The Psychological Functions

2 of Film Viewing

Filmgoers do not passively experience the stream of sounds and images

reaching them. They search out those aspects that appeal to them. In any film
there are certain event_.;; that arc more significant than others, and the aver-
age audience will probably be of one mind about which these are. On what
do we base this simple fact?
Let us compare the filmgoer with a tabula ra..,a, such as the subject of .John
Searle's Chinese Room thought experiment (1980). The subject, let us imag-
ine Searle himself, who knows no Chinese, answers a series of questions con-
tained in Chinese symbols passed to him from outside the room. Hy means
of a fixed code contained in a book, he translates these symbols into other
series of Chinese symbols, which are in turn passed to someone outside. In
this way, the subject answers the questions without attaching any meaning to
what he receives or to what he passes on. According to Searle, such a subject
cannot be said to understand-in the sense of attaching intentional meaning
to-the information that he processes. For this reason, Searle argued, a com-
puter program, which does no more than manipulate symbols, can never be
said to have the power of thought.
The subject in the Chinese room does not think. Rut more important, he
does not feel. He does not feel because he attaches no importance to the in-
formation that he is processing, which goes a bit further than saying that he
does not sec any meaning in the information. For our purposes, a general de-
finition of to attach importance to information will suffice. Let us simply say
that a feeling subject-not necessarily intentionally-selects from the in-

15
16 CHAPTER 1

coming information something that affects him, something that matters,

something that immediately and spontaneously strikes him as significant.
The situation of film viewers is quite different from that of Searle's subject,
for they are actually searching—although not always consciously—for items
that appear to them to be important. It might be more correct to say that in
the course of the film such items present themselves as such; they impress
themselves on the viewer as important and, for this reason, are more or less
automatically given preferential treatment. Both of the previously mentioned
formulations are based on the assumption that there is something within the
viewer to which the film appeals, something that is triggered, so to speak, by
the stimulus of the film, instead of passing unnoticed along the secret path
of the fixed code.
If we accept that a film audience does indeed feel, then there must be some-
thing in the viewer to which the stimulus appeals: a predisposition, sensitiv-
ity, preference, or motivation. This prompts us to ask what the spectator looks
for in a film? Because we are not referring here exclusively to motives the viewer
is aware of, this question can also be formulated in more general terms: What
are the psychological functions of the feature film?
It is important to note that the functions we are looking for are associated
directly with watching films, that is, the actual experience of film, as opposed
to going to the cinema. The reason for this restriction is that our main re-
search question deals with those experiences associated with watching a film.
The surroundings in which this takes place, such as a visit to the cinema or
an evening out with friends, are of lesser importance in seeking to under-
stand the nature of the feelings evoked by films.
There is no existing model for the description of the psychological func-
tions of the feature film. One method would be to collect all the motives fa-
miliar from the research on motivation and then to determine to what extent
watching films contributes to the realization of these motives. McGuire
(1974) opted for this method in his discussion of motives for media use, and
to a degree it has served as a model for this discussion. I decided, however,
to make use of a convergent approach, bringing together in a limited num-
ber of categories functions from various disciplines, including television re-
search, art theory, and film theory.

IS MEDIA USE MOTIVATED?

Empirical studies on the functions of the film are few and far between. There
is, however, a body of psyehoanalytically oriented theory on the subject, and
a great deal of research has focused in a more general sense on the functions
of the media, notably television.
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 17

Film and Entertainment

Austin (1988) offers an overview of research into motivations for moviegoing.
A number of surveys have been carried out in which film viewers were asked
directly about their motivation (Austin, 1986; Faber, O'Guinn, & Hardy,
1988; Lichtenstein & Rosenfeld, 1983; Moller & Karppinen, 1983; Palm-
green, Cook, Harvill, & Helm, 1988; Wyatt & Badger, 1988). 13 Without ex-
ception, all these studies indicate that entertainment is the major reason for
going to the cinema. Jarvie (1970), who relied on older survey research,
came to the same conclusion. This is not surprising, considering Hollywood's
reputation as the home of the entertainment industry. Entertainment has
been found to be the major reason for filmgoing in surveys held among widely
varying audiences in the United States and in Europe, including the Soviet
Union, before 1920, and since the 1940s (Austin, 1988, pp. 51-57). There
are, however, a number of more subtle distinctions to be made here.
In a survey among college students, Austin (1988) found that entertain-
ment was the main reason for going to the film ("to forget and get away and
escape," "to enjoy a pleasant activity," "to pass the time"). He does, however,
identify other motives almost as important as certain aspects of entertain-
ment, namely "to learn information," "to relieve loneliness," "to impress or
conform to others," and "to learn about self." Palmgreen, Cook, Harvill, and
Helm (1988) concluded on the basis of their survey among college students
that, "While entertainment certainly ranks as an important motivation for
moviegoing, there are many other gratifications which are sought in varying
digress from the theatrical experience" (p. 17). They mention content, social
context, and structural and technical attributes of the medium. Moller and
Karppinen (1983) identified not only a Relaxation and Mood Change factor,
but also dimensions concerned with Interest and Information, Social Rela-
tionships, and Aesthetics and Art. Moreover, they unearthed a number of dif-
ferences between the various categories of viewers: Relaxation and Change
were more important for those watching a traditional feature film than for an
art film audience, for whom Aesthetics and Art were a prime factor. Faber,
O'Guinn, and Hardy (1988) reported a similar difference between these two
groups.
The review of the results of questionnaire research stressing the impor-
tance of entertainment provides only a partial answer to the question of what
the viewer looks for in a film. In the first place, there is a methodological
problem attached to the use of questionnaires, namely, that this type of re-
search does not bring to light any deeper motives. Even more important is a

13
For a survey of a number of older studies, see Bannerman & Lewis (1977, p. 128-129) and
Handel (1950).
 18 CHAPTER 1

conceptual shortcoming: What do we actually mean by entertainment? The

concept is a sociological one, which means that it is more at home in a de-
scription of the sociological functions of the film than in an inventarization
of its psychological functions. Entertainment appears in different classifica-
tions of the social functions of the mass media. In a review study by McQuail
(1987), for instance, entertainment is to be found alongside such functions
as information, correlation, continuity, and mobilization, all of which are de-
fined on a higher aggregate level of analysis than that of the individual. In the
third place, specific characteristics of the film are almost totally absent from
the research. This fact was not lost on Palmgreen et al. (1988), who observed,
"More noteworthy for their absence, though, are motives connected to ele-
ments such as plot, characterization, film type, theme, conflict, suspense, etc."
(p. 20).

Psychological functions

The Filmic State

Psychoanalytically oriented film theory, which is based to a large extent
on Freud's theory of the unconscious, deals with the cathartic effect of films.
All the elements necessary to describe the cathartic function of the feature
film are contained in his work on jokes (Freud, 1905/1940). The crux of this
theory is that a saving in psychological activity is a major source of pleasure.
Freud suspected that the mechanism on which jokes are based, which in-
volves such a saving, also operates in aesthetic processes in the broader sense
of the word. Like jokes, works of art may employ a technique that generates
tension, for example, by creating a contradiction and subsequently resolving
it. In addition, the technique of a work of art, like the contents of dreams and
free fantasy, may enable the subject to gain access to representations, desires,
and impulses that are normally unconscious.14 This presupposes that the work
of art has a tendency, that is, an aggressive or sexual charge. Thus in Freud's
view, the effect of the work of art has both a formal aspect (the technique)
and a content aspect. The form may in itself give rise to pleasure, while in
other cases it makes possible an effect of the content on the unconscious,
opening a door that is usually closed. And finally, according to Freud, there
is a third aspect of the effect of jokes, one that is actually beyond the scope
of the homeostatic view of human motivation. I am referring to the tendency
of jokes to touch upon the content of consciousness shared by social groups,
such as prejudices. Laughing at a tendentious joke reinforces the bond be-
14
For Freud's well-known ideas on dreams as the veiled expression of unconscious psychic
contents, see Freud (1900). For the function of fantasizing, see Freud (1908). For the possibil-
ity that fiction gives the subject access to unconscious desires and impulses, see Freud (1912-13;
1919; 1942).
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 19

tween individuals and strengthens their sense of belonging to a particular

group.
Film theorists Metz (1975a, 1975b) and Baudry (1975/1986) described the
filmic state of the viewer as one in which, psychologically speaking, the sub-
ject functions quite primitively. There is a certain regression in the filmic
state, which may in itself be pleasurable. The circumstances under which
films are shown are highly favorable to this state: the spectator is seated al-
most motionless in the dark, so that his or her perceptions are more domi-
nant with respect to other functions than is customary in most situations. The
film appeals strongly to the individual viewer. Indeed, watching a film is an
individual and isolated activity, one which in effect takes place despite the
presence of the other viewers. The state of primary functioning, 15 together
with the nature of the fictional material and its organization, contribute to ef-
fects that are comparable to dreams. According to Metz (1975b), films share
with dreams and fantasy what is known as the romanesque formula: the
structuring and organization of fictional contents are the result of precon-
scious primary processes, while the thematic content originates in the un-
conscious. Structure and organization facilitate access to unconscious con-
tents. Finally, the theory of the filmic state also includes assouvissement pul-
sionnel or drive satisfaction (Metz, 1975b), enabled by access to unconscious
material and restoring affective balance. Here we have an interesting vari-
ation on catharsis, as Metz emphasizes that there should be some drive sat-
isfaction but not too much. An excess would result in heightened defense.
In the work of Baudry (1975/1986) the reinforcement or recovery of the
affect balance is of secondary importance; it is the regressive state itself that
is dominant. In his view, the subject unconsciously wishes to return to the
primitive narcissistic phase of psychodynamic development, in which the sep-
aration of one's own body and the external world has not been fully com-
pleted. No distinction is made between representations and actual observa-
tions, and desires are satisfied in a hallucinatory manner.
In the psychoanalytical literature on the filmic state there is an unusual
dual metaphor, whereby consciousness is seen as a kind of cinema and the
cinema as a kind of consciousness. This comparison becomes bizarre when
it is no longer clear to what extent it is intended to be taken literally. It was
B. Lewin (1950) who launched the idea of a dream screen, the basis for a
kind of darkroom of consciousness onto which fantasies and dreams are pro-
jected. This psychological structure allegedly bears a symbolic relationship to
the mother's breast. Borrowing this imagery, Baudry suggested that the sub-
15
The term refers to the primary processes distinguished by Freud, in which the ego func-
tions, notably reality testing, are diminished with respect to the secondary processes. Thus one
functions in a primary fashion just before dropping off to sleep or when one is in a state of ex-
haustion. See, for a discussion of these processes, Hilgard (1962), who also includes references
to Freud's formulations.
20 CHAPTER 1

ject sees the cinema screen as his or her own dream screen, so that con-
sciousness actually encompasses the cinema. 16 In effect, one is observing
one's own imagination at work (Baudry, 1975/1986). This is the same phe-
nomenon to which Metz (1975a) alluded when h e claimed that the viewer
identifies with himself or herself. And finally, Eberwein (1984) saw the ac-
tual projection and the actual screen as a psychological prosthesis of our
dream screen. It is possible to distill from this rather vague metaphor the view
that something akin to becoming immersed in one's own perception is an es-
sential characteristic of the filmic state of the viewer.
Another psychoanalytical concept, scopophilia, which is variously known
as Schaulust and voyeurism, has also been put forward as an elementary drive
that motivates one to watch films. Metz (1975a) explained that scopophilia
implies a distinction between the viewing subject and the desired object. The
film is a perfect example of this desire, since the object seemingly present on
the screen is in reality absent. In a more specific characterization, Mulvey
(1975) described scopophilia as the libido-driven act of looking at another
person or object, involving the fulfillment of desires by means of narcissistic
identification. The body as displayed in traditional feature films represents an
ideal ego, which in Mulvey's view is generally the ideal male ego: the suc-
cessful seducer of women.
The application of psychoanalytical concepts, notably those borrowed
from Lacan, to the experience of the film viewer has met with scathing sci-
entific criticism and rightly so. The ontological status of the concepts is un-
clear, the logical consistency of ideas leaves something to be desired, and the
frugality requirement appears to have been reversed (Carroll, 1988b). Terms
such as scopophilia and voyeurism have a pathological connotation that is
quite gratuitous here. The metaphor that places the cinema inside the head
of the viewer—and vice versa—is totally unacceptable, mainly because it rests
on a homunculus theory of consciousness: someone who is in the head of the
viewers is watching the screen. But this would mean that in his head there is
another viewer at work, and so on into infinity.17 If, however, we disregard
these shortcomings for a moment, the essence of the contribution of psycho-
analysis might well be as follows: What viewers find so appealing in films is
the fact that they help them to fill a gap, a gap that originated somewhere in
their past. Watching a film makes it possible to return—albeit fleetingly and
only in one's mind's eye—to a lost paradise and to see wishes fulfilled that
otherwise must be repressed. The fact that while viewing a film one delivers
oneself over to fantasy, laying aside the oppressive rationality of everyday life,
is in itself a source of pleasure that may be highly motivating. These princi-
ples provide us with functional hypotheses concerning the etat filmique. This
16
See Carroll (1986) for a related critical discussion of the "dream screen" metaphor.
17
See Pylyshyn (1973) for a similar criticism of the homunculus theories of mental imagi-
nation.
T H E PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 21

approach will be of no great help in establishing precisely how the viewer is

gripped by a film, why it has such a direct and powerful effect, and which styl-
istic and technical mechanisms appeal to which of the viewer's perceptual
and cognitive sensitivities. These questions as to precise mechanisms have
seldom been the object of systematic research within other branches of cin-
ematic theory and have, in any case, remained largely unanswered.

Film Ideology and Participation

Psychoanalytically oriented film theorists have attempted to link the con-
dition of the viewer with the ideological effects of the film. Heath (1981), for
example, maintained that the spectator is continually being urged to fill in
gaps in the action, say, or the fictional space. This activity fulfills a deep-
rooted desire of the subject for closure. The traditional film forces the spec-
tator to call up ideologically determined knowledge, which thus becomes
even more firmly established. Others refer to the positioning of the specta-
tor by the film, by which they mean that the film is continuously allocating
to the viewer not only a physical view of the scene but also an ideological po-
sition with respect to the reality being portrayed (Browne, 1975; MacCabe,
1976). A major elaboration on this approach is that put forward in feminist
film studies; it documents the dominance in feature films of those points of
view that fit in best with the ideology and desires of masculine viewers. The
study by Mulvey mentioned previously is a case in point, and it has been fol-
lowed by a number of others, including those by Kaplan (1983), de Lauretis
(1984), and Kuhn (1982).
Certain sociological film theories, notably the earlier ones, bear some re-
semblance to psychoanalytical film theory. There, however, the filmic state is
the precondition for another effect, namely ideological manipulation. In the
mirror theory of the film developed by Kracauer (1947), film motifs reflect
desires rooted in a collective subconscious. His reasoning is that—within the
classic studio system of film fabrication, at any rate—producers must give the
audience what they want. In an ongoing competitive process, film motifs,
such as themes, givens, problems, and so on, are shaped and adjusted to con-
form to the contents of the subconscious. Hence the capacity of film to act
as a moral safety valve.
Prokop (1974) reviewed those authors who characterize aspects of the
filmic state as dreamlike or trancelike and thus primitive and emotional as
opposed to rational. He suggested that it is not this state that the audience
wants and expects, but rather that this is the way the dominant films shape
cinema experience. The film situation gives the spectator an opportunity to
transgress social norms and codes of behavior, albeit within strictly deter-
mined boundaries, in such a way that the stability of society is not endan-
gered and may even be enhanced.
Similar conclusions are reached in an earlier piece of research that has re-
22 CHAPTER 1

ceived more attention than Prokop's solid study: the socioanthropological

work Hollywood: The Dream Factory by Powdermaker. A small elite in Holly-
wood sets before the cinema viewer films that conjure up . . vicarious ex-
periences beyond his own activities, . . . portray solutions to his problems,
[and] . . . provide models for human relationships, a set of values and new
folk heroes" (Powdermaker, 1950, p. 15).
Today's traditional feature film continues to offer its natural audience this
type of informal schooling in the dominant ideology (Jowett & Linton, 1989).
Genre formulas are excellent vehicles for passing on the dominant morality,
as noted by Schatz (1981) in his work on the major Hollywood genres. The
conservative effect of the traditional feature film, notably the classical Amer-
ican film, is often stressed in studies on censorship and self-censorship. This
is an aspect of Hollywood films that Powdermaker deals with in some detail
and in the more recent works on the history of studio production has been
even more extensively documented (Bordwell, Staiger, & Thompson, 1985).
The cultural studies approach has, however, contributed important nu-
ances to the study of feature films. Acknowledging that some films preserve
dominant values, certain genres are thought to appeal not exclusively to the
insights and stereotypes shared by the cultural majority. A random example
of a recognized corroborative genre is the romantic film comedy of the thir-
ties (Neale & Krutnik, 1990). In this case, the insights and stereotypes are
concerned with female sexuality in relation to marriage and the family. An
equally random example of a genre that might be expected to foster change,
opening the way to negotiation on ideological standpoints pertaining to these
same issues, is the classical American film melodrama (Lang, 1989).
There is also room for another, somewhat more hedonistic view of the pre-
sumed consolidation of existing doctrines. People's desire for variety and new
experiences is more or less balanced by the fact that they enjoy what they
know. According to McGuire (1974), dramatic story material fulfills an almost
universal need for categorization and identification; stock characters and for-
mula plots are an ideal way of ensuring easy assimilation. Results reported in
experimental psychology likewise point to a preference for familiarity. First,
there is the mere exposure effect (Zajonc, 1968; 1980): subjects prefer stim-
uli that have been presented a number of times to those seen less often, even
when they are not aware of the fact that they have already seen them. Sec-
ond, experiments have been carried out to assess the aesthetic effects of the
typicality of stimuli, based on a categorization theory in which so-called pro-
totypes play an important part (Rosch, 1978; Rosch & Mervis, 1975). The he-
donic value of a stimulus is said to be based on the extent to which it agrees
with a prototypical instance of the class to which the stimulus belongs. Results
differ on the degree of prototypicality associated with maximum preference. 18

18
Examples of such research are to be found in Gaver and Mandler (1987), Hekkert and van
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 23

According to some researchers, a need to confirm one's convictions de-

termines the choice of films. Atkin (1985) described the results of research
into selective exposure to television programs that reinforce cognitive pre-
dispositions, such as political and moral values. Gunter and Wober (1983)
found a positive correlation between a belief in a just world and a preference
for action and adventure programs on television; these results can be inter-
preted to mean that people watch a particular type of program in order to see
their convictions confirmed. Here, too, a number of studies adhering to the
cultural studies approach have shown that contemporary television offerings
are in fact quite diverse and that viewers are not interested solely in corrob-
oration. The study by Ang (1985) on the significance that television viewers
attach to the series "Dallas" is a case in point (see Fiske, 1987, for a sum-
marizing view).
Bolstering social identity could be another function of watching feature
films. The recognition of socially shared views can fulfill the individual's need
for a sense of belonging. Take, for instance, the way people laugh at a biased
joke, told at the expense of someone or something. This strengthens the bond
between the laughers, as Freud (1905/1940) points out, because they share
both the joke and the underlying view of the target. Not only sharing a laugh
but sharing a variety of other feelings serves to reinforce the realization that
one is part of a community rooted in one and the same worldview. This might
include such shared feelings as the primal anxiety that grips audiences watch-
ing a horror film. The relevant social function has been studied by Fenigstein
and Heyduk (1985) with reference to television viewers. In that connection
it is appropriate to cite McGuire, who translated a well-known view on the
ceremonial significance of the theater to the conditions of media use:19 "Me-
dia contents serve to reaffirm for the recipients their sense of participating
in the events and institutions depicted, of being part of the human drama on
a broader stage than their own personal concerns" (McGuire, 1974, p. 189).
It may be enlightening to examine more closely a social gratification that
the traditional feature film does not provide, not at any rate to the same ex-
tent as a visit to a museum, a concert, or a play: namely the considerable
prestige value attached to participation in art and culture. Theater, especially
modern theater, which is considered a form of high culture, a place to be
seen, would probably score high when it comes to satisfying motives related
to distinction (Bourdieu, 1979). The traditional film, notably the popular fea-
ture film, owes much less of its appeal to this motive. For one thing, it is of-

Wieringen (1990), Light, Hollander, and Kayra-Stuart (1981), Mandler (1982), Martindale and
Moore (1988), Whitfield (1983), and Whitfield and Slatter (1979).
19
See for views on theater as ceremony, for example, Duvignaud (1965/1973). See also the
well-known anthropological studies carried out by Malinowski and the Cassirer's philosophical
research into the function of myths. The latter is said to touch upon the expression of systems
of belief which promote the unity of a group.
24 CHAPTER 1

ten difficult to be seen in the cinema, while attaining status would seem to
be of much less importance than simply being with one's friends on an
evening out. 20 (The latter reason is also put forward by Jowett and Linton
[1989] as a major reason for going to the cinema.) According to Bourdieu,
choosing to see a popular feature film may even serve to express quite the re-
verse of a taste for high culture: an anti-Kantian attitude, in which pleasure
is foremost and participation and empathy are major goals.

Media Entertainment and the Regulation of Emotion

Within the uses-and-gratifications paradigm a great deal of research has
been done that provides insight into the psychological functions of television
viewing. I will confine myself here to the functions that have thus far been es-
tablished for television drama, as this type of program resembles most closely
the feature film. In the more recent television research, it has been assumed
that media entertainment plays a role in the regulation of affect.
According to Tannenbaum (1980,1985), television entertainment is always
characterized by an increase in emotional arousal. This increase is said to oc-
cur regardless of the genre one is watching. Zillmann (1991a) likewise referred
to research that indicated that "excitatory reactions produced by exposure to
extremely amusing films are very similar to those produced by exposure to sus-
penseful, violence-laden films." The views of Scheff on this point are in the
same vein (Scheff, 1979; Scheff & Scheele, 1980). He assumed that televi-
sion entertainment results in catharsis, defined as the experience and ex-
pression of feelings. Like Tannenbaum, he took it for granted that the emo-
tional arousal brought about is not in itself pleasurable and can be described
as a combination of such emotions as fear, anger, and embarrassment. In
addition, however, the stimulus must offer the proper degree of distancing.
If there is excessive distancing, for example, when violence is exceptionally
stylized, no unpleasant emotions are evoked, and there can be no catharsis.
The same is true when there is too little distancing, because viewers are then
so overwhelmed by emotions that they have no opportunity to release them.
The latter situation might occur during highly realistic and explicit scenes of
violence.
Zillmann and his associates have attempted to demonstrate the relation-
ship between media use and affect regulation in a more direct manner than
is possible with the customary survey research. They have shown that both
an increase and a decrease in excitation may be functional in mood man-
agement (Bryant & Zillmann, 1984; Zillmann, 1988; Zillmann & Bryant,

20
However, certain films appear to have a high distinction value for certain categories of view-
ers. See, for instance, the motive identified by Austin (1988): "To impress or to conform to oth-
ers," referred to in the section Film and Entertainment.
T H E PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 25

1985). In an ingenious experiment carried out by Bryant and Zillmann

(1984), subjects selected those drama programs that led to optimum arousal.
When experimental manipulation was used to induce in subjects a state of
boredom, they opted for programs with a high arousal potential. Other sub-
jects, who had been manipulated into a state of stress, displayed a preference
for programs with a low arousal content. The programs had been tested be-
forehand, to determine their arousal potential, and the dependent variable
was measured by means of both choice of program and duration of viewing.
An experimental study by Meadowcroft and Zillmann (1984) indicated that
both the quality and the intensity of the emotional state of the media user
can be regulated by television entertainment. Women who were in the middle
of the menstrual cycle chose to watch serious drama rather than comedies,
while those in the premenstrual or menstrual phase were more interested in
comedy programs.
Zillmann (1988) summed up the affect-regulation function of entertain-
ment (not only film, but also drama in general, music, spectator sports, etc.)
by means of a hedonistic theory, the main features of which are as follows:
1. There is a general tendency toward maximalization of gratification and
minimalization of aversion.
2. In the case of extreme under stimulation, individuals display a preference
for varied, potentially arousing stimuli.
3. In the case of extreme overstimulation, a reversal of 2 (above) is seen.
4. Individuals in an acute state of aversion seek relief in the most engaging
and absorbing types of stimulation, of a positive hedonic tone.
5. Individuals who experience gratification—and thus feel good—want to
continue this state and therefore seek less absorbing stimuli. They do not
seek hedonically positive stimuli or are less likely to do so than the indi-
viduals in (4).
It is important to note here the reservations Zillmann (1985) made with re-
spect to this operant conditioning theory of selective choice. There are limits
to the possibilities for mood regulation by means of television and film drama.
An affective state may be too strong or the stimuli may have a permanent ef-
fect that would cancel out influence of the entertainment product itself.
Christ and Medoff (1984), for example, came to the conclusion that individ-
uals with an acute problem, such as anger due to a provocation that they felt
had to be resolved immediately, temporarily refrained from the use of enter-
tainment media at all.
The operant-conditioning function of media use is not limited to television
programs. Fiction can function in the same way. Survey data presented by Nell
(1988) indicated the importance of reading as a means of mood enhance-
ment. On the basis of her study on reading satisfaction among primary and
26 CHAPTER 1

secondary school pupils, Tellegen-van Delft (1987) concluded that reading

with a view to maintaining or regaining affective balance is the main form of
reading behavior. Furthermore, there is a more than superficial parallel to be
drawn between the previously mentioned notions on media entertainment
and the sociology of leisure, in any case with respect to the excitation-en-
hancing aspects of affect regulation. Media use, notably watching feature
films, may be seen as a mimetic leisure activity. According to Elias and Dun-
ning (1986), such activities are an enclave in the midst of everyday life, where
emotional excitement can be kept within bounds, resulting in emotional
catharsis. This forms a kind of compensation for the monotony and boredom
of modern society. A feature common to television drama and films is the fact
that both the emotional arousal and the safe experience of emotion are at-
tained by means of some form of identification with the characters portrayed.

Fantasy and Emotion Regulation. An interesting effect of the cathar-

sis hypothesis that is also found in Freud is the fact that under certain con-
ditions media entertainment, especially television drama, evokes fantasies
that are capable of reducing the intensity of emotions, those of an aggressive
nature, for example. 21 The work of Feshbach and J. L. Singer focuses in part
on this hypothesis (Feshbach, 1976; Feshbach & R. Singer, 1971; J. L. Singer,
1973; J. L. Singer & D. G. Singer, 1976, 1981). Feshbach (1976) discusses
the fantasy mechanisms that can lead to emotional catharsis, in this case, a
reduction in the level of aggression. These include goal substitution and the
related (symbolic) expression of aggression, 22 which involve expressing the
aggressive response in imaginary or symbolic form. In the case of positive re-
inforcement, a fantasy, such as a wish fulfillment, can evoke a pleasurable
emotion that is incompatible with the aggressive response.
Finally, it would seem plausible that some fantasies evoked by television
drama are in themselves pleasurable. In other words, not only do they con-
tribute to a catharsis but the emotion-laden symbolic representations that ac-
company television viewing could in themselves be a motive for watching the
programs concerned. This has been noted by various researchers studying
fantasy. Klinger (1971), for example, stresses that fantasy, that is, mentation
devoid of obligation, reflects current concerns. These may involve as yet un-
realized goals, corresponding to the familiar psychoanalytical views on wish
fulfillment through daydreams, or something as simple as instrumental ac-
tivity that has been interrupted. The most famous form of fantasy involves
identification with powerful persons, the Walter Mitty effect, or the more con-

21
The restriction "under certain conditions" should be stressed because then the opposite ef-
fect may well result. The literature on the effect of the media on aggression is too extensive and
too complex to discuss here. See Van der Voort (1982).
22
The terms are Feshbach's.
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 27

troversial Rambo phenomenon. 2 3 This type of wish-fulfilling fantasies may

contribute to more permanent identity effects.
Film theorists have often pointed to the potential of the film for liberating
fantasy. Sorlin (1977) distinguished the rational pleasure involved in follow-
ing the narrative from the irrational element represented by emotionalizing
fantasy. As Miinsterberg (1916/1970) wrote, "The massive outer world has
lost its weight, it has been freed from space, time and causality, and it has
been clothed in the forms of our consciousness . . ." (p. 95), and part of this
effect may linger after the performance is over. Perhaps we may go a step
further by assuming that the activity of fantasizing, regardless of the content,
is in itself enjoyable and that the media provide a powerful stimulation to
fantasize.

Media Entertainment and Learning

It is by no means inconceivable that readers actually learn from television
drama, thus fulfilling Horace's dictum utile et dulce. More important for the
purposes of our investigation into the psychological functions of entertain-
ment than any objective learning effect is the possibility that viewers prefer
this type of program precisely because they expect to learn from it (or expect
to feel as if they have learned from it). Here learning is employed as a col-
lective term for a variety of effects that are more permanent than simple di-
version or mood enhancement. In fact, the definition is broad enough to in-
clude the acquisition of new behavior and new insights, as well as the reverse
effect of reinforcing existing knowledge, as referred to in the section on ide-
ological effects.
Research into the relationship between aggression and watching television
has not only examined the hypothesis that there is a reduction in aggressive
impulses but has also put forward the possibility that certain emotional be-
havior, not least aggression, can be learned via the fantasies evoked by the
medium. This possibility has been studied in detail by Bandura (1973), who
based his research on the theory of social learning; he carefully balanced his
hypotheses against the claims of the catharsis theory. J. L. Singer and D. G.
Singer (1981) concluded that on the basis of empirical data, the social learn-
ing theory is more plausible than the catharsis theory. According to the so-
cial learning theory, television drama, which in the United States is dominant,
contributes less to the regulation of emotions than to something akin to emo-
tional learning. Action drama programs serve to reinforce certain emotion-
ally charged behavior, such as aggression, and the cognitions that accompany
these emotions. For example, they portray fantasy models for whom aggres-
sion is instrumental in attaining prosocial goals.
23
They refer to The Secret Life of Walter Mitty (1947 ) and Rambo: First Blood, Part II (1985),
respectively.
28 CHAPTER 1

A great many studies have demonstrated a positive correlation between

the aggressive disposition of viewers and their viewing preferences in terms
of violent themes. It is, of course, difficult to distinguish between cause and
effect; the earlier correlation may or may not mean that an aggressive dis-
position is necessarily exacerbated by seeing a particular program. (For sev-
eral surveys, see Atkin, 1985, pp. 77-79, and Gunter, 1985, pp. 108-109).
Moreover, a positive correlation between an affective disposition and the the-
matic content of programs does not necessarily mean that reinforcement of
this disposition—assuming that it actually takes place—is a motive for se-
lecting the programs in question. In the case of a disagreeable affect, such as
fear, we would have to assume a masochistic motive on the part of the viewer.
Catharsis, or more precisely, the anticipation of catharsis, would appear to
be a more promising assumption. On the basis of their discussion of several
studies focusing on the connection between one's fear of crime (i.e., becom-
ing the victim of crime) and a preference for television drama with a crime-
related theme, Zillmann and Wakshlag (1985) believed that expected cathar-
sis is indeed a major motive. In the majority of the television crime series,
justice triumphs. Therefore, Zillmann and Wakshlag assumed that the more
fearful viewers, who are anxious for everything to turn out all right, derive
more satisfaction from such series than the less fearful.
Experiencing intense emotion is capable of reinforcing one's self-esteem.
Exciting films, such as thrillers and, above all, horror films give viewers the
opportunity to experience a feeling of mastery or "competence" (White,
1959). Audiences viewing films of this type are actually afraid, but they never-
theless experience the satisfaction of being able to master their fear (Piet,
1987). This goes especially for men, who gain additional benefit from ex-
hibiting mastery in the company of women (Zillmann, Weaver, Mundorf, &
Aust, 1986). The same may be true of films that evoke sadness, pity, or re-
vulsion, although we have no research to back this up. According to Zillmann
(1991a), the evidence for habituation due to regular viewing of exciting tele-
vision drama is both scant and inadequate. The intensity of the response may
indeed decrease, but it has never been demonstrated that reduced recep-
tiveness to emotion can be generalized to events in the real world. Neverthe-
less, anticipation of such an effect, by which viewers gradually develop a kind
of callousness, could form a motive for certain types of viewers.
Compared to the relative wealth of results that have been reported with re-
gard to affective learning processes, only incidental empirical information is
available to illustrate the possibility of cognitive learning effects as a motiva-
tion for watching dramatic media entertainment. However, a great many well-
known claims in this direction have been made by theoreticians in various
branches of the arts. In recent psychological aesthetics, the notion that art
produces insights that go beyond structural order in the stimulus has received
somewhat less attention. This is no doubt due more to a methodological
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 29

choice than to an assumption that works of art have no message. 24 In many

cases art is about something; it sets people thinking and reveals new per-
spectives. A work of art does not speak to its beholders directly, but rather
involves them in a process that leads to insight, whether it is a question of a
truth, an ideal, or a possibility.
In contrast to experimental aesthetics, the romantic notion of gaining in-
sight into a truth that is not directly available is by no means foreign to con-
temporary art theory. Works of art have layers of meaning; one of these is a
symbolic layer, which is concealed beneath, or interacts with, a more super-
ficial denotation. According to Langer (1953), an artwork evokes an aesthetic
emotion, which gives way to a well-rounded insight into both our inner life
and external reality. To take an entirely different example, the Gestalt psy-
chologist Arnheim (1971) maintained that the viewer finds order in the stim-
ulus, and that "this order [should] reflect a genuine, true, profound view of
life" (Arnheim, 1971, p. 56). However, the problem of the relationship be-
tween art and reality is so complex that it is doubtful whether it will ever be
fully understood.
Films are also about something, and they can teach us a great deal about
reality, as is clear from the reviews of feature films. 25 What feature films ac-
tually say about reality and how they do so is difficult to explain; this is a spe-
cial aspect of the problem of reality in art. The psychoanalytical viewpoint,
according to which the film provides access to an inner reality, that of re-
pressed fantasies, wishes, and fears, has already been dealt with at length.
But there are also countless interpretations of films that are based on their
symptomatic meaning—indeed, too many to examine here. (See Bordwell,
1989b, for a critical overview.) The relationship between film and reality may
well be the subject on which the classic film theoreticians differ most. The re-
alism theoreticians, among them Bazin (1958, 1959, 1961, 1962) and Kra-
cauer (1960), defend the standpoint that film should portray reality as it is.
It should, however, be noted that they entertain very different views on what
reality actually is. Bazin believes that film, because it is capable of register-
ing change, is the ultimate answer to a human being's cherished desire to cre-
ate a perfect analogon of reality. Kracauer (1960) stressed that reality should
24
In general, experimental psychology is more comfortable with processes and formal vari-
ables of mental processes than with the contents of those processes. This was noted by McClel-
land during the 1950s, in connection with his defense of the Thematic Apperception Test (see
McClelland, 1955). The cognitive revolution has not brought about any appreciable change in
this situation. While the structure of mental schemas, say, was studied, the contents was left to
researchers in other disciplines.
25
By touching upon the question of what films are actually about, I am treading on danger-
ous ground. By its very nature, the interpretation of films is open-ended. For practical reasons,
I have opted for the simple standpoint that thematic structures can be identified by empirical
means. An inspection of reviews is a first step. There are, of course, more formal methods, such
as the analysis of synopses and protocols on the basis of cognitive models of narrative structure.
30 CHAPTER 1

be revealed; the maker has the entire technical arsenal of cinematography at

his or her disposal in the struggle to expose what is mistakenly seen as reality.
Another well-known viewpoint concerning the relationship between film
and reality is that rooted in drama theory. Drama, which includes the feature
film, may be seen as a model for social reality. Dramatizing and portraying
familiar problematical situations may help viewers to face reality. Gurvitch
(1956/1973) referred to a sublimation of social situations, which makes it
possible for theater audiences to see new perspectives on social conflicts and
even to discover solutions.
All the views that attribute to art the power to teach the viewer something
about reality invariably call up the question of interpretation. Interpretation
is itself something that must be learned. It cannot be assumed that the nat-
ural viewer of the traditional film will automatically discover those hidden
meanings the critic is so adept at identifying. Insofar as they go unnoticed,
this cannot be said to be a motive for watching feature films. One may well
ask whether what art has to say to the critic or the expert is always under-
stood by the untrained viewer. The traditional views on art often imply that
there is a considerable reward in store for the beholder who is prepared to in-
vest a certain degree of effort. In return for the effort required to come to a
disinterested contemplation—a visit to a museum, say, and the perusal of cer-
tain background information—there is assumed to be some exceptional value
in the form of insights gained. On the other hand, it is argued, traditional
films, as products of the entertainment world, are able to reveal more simple
truths at a lower cost and therefore have a greater appeal for large groups of
viewers. Atkin (1985) reported the results of two surveys involving viewers of
soap operas who support this view. These subjects were convinced that the
information contained in soap operas is in some way useful in solving prob-
lems encountered in everyday life and in understanding reality and other peo-
ple. Cognitive learning effects become considerably more probable when they
do not pertain exclusively to the knowledge and information transmitted by
authorized institutions. Referring to a study focusing on the effects of radio
soap operas, McGuire (1974) affirms, "The sophisticated educator might
wonder whether what the soap operas teach is the best lesson; but from the
preoccupation with audience gratification that concerns us here, the impor-
tant point is that the audience believed to a poignant extent that they were
learning how to live and cope from these radio dramas" (1974, p. 182).
The lesson of the soap operas, or of any popular feature film need not be
new to serve as a motive: the possibility that the viewer is anxious to see ex-
isting views confirmed has already been discussed.

Enjoying Films as an Aim in Itself

Many of the motives mentioned thus far are concerned with a desirable
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 31

state that is far removed from the film experience in the more restricted
sense. Such motives may be seen as secondary, in analogy to a well-known
distinction familiar from the psychology of reading (Purves & Beach, 1972).
Secondary motives can be realized comparatively easily in other ways than
by going to see a film. For example, the sense that one is part of a commu-
nity of like-minded individuals can probably be more easily acquired by seek-
ing the company of family and friends or joining in the social life offered by
clubs, societies, and cafes. Boredom can be dispelled by doing a crossword
puzzle or taking a short nap. But most secondary motives have to do with rel-
atively permanent desirable states, which, moreover, are not immediately at-
tainable. A strong ego or a well-defined social identity are not lost in the space
of a day, but then they can only be gained through years of experience.
Primary motives differ from secondary ones in that they can be immedi-
ately realized; they are often fleeting and are closely associated with the film
medium. The state of regression postulated by psychoanalytical theorists is
one example, affect regulation another. The most primary motives are by de-
finition concerned with the experience of the feature film as an aim in itself.
In this sense, they may be considered aesthetic. The experience of watching
can be a reward in itself, apart from the gratification of any need for preser-
vation and growth. Certain qualities of a work of art are in themselves ap-
pealing. To borrow from Aristotle, these range from proportion—for exam-
ple, arrangement, amplitude, unity, or plausibility—to a convincing portrayal
or imitation of people. 26 And then there is the enjoyment provided by spe-
cific filmic qualities. Some people find enjoyment in the view that films offer
of a particular reality, as stressed by the realism theorists. The viewer is in-
vited to observe reality in itself or reality as spectacle. The feature film also
offers viewers a unique opportunity to observe people in all their comings and
goings.
The so-called formative film theorists have described in detail the cine-
matic means by which the film experience is modeled, and which in their
view render that experience so pleasurable. Unlike the realism theorists, they
see the reality played out in front of the camera as no more than the raw ma-
terial that has yet to be processed, with the aid of filmic means. Arnheim
(1933) gave countless examples of the inadequacy of the film as an imitation
of the—perception of—nonfilmic reality. The degree to which these imper-
fections are visibly exploited rather than camouflaged determines the artis-
tic value of a film. Balazs (1938) saw the camera as the main resource the
filmer has available to recreate reality. In Balazs' view, traditional arts are al-
tar arts: they present the work of art as a closed microcosm that can be con-
templated from a distance. What is unique about films is the fact that the

26
The characteristics are from Aristotle (1972).
32 CHAPTER 1

viewer is given an opportunity to enter that microcosm and to identify with

the characters portrayed. Not only do we see what they see, we see how they
see it, which makes possible emotional identification.
A contemporary advocate of the formative tradition is Peters (1977, 1981,
1989), who analyzed the ability of what he calls the camera eye to transform
the reality it is filming. Camera eye is a comprehensive term that covers
not merely framing, camera positioning, and camera movement but also
the imagination created by such filmic means, an imagination that is envi-
sioned and experienced by the viewer. In the filmic imagination, the reality
depicted takes on certain qualities: aesthetic, emotive, persuasive, expres-
sive, and so on.
The views of Arnheim, Balazs, and Peters described here reflect the prac-
tice of the traditional filmmaker. In addition, the examples chosen by Arn-
heim indicate that cinematic art is by no means limited to the recognized
experimental and avant-garde genres, such as the work of Eisenstein and
Pudovkin or the form experiments of the Bauhaus filmmakers but is part and
parcel of quality movies, such as those made by popular Hollywood directors
like Chaplin, Lang, and DeMille.
As we saw during the discussion of survey research into the motivation of
film viewers, there is little or no material available from the viewers them-
selves on the appeal of specific filmic qualities. Although film scholars have
distinguished artistic or aesthetic dimensions in the motivation for film view-
ing, there are no data on the concrete qualities most appreciated by actual
film viewers. This is understandable, as natural viewers of the traditional fea-
ture film do not normally have at their disposal the necessary terminology to
describe these qualities. Research using more sophisticated experimental
techniques is needed to bring them to light.

Tension Reduction as the Main Primary Motive

There are two sources of primary satisfaction specific to the feature film: the
first is the fictional world depicted by the film; the second derives from the
technical-stylistic qualities of the medium. We examine first the motivational
effects of the fictional world.
Viewers may derive pleasure from the free and unencumbered contem-
plation of other people. We know from practical experience that the tradi-
tional feature film, regardless of the genre, gives viewers the impression that
they are seeing others without being seen themselves. Curiosity as to the
comings and goings of the characters is awakened and subsequently satisfied.
Also, watching a film evokes a filmic state that according to Metz (1975b),
can best be described as a "pseudo regression." In other words, the fact that
the members of the audience are fascinated by—or even lose themselves in—
the fictional world would appear to be one of the most important primary mo-
T H E PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 33

tives. The pleasure of observation and the pleasure of losing oneself in the
fictional world may be considered two sides of the same coin. Viewers so-
journ, in the imagination, in a fictional world where they run absolutely no
risk; their fantasy is both encouraged and directed. The cognitive basis for
this experience is the realization that one is in a fictional space.
For the moment we will refer to this compound primary motive, the de-
tails of which are covered in chapter 3, as safe involvement in the fictional
world, or simply involvement.
There is a second quality, complementary to involvement, which likewise
contributes to the appeal of films, a characteristic common to all forms of
fiction. It is important for a film to be understood not only as a representa-
tion of something else—in the case of the feature film, a fictional world—but
also as an independent construction or artefact. For the viewer, the most im-
portant elements of the film as artefact are plot and style. The plot is gener-
ally constructed in such a way that the viewer is presented with an often com-
plicated sequence of events in which the fictional action alternately pro-
gresses and stagnates. As a result, the viewer, who is constantly striving for a
more complete overview of, and a better insight into, the overall action, is
alternately frustrated and rewarded. The so-called mystery plot is the most
obvious manifestation of this construction, but all narrative films create un-
certainties that are put before the viewer at selected intervals and in selected
doses.
Viewers must grasp the surface structure of the film, those aspects that are
immediately observable, if they are to understand the plot. In some cases,
however, this surface structure is enjoyable in its own right. There may be a
special appeal in the way a certain scene is filmed, regardless of its impor-
tance for the development of the plot. Not only the specialist, such as the for-
mative theorist, but also the natural viewer may be motivated by the antici-
pation of a particular manner of filming. This last statement requires some
clarification. Unlike the specialist, the average viewer is not necessarily in-
trigued by the technical and stylistic details in themselves: the length of a
dolly shot, say, or the ingenious shift in focus within a single shot. But cer-
tain qualities of the immediate correlate to the film stimulus, the image, that
is, the impression that is the result of those technical manipulations of which
one is unaware, cannot fail to strike regular film viewers. I submit that style
and technique work, even when they are not perceived.
Nevertheless, the average viewers of traditional feature films may well be
aware of—and enjoy—certain technical aspects of films. Special effects, for
example, or the acting of a favorite star are undeniably pleasurable in them-
selves. Like Bordwell (1985), we assume that the stylistic characteristics in-
herent in the film technique make themselves felt because they form patterns
structured in time. Although the effects of these patterns generally go un-
noticed, they are occasionally recognized, as in the case of repeated or con-
34 CHAPTER 1

trasting camera positions, two-dimensional composition of the image, and the

mobility of the mise-en-scene. Such patterns of style enhance a film even
when viewers are not aware of them, and in some cases they are recognized
and enjoyed by a large portion of the audience.
The enjoyment of formal attributes is related to those motives that under-
lie games, as well as to a larger group of aesthetic experiences. The film ex-
perience is like a game in that the viewer, driven by cognitive curiosity, takes
pleasure in discovering order for its own sake and not for any use that might
be made of the knowledge thus obtained.
In psychological-aesthetical theories, finding order of some kind, abstract
patterns in systems of plot and style, such as repetition, contrast, symmetry,
parallelism, and so on, has been put forward as a possible motive. Arnheim's
(1971) theory of the structural order of works of art, to which we referred
earlier, is a case in point, as is Gombrich's (1960/1977) approach to the un-
derstanding and appreciation of representations. It is Gombrich's view that
no representation can be understood by the viewer unless some kind of ex-
isting schema is available within which elements of the work of art can be
placed.
It requires an effort to discover order. Within certain limits, this could be
a precondition for aesthetic enjoyment. Fechner (1876) defined beauty as
unity in diversity. Resolving inconsistency has often been described as the
cognitive basis of aesthetic experience (see Bever, 1986; Lasher, Carroll, &
Bever, 1983; Zusne, 1986). According to Mandler's theory of valuation, a
stimulus is valued more highly when a certain amount of effort is required to
find a schema to fit it (Gaver & Mandler, 1987; Mandler, 1982). And finally,
several of Berlyne's experiments provide additional insight into the exact re-
lationship between effort and pleasure. As complexity increased, a linear in-
crease in interest was established, as well as a reverse U-shaped appreciation
curve. The more difficult a stimulus is to process, the more effort people are
able to summon, but only up to a certain point. That effort is initially ac-
companied by pleasurable feelings, but these can become unpleasurable even
before the stimulus becomes so complex that one actually withdraws one's
attention (Berlyne, 1970, 1971, 1974).
Such formal attributes of feature films as plot and style, and their dynam-
ics and mutual interaction, cannot easily be captured in a single, unequivo-
cal term. Beauty sounds too formal for our purposes, but the term should be
mentioned here because it has often been used to describe the aesthetic emo-
tion that flows from the formal characteristics of a work of art, as opposed to
its contents. Here we will use the term appreciation of the artefact to refer
to the motive that consists in finding enjoyment in formal film characteris-
tics. Appreciation of the feature film as artefact can be measured. Our own
research has shown that film viewers can be divided along a dimension that
we call cinephilia. Thus far cinephilia has proved to be a good predictor of
T H E PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 35

preference for various film types that differ in the degree to which film style
plays a conspicuous role. The same results were obtained when other vari-
ables that influence one's taste in films, such as level of education, cultural
sophistication, and even film fan behavior, are kept constant (Tan, Egger-
mont, & Joosten, 1989; Tan, Eggermont, Joosten, & Spinhof, in prep.).
Obviously, films differ in the degree to which they satisfy each of the two
groups of motives: involvement and artefact appreciation. Some abstract film
forms present themselves almost exclusively as artefact; they do not provide
access to a fictional world in which viewers can lose themselves, at least not
in the sense of a fantasized presence in that world. As we have seen in chap-
ter 1, the traditional feature film is by definition good at realizing involve-
ment, which in general fits in with the motivation of its natural audience. In
the previously mentioned study of Tan et al. (1989), preference of the most
traditional type of feature film was accompanied by a fairly low level of
cinephilia. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the appeal of the tra-
ditional feature film as artefact or the aesthetic motivation of its natural au-
dience, that is, the desire to enjoy the film as film.
Finally, if we were asked to reduce the various primary motivational at-
tributes of the feature film to the single most comprehensive motive, with the
smallest possible loss of information, then the answer would probably be
something like "tension reduction." By this I mean the regulation of affect on
the part of the viewer, a small-scale emotional catharsis, admittedly in the
most limited and specific sense of the word. A traditional feature film creates
a specific emotional tension but then goes on to resolve that tension. This has
been demonstrated most clearly by the work of Zillmann and his associates
discussed earlier, although in his experiments subjects were presented mainly
with television drama rather than feature films.
Each of the two clusters of primary motives discussed involvement in the
fictional world and appreciation of the artefact, makes its own contribution
to the combined effect of tension. The events in the fictional world create un-
certainty, which by the end of the film has been resolved. In general, any he-
donically negative affect has by then been reversed. At the same time, how-
ever, the initially chaotic structural organization of the artefact, in particular
its systems of plot and style, requires a mental effort on the part of the viewer
and creates a desire for order. Gradually the representation of these systems
does indeed take on a more orderly form and ultimately ends in a good
Gestalt. This most comprehensive primary motive for watching feature films
will hereafter be referred to as the creation and resolution of tension. Figure
2.1 summarizes the interplay of the various motives.
If the argument put forward thus far is sound, then the most important
motive for viewing feature films may well be of an affective nature. The most
important primary motivation lies in the expectation of undergoing a highly
specific emotional experience.
36 CHAPTER 2

EXPERIENCE FICTION

Imaginary sojourn
'In' fictional world

Safety

TENSION
CHEAT/ON
&
R£[){}(77()N

EXPERIENCE AR'JUACf
Appreciation
Comprehension of plot
of the
Stylistic features artefact

'Formal order'

FIG. 2.1. Summary of the most important primary motives for film viewing.

CONCLUSION

For a number of reasons, it is good to exercise a degree of caution in drawing

general conclusions from a discussion of different psychological functions. In
the first place, one of the major results of any investigation into functions is
that the relationship between motives and media usc is a complicated one,
which docs not lend itself to a simple and unequivocal interpretation. This is
doubly true if one is attempting to do more than establish certain correla-
tional associations. Fcnigstcin and Ileyduk (1985) pointed out that there arc
important interactions between motivation and use, notably, the vicious cir-
cle. Exposure to a particular theme in a program, such as sex, increases the
likelihood of fantasies and behavior related to that theme. Sexual fantasies
and active sexual interest then in turn increase the likelihood of exposure to
programs that may be expected to feature sexual themes. In the second place,
the perception that media users have of the gratifications obtained does not
necessarily reflect the gratifications they actually draw from that use (Davis
& Woodall, 1982; Palmgrccn, Wenner, & Rayburn, 1981). In the third place.
it is by no means certain that the findings of studies devoted to the function
of television drama are entirely applicable to the viewing of feature films. By
far the majority of the empirical data dealt with earlier were related to tele-
vision viewers, while the natural audience of the feature film only partially
overlaps the television audience. Moreover, the motivation to go to see a film
is no doubt stronger than the motivation to watch a television program. More
T H E PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 37

effort is involved, and if the film is disappointing, then the "cost" is higher. 27
While the choice of a particular title or genre is not always the result of a con-
scious choice (Ghoffray & Pas, 1980), people generally have a fairly good idea
of the kind of film they want to see or, conversely, the type of film they have
a n aversion to. There are, however, structural similarities between the two
media, especially when every effort is made to disregard the context, as we
have strived to do here.
Reviewing the body of insights and empirical studies, we may nevertheless
conclude that media use, notably television viewing but also film viewing,
may indeed be motivated. If we compare the cinema with the Chinese Room,
then the subject—the viewer—is anything but a tabula rasa. Even as they
take their place in the cinema, they have certain needs and desires that con-
fer an intentional significance on the stream of symbols passing before them.
The motives discussed include the need for entertainment, a temporary re-
treat into a less rational, dreamlike state, participation in a collective signifi-
cation, mood regulation, fantasizing, and various kinds of learning. The
viewer will in any case evaluate the incoming images according to their abil-
ity to evoke a desirable experience, namely a well-rounded emotional episode
characterized by the creation of tension, followed by a resolution of that ten-
sion. Everything that appears on the screen is assessed on the basis of this
criterion.
This concluding assumption is not based on a systematic evaluation of all
the theoretical and empirical data that are in some way related to the moti-
vation of the film viewer. On the other hand, my discussion does not differ
essentially from that of McGuire (1974). But unlike him, I have attempted not
so much to deal with all the possible psychological functions as to find an an-
swer on which to base our understanding of the emotion of the viewer. That
answer implies that people watch films because they expect to experience a
specific kind of emotion. I suspect that there are two other possible approaches
that would lead to a different concluding assumption.
The best known approach that deviates from this view is no doubt the the-
matic approach, which holds that films appeal to people because they are
about something, and that it is this that draws them to the cinema. In this
view, the film theme does not have to be exalted to qualify as such. The most
banal adventure film is about justice versus injustice, or friendship versus
treachery; the most overworked romance is about true love; while drama the-
orists have traditionally maintained that drama is always about a conflict of
some kind. However, the point stressed by the thematic approach is that a
specific content is more important than any creation and resolution of ten-
27
Fowles (1992) maintains that television viewing requires an activity that is closer to "dream
sleep" than to an active intake of information. There is also much less active attention involved
in television viewing, compared to the intense concentration that accompanies the viewing of a
cinema film.
38 CHAPTER 1

sion that may be provided. The answer to this counterproposal is that the
viewer does indeed strive to discover the theme or themes in a film, some of
which speak to the viewer directly and intuitively, through a kind of univer-
sal relevance. But the existence of such a theme in no way guarantees that a
traditional feature film will be a success in the eyes of its natural audience. A
Woody Allen film about the neuroticism of the New York in-crowd would not
be a good film—either in the eyes of the critics or those of devotees of the
traditional film—if there was no plot development. To be a success, the theme
must be embedded in a good story. 28 The reason that all feature films have
one or more themes is simply that themes make for good stories. They com-
bine a number of complications in the action with a number of possible re-
sults, each with its own wider import or morale; this makes them an emi-
nently suitable means of creating and later resolving tension. Themes serve
not only as a vehicle for the action but can themselves be manipulated in such
a way that they help to build up the tension. To mention just one example:
the famous shower murder in Psycho (1960) shows not only violence but also
punishment, thanks to an ingenious editing (Perkins, 1972). There is even
something to be said for the view that what a film is about, and the beliefs
that it propagates, are in effect uncertain and preliminary. This notion was
recently advanced by Branigan (1992), who maintains that the meaning put
forward by the fiction film is not characterized by truth or untruth but by
what he calls partial determination. Reference is established in the course
of a process of continuous improvement in which the subject takes an active
part. This does not necessarily lead to a total specificity of meanings. Brani-
gan refers explicitly to the affective capacity of the preliminary nature of the-
matic meaning: "Thus indefinite reference does not mean that we can't have
specific and intense emotional reactions to fiction; quite the contrary, indefi-
nite reference may facilitate such reactions." (Branigan, 1992, p. 195).
In unfolding themes, the feature film kills two birds with one stone: not
only is it entertaining, but it can put forward something that goes beyond the
value of a brief experience. In a film not all subjects can be dealt with in such
a way as to do justice to their complexity and relevance on the basis of some
absolute criterion. 29 But this does not mean that fiction films cannot deal with
important questions, in particular, when the importance of a theme is mea-
sured by the needs of a particular type of audience rather than by absolute

28
Even in the documentary, the genre best suited to the presentation of a theme as aim in it-
self, narrativization is almost universally employed to hold the viewer's attention.
29
A neat illustration of this was given by Dudley Andrew, who wryly noted that the so-called
leftist film is merely yet another genre of the popular film. He took the example of the work of
Costa-Gavras: "Viewers are led to identify with spectacular heroes incarnated by noted actors
such as Yves Montand. Seeking to reach the largest possible audience, Costa-Gavras necessarily
subjects the spectator to that state of childish wonder fostered by the readerly text. The assur-
ance of the form contradicts the message of alarm and outrage that these films presumably want
to transmit" (Andrew, 1984, p. 122).
T H E PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF FILM VIEWING 39

criteria. (See McGuire's quotation earlier concerning the lesson of the soap
opera.) And it may well be that the more importance the viewer attaches to
a particular theme, the more effectively it can be used in a film story to cre-
ate and ultimately resolve tension. Examining a more fundamental truth, un-
earthing a secret fear, revealing some unsuspected possibility: these are some
of the powers of complex themes that are eminently suited to evoke involve-
m e n t and tension, although they admittedly make higher artistic demands
(see again the example of Perkins earlier). In general, satisfaction of the pri-
m a r y motive of tension reduction does not rule out the gratification of other
motives, ranging from affective preservation to cognitive learning. What
other psychological functions can be realized by a particular film, and to what
degree, will depend to some extent on the genre.
A second approach that appears to run counter to what we have main-
tained is a more socially relevant one. Some readers may be disappointed that
wherever possible I have dealt separately with the functions of a visit to the
cinema and the pleasures afforded by the film itself, and that the former have
not been given a great deal of weight in my considerations. However, a num-
ber of the motives we have dealt with here do have social relevance. To take
two examples, the desire to see one's norms validated and one's participation
in a collective identity reinforced are the psychological counterparts of rec-
ognized social functions: socialization and the promotion of cohesion. In the
viewpoint that I have put forward here, however, these social functions are
not linked to the action of going to see a film but rather to distinguishable el-
ements within the fictional film itself. Not all films have the capacity to grat-
ify social motives. Popular action films and comedies actively steer the bias
of the viewer, which tends to result in a uniform vision on the part of the au-
dience concerning the behavior, motives, and character of the characters por-
trayed. These are the necessary conditions for active and overt participation
in those visions: additional enjoyment by laughing—or booing—together.
Other traditional film genres, such as the psychological drama—Mankiewicz'
The Barefoot Contessa, for instance—are much less likely to give rise to such
reactions. Yet, the most important motives, involvement and tension reduc-
tion, are primarily psychological, despite their significant social implications.
The claim that these psychological motives influence the way viewers watch
all traditional fictional films is the major empirical claim put forward in this
chapter, and it will have to be tested by means of psychological research.
From the perspective of the viewer, it could be said that what all natural
viewers of the traditional feature film have in common is their desire to ex-
perience emotion as intensely and as abundantly as possible, within the safe
margins of guided fantasy and a closed episode. The degree to which other
demands are made on the fulfillment of motives that are related, on the one
hand, to the precise contents of the film and, on the other, to a possible col-
lective experience will vary according to the particular genre and the corre-
sponding subgroup of the larger audience of the traditional feature film.