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Schortman and Urban - Modeling The Roles of Craft Production in Ancient Political Economies
Schortman and Urban - Modeling The Roles of Craft Production in Ancient Political Economies
Journal of Archaeological Research [jar] pp1095-jare-479712 April 12, 2004 10:36 Style file version Nov 28th, 2002
INTRODUCTION
185
1059-0161/04/0600-0185/0
C 2004 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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The manner in which these subjects are combined and recombined by scholars
examining diverse manufacturing processes occurring in varied settings and time
periods creates a volatile and dynamic mix of approaches that resists synthesis. It
is easy to be overwhelmed by this diversity, to believe that there are no themes
undergirding craft production studies. We attempt to counter that impression.
Archaeologists traditionally relegated specialized manufacture to the eco-
nomic realm. Artisans produced material surpluses essential to the functioning
of state institutions and meeting the needs of their burgeoning populations (e.g.,
Childe, 1950, 1956). Craft industries and political formations were linked in these
early formulations through economic forces of supply and demand (Wailes, 1996).
Diverging from this trend were V. Gordon Childe’s pioneering investigations
into relations among craft production, patronage, market demands, technological
innovation, and the implications of all these factors for social evolution in the an-
cient Near East and Europe (e.g., Childe, 1942, 1956; Wailes, 1996). In general,
Childe argued that concentration of wealth and power in the hands of Bronze Age
Sumerian magnates thwarted the development of a broad market for craft goods.
This, combined with the estrangement of artisans from their products, the latter
controlled exclusively by rulers and their agents, retarded economic expansion and
technological innovation. Europe’s itinerant smiths, at the same time, fashioned
and distributed their wares largely free of elite supervision. This relatively egali-
tarian context encouraged scientific progress, technological experimentation, and
the development of more dynamic sociopolitical structures (Childe, 1942, 1956;
Trigger, 1980, pp. 108–109). Though the above model is now acknowledged to
be overly simplistic, the distinction Childe drew between independent commoner
artisans (of Europe) and client specialists working for elites and state institutions
(in Sumeria) continues to pervade the craft production literature, as will be seen
later (Wailes, 1996).
Childe’s insights have been taken up and elaborated upon by those seeking
to understand the roles craftworkers played in the creation of ancient societies, in
general, and the fashioning of hierarchy, in particular. This reimagining of rela-
tions among specialized manufacture and sociopolitical processes is driven by a
burgeoning database and an increasing emphasis on the importance of individu-
als and factions in the production and reproduction of social and cultural forms
(Bourdieu, 1977; E. Brumfiel, 1992; Giddens, 1984; see papers in E. Brumfiel
and Fox, 1994). The importance of craft manufacture to long-term economic pro-
cesses is not denied. What is being challenged is the notion that fabricating items
at any scale can be understood as a purely economic activity that solely generates
surpluses to meet market demands. Instead, artisans are increasingly envisioned
as having actively participated in fashioning the social and cultural worlds they
inhabited. How they went about this creative process, and how much freedom they
enjoyed in its enactment, are hotly contested.
This debate has generated a voluminous and diverse literature, and writing
on the topic shows no signs of abating (see Costin, 2001, for an excellent recent
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review of the general craft production literature). Such variety reflects great intel-
lectual vigor but also obscures the basic issues being considered and the directions
investigations are taking. We highlight some of these topics and trends, construct-
ing a model that focuses on the instrumental quality of specialized manufacture,
how researchers imagine that artisans and their products figured in power contests.
Like all conceptual frameworks, this one simplifies a complex reality in order to
identify patterns. The resulting summary is not definitive, not the statement on craft
production. It is a review that, hopefully, clarifies some points while suggesting
areas where future research may yield fruitful results.
The model outlined here focuses on how researchers, since 1982, have imag-
ined the place of craft manufacture in ancient, hierarchically structured political
economies, those imperfect, negotiated, dynamic relations that exist among pro-
cesses of production, consumption, and distribution, on the one side, and the or-
ganization and use of power, on the other (J. Arnold and Munns, 1994; Cobb,
1993; Hayden, 1995; Pauketat, 1997; Poole, 1991). Craft specialization, the el-
ement of production dealt with here, is defined as fashioning items at volumes
above and beyond the needs of the producing individual or group for exchange
with those engaged in complementary economic pursuits (Clark, 1986, p. 45; Clark
and Parry, 1990; Cobb, 1993, p. 66; Costin, 1991, 2001; Inomata, 2001, p. 322;
Stein, 1994, 1996, 1998). Attention, therefore, centers on how researchers have
drawn connections among the fabrication, distribution, and use of specific goods,
on the one hand, and, on the other, processes of political centralization (the extent
to which power is concentrated in a few hands), social differentiation (variation
in the identities assumed by members of a polity based on combinations of social
[e.g., kinship], economic [e.g., occupation], and/or ideological factors [e.g., affil-
iation with specific cults]), and inequality (whether, and to what extent, holders
of these identities have unequal access to resources, including power) (Balandier,
1970; de Montmollin, 1989; Feinman and Neitzel, 1984; Hayden, 2001; McGuire,
1983; Nelson, 1995; Paynter, 1989; Paynter and McGuire, 1991).
Values for these six variables, each treated as a continuum, are outlined in
Table I. The form any one factor takes at a specific place and time is related to
those assumed by the others, albeit in a nonmechanistic manner. The six domains
briefly outlined earlier and in Table I were selected because their importance in
the study of ancient political economies is reflected by the considerable attention
they have received over the last two decades.
Each researcher who deals with specialized manufacture handles the above
relations in a distinctive manner. We cannot do justice to this full range of vari-
ation here. Instead we will group recent investigations of crafts and political
economies under several broad headings that highlight similarities in the ways
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Manufacturing processes
Raw material sources Local Foreign
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Acquisition strategies Simple, easily mastered, require Complex, hard to learn, need the coordinated
little coordinated effort work of many individuals
Production skills Easily learned and used Hard to learn, need considerable practice to maintain
Scale of production Few people, limited steps, Numerous artisans, complexly organized
little energy investment production steps, major energy expenditures
Time devoted to craft production Part-time Full-time
(Intensity)
Physical setting (concentration) Dispersed Aaggregated near elite compounds and administrative
centers
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Institutional setting (context) Independent of direct elite conrol Attached to, and supported by, elite patrons
Primary identity of the artisan Not tied to craft production As an artisan participating in a specific craft
Consumption and distribution processes
Restrictions on the distribution None, decentralized Significant, determined by elites
and use of particular goods
Demand Low and intermittent High and constant
April 13, 2004
Purposes to which goods are put Daily maintenance chores Political domination and resistance to same
Relation of producers and Equal Unequal
consumers
Political structure and process
16:51
in which political and economic processes are linked. The four themes singled out
for discussion here deal with craft goods as sources of economic power, founts of
ideological preeminence, means to achieving a degree of household and commu-
nity autonomy, and essential in creating and reproducing cultural frameworks of
meaning and affiliation. Pervading these intellectual motifs is a set of frequently
repeated oppositions that pit elites against commoners and an object’s meaning
against its economic significance. These enduring archaeological dichotomies en-
courage researchers to return time and again to two major questions: “Who controls
and/or benefits to the greatest degree from craft production, elites or commoners?”;
and “Are craft goods primarily used to convey meaning or to achieve economic
ends?” How investigators respond to these queries shapes their understandings of
a craft’s significance within ancient political economies. The utility of maintaining
such distinctions is considered at the essay’s conclusion.
The aforementioned themes are used to organize a complex, burgeoning lit-
erature into a manageable form, not as pigeonholes for classifying research on
specialized manufacture. Particular investigators do not blindly follow one theme
to the exclusion of all others. Many, in fact, address several of these motifs si-
multaneously or at different points in their careers. Rather than categorizing re-
searchers and their efforts, our goal is to highlight issues to which scholars fre-
quently refer when examining how the manufacture, distribution, and use of crafted
goods are related to processes of political centralization, social differentiation, and
inequality.
The first two themes alluded to above directly implicate craft production
in processes of political centralization and the creation of inequality. Elites are
perceived as active agents in the formulations summarized later, their manipulation
of specialized manufacture precipitating dramatic and enduring transformations
of extant political arrangements. Scholars pursuing this line of inquiry also stress
the functional significance of craft production, asking how this activity serves
to promote the interests of some at the expense of others. A concern with what
specialized manufacture “does” in political economies encourages the formulation
of cross-cultural generalizations. The search for these regularities is based on the
premise that the creation of hierarchy poses certain universal challenges, the most
pressing of which are how to convert equals into subordinates and encourage their
acquiescence to these radically changed circumstances. Faced with such recurring
problems, it is argued, would-be rulers consistently and independently fashion
similar solutions that involve craft production. These research themes diverge
over the relative weight attributed to the economic and ideological significance of
the goods artisans fashion. Many scholars, however, synthesize both approaches
in their studies of specific cases.
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Trubitt, 2000; Wattenmaker, 1998). In either case, it is not necessary that magnates
supervise entire production and distribution processes to undermine successfully
their followers’ independence (Earle, 1994, p. 451; 2001; Lemonnier, 1992, p. 22).
Controlling strategic points in one of the sequences will suffice.
For example, the Inka managed to exert tremendous influence over the dis-
tribution of metal tools and ornaments within their extensive empire by replacing
copper with tin–copper alloys. This shift effectively reduced the ability of local
populations to make status-defining items of social display from widely available
copper sources as the limited supplies of Andean tin were under imperial control
(Earle, 1994, p. 456; Earle and D’Altroy, 1989, p. 203).
It would be naive and misleading to surmise that all scholars pursuing the pres-
tige goods theme consistently arrive at similar conclusions. Still, they share certain
understandings of how the political and economic variables outlined in Table I are
related. Specifically, prestige goods models posit elite patronage of crafts that use
imported raw materials and, most importantly, have high skill requirements. These
two factors facilitate monopolization of the manufacturing process, or important
steps within it, as access to essential physical and intellectual resources can be
centrally monitored (DeMarrais et al., 1996, pp. 22–23; Earle, 1994, p. 446; 1997,
pp. 197–199; Gibson, 1996, pp. 110, 114–115; Hayden, 1995, pp. 22, 44; Kenoyer,
2000; Moholy-Nagy, 1997, p. 309; Peregrine, 1991a, pp. 2–3; Spielmann, 1998,
2002; Wattenmaker, 1994, p. 118; 1998). For example, Harappan elites in the Indus
civilization during the 3rd millennium BC exclusively controlled the fashioning of
socially important items from locally available assets through the use of complex
firing technologies that they and their client artisans alone had mastered (Stein,
1998, pp. 22–23). This ability to monopolize technical knowledge contributed to
the creation of political hierarchies underwritten by debt and dependency (Stein,
1998, pp. 22–23).
Paramount funding of artisans, coupled with the high technical demands of
their professions, encourage full-time specialization and the physical congregation
of workshops within or near elite power centers. Distribution of political valuables
is also monopolized by rulers who thereby guarantee that they alone control who
receives, and in what quantities they receive, the goods in question. Demand,
therefore, tends to be limited but constant, resulting in production scales that are
relatively modest. Small groups of people laboring full-time for patrons yield sur-
pluses that are both sufficient and not so large as to swamp the market, thereby
reducing the rarity, and hence the political importance, of social valuables. In ad-
dition, the fewer people involved in the production process, the easier they are to
monitor (Costin and Hagstrum, 1995). When and where consumption levels are en-
hanced, the number of artisans, and their outputs, may well increase. This situation
could arise because the items involved are fragile and require frequent replacement
and/or they are regularly removed from circulation through, say, inclusion as burial
furniture. Such augmenting of the workforce might pose problems for controlling
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The result was an elite “culture” that transcended political boundaries and survived
intersocietal combat (Freidel, 1986; Sabloff, 1986). Comparable processes, some-
times glossed as “interaction spheres” (Caldwell, 1964), are attested to in a diverse
array of world areas and time periods (Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1993; Schortman,
1989).
This research raises questions of audiences, acceptance, and the kinds of
goods best suited to the tasks of over-awing and convincing the populace (Baines
and Yoffee, 1998, 2000). Addressing the last question first, these valuables should
have physical qualities that are naturally striking (such as the visual brilliance
of gold or the aural tones achieved with copper and bronze [Appadurai, 1986;
Hosler, 1994; Levy, 1999, p. 210; McAnany, 1993, pp. 74–75; Renfrew, 1986]) or
can reach that state through considerable labor investments (Hayden, 1998). Such
objects engage the senses and rivet attention on the messages they convey (Costin
and Hagstrum, 1995, p. 623).
The audiences addressed through displays of valuables differ significantly
depending, in part, on the size and overall visibility of the pieces and their contexts
of use. Following Wobst’s discussion of the communicative quality of material
items, large, ostentatious objects easily seen and recognized at a distance were
probably employed in public exhibitions in which sizable proportions of the total
population participated (Wobst, 1977). These artifacts, therefore, were deployed in
strategies aimed at achieving broad consensus concerning the ideas and relations
they manifest (DeMarrais et al., 1996). Items that might only be seen in more in-
timate settings, such as objects used in household tasks or small pieces of jewelry,
would speak to different audiences. Here, the goal may have been to solidify sup-
port for elite identities, and ensure cooperation, among holders of these affiliations
in contests for power and resources with those of lower status (Abercrombie et al.,
1980; Baines and Yoffee, 1998, 2000; Bowser, 2000; E. Brumfiel, 1996; DeMarrais
et al., 1996, pp. 25–26 Gilman, 1991, pp. 150–151). This distinction is not mutu-
ally exclusive. Imposing goods used conspicuously could simultaneously convey
messages to entire populations, legitimizing hierarchy, while reinforcing the im-
portance of cooperation among elites in safeguarding their shared preeminence.
In all cases, however, the central objective is to maintain centralized and exclusive
control over the production and display of symbolically rich items through which
power is expressed and rationalized.
The question of who accepts elite-sponsored messages and to what extent
they are believed is usually an open one. It is difficult enough to make such deter-
minations when we have access to living informants let alone in situations where
we must make due with archaeology’s mute remains. Symbols are susceptible to
multiple interpretations, overtly or covertly expressed (Bourdieu, 1979; Gailey,
1987; Moore, 1996, p. 171; Schortman et al., 2001, p. 314; Scott, 1985). Even
the cleverest strategies of the most charismatic individuals are not likely to win
everyone over to their way of thinking. We are left, therefore, with the remains
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of efforts to construct and promote dominant ideologies; their success, like the
meanings of the symbols themselves, cannot be assumed.
Connections among the economic and political processes listed in Table I are
much the same here as they are in prestige goods models, though in this theme they
are mediated more through meaning than economic dependency. Elite patronage
of attached specialists ensures monopolies over the use and distribution of their
politically charged output. This situation tends to involve fairly small numbers of
full-time specialists who live and work near the residences and administrative nodes
of their patrons. The objects, themselves, are almost invariably made from exotic
materials, always transformed through technologically complex, labor-intensive
steps requiring considerable skill (Clark, 1986; Hayden, 1998). As noted above,
these raw material and technological features greatly facilitate control over the
manufacturing process by those few who can acquire the needed resources and
master the appropriate techniques. Such considerations also help ensure that pres-
tige goods are rare and valuable, thus heightening the impact of their messages.
Effective monitoring of the production process gives those in charge a decided
advantage in, if not absolute control over, disseminating messages that privilege
their position in the world.
Once again, the issue of social differentiation and its relation to specialized
manufacture has come in for less attention than have questions of power concen-
tration and inequality. Artisans and elites separate themselves out from the rest of
society, partly by virtue of craft activities, but no other social distinctions seem to
follow from these economic processes.
The models outlined thus far stress a top–down perspective on political
economies. Agency and innovation are certainly stressed, but the agents and in-
novators are almost invariably members of the upper class. Those they seek to
dominate are left as either hapless dependents, selling their labor for a particularly
fine pot, or dupes bedazzled by information dazzlingly expressed. The above state-
ment simplifies what are often sophisticated and nuanced theories. It does raise
the question, however, of whether or not commoners were going gently into their
own exploitation.
PROTECTING AUTONOMY
Though most efforts to model the place of craft production in ancient polit-
ical economies concentrate on elite strategies and actions, some researchers have
been asking whether, how, and why commoners might have participated in spe-
cialized manufacture. This work takes several forms. Most investigators pursuing
the topic posit that the crafts in which nonelites engaged are characterized by the
use of easily accessible, widely dispersed raw materials extracted using relatively
simple techniques; skills that take little time to learn and do not need constant
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(Wattenmaker, 1998, pp. 202–203). Despite their ubiquity and apparent simplicity,
these seemingly mundane objects can effectively delimit social boundaries, though
without any necessary implication of inequality among the affiliations they mark
(Bowser, 2000).
The last two decades have witnessed an increasing concern with the emic
quality of artifacts, i.e, what these items meant to those who made and used them
(Hodder, 1982, 1986). Specifically, there is a growing sense that the material world
has more than economic significance. Artifacts, through their patterned forms,
arrangements, and uses, materialize values and beliefs distinctive of specific cul-
tures or segments thereof. By making the abstract tangible, artifacts are essential
to inculcating basic cultural premises across the generations and to creating those
meaningful contexts that impart significance to, guide, and motivate patterned hu-
man action (Bourdieu, 1977; Geertz, 1973; Gillespie, 1999; Hodder, 1986; Joyce,
2000; Pauketat and Emmerson, 1999).
This approach marks a profound shift from functionalist arguments that equate
an object’s significance with its use (Hodder, 1986, pp. 20–21). Though allowing
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that use and meaning are related, archaeologists who examine the emics of craft
production see function as the lesser part of significance. Every object, no matter
how prosaic, is a locus of meaning. All cultural products fashioned in a society
together comprise a symbolic environment whose specific configurations at any
place and point in time encourage certain behaviors and discourage others (Lillios,
1999, p. 174; Robb, 1999). In creating artifacts, therefore, people fashion the very
structures of their existence, expressing and reproducing relations among such
basic concepts as gender, kinship, power, class, and place through the objects
they make and manipulate (Levy, 1999, p. 212; J. Thomas, 1999, p. 73). The
archaeologist’s task is to read these messages that artisans, among others, have left
us.
Not only finished products but also the ways in which these objects were
made are rich in cultural significance (Bernbeck, 1995; Dobres, 1995; Dobres
and Hoffman, 1995; Gosselain, 1993, 2000; Hendon, 1999; Lechtman, 1993;
Lemonnier, 1992; Perles, 1992; Pfaffenberger, 1988, 1992). Since most choices
made in manufacturing processes, or chaines operatoires, are at least partially
culturally conditioned, they contain information about the artisan’s worldview and
basic learned principles of behavior (Childs and Kilbick, 1993; Dobres, 1995;
Dobres and Hoffman, 1995; Gosselain, 1993, pp. 582–583; 2000; Loney, 2000;
López Varela et al., 2001). People understand and express themselves through daily
practice, manufacturing sequences representing conveniently fossilized examples
of those practices (Robb, 1999).
True to their emic roots, researchers pursuing the cultural significance of craft
manufacture and its output stress the historically contingent nature of the meanings
attributed by past peoples to both objects and production processes (Hodder, 1982,
1986). Each culture’s meaningful structure, materialized through artifact forms,
arrangements, and uses, is a product of its unique history. People may face similar
problems in different times and places but their responses are conditioned more
by the historical and cultural factors distinctive of a particular group than by the
universal functional considerations highlighted in the approaches discussed earlier.
Consequently, cross-cultural generalizations concerning artifact meanings are, to
many researchers, impossible.
Social Identity
and prosaic goods discussed earlier. The aforementioned analyses, however, focus
on explicit, self-conscious efforts to communicate identities through manipulation
of physically salient features of design and decoration on certain particularly no-
table artifacts (especially pottery vessels and jewellery). While acknowledging the
importance of these overt expressions of affiliation, a growing number of inves-
tigators stress that all items and production steps, no matter how mundane, are
well positioned to convey fundamental aspects of an artisan’s identity (Childs and
Kilbick, 1993; Dobres, 1995; Fotiadis, 1999, p. 395; Gosselain, 2000). This is be-
cause manufacturing behaviors are frequently learned early in life, within domestic
settings, and express ways of acting closely linked to a person’s sense of self as
a member of a particular gender, household, and/or small community (Dobres,
1995; Gosselain, 1993). All objects fabricated in the course of craft production,
therefore, display stylistic features that may subtly, but effectively, convey social
distinctions that were meaningful to their makers and users (Carr, 1995; Weissner,
1983). Artisans need not be explicitly cognizant of the meanings they express.
Habitual manufacturing processes and unobtrusive stylistic elements are often re-
produced and interpreted out of awareness (McCall, 1999; Sackett, 1972, 1982).
Consciously or unconsciously, however, craftworkers signal who they are with
every choice made in production, their compatriots raised under similar circum-
stances readily, if implicitly, decoding their messages. Technology and even the
most prosaic objects, in this view, are as rich in cultural information as any other
aspect of life.
How do insights into the emic meanings of artifacts and production processes
figure in discussions of political economies? To date, relatively little effort has been
made to relate systematically the cultural contents of artifact styles and operational
sequences to other aspects of craft production, on the one hand, and to processes
of political centralization, inequality, and social differentiation, on the other (see
Hodder, 1979; Weissner, 1983 for some exceptions). At the very least, the scale
and intensity of social differentiation might well be discernible in changes within
production processes and increases in the variety of artifact styles. For example,
if manufacturing steps are shaped by cultural, as well as functional, considera-
tions, then proliferation of these processes, even within one industry, could signal
profound, microscale shifts in social affiliations. Such distinctions might not be
overtly expressed in other surviving media because they were generally understood
and required no reinforcement. Explicit communication of social difference also
may have been actively discouraged by elites in the interest of preserving at least a
facade of social unity (DeMarrais et al., 1996, p. 31). In either case, differentiation
in production processes need not be a purely technological phenomenon. Rather,
it could signal, and reinforce, the appearance of new identities as pervasive as they
are subtly expressed.
This perspective raises the intriguing possibility that artifacts used to com-
municate elite-inspired models of the world simultaneously conveyed, through
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decisions made in the manufacturing process, how the artisans saw themselves
and their places within that world (Hayashida, 1999). These overt and implicit
expressions of meaning need not have been in open conflict, but there is rich po-
tential for at least implicit tensions in their articulation. Such possibilities cannot
be explored, however, unless we complement traditional top–down views of craft
production with bottom–up perspectives on how identities are manifest in daily,
seemingly routine, practices and styles.
The above review highlights the very general truth that craft production is not
a unitary phenomenon. It is not a diagnostic of political complexity, solely a tool
of elite domination, or exclusively a means for individuals, households, and/or
communities to achieve and maintain their economic autonomy and social dis-
tinctiveness (Saitta, 1999, p. 143). Specialized manufacture can fulfill all of these
roles under certain circumstances. This observation, however, just scratches the
tip of the conceptual iceberg. A brief examination of the floe’s submerged portions
suggests at least two important, general directions for future research: describing
the multifaceted relations among different craft industries and political processes,
each operating at variable spatial and temporal scales, within political economies;
and understanding the forces that generate these diverse interconnections.
study of craft production than that one will be mistaken for the sole, or best, way
of dealing with the topic (Costin, 2001).
Multicentric and multiscalar political economies, therefore, require the ex-
amination of craft manufacture from different vantage points to describe relations
among production, consumption, distribution, hierarchy, power, and social dif-
ferentiation. This prescription is ultimately misleading, however, if it encourages
piecemeal approaches focused only on specific crafts (Costin, 2001, p. 312). We
must not forget that our objective is to describe and understand political economies
of which individual industries are components. Ultimately, what we know about
the operation of particular crafts will have to be synthesized into accounts in which
interrelations among diverse manufacturing, consumption, distribution, and politi-
cal processes are specified. Steps in this direction are already being made. Ongoing
analyses of several major prehistoric and early historic states and empires explicitly
address the complex interplay among different industries in the creation of ancient
political economies. Examples of these innovative studies include research con-
ducted on the southern Indian Sri Vijayan Empire of the fourteenth–sixteenth
centuries (Morrison and Sinopoli, 1992; Sinopoli, 1988, 1994; Sinopoli, and
Morrison, 1995), the Inka empire of the fifteenth–sixteenth centuries in western
South America (Costin and Earle, 1989; D’Altroy and Earle, 1985; Earle, 1991),
the 14th–15th century Mexica, or Aztec, empire in Mesoamerica (C. Charlton et al.,
1993; see papers in Hodge and Smith, 1994), the various polities that occupied the
Valley of Oaxaca in Mexico’s southern highlands (Feinman and Nicholas, 2000;
Flannery and Marcus, 1983; Kowalewski et al., 1989; Marcus and Flannery, 1996;
Middleton et al., 2002), and Indus Valley states of the 3rd millennium BC in south-
ern Asia (Wright, 1993). With all due respect to these prodigious efforts, it may
be easier to address such complex relations in smaller, more manageable settings
where it is possible to sample a greater proportion of consumption and manu-
facturing contexts than in spatially extensive, temporally enduring empires and
states. This is especially the case when dealing with prehistoric situations where
the absence of documentary evidence mandates heavy reliance on archaeological
remains in framing interpretations.
Acknowledging the multiscalar, multicentric quality of ancient political
economies is one thing; understanding why processes of production, distribution,
consumption, and power assume such diverse configurations is quite another. Ask-
ing the latter question forces us to go beyond description to confront the wide array
of historically contingent factors that shaped political economies. Researchers pur-
suing the four themes outlined earlier have already made considerable progress
in grappling with this protean issue. Building on their considerable successes, we
suggest two avenues for future research that promise fruitful results: a more sys-
tematic analysis of connections between social identities and craft production; and
rethinking several venerable oppositions that pervade much of the literature on
specialized manufacture.
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R. Cohen, 1978; Royce, 1982). As these goals and the conditions for their achieve-
ment change, identities and their material markers also will shift. The resultant
sociopolitical configurations need not be stable or in balanced equilibrium at any
one point in time. For example, as crucial as it may be for rulers to set themselves
apart from the rest of the population, they must transcend these hierarchical dis-
tinctions to create a unified polity of which they are also members (Ferguson and
Mansbach, 1996, p. 36; Yoffee, 1991, p. 287). Only by promoting an identity in
which all citizens of the realm participate can some level of stability be achieved
by countering sectarian and class divisions with loyalty to the polity as a whole
(Schortman et al., 2001). Elites, therefore, must balance the potentially conflicting
claims of affiliations that separate them from, and link them to, their subordinates.
Such tensions are mediated through the use of material symbols pertinent to the
identities in play, some of these symbols generated by craft specialists. Though
a level of stability may be achieved through such machinations, the underlying
strains remain unresolved and can form bases for assaults on the status quo when
dissatisfaction with elite actions, and the means to express that discontent, coincide.
At the same time, nonelites are busily constructing affiliations, conveyed
through other material markers, that may be in opposition to, represent compro-
mises with, or operate largely independently of those promulgated from above.
Relations among such identities, the industries generating their symbols of affil-
iation, and elite efforts to build and protect hierarchies are complex and volatile.
This is a far more complicated picture than the traditional one in which popu-
lations within any given society are distributed among enduring identities each
of which has a clear set of relatively stable material signatures. As appealing as
that picture may be, it simplifies reality and encourages us to ignore the mul-
tifarious and dynamic connections among craft goods and the affiliations they
signify.
For example, paramount rulers of the Late Classic (AD 600–900) Naco Valley
in northwestern Honduras apparently used their privileged control over the fash-
ioning of masonry blocks and sculpture to create a set of material symbols that
distinguished them from their lower ranked contemporaries who could not repli-
cate these items. At the same time, all valley residents used a restricted suite of
elaborately decorated ceramics apparently fashioned by client artisans working
under the direction of Naco’s magnates at the regional capital of La Sierra. These
vessels bore a limited, highly redundant set of designs found throughout the valley
but rarely noted outside it. The motifs in question were, arguably, emblems of a
politywide identity in which people of all ranks participated (Schortman et al.,
2001). The collapse of the centralized La Sierra polity during the Terminal Classic
(AD 900–1100) saw the disappearance of paramount elites, politywide affiliations,
and their material expressions. Stone working and large-scale ceramic production
waned as the political conditions that encouraged fluorescences in both crafts were
transformed.
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Back to Basics
All objects have meanings, as well as uses, to their makers. Separating the
two components of an item has analytical value as long as it is understood that
neither one alone fully explains an artifact’s roles in a political economy. It may
be, as current trends in the literature suggest, that questions of social affiliation
are best addressed through emic approaches while those concerned with political
centralization lend themselves to perspectives rooted in functional premises. Ulti-
mately, however, differences in power must by integrated within worldviews and
holders of social identities organized to accomplish tangible objectives through the
use, in part, of craft goods. How a workshop’s output figures in a political econ-
omy, therefore, is strongly conditioned by both its locally perceived significance,
i.e., the ways it fits within extant and changing meaningful structures, and how it
functions in economic and political strategies.
Among early nineteenth century Marquesans who lacked locally made fire-
arms, for example, a rifle was a potent military weapon and a symbol of connections
to powerful and distant trading partners. The gun’s political importance derived
from its prosaic and conceptual significance (N. Thomas, 1992). Along the same
lines, obsidian blades in prehistoric southeastern Mesoamerica were prized for their
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extremely sharp edges and exotic sources. Employed in prosaic domestic chores
by people of all ranks and in ritual bloodletting (Schele and Miller, 1986), these
implements were useful tools charged with meanings born of their associations with
distant places and sacred realms. Artisans who knapped blades from volcanic glass,
therefore, participated in economically and symbolically meaningful activities
that undoubtedly affected how the items figured in political processes, and were
made, used, and distributed. Arguing over whether the meaning or functions of
guns and obsidian blades is more important in understanding their places within
Marquesan and southeastern Mesoamerican political economies is less productive
than developing ways to take both elements into account. The latter approach
conveys a more realistic sense of ancient political economies than do perspectives
that downplay the complex interplay among conceptual and prosaic factors in
shaping any object’s roles in a political economy (Graham, 2002, p. 416).
SUMMARY
In general, the fashioning, use, and distribution of any one craft good may
well involve a wide array of people with diverse identities and interests, variably
organized to achieve their goals, and distributed along several continua of eliteness.
Coordinated or in opposition, it is the activities of these individuals and factions
that simultaneously determine the meanings and functions of crafted items. How
these dimensions of status, meaning, organization, function, production, and distri-
bution articulate strongly conditions the manner in which an industry is implicated
in processes of political centralization, inequality, and social differentiation as
these are expressed at different times and over varying spatial scales. As noted
earlier, we rarely have the luxury of dealing with one industry by itself. Rather,
attention must be paid to how numerous crafts were integrated with each other and
the aforementioned political processes to create a political economy at a specific
moment in time.
The resulting picture is anything but neat and tidy and makes one nostalgic
for those days when specialized manufacture was just another item on a checklist
used to distinguish states from less complex political formations. The attractive
certainty about the nature of states and craft production embodied in that formula-
tion has vanished. Left in its wake is the discomforting realization that the elements
comprising political and economic structures are not neatly correlated internally
or with each other. The configurations they assume in any political economy at any
one time are difficult to describe and even harder to explain. Instead of being dis-
couraged by our growing uncertainty we should take heart that, by breaking unitary
political and economic forms into their components and charting their linkages,
we are finally coming to grips with the intricate, contingent, and volatile relations
that make life, in the past and present, so terribly messy and interesting. We are,
in short, now able to approximate ancient political economies less as simplified
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caricatures and more as lived experiences. The research outlined herein suggests
just how confusing our models of craft production and ancient political economies
are likely to get, a good sign that we are on the right track.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We are very grateful to Gary Feinman and Linda Nicholas for the invitation
to contribute an essay to the Journal of Archaeological Research and, just as
importantly, for their patience in awaiting its arrival. The perceptive comments of
Gary Feinman, Timothy Pauketat, Dean Saitta, and Charles Stanish, along with
those of two anonymous reviewers, greatly helped to refine the arguments presented
here, and we deeply appreciate the time and care that went into these assessments.
As should be obvious from the article itself, we are profoundly indebted to all
those scholars who have significantly contributed to the study of ancient craft
production and whose work has been so stimulating to the field-at-large and to
us in particular. Limitations of space and time have meant that some important
studies were given short shrift and the work of every scholar was simplified. As
noted earlier, the model presented here, like all conceptual constructs, is selective
and not all-encompassing. We take full responsibility for the choices made in its
fashioning and for all errors that have infiltrated the construction process.
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