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30 Danuta Shanzer
The date of the baptism is controversial: those who follow the chron-
ology implied by Gregory of Tours place it in ãñå (or shortly thereafter);
those who favour other sources, such as Cassiodorus' Variae, place it
later, for example in äòå or äòð.â Clovis too has proved remarkably hard
to pin down. How pagan was he? How catholic? How romanized? How
barbarian? Two recent English articles address these problems. Spencer
surveyed the status quaestionis on the dating in this journal and
rea¤rmed the traditional solution.ã Daly carefully re-examined the texts
used to date and analyse Clovis' baptism to paint a revised picture of the
Frankish king, a Clovis for the "ññòs.ä
I come to Clovis' baptism from translating the Letters of Avitus of
Vienne. The much-discussed Epistle ãå is the only surviving contem-
porary evidence for the event, yet scholarly confusion about it is still rife
in the literature. Many who use it have not constituted a text, or
considered what criteria should be adduced to choose between variants.
Some have failed, for example, to distinguish manuscripts from editions.å
Some show random eclecticism in choosing readings,æ yet extreme
conservatism in textual reasoning, preferring invariably to bend interpre-
tations or translations to ¢t what they think the text ought to say, rather
than to admit that the text is either corrupt or demands some other
translation or interpretation. As an unfortunate result of a scienti¢cally
tidy way of thinking of problems as having `dossiers' that contain limited
numbers of documents related to a case, scholars fail to look beyond
their documents. To understand an individual letter written by Avitus,
one must read Avitus' other letters; to interpret a chancery letter of
Cassiodorus, one must study epistolary conventions.
`In the case of a key historical witness that has been investigated and
discussed for a long time, a new approach is hindered, not just by the
problems inherent in the text itself, but perhaps even more by the
accumulated weight of the scholarship on the subject, whose tradi-
tional approaches to problems and entrenched positions on contro-
versies develop a life of their own and a tendancy towards self-
justi¢cation. This is especially true of Avitus's letter to Clovis, for
â
F. Vogel, `Chlodwigs Sieg [Ïber die Alamannen und seine Taufe'], Historische Zeitschrift äå
("ððå), pp. âðä ^ãòâ; A. Van de Vyver, `La victoire [contre les Alamans aaet la conversion de
Clovis', I] R[evue] B[elge de] Ph[ilologie et d'] H[istoire] "ä ("ñâå), pp. ðäñ^ ñ"ã; Idem, `La
victoire [contre les Alamans et la conversion de Clovis' II], RBPhH "å ("ñâæ), pp. âä ^ñã; R.
Weiss, Chlodwigs Taufe[: Reims äòð], Geist und Werk der Zeiten áñ (Frankfurt, "ñæ"), and I.N.
Wood, `Gregory of Tours [and Clovis]', RBPhH åâ ("ñðä), pp. áãñ ^æá, on all of which see
Mark Spencer, `Dating the Baptism [of Clovis, "ððå^"ññâ]', Early Medieval Europe â ("ññã),
pp. ñæ ^ ""å, at pp. ññ ^ "ò".
ã
See above, n. â.
ä
William M. Daly, `Clovis[: How Barbaric, How Pagan?]', Speculum åñ ("ññã), pp. å"ñ ^ åã.
å
E.g. Spencer, `Dating the Baptism', p. "òñ, n. åã. For further examples see below, n. äñ.
æ
For more on this topic, see Staubach, below, n. äñ.
ð
N. Staubach, `Germanisches KÎnigtum und lateinische Literatur [vom fÏnften bis zum
siebten Jahrhundert]', FrÏhmittelalterliche Studien "æ ("ñðâ), pp. "^ äã, at p. áä: `Bei einem
historischen SchlÏsselzeugnis, das seit langem immer wieder untersucht und diskutiert
worden ist, wird ein neuer Zugang nicht nur durch die Probleme des Textes selbst, sondern
vielleicht stÌrker noch durch das Geweicht der Forschungsgeschichte behindert, deren tradi-
tionelle Fragestellungen und verfestigte Kontroverspositionen eine Eigendynamik und die
Tendenz zur VerselbstÌndigung entwickeln. Dies gilt in besonderem MaÞe auch fÏr den Brief
des Avitus an Chlodwig, bei dem nahezu jeder Satz bereits hin- und hergewendet und zur
Grundlage fÏr die verschiedensten Hypothesen gemacht worden ist.' (English translation
mine).
ñ
Alcimi Ecdici Aviti V iennensis episcopi Opera quae supersunt, ed. R. Peiper, Monumenta
Germaniae Historica, Auctores antiquissimi [MGH, AA] (VI, á Munich, "ððâ), p. æä, lines á^ ã
(æä.á ^ ã). Subsequent references to the text of Avitus will use the page and line numbers of
Peiper's edition.
as the prose-rhythm suggests; "ò the phrase can only mean `to gloss over/
veil under the cover of the name ``Christian'' '. Some have construed
Christiani nominis retrogressively with veritate, as `empty of the truth of
the Christian name'."" But such a phrase is not the equivalent of `empty of
the truth of Christianity'. The very use of the nomen suggests a contrast
between the nomen and reality: the word has no function, unless it is
construed progressively. A good parallel for Avitus' use of this distinction
is to be found in one of his campaign letters addressed to Sigismund,
where he speaks of true Catholic Christians as quicumque veraciter
catholicorum nomen usurpant."á
Van de Vyver (taking Labbeus' nisi for visi) translates `des sectateurs
de toutes sortes de schismes ont essayë de voiler la subtile perspicacitë de
Clovis en se couvrant du nom chrëtien' (my italics "â). But in what sense
can the schismatics have `veiled' Clovis' perspicacity? Does Van de Vyver
mean `put a veil on his perspicacity, so that Clovis cannot see'? Velare
means `to cover, veil, cover up, conceal', so that something not be seen,
not `to fool', `to blind',"ã `umnebeln',"ä `zu benebeln',"å `voiler et obscurcir',"æ
or `to bamboozle', so that someone not see."ð If the schismatics are veiling
Clovis, whence has Van de Vyver introduced `se couvrant?' Vestrae subtili-
tatis acrimoniam (= Clovis) cannot serve as a direct object for velare.
The text is unsound, and all who have translated the passage have been
driven to distort both the meaning of velare and the function of the
phrase sub obumbratione Christiani nominis."ñ One can compare Avitus,
Ep. "ä (pp. ã^ä) to see his use of velo as equivalent to tego: si in eo
inertiae meae noxam velaret ac tegeret magnitudo.
Instead the sentence requires an object that is a pejorative word for
"ò
Peiper has mispunctuated. There should be a comma after veritate. Vacuis veritate is a
regular cursus velox (ppãp), whereas Christiani nominis (pâpp) is not a standard type.
""
Wood, `Gregory of Tours', p. áåæ construes Christiani nominis with veritate.
"á
Ep. ñá, ññ."ð ^"ñ.
"â
"ñâå, p. ñòâ. A very similar translation is provided by Levillain, `La conversion', p. "ææ: `Les
sectateurs de certains schismes, par leurs doctrines discordantes, aussi diverses que
nombreuses, vides de vëritë, ont voilë la perspicacitë de votre subtil esprit en se couvrant du
titre de chrëtien.'
"ã
E.g. Wood (Gregory of Tours), p. áåæ.
"ä
Staubach, `Germanisches KÎnigtum und lateinische Literatur', p. âã: `den scharfen Verstand
des Herrschers mit den widersprÏchlichen und unwahren Lehren ihres Scheinchristentums
zu umnebeln versucht hÌtten.'
"å
A. Angenendt, Kaiserherrschaft und KÎnigstaufe (Berlin, "ñðã), p. "æ": `Euren scharfen Geist
haben die AnhÌnger von allerlei Sekten mit ihren verschieden gerichteten, vielfÌltigen, aller
Wahrheit baren Lehrmeinungen als dunkle Christen zu benebeln gesucht.'
"æ
M. Rouche, Clovis (Paris, "ññå), p. âñå.
"ð
E.g. virgins were veiled, not so that they could not see, but so that no one could see them.
"ñ
For example, W. Von den Steinen, `Chlodwigs [Ûbergang zum Christentum, Eine quellenkri-
tische Studie]', Mitteilungen des Ústerreichischen Instituts fÏr Geschichtsforschung "á, Erg.-
Band ("ñâá), pp. ã"æ ^ äò", at p. ãðò: `die Ketzer werfen einen Schatten auf den Namen
``Christ'' '.
áò
Ep. âò, åò.á" acrimoniae vestrae, å".âä acrimonia vestra. (References to TLL come from
Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Leipzig, "ñòä^ ). For Sidonius, see Gai Solii Apollinaris Sidonii
Epistulae et Carmina, ed. Chr. Luetjohann, MGH, AA VIII (Munich "ððæ).)
á"
Celo, for example, can take a double accusative.
áá
Avitus of Vienne, Contra Eutychen et Nestorium [CE], in Alcimi Ecdici Aviti Opera quae
supersunt, ed. R. Peiper, MGh, AA VI, á (Munich, "ððâ), "."å."ñ.
áâ
CE "."å.ä and "å.
áã
CE "."ä."á.
áä
CE "."å.â and "æ.
áå
CE "."å."á.
áæ
A diagnostic conjecture does not pretend to be an exact restoration of the author's text.
Instead it is an editorial solution, where the editor knows what thought was intended, or
what sort of words might have been used, but cannot, with complete certainty, swear that the
restoration is exact.
áð
He also refers to the dogmata tenebrarum in Ep. ð, ãò.", another text that describes
conversion. For more seeds of heresy, see CE "."å."æ^"ð.
áñ
CE á.áñ."ä^ "æ Ad cuius pristinum dogma denotandum vel corrigendum aliquantisper, sicut
optandum est, sectatores pauca haec suscepisse su¤ciat.
âð
For parallel argumentation, in this case arguing, on the basis of Sidonius' silence about
Arianism, for Catholicism as the perceived religion of many Burgundians, see J. Harries,
Sidonius Apollinaris [and the Fall of Rome, ãòæ ^ãðä] (Oxford, "ññã), p. áâá.
âñ
Avitus of Vienne, Contra Arianos in Alcimi Ecdici Aviti Opera quae supersunt [CA], ed. R.
Peiper, MGH, AA VI, á (Munich, "ððâ), "ã.âæ.
ãò
CA "ã.ñ quanta ineptia; CA "ä.á ne tolerando imperitorum versutias et ineptias callidorum
suspendamini a professione cum iamdudum in confessione teneamini.
ã"
CA "ã.âð^ "ä.á
ãá
See the examples above, nn. áá^ å.
ãâ
Avitus, ed. Peiper, Ep. æ, âå.ä: aperta perversitate pereunt; Ibid., âð.æ: morticinum dogmatis
alieni; Ibid., âð."": saeviunt, quidem, cum possunt, foedis unguibus alienarum aedium perva-
sores.
ãã
Avitus, ed. Peiper, Ep. ð, ãò.â^ ã: haeresis Arriana maculaverat.
ãä
CA "â."æ and "ã.âð.
ãå
Avitus, ed. Peiper, Ep. â", åá.ñ: the phrase is an implicit pun on concilium.
ãæ
Ibid., åá."å.
ãð
Ibid., åá."æ; åá.áò; åá.á" ^á.
ãñ
Pace Von den Steinen `Chlodwigs', pp. ãðä^ å.
äò
See above, n. ãä.
ä"
Clearly the force of aeternitas and futurum examen in contrast to in praesentibus.
äá
Avitus, ed. Peiper, æå.ñ.
äâ
Cf. Gregory's description of Clovis at DLH, á.áæ adhuc fanaticis erroribus involutus.
äã
Avitus, ed. Peiper, Hom. áò, "âã.ñ.
uses the impolite paganus, because none is present. Avitus would not
have spoken of populi paganorum to Clovis, had he thought of Clovis
himself as a recent or current member of that group. He is a canny contem-
porary writer who knows the formulae for civil epistolary intercourse, for
example, when and whom to call a barbarian a barbarus or a natio a natio.ää
He has no need to pussyfoot around paganism, because he does not think of
Clovis as a pagan. Instead he expends his linguistic e¡orts to be politically
correct on the terminology related to heresy, for, in his eyes, Clovis was an
all-too-recent heretic. These observations support Wood's suggestion that
Clovis went through an intermediate stage as an Arian catechumen.äå They
directly contradict the silence of Gregory of Tours.
When we compare a documentary source, addressed to Clovis, some
extremely important information emerges. Avitus is to be trusted,
because he is clearly not eager to draw too much attention to Clovis'
heretical £irtations. Yet what he says supports something in the margins
of Gregory's account: Lentichildis needed to be reconverted to Catho-
licism. We know that Avitus himself gave a sermon (now lost) on the
occasion of her conversion.äæ All of this suggests that Gregory here, as
elsewhere,äð is deliberately suppressing facts.
nostrum has caused many problems. Who is the princeps? What does
the phrase mean? Avitus' use of princeps is not a decisive factor: four
times he uses it to refer to the eastern emperor,åñ but he also uses it of
barbarian kings.æò There are basically three types of historical interpreta-
tions.
First, it has been interpreted as a reference to the events described in
Gregory of Tours, Decem libri historiarum (DLMH) á.âð (Igitur ab
Anastasio imperatore codecillos de consolato accepit et in basilica beati
Martini tunica blattea indutus et clamide inponens vertice diadema . . . et
ab ea die tamquam consul aut augustus vocitatus).æ" But Avitus clearly
cannot allude to a consulship, ordinary or honorary ^ the proper word
would have been designare or decorare insignibus ^ and we have the
contemporary formula for appointment preserved in Cassiodorus, Variae
å.". While Avitus does not refer to consuls in any of his own writings,æá
we may assume that he would have known the proper vocabulary from
the writings of Sidonius,æâ if not from elsewhere. Even though someone
like Gregory of Tours confuses o¤ces and their terminology, so that a
certain vagueness obscures what actually happened,æã Avitus cannot be
expected to write in a similar fashion.æä If he thought that Clovis had
been made consul, he might have expressed it this way: Gaudeat
equidem Graecia se principem nostrum consulem designare/designasse or
Gaudeat equidem Graecia se principem nostrum consularibus insignibus
decorasse. Principem legisse nostrum would have been insu¤cient as an
allusion to the consulship described by Gregory.
Second, others see here a less speci¢c allusion to Clovis. Weiss, for
example, translates the passage: `Griechenland soll sich freuen, dass unser
FÏrst (Chlodwig) (sc. Katholizismus) gewÌhlt hat.'æå But, if Clovis had
been intended, it is highly unlikely that Avitus would have called him
princeps noster ^ even at a time, such as äòæ^ð, when the Franks and
Burgundians were allied against the Visigoths, or äò"^á when the
åñ
Avitus, ed. Peiper, áá.áâ; áá.áä; ãâ.å; "òò.â.
æò
Ibid., âã.áä; âå.""; âñ."ã; "ãå.áå.
æ"
Vogel, `Chlodwigs sieg, pp. âñð ^ñ and Wood, `Gregory of Tours', p. áåñ. For a discussion of
Clovis' consulate, see J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Long-Haired Kings and other Studies in
Frankish History (London, "ñåá), pp. "æä ^å.
æá
The following allusions are all in other people's writings: Avitus, ed. Peiper, åâ.áá (Vignier
fake); æò."" (date of receipt in the papal chancery); æá.áå (date noted by the papal chancery).
æâ
Sidonius, Ep. ð.å, p. "â".â ¡. clearly shows that he knew the `drill' about consuls and consul-
ships. Consuls show up constantly in his writings; cf. the index to the MGH edition, p. ãäæ
for a list.
æã
See M. McCormick, `Clovis at Tours, Byzantine Public Ritual and the Origins of Medieval
Ruler Symbolism', in E.K. Chrysos and A. Schwarz (eds) Das Reich und die Barbaren (Wien-
KÎln, "ñðñ), pp. "ää ^ ðò, at pp. "äñ ^ åò. While Gallo-Romans would certainly have known the
di¡erence between a real and an honorary consulate, Gregory might well not have known
what precisely a consulate was, or how it was described.
æä
That is, consul and Augustus.
æå
R. Weiss, Chlodwigs Taufe, p. ãñ. The choice for him is Catholicism, according to Weiss.
As a ¢nal nail in L's co¤n I would cite the following vaguer, but not
insigni¢cant objections. L's text principem legisse nostrum simply does
not mean much in itself. It is insu¤ciently transparent. Chosen our ruler
for what? The purpose of the choosing or else the object of choice must
be deducible from the context, or explicitly stated.ðâ It is not. This
objection applies both to the suggested translation in which principem is
taken as the subject of the accusative-in¢nitive construction,ðã and to the
one in which principem is taken as the object of legisse. In addition, the
tone is somewhat problematically dismissive, given the jussive
subjunctive and the presence of equidem.ðä Even the construction with
gaudere is slightly unusual. In his verse, presumably for reasons of
brevity, Avitus prefers gaudere + in¢nitive.ðå But in most places in his
prose he uses the construction gaudere + accusative-in¢nitive.ðæ All of
this adds up to strong prima facie evidence that L's reading is incorrect.
The impression is further con¢rmed by the lack of concinnity
between the ¢rst and second clauses. L reads sed non iam quae tanti
muneris donum sola mereatur. This clearly must mean,`but she is no longer
the one to deserve so great a gift alone'. The sentence clearly implies that
the east has had this gift up till now, but that now someone else other than
the east (the west) has it. But if the east chose a princeps, in what sense
does the west choose a princeps now too? And in what sense is the act of
choosing a donum? Usually a donum is something that is accorded one.ðð
ñò
The di¡erences between L's and S's text in the ¢nal clause do not matter: the important
words, mereor and donum are common to both.
ñ"
Avitus was unaware of Anastasius' pro-Monophysite sympathies until ä"". See Wood,
`Gregory of Tours', p. áåñ, esp. n. "äã.
ñá
On this topic, see the excellent treatment in Staubach, `Germanisches KÎnigtum und latei-
nische Literatur', p. áå ^ ð.
ñâ
Reydellet, `La Royautë', pp. ñå ^ æ followed by Spencer, `Dating the Baptism', p. "òñ.
ñã
The allusion is to Romans X."ã^ "ä. Clovis surprisingly has done it on his own. Levillain,
`La conversion', p. "æâ wrongly takes ¢dem as miraculum.
ñä
W. Junghans, Hitoire critique de re© gnes de Childrich et de Chlodovech, trans. G. Monod
(Paris, "ñæñ), p. äò; H. von Schubert, Die Unterwerfung der Alamannen unter die Franken
(Strassburg, "ððã), pp. "æò^ "; Vogel, `Chlodwigs Sieg', p. âñä; Cassiodori Senatoris Variae, ed.
Th. Mommsem, MGH, AA XII (Berlin, "ðñã), p. xxxiii; A. Ruppersberg, `Ûber Ort und Zeit
von Chlodwigs Alamannensieg', Bonner JarhbÏcher "ò" ("ðñæ), pp. âð^å", at p. äð; G. Kurth,
Clovis (ánd edn, Paris "ñò"), ".âòä, n. "; A. Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands " (ârd ^ ãth
edn, "ñòã), p. äññ.; L. Levillain, `Le bapteª me de Clovis', Bibliothe© que de l'Ecole des Chartes,
"ñòå, pp. ãæá ^ðð, at p. ãðâ: all cited by G. Reverdy, `Note [sur l'interprëtation d'un passage
d'Avitus]', Le moyen aªge áå ("ñ"â), pp. áæã ^æ, at p. áæä, nn. " ^ ð.
ñå
Above n. ñæ, pp. áæã ^æ, followed by Daly, `Clovis', p. åâð, n. äå.
ñæ
Levillain, `La conversion', p. "ðð.
ñð
B. Krusch, `Zwei Heiligenleben des Jonas von Susa', Mitteilungen des Instituts fÏr Îsterrei-
chische Geschichtsforschung "ã ("ðñâ), pp. âðä^ ããð, at p. ããã; W. Levison, `Zur Geschichte [des
FrankenkÎnigs Chlodovech]', Bonner JahrbÏcher "òâ ("ðñð), pp. ãá^ ðå, at p. åå.
ññ
Wood, `Gregory of Tours', pp. áåñ^ æò.
"òò
Reverdy, `Note', p. áæä.
"ò"
Reverdy translates the adverbs correctly, ibid., p. áæå.
"òá
Von den Steinen, `Chlodwigs', p. ãðâ, tries this: `grad eben von Euch freigelassene Schar'. But
he has omitted the adhuc.
"òâ
Van de Vyver, `La Victoire' II ("ñâæ), p. äâ states that this interpretation has been abandoned,
`qu' a© prësent personne n'applique encore aux Alamans.'
"òã
See TLL s.v. `captivitas' âåð.äæ ¡.
"òä
Symmachus, Ep. "á.ð (A. Thiel, Epistolae Romanorum Ponti¢cum Genuinae (Brunsberg,
"ðåð), p. æ"ã): Si enim qui praecessit beatitudinem tuam inter sanctos constitutus Leo archiepis-
copus ad Attilam tunc errorem barbarum per se currere non duxit indignum, ut captivitatem
corrigeret corporalem, nec tantum Christianorum, sed et Judaeorum, ut credibile est, atque
paganorum: quanto magis festinare ad tuam attinet sanctitatem, non ad corporeae, quae bello
¢t, captivitatis correctionem atque conversionem, sed animarum, quae captivatae sunt vel
quotidie captivantur!
"òå
Reverdy, `Note', p. áææ.
est, quod velimus augeri . . . introduces a new topic. Clovis does not
need any improvement in the area of ¢des, humilitas and misericordia,
but he does need to start evangelizing. And given that misericordia,
which all who follow Reverdy must take in the sense of `relenting', or
`taking pity on paganism', is distinguished from the evangelization, it
seems best to take it in its customary sense of `clemency or kindness
inspired by pity'.
Reverdy did not see how the Gallo-Romans in general could be said
to have been captive under the Visigoths."òæ While I would agree that the
idea is problematic, if one takes it literally, it is perfectly possible, if
understood ¢guratively. Authors such as Victor of Vita"òð and Jerome"òñ
used Old Testament typology to dramatize the plight of Romans in times
of barbarian invasion. But one wonders what the average Burgundian
would have thought, had Avitus openly described the relationship
between Gallo-Romans and Arian barbarian king as captivitas. Avitus is
a `collaborator', and he could not have used those particular colours to
depict the situation of Romans under barbarian rule. For this reason I
¢nd it unlikely that this is an allusion to Gallo-Romans living either
under Frankish or under Visigothic domination.
The conclusion is clear: Avitus here alludes to some real Christian
populus captivus, that is to say, people who had been taken captive. And
this is no surprise, for he had frequently been involved in the ransoming
of prisoners taken in war. But while there have been treatments of the
ransoming of captives in relation to other ¢gures such as Caesarius of
Arles ""ò and Sidonius Apollinaris,""" Avitus' activities have passed largely
unremarked.
The freeing and ransoming of captives was an important act of miseri-
cordia.""á Bishops regularly helped ransom their own people, taken captive
abroad. But they also, on occasion, ransomed enemy captives held in their
"òæ
Ibid., p. áæå, citing Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands (ä vols in å, Leipzig "ñòã), I.äññ.
"òð
See Historia Persecutionis Vandalicae ".".ã and ".á.æ for two of many examples of scriptural
quotations adduced to create an atmosphere of Old Testament emergency.
"òñ
Take Jerome's Ep. "áæ."á on the fall of Rome, for example.
""ò
Klingshirn, `Charity and Power[: Caesarius of Arles and the Ransoming of Captives in Sub-
Roman Gaul]', Journal of Roman Studies æä ("ñðä), pp. "ðâ ^áòâ.
"""
J. Harries, Sidonius Apollinaris, p. á"ò on Ep. å.ã.
""á
Ambrose, De O¤ciis Ministrorum á."ä, Ambrose, Des o¤ciis: Les devoirs, ed. M. Testard
(Paris, "ñðã^ ñá); also Patricius, Epistula ad Coroticum "ã, Patricius, Epistula ad Coroticum,
in Patrick, Confession et Lettre a© Coroticus, ed. R.P.C. Hanson and C. Blanc, Sources
Chrëtiennes áãñ (Paris, "ñæð) with a speci¢c allusion to the practice of Christian Gallo-
Romans. In this context, see Von den Steinen, `Chlodwigs', p. ãðð, `Loskauf der Kriegsgefan-
genen eine Hauptsorge der Kirche.' Also for laymen. See Ennodius, Ep. ä.áò (Vita Epifani in
Magni Felicis Ennodi [VE] Opera, ed. F. Vogel, MGH, AA VII (Berlin, "ððä), LXXX (Opusc. â),
pp. ðã ^"òñ) for a request to Avitus â on behalf of a friend: germanum suum praefatus in
vicinitate Aquileiensis civitatis adserit esse captivum; qui ut a vobis iuvetur exposcit. sanctae
domus vestrae consuetudo vulgata est.
Misericordia
Avitus' involvement in ransoming was not con¢ned to the well-known
episode mentioned in the Vita Epifani. Three of his surviving letters deal
with the practical aspects of the business,""å and in them misericordia
plays a prominent part. In Ep. "á (to Maximus of Pavia), ãå.", misericordia
is the kindness shown by the Italian bishop to Gallic captives in
northern Italy that makes them feel as if they were back in their own
patria.""æ In Ep. "ò also (to Eustorgius of Milan), where again the context
is one of the ransoming of Gallic captives and the nostrarum aerumna
regionum (ãã.áò^"), misericordia is the virtue that inspires Eustorgius'
¢nancial intercession.""ð For Avitus, as one would expect, misericordia is
mercy inspired by pity, particularly pity aroused by miseria. See,
tellingly, Ep. "" (to Caesarius of Arles), ãä."" misericordiae aditus non
lateat, ubi est miseriae locus, where the miseriae locus is Maximianus'
own homeland, recently overturned by invasion.""ñ
Lacrimae
Whoever the populus is, after inspiring misericordia in Clovis, and
causing him to free it, it is now conveying or publicizing Clovis' miseri-
""â
Klingshirn, `Charity and Power'. p. "ñò, "ñá, "ñã and "ñæ.
""ã
See Ennodius, VE "æâ ^ã Dedit etiam praestantissimus inter Gallos Avitus, Viennensis
episcopus, in quo se peritia velut in diversorio lucidae domus inclusit . . . nec in uno loco summus
vir in illa se regione continuit, ne forsitan in longinquo degentes dominorum feritas inpediret.
""ä
Cf. Klingshirn, `Charity and Power', p. "ñ", on Caesarius: `True the ransom of enemy
prisoners was unusual, but it was not unprecedented . . . What is most unusual about
Caesarius is not his ransom of prisoners in the city of Arles, but his ransom of captives from
other cities in Gaul.'
""å
Epp. "ò, "á and âä.
""æ
Note the telling parallel commonplace in Ep. Austrasiacae á.â: captivos exinde liberabis et a
iugo servitutis absolvas: si quis in conspectu vestro venerit , peregrinum se esse non sentiat .
""ð
Avitus, ed. Peiper, Ep. "ò, ãã.áä.
""ñ
Ibid., "", ãä.ð^ñ: nec illa vobis regionis suae subversio quasi incognita exaggerari debeat.
cordia to men, in its joy to be released, and to God, in its tears. The
Vita Epifani provides some interesting comparative material. One of its
central episodes is a description of Epifanius' embassy to Gundobad to
redeem Ligurian captives taken by the Burgundians. Clementia and
misericordia are the Leitmotivs of Epifanius' speech. Theodoric begs a
favour misericorditer, out of pity for the Ligurians, and Gundobad is to
grant it through his clemency."áò Tears are part of the response of the
captives as they return."á" Tears of joy are mentioned by Epifanius:
monstrant lacrimae gaudiorum, quas dolorum alumnas nunc parturit
exultatio."áá And tears move Laconius, Gundobad's counsellor to pity."áâ
Tears are very much part of the aftermath of a ransoming.
"áò
VE "ää: si quod ille misericorditer postulat, tu clementer accomodes. Also VE "äæ: animi tui
clementia and VE "åá: Parum enim gratiae impendimus illius imperio, cuius misericordiae nil
debemus.
"á"
VE "æä: et pro mactandorum sanguine terram made¢eri lacrimis exultantium.
"áá
Ibid., "ãá^ â.
"áâ
Ibid., "åñ: cuius te precibus fuisse permotum, cum apud nos verba faceret, animorum indices
lacrimae testabantur.
"áã
Ep. Austrasiacae á.â: Paternas quascunque opes possides, captivos exinde liberabis et a iugo
servitutis absolvas.
"áä
Chlodowici regis ad episcopos epistola, ed. A. Boretius, MGH, Capitularia Regum Francorum
(Hanover, "ððâ), pp. " ^á.
"áå
Ibid., De caeteris quidem captivis laicis qui extra pace sunt captivati et fuerint adprobati,
apostolia cui volueritis arbitrii vestri est non negandum.
"áæ
Ibid., Nam de his qui in pace nostra tam clerici quam laici subrepti fuissent . . .
"áð
Ibid, Enuntiante fama quod actum fuerit vel praeceptum omni exercitui nostro, priusquam
in patriam Gotorum ingrederemur, beatitudini vestrae praeterire non potuit.
"âñ
See Avitus, ed. Peiper, Ep. âä, esp. åä.âò pretio tamen, quod portitores adtulerant, non
recepto.
"ãò
Avitus, Ep. "á.
"ã"
See Vogel, `Chlodwigs Sieg', pp. âñæ ^ ð who rightly points to the in£uence of the Remigius-
legend on Gregory.
"ãá
For this important distinction, see Wood, `Gregory of Tours', p. áæò.
"ãâ
Ponderandi non numerandi.
"ãã
Daly, `Clovis', p. å"ñ `My purpose in what follows is to draw attention to what early sources
can o¡er on their own, individually and as a group.' Wood, `Gregory of Tours', p. áäò.
"ãä
Gregory had sources too, of course. See Von den Steinen, `Chlodwigs', pp. ãá" ^â.
"ãå
Albeit a transmitted one: a commemorative inscription on stone would be a good example
of a non-transmitted documentary text.
the possibilities for error, and the degree and the nature of the lying "ãæ
possible whether for Gregory writing well after Clovis' death or for
Avitus writing directly to Clovis at the time of his baptism, it is clear
that for most matters Avitus is the more reliable source.
Gregory can be convincingly shown to introduce Biblical typology
into his narrative,"ãð to model events on earlier historical events (and tell
us so too, as is the case with Constantine and Clovis"ãñ), and to have had
considerable di¤culties in calculating dates."äò Much has been made of
the fact that Gregory places Clovis' Alamannic victory before his
conversion, and there has been much discussion of how many Alamannic
victories there were."ä"
In "ðñð Wilhelm Levison, following Hauck,"äá drew attention to two
spools of material in Gregory's account of Clovis' conversion. The one
attributes the process of conversion to Clotilde's persistence, the other
(one could call it the Constantinian typological account) to a miracle
during the battle against the Alemanni."äâ Levison adduced the letter of
Nicetius of Trier as close-to-contemporary evidence that, though it
mentions victories against Gundobad and Alaric as consequences of
conversion, says nothing about any battle against the Alemanni in
connection with the conversion."äã Nicetius' letter supports the `Clotilde-
spool' in Gregory's account, and ex silentio discredits the `Constantinian
spool'. There are thus sound source-critical arguments for discarding the
chronological link between the battle against the Alemanni and the
conversion.
But for those who still persist in believing Gregory's chronology
(battle against the Alamanni^conversion^baptism^Burgundian war, and
so on), I should like to draw attention to a simple detail in the passage
where Gregory mentions Clovis' battle against the Alamanni. An
accurate interpretation of this passage has considerable importance both
"ãæ
Von den Steinen, `Chlodwigs', p. ãáò draws a false dichotomy between `Wissen oder Falsch-
wissen', and tells us that Gregory `will . . . nicht irgend etwas erzÌhlen, sondern . . . wie es
seines Wissens gewesen ist.' Distortion, deliberate or otherwise, must always be taken into
account.
"ãð
See DLH á.â" tria milia and Acts II.ã".
"ãñ
See DLH á.â"; Eusebius, V ita Constantini ".áæ ¡.; Vogel, `Chlodwigs Sieg', p. âðä; G. Monod,
Eè tudes critiques sur les sources de l'histoire mërovingienne (Paris, "ðæá), p. ææ.
"äò
See Wood, `Gregory of Tours', p. áäã for Gregory's evident di¤culties in working out Clovis'
death-date.
"ä"
Van de Vyver, `La victoire' II ("ñâæ), pp. ãä^ äð; Weiss, Chlodwigs Taufe, pp. áâ^ âá.
"äá
Levison cited A. Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands (ánd edn, "ñòã), I.äñä ^ñ. I have
been unable to obtain that edition, but the passage referred to is probably the same as A.
Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands (Leipzig, "ððæ), I."òæ ^ ñ, esp. p. "òð, n.á which has an
account of the two strands of material in Gregory of Tours. This note seems to have been
removed from the "ñáá edition of Hauck (pp. "òå ^æ).
"äâ
W. Levison, `Zur Geschichte', pp. ää ^ å.
"äã
Levison, `Zur Geschichte', p. äæ.
for our assessment of the chronology implied by Gregory's text and for
our belief in at least one of the much-vaunted quinquennial dates that
appear in only some manuscripts of the DLH."ää
Regina vero non cessabat praedicare, ut deum cognosceret, et idola
neglegerit. Sed nullo modo ad haec credenda poterat commoveri,
donec tandem aliquando bellum contra Alamannos commoveretur, in
quo compulsus est con¢teri necesitate, quod prius voluntate negaverat.
Factum est autem, ut con£igente utroque exercitu, vehementer caeder-
entur . . . (DLH, á.âò)
Queen Clotild continued to pray that her husband might recognize
the true God and give up his idol-worship. Nothing could persuade
him to accept Christianity. Finally war broke out against the
Alamanni and in this con£ict he was forced by necessity to accept
what he had refused of his own free will. It turned out that when the
two armies met on the battle¢eld there was great slaughter . . . (trans L.
Thorpe, Harmondsworth, "ñæã)
A small, but important word has been neglected both by Thorpe and
by others:"äå the adverb aliquando. A crude, but more accurate trans-
lation of the passage would be: `The queen did not give up trying to
preach and to convince [him] to recognize God and abandon idols, but it
was impossible to move [him] to believe in these things, until, ¢nally, at
some time or other, war was started against the Alamanns.' O.M.
Dalton's version is far more accurate, but its old-fashioned style may
puzzle some modern readers: `Now the queen without ceasing urged the
king to confess the true God, and forsake his idols; but in no wise could
she move him to this belief until at length he made war upon a time
against the Alamanni.'
Nothing could be more damaging than that aliquando, `some time or
other'. Gregory is telling us very clearly that he did not know when the
battle against the Alamanni took place, that is he did not know its
absolute chronology. And if he did not know its absolute chronology,
what reason is there to trust his relative chronology (Alamannic battle^
conversion^campaign against Gundobad), reeking of pious imitatio
Constantini, as it does? Furthermore, the presence of the deliberately
vague aliquando is a strong argument against the authenticity of the
"ää
See Levison, `Zur Geschichte', p. äò.
"äå
E.g. Von den Steinen,`Chlodwigs', p. ãáå: `erst als der Alamannenkrieg ausbrach'. One need hardly
say that the presence of aliquando undoes Von den Steinen's reconstruction (followed by
Levillain,`La conversion', p. "åæ) of the Alamannen-Krieg narrative as the eye-witness account of
the aging Chrotechildis, narrated to Gregory! Thorpe's translation is taken from Gregory of
Tours, History of the Franks, trans. L. Thorpe (Harmondsworth, "ñæã), p. "ãâ. Dalton's translation
is from Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, ed. and trans. O.M. Dalton (Oxford, "ñæá), p. åð.
"äæ
For more on this problem see Levison, `Zur Geschichte', pp. ãä^ äò. Kurth, Eè tudes franques
(á vols, Paris and Brussels "ñ"ñ), II.á"â thought that the dates came from annals of Tours.
"äð
Krusch (MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum I (Hanover, "ððã), p. æå n. á) rightly
brackets the words citing Bonnet; see also B. Krusch, `Chlodovechs Taufe in Tours äòæ und die
Legende Gregors von Tours (Reims ãñå)', Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fÏr Ìltere deutsche
Geschichtskunde ãñ ("ñâá), ãäæ^ åñ, at ãåä.
"äñ
Variae á.ã".": gratulamur quod gentem Francorum . . . in nova proelia concitastis et Alaman-
nicos populos . . . subdidistis. The combination of tenses, present and present perfect, makes it
absolutely clear that the battle is an action that was recently completed ^ in present time.
Pace Levillain, `La conversion', pp. "æå ^ æ and W. Levison, `Zur Geschichte', p. äò. Van de Vyver
`La victoire' II ("ñâæ), p. ãñ rightly takes nova in an adverbial sense.
"åò
This is implicitly the position of W. Junghans, Kritische Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
frÌnkischen KÎnige Childerich und Chlodovich (GÎttingen, "ðäæ), pp. ã" and æã where he
states that Theodoric had seen the problem coming for a long time.
"å"
See Van de Vyver, `La victoire' I ("ñâå), p. ðå".
"åá
Ibid., p. ðåò.
"åâ
Ibid., p. ðåæ.
"åã
Vogel, `Chlodwigs Sieg', p. âñ" and ãò". He puts the battle in the ¢rst half of äòå. C. Tanzi,
`Studio sulla cronologia dei libri `Variarum' di Cassiodoro Senatore', Archeografo Triestino,
n.s. "â ("ððæ), pp. " ^ âå, at p. âã, had seen the problem long ago, when he weighed Gregory's
evidence against Cassiodorus. Gregory's chronology is o¡. For further discussion of the
chronology of Cassiodorus' diplomatic letters related to the Franco-Visigothic war see my
`Two Clocks and a Wedding: Theodoric's Diplomatic Relations w ith the Burgundians', forth-
coming in Romanobarbarica.
"æ"
See above, n. â".
"æá
Gundobad exiled Frankish captives to Toulouse. See DLH á.ââ.
"æâ
The girl died before her marriage to an external rex. Ep. ä is a consolation-letter written by
Avitus to Gundobad. He implies that he (Avitus) needed consolation for the girl's death, and
that his rivals would have had reason to exult over his failure, had the girl died immediately
after her marriage, rather than before it.
"æã
See Weiss Chlodwigs Taufe pp. ãã and äâ.
"æä
The suggestion was made tentatively by A. Van de Vyver, `Clovis et la politique mëditer-
ranëenne', in `Recueil d'Eè tudes dëdiëes a© la mëmoire de H. Pirenne' (Bruxelles "ñâæ), pp. âåæ^
ðæ, at pp. âæä ^ å. Followed by Weiss, Chlodwigs Taufe p. ã" ^ á.
"æå
J. Moorhead, Theoderic in Italy (Oxford, "ññá), p. äá, dates the marriage to the early ãñòs. It
may have been connected to the help against Odoacer, extended to Theodoric by the
Visigoths. See Jordanes, Getica, in Jordanis Romana et Getica, MGH, AA V," (Berlin, "ððá),
pp. áñæ ^ð; Bellum Gothicum, in Procopius, Opera Omnia, ed. J. Haury, vol á (ã vols, Leipzig,
"ñåâ), "á.áá.ãâ; Anonymus Valesianus, ed. V. Gardthausen, in Ammiani Marcellini rerum
gestarum quae supersunt, vol. á (á vols, Stuttgart, "ñåå), "á.åâ (who reverses the daughters).
"ææ
Cassiodorus, Variae â.â.â.
Avitus, Ep. ãå, æä."æ, so that that passage does not provide a later
terminus post quem of äòð for the baptism. Third, the allusion to the
freeing of a populus captivus is most plausibly connected with
Aquitainian prisoners from the war of äòæ^ð. It suggests a late date for
the baptism: Christmas äòð. Fourth, Gregory of Tours did not know
when precisely Clovis had fought against the Alamanni and killed their
king.
`L'histoire des lectures de Grëgoire de Tours reste encore a© ëcrire.' "æð
Meanwhile the tradition of defending him persists. This has something to
do with his style. He is long, selectively detailed, memorable, vivid, and,
above all, there. Like Tacitus and Ammianus, he is a historian who
impinges on his readers' imaginations and takes them over: one wants to
believe the man ^ it seems so much easier that way. But to do so would
often be a mistake. T|me and time again, both his chronology and his
facts have been seriously called into question.
Gregory is lively and gripping."æñ He writes a curious sort of Vulgar
Latin that lends him a certain folksy respectability or authenticity. This
tempts scholars to see him as someone who is part of an oral tradition ^
one that can conveniently be traced to important actors in events of the
beginning of the sixth century."ðò He writes `bad' or `naive' Latin.
Therefore there is no art here. `Therefore the man is telling the truth',
goes the faulty syllogism."ð"
Because he writes Vulgar Latin, classicists rarely study Gregory. This
is a pity. In the nineteenth century German medieval historians could
still recognize a glaring literary topos when they saw one and treat it
accordingly. Yet many scholars still persist in labelling obvious literary
inventions as `oral folk tradition' or `eye-witness accounts'."ðá According to
Grell, French scholars treat the sources for the French monarchy with
`une curieuse absence de sense critique et une hypertrophie d'interprë-
tation'."ðâ She has put her ¢nger on something very important about the
way Gregory is handled. I would state my supposition even more provo-
"æð
Grell, `Clovis', p. "ææ.
"æñ
Erich Auerbach, Mimesis[: the Representation of Reality in Western Literature] (Princeton,
"ñæã), p. ðæ, draws our attention to horse-urine and on pp. ñã ^ä discusses the `everyday
reality' and `reawakening sensory apprehension of things and events' in Gregory's work. He
fails to discuss any of Gregory's sources or spools of material.
"ðò
For the trickledown of this idea see Auerbach, Mimesis pp. ðä and ñä.
"ð"
I was delighted to see that Grell (`Clovis,' p. "ðò) shares my views precisely: `les dëfauts de
Grëgoire deviennent ses qualitës . . . Les ërudits supposent qu'en ces temps frustes et sauvages,
les historiens ignoraient le mensonge et la dissimulation.'
"ðá
A textbook example is the treatment of Clotilde's sermon to Clovis in DLH á.áñ. Gibbon
saw the problem, see The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (New York, "ñâá), II.âðñ n. áä.
Yet Rouche, despite his better instincts, is still defending this preposterous literary pastiche,
which clearly has a written source, as oral tradition. See Rouche, Clovis, pp. áåò^ ".
"ðâ
Grell, `Clovis', p. "æñ.