking

alternative legal frameworks. Most times, IOs will utilize these strategies in combination of each

other to get more influence. To be more specific, mobilizing states means entertaining states that

are the target and coaxing them into making the decision that is ideal for the IO. Most times, this

strategy works when a state is extremely predictable in what decision they are about to make

because it makes it easier for IOs to prepare a strategy that can easily alter the decision of the state

to the decision that they want the state to make. On another note, public shaming involves the IOs

to exert their moral authority in the picture. This strategy will only work when the IO is at the

generally higher moral ground in the situation. In a sense, it is similar to the United Nations and

other Nongovernmental Organizations’ naming and shaming strategy to bring the public’s

attention to the state that is in apparent violation of a general international law principle. The

difference though is that in intervention, a collective decision by other member-states that also

condemn the target states’ actions is presented to show forcefully how unethical and immoral the

actions and behavior of the target state were. Like naming and shaming, the purpose of public

shaming is to gain international attention and in a sense manipulate the behavior of the target state

or get them to do something that the IO wants them to do through pressure. Lastly, invoking

alternative legal frameworks is done when an IO tries to present certain issues or international laws

that explain why their chosen course of action is wrong, inconsistent, and would not benefit the

state at all. Relative to these strategies, another strategy that was already mentioned before which

is naming and shaming is another strategy utilized by IGOs, IOs, and NGOs to influence

policymaking. In the journal article entitled “New Evidence that Naming and Shaming Influence

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State Human Rights Practices” (Zhou et al., 2022), the naming and shaming of the United States

was analyzed in comparison with that of Amnesty International. Naming and shaming is a valid

and recognized strategy of international organizations which is defined as publicly shaming a state

that is in violation of international rules and norms. In this modern age, this is done through

amplified media coverage wherein the international organizations will put the target state to shame

by continuously stating what the state did, what they violated, and its repercussions. In Zhou et

al.’s analysis and observation of the United States’ human rights practice, it was shown that after

naming and shaming if done by Amnesty International, does not have any effect on countries. In

contrast, if the naming and shaming is done by the United States, then it was when the human

rights’ practices of said state will improve. This may be due to the fact that the United States is

one of, if not the most powerful country in the world – even being deemed as the “leader of

nations”. Meaning to say, if the United States has publicly named and shamed a certain country,

they can easily influence other states to turn their opinion just like what happened to Sadam

Hussein which led to the creation of the Coalition of the Willing (Beehner, 2007). This influence

of the United States further proves the liberal idea of the interconnectedness of states and how a

state does not actually have full sovereignty as there are external factors that will continue to

influence them. Relative to this, the journal article of Murdie & Welch (2020) entitled “The Path

of the Boomerang: Human Rights Campaigns, Third-Party Pressure, and Human Rights” also

examined the effect of NGOs, namely those that are Human Rights Organizations (HROs) naming

and shaming human rights violators. Murdie & Welch aimed to determine whether the effects of

the said strategy can be felt directly or indirectly. In contrast to the findings of Zhou et al. which

states that NGOs like Amnesty International does not have an effect to human rights violators and

state policies, Murdie & Welch found that the pressure from HROs when they are named and

15
shamed adds up and as a result, turns states that are notorious violators of human rights to improve

the conditions in the country. However, just like any other thing, naming and shaming has its

disadvantages and advantages. In other words, it is a double-edged sword which can be used to an

organization’s advantage if done right or disadvantage if done wrong. Nevertheless, it does not

change the fact that HRO’s naming and shaming strategy was found to have an overall positive

effect in terms of human rights conditions because states want to protect their image to the

international political stage and want to be someone that other states will willingly cooperate with.

Moreover, it was also found that the naming and shaming of HROs to states that have negative

human rights conditions induces a boomerang and a domino effect in the sense that once an HRO

names and shames a state for human rights violation, third party actors will immediately become

involved. Further, the naming and shaming of HROs increases the possibility of military

intervention and other forms of intervention in the state. Another strategy is called “shaming and

blaming” which was detailed in the journal article written by Davis (2012) entitled “Shaming and

Blaming: Using Events Data to Assess the Impact of Human Rights to INGOs”. Davis, like the

other authors cited in this paper, also aimed to examine whether the strategy of shaming and

blaming has a direct impact on state behavior. The results of the study revealed that merely

shaming is not enough to improve a state’s behavior regarding human rights. Their domestic

presence is needed much like what the United Nations as well as Amnesty International are doing

– sending missions in the countries that have concerning human rights situations. Aside from this,

the shaming and blaming along with their domestic presence should also be accompanied by

cooperating with other advocacy actors – this is when a significant impact will happen with regards

to the situation.

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Comparison of Human Rights Policies of the Philippines before and after International

Organization Involvement

In an article published by Amnesty International (2021) which details martial law, it was stated

that under its declaration, all human rights in the country are suspended. Thus, during martial law

in the Philippines way back former president Marcos Sr.’s regime, there were no safeguards to

ensure the protection and preservation of human rights. This is also one of the reasons why during

martial law, the military and other people in the government were courageous enough to perform

abuses. Obviously, the country was criticized for the absolute worsening of human rights

conditions in the country. After martial law, the constitutional drafters added various safeguards

to ensure that nothing like it will happen ever again. The existence of martial law in the country as

well as the intensity of human rights violations at the time really brought much shame to the

Philippines especially because the United States, United Nations, Amnesty International,

European Union, and most importantly, the Catholic Church got involved. Since a religion has

gotten involved already despite the existence of a constitutional provision that acknowledges the

separation of church and state, one knows that the situation is definitely the worst. The Philippines

was an embarrassment to the world then, having countries send missions to provide snacks such

as Nutribun and Skimmed Milk because of the extreme malnourishment of the children (Vera Files

Fact Check, 2022). With this, the constitutional drafters added safeguards to ensure that nothing

like the martial law at the time will ever happen again in the future. These safeguards include

strengthening the independence of the judiciary branch, limiting martial law to 60 days, prohibition

of suspension of the writ of habeas corpus (see: Philippine 1987 Constitution, Art. 1 Sec. 9, Clause

2), and last, but most importantly, the establishment of the Commission on Human Rights in 1987

(CHR, 2023).

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 The establishment of the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) is important because it provides

a mechanism for the protection of human rights. The CHR is an independent body that is

responsible for investigating and monitoring human rights violations. It has the power to subpoena

witnesses, compel the production of evidence, and file charges against those responsible for human

rights violations. Moreover, the said commission plays an important role in protecting human

rights in the Philippines. It is a valuable resource for victims of human rights violations, and it

helps to hold the government accountable for its actions. The CHR is an essential part of the

Philippine democracy, and is committed to ensuring that all Filipinos enjoy their human rights. In

2017, the Philippines was faced with backlash from the international community for only

allocating PHP 1,000 for the budget of the commission. From this backlash emerged the CHR

Budget Restoration of 2017 which gives PHP 678 million to the CHR as opposed to the previous

measly PHP 1,000 (Reuters, 2017). In this circumstance alone, it is evident how fast the Philippines

is influenced by the international political community [not limited to organizations].

Before the budget allocation fiasco happened, the government was also getting backlash from

the international community due its supposed lack of acknowledgment of martial law victims. The

most notable international organizations that influenced the passage of the bill that passed the

“Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition” bill into law last 2013 (Senate Library,

2013) are Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. Both organizations heavily

documented the human rights violations that happened in the Philippines during martial law which

then spread awareness on a global scale. From then on, a domino effect happened and various

protesters organized and urged the Philippine government to pass the said bill into law. In the end,

victims and their families [given that they have already passed away] were given compensation

18
for what happened to them during the time, therefore confirming that there was indeed human

rights abuses and violations that happened during martial law.

Earlier than this, the creation of the Anti-Torture Law of 2009 took place. This law was created

due to international pressure from various international organizations such as the United Nations,

Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and International Rehabilitation Council for Torture

Victims. Due to what happened in the country during martial law, one would think that a safeguard

against torture would have already been made way back. However, this is not the case. Thus, for

the country to align itself with the general principles or standards of international law, the

legislators must pass a law that condemns torture (International Labour Organization, 2014).

The Philippines also faced international pressure from various groups and organizations with

regards to women and children’s rights protection, more specifically with regards to violence

against women. As a response, the Philippines created the Magna Carta of Women (see: Philippine

1987 Constitution, Republic Act 9710) as well as the Anti-Violence against Women and their

Children act of 2004 (see: Philippine 1987 Constitution, Republic Act 9262) which established the

creation of women helpdesks in police stations also known as VAWC or Violence against Women

and their Children.

The most recent policy development is the Human Rights Defenders Bill of 2019. Proposed in

2019, this bill aims to protect the rights of human rights defenders in response to the numerous

incidents of human rights lawyers and activists assassination which gained further criticism from

international organizations, most prominently from the International Criminal Court. Just this

2022, the bill was approved by the House of Representatives (Porcalla, 2022).

19
 The development in the country’s policymaking process and policies itself is evidently

influenced by international organizations. If the Philippine government is not probed or pressured

to act and do something, then they would not do something about it. As is evident in the policy

development data that was given, the Philippines is easily influenced and pressured by

international organizations to do what they want the country to do and behave how they want the

country to behave.

Conclusion

Effectivity of International Organizations in Shaping Philippine Policies towards

Human Rights

In conclusion, international organizations have demonstrated significant effectiveness in

shaping Philippine policies towards human rights. Through their documentation, advocacy, and

pressure, these organizations have influenced the Philippine government to address human rights

abuses, establish safeguards, and enact laws for the protection of human rights. The involvement

of international organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United

Nations has brought global attention to the plight of victims and has prompted the Philippine

government to take action. The establishment of institutions like the Commission on Human

Rights and the passage of laws like the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act

and the Anti-Torture Law can be attributed, at least in part, to the influence exerted by international

organizations.

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 Furthermore, the effectiveness of international organizations in shaping policies reflects the

interdependent nature of the world, providing evidence for the existence of a liberal system in

international relations rather than an anarchic one. Liberalism, as a theoretical framework,

emphasizes the importance of cooperation, institutions, and norms in facilitating peaceful

interactions and promoting the common good. International organizations embody these liberal

principles by fostering cooperation, facilitating dialogue, and promoting human rights and

humanitarian values across borders.

Does the world live in a liberal system?

The involvement of international organizations in shaping Philippine policies highlights the

interconnectedness and interdependence of states in addressing global challenges. It demonstrates

that states recognize the benefits of collaboration and seek to adhere to shared norms and standards

promoted by these organizations. The influence exerted by international organizations in shaping

policies attests to the power of interdependence, where states recognize the mutual benefits of

upholding human rights, promoting peace, and addressing transnational issues collectively.

In this light, it is evident that the world operates within a liberal system, characterized by the

interconnectedness, cooperation, and influence of international organizations. While challenges

and tensions persist, the involvement of these organizations in shaping policies and promoting

human rights reflects the collective efforts towards a more cooperative and interdependent global

order. By embracing liberalism's core tenets, states and international organizations contribute to

the advancement of a more just, peaceful, and rights-respecting world.

21
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