Unit I Kinship , Family and Marda gc

(a) Decent: Compa rative Study of North Indian K in shi p S~·stcm

Backgr ound . . . .
In sociolog y, all blood rel ationships are known by a technica l term. consangu1111ty. S1.mtl rn:ly.
al l relationships through marriage are given the term affi nity. For instance. the relat1 011shi ps
between mother and son/dau ghter, sister and brother/sister, fat her and son/dau ghte r arr
consanguineul, \vhile relationships between father/mother-in-law nnd daughter-Ison-in-law
are affinal. There are basically two ways of acq uiring kinship relation s by bi11h and by
marnage.
• According to A. R. Radcliff Brown, kinship is a system of dynamic relations
between person and person in community, the behaviour of any two persons in an y _or
these relations being regulated in some way, and to a greater or less extent by social
usage. ,j

' )

The social institutions of Indian society are rooted in literary and learned traditions, many
sociological studies have made use of textual sources for explaining the ideological bases of
our institutions. For example, K.M. Kapadia (1947) has used classical texts to describe Hindu
kinship. Hindu Social Organisation by P.H. Prabhu (1954) is also based on Sanskrit texts.
Similarly, Irawati Karve ( 1940 and 1958) and G.S. Ghurye ( 1946, 1955) have extensively
worked on Indian kinship system.

South Indian / Dravidian Kinship System

In some societies like the Nayar of South India as studied by Schneider and Gough (1974),
the biological and the social father may not be the same. A Nayar woman is free to begin a
sambandham (relationship) after her marriage. When a Nayar woman is pregnant either
the
husband or any of the lovers can claim paternity by paying the midwife and is recognised as
the social father. Anthropologists for such cases have distinguished two types of parenthood
and father.
• Genetrix - culturally recognised biological mother
• Mater - social mother
• Genitor - culturally recognised biological father
• Pater - social father (Barnard 2007:101)

Kinship system in south India is characterized by positive rules of marriage. This means that
preference for a particular type of alliance in marriage is clearly stated and practiced. The
rules are quite clear about whom one should/can marry.
I
The south Jndian states include Kerala, Karnataka, Andra Pradesh (and Telangana), and
Tamil Nadu, where the languages of the Dravidian family are spoken. Among the states, the
state of Kerala is different from the others because they have matrilineal system. Some of the
~sociological studies also found that, both patrilineal and patrilocal system along with
matrilineal and matrilocal systems are present. Kathleen Gough (1955) a British
anthropologist, in her study of the Brahmins of the Tanjorc district describes patrilin
eal
descent group are distributed in small communities. Louis Dumont (1986) in his study of
the
Pran1alai Kallar of Tamil Nadu describes kin group in tem1 of patrilineal, patriloc
aL
exogamous groups are called Kuttam. In economic sphere also. the land is own by male
members of the kuttam.
 In so utl~ India, wid0w rL:111arriagc js practiced among all caste e~ccpt_13 rahm in . \1an c:an
mmry his cider sister · s daughlL:r. but it is not allow~d in rnatrilineal soci~ty. Parallel cousins
cann?t marry each ot her whik cross cousin can (excepti on to the Nayars). Thus. parallel
\
couSms are referred to as brothers and sisters, for example in Tamil, all parallel cousins are
addressed as·,
• Annan (elder brother)
• Tambi (younger brother)
• Akka (elder sister)
• Tangachi (younger sister)
Cross cousins are never· br·otl1ers an d sisters.
. They referred as·
• Mama magal (MBD) '
• Mama magan (MBS)
• Attai magal (FZD)
• Attai magan (FZS) ')
The
b htenninology
. clear!)' tell s that m
· a man , s own generations
. . . brother or
men are either hrs
rot er-m-law. Similarly, women are either sisters or potential ~pouses.

The terminology becomes classificatory in nature; the persons own generation is divided into
two groups. One group is known as pangali in Tamil which means ' those who share' consists
of al! brothers and sisters including one's parallel cousins and the children of father's parallel
cous~ns. The other group consists of affinal relatives such as wife, husband of the category
relatives. In Tamil, this category is called as mama-machan.

Kin relatives in South India are mainly categorised in two groups namely, the patrilineage
and the affine.

Patrilineage; In South India, just as in North India, relating to various categories of kin
beyond one's immediate family implies a close interaction with members of one's
patrilineage. The patrilocal residence amongst the lineage members provides the chances for
frequent interaction and cooperation. Thus, the ties of descent and residence help in the
formation of a kin group. Such a group is recognised in both South and North India. For
example, Kathleen Gough (1955) describes patrilineal descent groups, which are distributed
in small communities. Each caste within the village contains one to twelve exogamous
patrilineal groups.

Dumont (1986) also describes kin groups in terms of patrilineal, patrilocal and exogamous
groups, called kuttam. All members of the kuttam may form the whole or a part of one or
several villages. It may be subdivided into secondary kuttam. Each kuttam bears the name of
its ancestor, which is also the name of the chief. The name is inherited by the eldest son who
is also the holder of the position of chief in the group.

The ritual activities, in which the kuttam members participate as a unit of kinship
organisation. In the economic sphere, as land is owned by the male members of the kuttam,
we find that after the death of the father, there are frequent fights between brothers or
coparceners, as opposed to the free and friendly relations '"?ong affinal relatives. Thus, it is
said amongst. the Kallar that brothers or coparceners do not JOk~. T?e copai:ceners are known
as pangali. In the classilicatory system of South Indian kmsh1p tenmnology, they are
opposed to the set of relatives, known as mama-machchinan.
 . . . _
Afflu a/ Re!a tfres ; Oppo sed lo l 1)c, men~ bei.sot, a pat rd111e age, we have the h1 11 gro up of afhn al
rd ative s (chos e rel t d .
1 the relati ves who
belo no to tl1 . a~ t u ~ugh marriage) . Beyo nd the patrilineagc are wife. They are a
. as well as one' s
~ giou p Ill whic h one' s moth er was born
0
, .
moth .·' "d ) d ffi only kno wn as
perso n s uten ne. (from et s s1 e an a mal (fro. m wife ' s side) kin ' comm
. .
ma ma-m achc hma n · In th 1·s• se t o f re. Iative
·
s are also mcl uded the groups 111 which a person 's
. • action between a patrilineage and its
stst · marn·ed • Tb.e nat1.crre of mter
fathe.r 's siste r a le
ff er and d
friendl y. Mor gan described the
~ m~~/ s ~scn ?ed by _Dumont (1986) is alwa ys cordialetriand cal '.
ravi ian kinsh ip term molo gy as ' consistent and symm

Three Types of Preferential Marriage Bu/es in Soutlt India

elder siste r's daughter (eZD) as bride .
The first prefe renti al marr iage is a man choosing his
rs do not allow this form of marriage.
How ever, amo ng the matrilineal societies like the Naya
J

fathe r's siste r's daughter (FZD)

Seco~,~ preferential marriage is a man marryi;,g his
say that a woman marries her moth er's
(patn lmea l cross cous in). In other words, we can also
iple of return is quite evident. The
brot her's son (MB S) .. In this kind of marriage, the princ
hter in return. Often this process takes
fami ly, whic h gives daug hter, expects to receive a daug
two gene ratio ns to materialize.
er's brother' s daughter (MB D)
Third prefe renti al marriage is a man marrying moth
se of (second preferential marriage)
(mat riline al cross cousin). In a way, this .is the rever
of Tamil Nadu, Havik Brah min of
ment ione d above. Som e castes, such as .the Kallar
allow only this type of cross-cousin
Kam ataka , some Redd y castes of Andh ra Pradesh,
nt in Sout h India to the extent that
marr iage (but not first two types). Hypergamy is not prese
this type of marriage, the principle of
is found amo ng the bride-takers in Nortli-Jndia. But in
and therefore the bride is given only in
no-re turn or a 'vine must not be returned' is practised
one direction.
iced the bride is give n only in one
In this type of marr iage, the principle of no return is pract
ised in Sout h India. In certain caste s a
direc tion/ unid irect iona l. Village exogamy is not pract
ger siste r's daughter. Also , a wido w
man can marry his elder siste r's daughter but not youn
ger broth er or even his classificatory
cann ot marr y he~ dece ased husb and's elder or youn
ibited perso ns for marriage differ.
brother. Here we find that for each individual, the proh
marry in one' s own immediate family
Then there is, of cour se, ~he rule that a perso n cannot
Kall ar subc aste is know n as Kutt am
and one' s lineage. The lineage in the case of the
dden to marry perso ns of the lineage.
(Dum ont 1986). All indiv idua ls in the lineage are forbi

North India Kinship System

approach. Karv e had identified four
Irwati Karve and G. S Ghurye follows the Indological
central and easte rn zone s. According to
cultural zone s that is the north ern, the sou_thern, the
the north and Vind hya ranges to the
her, the north ern zone s lie betw een the Him alaya s to
uage s deriv ed from Sanskrit. Some of
south. In this regio n, majo rity of the people spea k lang
ali, Assa mese , and Nepali. Mostly
these lang uage s are Sind hi, Punjabi , Hindi, Bihari, Beng
cous ins (be it parallel or cross) are
peop le · are patri linea l desc ent. In Nort h India , all
allow ed to marr y each othe r.
considered cons angu ine or brothers/sisters. They are not

Cha racteristics of North Indian Marriage System

 . . . .
✓ In north Ind ian k111sh1p system 1 .· d t , p · t· , \:-
s charac te11 zc 1 ) nc::-.i 1 rules or marriage , it l,:lls
whom lll)l to marry. · . .
✓ DLUnon t ,·icv,'s that north Indian kinship terminology is desc ripti ve.
✓ r II
Man-iages are clan endogamous howev er t hey 10 ow ti1e p1·inciple of h) JJergam y,
1

where women generally married to higher caste. _

✓ Sapind a rul e; seven generation from the father and five generations lrom the falb er.

Comp arison Betwe en North and South India Kinship System

North India South India

✓ Kinshi p
system m north India IS ✓ Kinship system m south India IS
characterized by negative rule of characterized by positive rule of
marriage marriage
•'
✓ There is a distinction between the )✓
There are no strict distinction as
family of birth and family of cross cousin marriage takes placed
marria ge

✓ Descri ptive m nature, such as ✓ Classificatory m nature; for

phuph a-phup hi is used for father's example, in south India Attai is used
sister & her husband and mama & for both phuphi and mami
mami for mothe r's brother and his
wife

✓ Villag e exogam y and caste ✓ Village exogamy IS not strictly

endog amy is widely practiced practiced

✓ The kinshi p system is simpler as ✓ The kinship system is more compl ex

compa red to south India. In north in south India as you find patriarchy,
you have patrilo cal, patrilineal and patrilineal, patrilocal along with
patriar chy system matriarchal system in some parts of
Kerala among the Nayar s

✓ North India kinshi p organization is ✓ Sapinda rule is not strictly practiced

depend ent on the principle of
genera tional divisions. Marriage .
with Sapind a 1 IS avoided; seven
genera tion from father and five
genera tion from mothe r

✓ Cross- cousin marria ge is prohibited ✓ Cross- cousin marria ge IS preferred

form of marria ge

" -- ✓ Levira te is practic ed ✓ Levirate is taboo in the south

1
While gotra exogamy, the Sa-pinda (Sa=together, pinda= a ball of rice) rules are
applicable mostly in North
India. These include all those who have right to offer panda (ritual offering to a dead
person) to a man. All those
who share the same body, metaphorically the same flesh, belong to the sapinda category
. ll includes those who
are putatively related by blood and excludes those who are related by marriage; thus,
a son and brother's son is
sapinda but not a son-in-law.

4

✓ Marriage G! liances foll ow
principk or hypergamy
- - - -------- --
th-:> '
✓ Hypergamy is not followed.
Dra,-idian or South Indian system.
Dumont considers that the principal
marriage (usually a person ·s fi rst
marriage ) links the persons of equal
status. He call s it isoga my. i.e ., the
marriage between two equals

✓ In no1th India rule of avoidance is ✓ Rule of avoidance is not found

practiced. For example, purdah is
used by daughter in law to avoid
direct face to face contact with
father- in-law .l
'\

Conclusion
It is difficult to have a unifom1 description of kinship, family and marriage in India as there is
considerable regional variation (lravati Karv~ 1963, Pauline Kolenda 1987), and also across
caste and tribes in Indian society. Some significant regional works are that of Veena Das
(1976) and Paul Hershman (1981) onPunj.abi Kinship, Fruzzeti and Ostor (1976) and Ronald
Inden (1976) on Bengali kinship, Dumonf(l 966) and Trautmann on Dravidian kinship, and
Madan (1965) on Kashmiri kinship, te name a few. One may also refer to the significant
contribution of Leela Dube (1997) and Patricia Uberoi to a gendered approach to the study of
kinship. Some unique features such as of caste are found in South Asia. Significant
differences exist across North and South hldia kinship systems. There have been changes also
in family and kinship norms due to transformations in socio-cultural and economic variables.
Thus, kinship is just not ideational but practical as well serving existing needs of society.