Gadaa

The Gadaa system is an indigenous egalitarian democratic system practised among the Oromo nation of
East Africa. The Gadaa assembly takes place under a sycamore tree, symbolically representing its
emphasis on dialogue and consensus.
Problems and Purpose
The Gadaa system is an indigenous egalitarian democratic system that has been practiced among the
Oromo nation of East Africa for the last five hundred years.[1] Among other structural elements of the
Gadaa system is its legislative body commonly known as Gadaa General Assembly. Gadaa is a holistic
system of governance encompassing the political, social, cultural, economic and religious affairs of the
Oromo people in Ethiopia.[2] As a system of governance, the Gadaa operates in stages (often ten stages
with eight years separation).[3]
The power of the Gadaa general assembly is to exercise supreme legislative authority[4]. Its functions
include (but are not limited to) reviewing laws at work, proclaiming new laws, impeaching the men in
power, and settling major disputes that could not have been resolved at the lower levels of its judicial
organ(s).[5][6] Any decision passed by the general assembly is final and cannot be reversed by any other
assembly.[7] The legislative and adjudicatory supremacy of the general assembly is historically
conditioned and culturally deep-rooted.
Origins and Development
Discourses around the origin of democracy contain a clear binary separation between "us" and "them"
which over-simplifies the complex historical evolution of political systems.[8] In the majority of cases,
"us"/"we" refer to the Occident/the West whose academics hold the ‘standard history of democracy’ to be
a 'modernist', 'universalistic', epistemologically orthodox, single-trajectory event. The other category is
“them”: the Orient/the Rest who provide a convenient counter-narrative, a ‘sub-standard story’ of
relativistic, epistemologically unorthodox multiple-trajectories. Benjamin Isakhan warns that considering
Western democracy as the only way for the rest of the world “miss[es] the broader human story of the
struggle for and achievement of democracy.”[9] [a] Citing Roxanne (1997) Williams and Warren also
suggest that, it is vital for political theorists to “problematize the dominance of Western intellectual
traditions, conceptual frameworks, and institutional forms and devote our energies to fostering a ‘trans-
cultural conversation’ or ‘dialogue among civilizations.”[10]
The place of Africa in the "standard history" of democracy is often overlooked. The conceptualisation of
the postcolonial state in Africa is also highly influenced by the present predicaments (see: civil wars,
famine, corruption and others) of the continent.[b] Hence, regard for African indigenous egalitarian
institutions and its continuous development has little or no space in academic discussion. One such
institution is the Gadaa system of the Oromo People. Some scholars underline that the Gadaa system of
governance is genuinely African and provides a potential solution for some of the democratic crises we
face today, be it in the global South or global North.[11] [To name a few, Abdulahi 1994; Asmarom
1973; 2006; Holcomb 1997; Marco 2005; Jalata 2012; Baxter 1978; Baissa 2004; Dirribi 2011; Hallpike
1976; and Alemayehu 2009.]
It is difficult to tell when exactly the Gadaa system began since is seens as an intrinsic element of the
indigenous Oromo's everyday lives and not an 'institution'. However, counting back the Gadaa leaders in
power, now at its 71st Gadaa leader and multiplying it by eight years, one can reasonably conclude it has
been practised since at least the early 1400s.[12] Moreover, gathering under a sycamore tree known as
Odaa is part of traditional Oromo culture. Today, the sycamore tree is a symbolic representation of
dialogue and consensus, where the local community comes together to make new rules and resolve
disputes.[13] Given the vastness of the Oromia (363,136 square kilometres) and its population (50
million), assemblies take place in several places and assemblies are named after the place of gatherings.
[14] For instance, among the Borana-Oromo it is known as Gumi-gayo (Gumi means assembly and Gayo
refers to a place of water well); among the central Oromo it is called as Chaffe (meaning, assembly at the
edge of prairie grass); among the Guji-Oromo it is known as Yaa’ii Me’ee-Bokuu (Yaa ́ii means
multitude and Me’ee-Boku refers to the place).[15]
Participant Recruitment and Selection
In principle, every person can attend the Gadaa general assembly. Differences in terms of age, status or
political affiliation may not bar a person from taking part in the assembly.[16] However, it is mandatory
for all living former Abba Gadaas (presidents), former and incumbent Gadaa Councilors (not less than
thirty in number), and clan elders to convene to the assembly.[17] The assembly was led by a speaker -
ex-Abba Gadaa.[18] In a new development, women were allowed to attend the general meeting -
something previously not permitted for them.[19] Sirna hopes that it is inevitable that women continue to
participate and deliberate in Gadaa general assembly.
How it Works: Process, Interaction, and Decision-Making
Again, the Gadaa system is an indigenous egalitarian democratic system practiced among the Oromo
nation. The Gadaa General Assembly takes place under a sycamore tree - a symbolic representation of
dialogue and consensus.[20]
A holistic system of governance, the Gadaa operates in stages (often ten stages with eight years
separation).[21] Unlike other Western democratic systems, the Gadaa system has five permanent political
parties whose members assume leadership once every eight years.[22] Within forty years, all five parties
serve their nation constituting 'One Gadaa'.[23]
The power of the Gadaa general assembly is to exercise supreme legislative authority. Its functions
include (but are not limited to) reviewing laws at work, proclaiming new laws, impeaching the men in
power, and settling major disputes that could not have been resolved at the lower levels of its judicial
organ(s).[24][25] Any decision passed by the general assembly is final and cannot be reversed by any
other assembly.[26]
Historically, the process of enacting laws by the general assembly across central Oromo was quite
different, especially before the mid-19th century. The process is dramatic[c], beginning with the Gadaa
leader climbing to the top of a large stone from which he jumps down solemnly, shouting "serri bu'e"
meaning “the law has fallen!”[27] De Salviac explains this dramatization as “an expedient of infantile
simplicity but by its nature it is basically to make deep impression of the open imagination of the
crowd."[28] Hence it creates the sense of imagining people without law, order and closure of government
where an offender goes unpunished and all other laws will be null and void. Following the dramatic
expression the assembly reclaims the law by shouting “the law! The law! We want the law!" Eventually,
the president climbs up on the rock again and responds to the swelling assembly stating "serri ba'e"
meaning the law is raised! Following this event all participants burst into joy.[29]
General Procedure
Nowadays, among the Guji-Oromo, the adoption of any laws by the Gadaa general assembly follows a
strict procedure starting with the speaker (ex-Abba Gadaa) opening the agenda for deliberation by all.
Then, discussion on the proposed agenda takes place in a traditional and orderly manner which privileges
those with seniority.[30] Following this, the speaker of recounts the proposed agenda and the main points
of discussion.[31] Finally, upon completion of the series of deliberations he asks: “would there be
anything but peace if we said `these are our laws'?" and the assembly responds unanimously.[32]
The speaker requires every assemblyman to take part in the Gadaa general assembly calmly and actively
engage in the deliberation.[33] In the middle of the deliberations he intervenes to make sure that a topic is
meant to be in the meeting for discussion rather than debate.[34] Above all, he holds that the assembly is
not the place of showing one’s talent of speech or a place to judge a speaker's mind but it is the place for
seeking solutions to societal problems.[35] Hence, he seeks to balance the individual freedom of
expression on the one hand, and the orderly environment of deliberation on the other.[36]
Following this, the speaker opens the space for all participants, in particular for the Gadaa councillors, to
deliberate on agendas encompassing environmental, social, political, and cultural matters. Then, the next
speaker says kophise! (meaning, the chance is mine!). The person who says “kophise!” ahead of others is
accorded the first chance to speak.[d] Each speaker is required to repeat the fundamental moral values
before proceeding to the discussion before voicing their opinion on the issue. When finished, the speaker
says toggise! (meaning, I am done!) and the next person who wants to deliberate says qophise! and
continues to speak. Each speaker may support or oppose the view of their predecessor and, in doing so,
the views of the minority are eventually swallowed by the majority consensually.[37]
Influence, Outcomes, and Effects
In its current political context, the Gadaa system is relegated to local-level practices.[38] The past regimes
as well as the current government are responsible for the demotion and underdevelopment of the Gadaa
system. Even though UNESCO recently recognized Gadaa system as intangible cultural heritage, it is not
given any official recognition by national or regional constitutions.[39] Instead, Gadaa functions parallel
to the state political institutions.[40]
It is perhaps ironic that although the Gadaa system has functioned as an effective method of participatory
democracy for the past six centuries, the Ethiopian national government is mired in tyranny and
corruption.[41] This is a possible indication that democracy is sustainable where it is socially and
culturally grounded, and not simply self-proclaimed democratic republicanism. For instance, Ethiopia had
a constitution since 1931 and has never become a democratic state in practice.[42] Nevertheless,
politicians and citizens of Ethiopia recognize that Gadaa is democratic, and often the federal and Oromia
Regional State presidents attend the Gadaa power transfer ceremonies; there, they read their written
confessions and appreciate how Gadaa system is uniquely an African egalitarian and democratic system.
Yet, they do not have a vision to accommodate it or even to learn from Gadaa participatory democracy.
[43] On the bright side, however, the enthusiasm and participation of the Oromo youth has been
increasing tremendously.
Analysis and Lessons Learned
Time
Among the Guji-Oromo the general assembly takes place once every eight years and mostly for a week,
just a week before power transfer.[44] However, among the Borana-Oromo, the general assembly takes
place once every eight times in the middle of the term of office of a leader.[45] In the case of the former,
it is very crucial, to attract the attention of the participants since it also marks power transfer and in the
case of the latter it is important since it checks the responsibility of the leaders in power. Since, power
transfer takes place elsewhere following elections, it would be interesting to see people gather and
deliberate on the future of their country, not just before elections but just before power transfers.
Structure
Gadaa has five parties of at least six Councillors each - four from past administrations and one from the
incumbent.[46] In total there are 30 Councillors with very rich experiences who together shape the
success of the deliberation.[47] The other most important thing is that the ‘past, present, and future’ are in
the assembly. In contemporary political systems, elections are conducted every four or five years and
citizens often pay little attention to matters of government. According to Sirna, citizen apathy is at the
root of the modern political system's crisis. A lesson from Gadaa shows the value of the past, since future
possible leaders are included in the assembly to learn from their superiors.[48] Each Gadaa represents a
kind of 'grading' of the candidates who take part in the assembly - representing the "future". Women also
take part in the assembly but do not deliberate - they arrive at the assembly last and leave first - last in,
first out!
Consensus through dialogue
As discussed above, whoever asks for the chance to speak first is granted the ability and the deliberation
does not come to a close until all ideas and voices have been heard.[49] In other words, until a
"consensus" is reached, the deliberation continues.[50] No one interrupts while someone is speaking, a
speaker need not stand to speak, and once they have spoken they may speak again. Dialogue is thus based
on respect - in recognition of one another’s views - proceeding from the iteration of ‘the general moral
values’ and continuing on to agree with the previous speaker's words or respectfully deviating and voicing
one's own opinion.[51] The only thing that gains automatic consensus are ideas that are close to the
commonly accepted moral values.
See Also
The Seventy-Fourth Gadaa General Assembly on Environmental Protection
References
[1] OPride staff, “Meet Kura Jarso, the new Borana Abba Gadaa,” OPride.com, last modified March 8,
2017, https://www.opride.com/2017/03/08/meet-kura-jarso-new-borana-abba-gadaa/
[2] Zelalem Tesfaye Sirna, “Ethiopia: When the Gadaa Democracy Rules in a Federal State: Bridging
Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy” Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences
and Education University of Tromsø, May 2012,
https://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/5080/thesis.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y, 57.
Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy,” 92.
[6] Zelalem Tesfaye Sirna Sirna, “Ethiopia: When the Gadaa Democracy Rules in a Federal State:
Bridging Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy,” 78.
[7] Asmarom Legesse, Gada: Three Approaches to the study of African Society (New York: The Free
Press, A division of Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 2013).
[9] Benjamin Isakhan, “Democracy: Critiquing a Eurocentric History” accessed July 2016,
http://dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30079037/isakhan-democracycritiquing-post-2015.pdf, 5.
[10] Melissa S. Williams and Mark E. Warren, “A Democratic Case for Comparative Political Theory”,
Political Theory. no. 42 (2014): 30. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0090591713507934
[11] To name a few, Abdulahi 1994; Asmarom 1973; 2006; Holcomb 1997; Bassi 2005; Jalata 2012;
Baxter 1978; Baissa 2004; Dirribi 2011; Hallpike 1976; and Alemayehu 2009
Abdullahi Shongolo, “The Gummi Gaayo Assembly of the Boran: A traditional legislative Organ and its
Relationship to the Ethiopian State and a Modernizing World", Zeishcrift fur Ethnologie, no, 119 (1994):
27-58.
Asmarom Legesse, Gada: Three Approaches to the study of African Society, (New York: The Free Press,
A division of Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1973).
Bonnie K. Holcomb, "The Tale of Two Democracies: The Encounter between US- Sponsored Democracy
and Indigenous Oromo Democratic Forms," The Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1&2 (1997): 47-
82, https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/jos-volume-4-numbers-12-1997.pdf
Marco Bassi, Decisions in the Shade: Political and Juridical Processes Among the Oromo-Borana, (New
Jersey: Red Sea Press, 2005).
Asefa Jalata (2012), “Gadaa (Oromo Democracy): “An Example of Classical African Civilization,”
accessed September 25, 2016, http://works.bepress.com/asafa_jalata/40
Paul T. W. Baxter, “Boran Age-Sets and Generation-Sets: Gada, a puzzle or a Maze?" in: P.T.W. Baxter
and Uri Almagor (eds.), Age, Generation and Time. Some Features of East African Age Organisations.
(New York: St. Martin's Press., 1978): 151-182.
https://www.scirp.org/(S(i43dyn45teexjx455qlt3d2q))/reference/ReferencesPapers.aspx?
ReferenceID=82552
Dirribi Demissie, Oromo Wisdom in Black Civilization, (Finfinne, Ethiopia, 2011).
C.R. Hallpike, “Review: The Origins of the Borana Gada System," Reviewed work(s): A Discussion of
Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society inJournal of the International African Institute,
Vol. 46, no. 1, (1976): 48-56. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1159092?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents
Alemayehu Haile, Gadaa system: The politics of Tulama Oromo, (Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau,
Fin_nne, ethiopia, 2009).
[12] OPride staff, “Meet Kura Jarso, the new Borana Abba Gadaa,” OPride.com, last modified March 8,
2017, https://www.opride.com/2017/03/08/meet-kura-jarso-new-borana-abba-gadaa/
[13] Zelalem T. Sirna, “Old Wine in New Bottles: Bridging the Peripheral Gadaa Rule to the Mainstream
Constitutional Order of the 21st C Ethiopia.” Oromia Law Journal, no. 4 (2015),
http://www.ajol.info/index.php/olj/article/view/120606
[14][15][20] Zelalem Tesfaye Sirna, “Ethiopia: When the Gadaa Democracy Rules in a Federal State:
Bridging Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy” Faculty of Humanities, Social
Sciences and Education University of Tromsø, May 2012,
[19] Tesema Ta’a, “The Gadaa System and Some of Its Institutions among the Booranaa: A Historical
Perspective” Ethiopian Journal of the Social Sciences and Humanities, no. 12 (2016): 91,
https://goo.gl/MswvpR
Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy,”106.
[26] Asmarom Legesse, Oromo Democracy; An Indigenous African Political System, first edition (New
Jersey: Red Sea Press Inc., 2006), 93.
[27] Martial De Salviac, An Ancient People, Great African nation: The Oromo, trans. by Ayalew Kenno,
Fin_nne, Ethiopia, (2008 [1901]), 213.
Fin_nne, Ethiopia, (2008 [1901]), 213.
Fin_nne, Ethiopia, (2008 [1901]), 214.
[30][31][32] Zelalem Tesfaye Sirna, “Ethiopia: When the Gadaa Democracy Rules in a Federal State:
Bridging Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy” Faculty of Humanities, Social
Sciences and Education University of Tromsø, May 2012,
[33][34][35][36][37] Zelalem Tesfaye Sirna, “Ethiopia: When the Gadaa Democracy Rules in a Federal
State: Bridging Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy” Faculty of Humanities,
Social Sciences and Education University of Tromsø, May 2012,
Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy," 32.
[39] “Oromo: UNESCO Recognizes Indigenous System of Self-Government as World Heritage”,

UNPO.org, last modified December 6, 2016, https://unpo.org/article/19701
https://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/5080/thesis.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y, 71; 109; 29
[45] “Borana People: The Largest Oromo Pastoralist and Kind People of East Africa,” Trip Down
Memory Lane, last modified July 15, 2013,
https://kwekudee-tripdownmemorylane.blogspot.com/2013/07/borana-people-largest-oromo-
pastoralist.html
https://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/5080/thesis.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y, 70-72.
https://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/5080/thesis.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y, 68-69.
Fin_nne, Ethiopia, (2008 [1901]), 220.
https://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/5080/thesis.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y, 6; 108.
External Links
UNESCO "Gada System"
Official Website of Oromia and Oromo

Notes
[a] See also: Benjamin Isakhan and Stephen Stockwell (2011) “The Secret History of Democracy.”
Palgrave Macmillan, New York.
[b] The state in Africa is described as a neo-patrimonial state (Mederd, 1982), criminal state (Bayart et al
1999), collapsed state (Zartman 1995), shadow state, warlord state (Reno 1995; 1998), juridical state,
personal rule (Jackson and Rosberg 1982; 1984) and so on.
[c] Moreover, speeches in the general assembly are delivered with much seriousness. The tone, the
gesture, the accent, the pause and other oratorical finesses are sufficient among several clans to strongly
nuance the word (De Salviac 2008 (1901): 218). In average, from eight hundred to one thousand citizens
do take part daily in the meeting that lasts for eight successive days (Abdullahi 1994; Diribi 2011;
Asmarom 1973: 93).
[d] If two people simultaneously says kophisee, then one of them will say qoxise, meaning let you give
me a chance. Then the chance will be his.
Gada is a traditional system of governance used by the Oromo people in Ethiopia developed from
knowledge gained by community experience over generations. The system regulates political, economic,
social and religious activities of the community dealing with issues such as conflict resolution, reparation
and protecting women’s rights. It serves as a mechanism for enforcing moral conduct, building social
cohesion, and expressing forms of community culture. Gada is organized into five classes with one of
these functioning as the ruling class consisting of a chairperson, officials and an assembly. Each class
progresses through a series of grades before it can function in authority with the leadership changing on a
rotational basis every eight years. Class membership is open to men, whose fathers are already members,
while women are consulted for decision-making on protecting women’s rights. The classes are taught by
oral historians covering history, laws, rituals, time reckoning, cosmology, myths, rules of conduct, and the
function of the Gada system. Meetings and ceremonies take place under a sycamore tree (considered the
Gada symbol) while major clans have established Gada centres and ceremonial spaces according to
territory. Knowledge about the Gada system is transmitted to children in the home and at schoo
Introduction
There are democratic institutions indigenous to Africa. Much is unknown about these institutions and
Africa is often portrayed as undemocratic, a representation reinforced by a widespread democratic deficit
on the continent. However, history reveals that this depiction of Africa – a universalized “undemocratic
Africa” – is grossly misleading. There were, and still are, democratic institutions that are ruptured by
repressive regimes. The Gadaa System is an exemplary indigenous democracy, recognized by the United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as an “Intangible Cultural Heritage
of Humanity” in 2016.[1]
In this world, where power relations are unjustly constructed and perpetuated through discursive
mystification and epistemic violence, scholars must engage in demystification and counteractive
epistemology. This essay provides a cursory glance into these questions: What is the Gadaa System? Why
is it significant today? How does the institution promote accountability?
There are democratic institutions indigenous to Africa. Much is unknown about these institutions and
Africa is often portrayed as undemocratic, a representation reinforced by a widespread democratic deficit
on the continent. However, history reveals that this depiction of Africa – a universalized “undemocratic
Africa” – is grossly misleading.
The meaning and significance of the Gadaa System
The Gadaa System is an indigenous democratic institution – also referred to as the “unwritten
constitution” – of the Oromo people. The Oromo are the largest nation in Ethiopia and constitute about 40
percent of the country’s population, [2] as well as a significant population in the rest of Horn of Africa,
mainly in northern Kenya. Although little is known about the time and mechanism of its emergence, it
was operating as “a full-fledged system at the beginning of the sixteenth century” (Jalata 2012, 131).
Asmarom Legesse, an African anthropologist of Eritrean origin, in his book entitled Oromo Democracy:
An Indigenous African Political System (2000) states, “Oromo people created Gada[a], and Gada[a]
created the Oromo nation” (Legesse 2000, 116, italics in original). [3]
Legesse argues that “[Gadaa] contains genuinely African solutions for some of the problems that
democracies everywhere have had to face” (2000, 195). Gadaa has an inbuilt structure that facilitates
checks and balances among different branches of government. It vests the ultimate authority of making
and revising laws in the General Assembly called Gumii or Caffee (Figure 1), to which the executive
branch, constituted of elected Gadaa leaders (abbootii gadaa) are accountable (Legesse 2000).
The term ‘Gadaa’ has three distinct but interrelated meanings:

It designates an institution of governance, with a complex set of structures, rules, and regulations, i.e., the
gadaa
It refers to one of the gadaa grades during which a class of people assume political and ritual leadership.
It is the period or era denoting the duration of time Gadaa leaders are expected to stay in power.
Of interest here is the first meaning of the Gadaa System, i.e., gadaa as an institution, which encompasses
the other narrower meanings. The Gadaa System is composed of gadaa grades, although their number and
names vary in different parts of Oromia. All Oromo males belong to one grade or the other, depending on
his age, and are expected to undertake the commensurate societal responsibility. According to Legesse
(2000), whose research is mainly based in Borana area, the grades include Dabballee (liminal childhood)
of age 0-8, Gaammee Didiqqoo (Junior Gamme) of age 8-16, Gaammee Guguddoo (Senior Gamme) of
age 16-24, Kuusa (Junior Warriors) of age 24-32, Raaba (Senior Warriors) of age 32-45[4], Gadaa
(Rulers) of age 45-53, Yuuba 1-4 (partial retirement) of age 53-80, and Gadamoojjii (liminal elderly) of
age 80 and above. Leggesse (2000) ends the Gadamoojjii grade at age 88 and adds another grade called
Jaarsa (old) of age 88 and above.
Legesse goes on to define the Gadaa System as “a system of generation classes that succeed each other
every eight years in assuming political, military, judicial, legislative and ritual responsibilities” (Legesse
2000, 104). This definition indicates the multi-faceted functions of the institution and its democratic
nature of power transfer “every eight years.” The Gadaa System plays a key role in regulating the various
dimensions of life, which could be broadly categorized as governing people-environment relations, as it
sets normative standard for utilizing and caring for the natural environment. It serves the purpose of
actively monitoring and resolving resource conflicts, and people-people relations, as it sets the rules and
regulations for administrative, socio-political, and economic affairs.
Historically, the Gadaa System was central to the political, social, cultural, and economic life of the
Oromo people. After their incorporation into the current territory of Ethiopia in the late 19th century, all
practices related to the Gadaa System were banned and were no longer permitted to openly govern the
people. This, of course, led to the decline in practical significance of the institution. However, it has
remained a core symbol of identity and collective memory among the people. Despite external pressures,
the Oromo people have maintained the cultural viability of the Gadaa System in some parts of Oromia,
most notably in southern Ethiopia. Even when and where it was not practiced, it served as a potent source
of inspiration and mobilization in the over-half a century of struggle for restorative justice, self-rule, and
democracy.
Despite external pressures, the Oromo people have maintained the cultural viability of the Gadaa System
in some parts of Oromia, most notably in southern Ethiopia. Even when and where it was not practiced, it
served as a potent source of inspiration and mobilization in the over-half a century of struggle for
restorative justice, self-rule, and democracy.
In a context of authoritarian political culture, which the Oromo and the other people of Ethiopia have
experienced since their incorporation by expansionist Abyssinian forces led by Menelik II, the Gadaa
System invokes, especially among the Oromo people, a memory of democratic heritage at its mention.
This is captured by the people’s saying, “Dimokrasiin nuuf aadaadha malee haaraa miti,” meaning
“democracy is not new for us; it is rather our culture.” This discursive counteraction is often used by the
Oromo people in contexts where democracy is portrayed as new to the people and as a way of reclaiming
one’s old civilization.
How does the Gadaa System promote accountability?
Current developments have inspired rethinking and debate around the possibility and implications of
wider application of the Gadaa principles to modern polity. These debates often evoke the values and
principles of the Gadaa System, including egalitarian principles; broad-based participation and
intergenerational equity; age-sets based, structured way of training and preparation for leadership roles in
the society; and accountability structures and functions, which are promoted through the non-hierarchical
organization of the society.
Ethiopia has long been ruled by dictatorial regimes and the promises of democracy, peace, and
development have remained unrealized. The unilateral decision of the ruling party to indefinitely
postpone last year’s parliamentary elections, which were supposed to be held before the end of August
2020, citing COVID-19 as a reason, evoked the danger of possible perpetuation of dictatorship in the
country. The elections were held in June 2021 in some regions – suspending in others – in a context of an
all-out war in Tigray and low-intensity wars in many parts of the country, notably in Oromia and
Benishangul-Gumuz. While there is no space to describe the process and the outcome of the elections
here, it is worth noting that the ruling party excluded prominent political parties and figures, earning a
reputation of sham elections, and marking an alarming milestone in a failed transition to democracy.
Therefore, the contemporary significance of the Gadaa System is rooted in these historical and
contemporary realities. Beyond the people’s adoration for the system as their cultural emblem, the
functional promise of the institution in a land plagued by consecutive authoritarian regimes, where
peaceful transition of power has never been the case, cannot be overemphasized. One of the cross-cutting
issues in the quest for peace, democracy and development is accountability. The Gadaa System has
features that reflect its commitment to the notion and practice of accountability.
The most important accountability promise of the Gadaa System is embedded in its structural formation.
The system is constituted of four institutions, responsible for different aspect of societal governance.
These include the rulers (Gadaa), the warriors (Hariyyaa), the electors and the ritual leaders (Qaalluu),
and the General Assembly (Gumii) (Legesse 2000).[5] Legesse (2000) states that Gumii “gives structural
substance to the notion that power rests ultimately with the people – a right they exercise by direct
participation or by delegating power to five groups of Gada[a] leaders” (p. 100). This reflects a notion of
“checks and balances” in contemporary democracies.
In an organizational chart, Legesse (2000, 108) places Gumii at the top of the structure, with ultimate
decision-making power, and juxtaposes Gadaa and Qaalluu at the same level but with different duties and
responsibilities. The Abbaa Gadaa (the Gadaa Leader) cannot stay in power for more than eight years,
and political power is transferred democratically and peacefully, through elections. While the office of
Gadaa is held through elections and has a fixed term limit of eight years, that of the Qaalluu is hereditary
and has no term limit. The two institutions signify the separation of political and ritual domains. Qaalluus
are involved in elections for political office, but they cannot hold such an office. While the Gadaa leaders
are engaged in making decisions (mura), the ritual leaders are engaged in ritual practices, such as
blessings (eebba).
Of particular relevance to the notion of accountability is that the Gadaa System gives authority to the
National Assembly (Gumii or Caffee). According to Legesse, Gumii “is made up of all the Gada[a]
assemblies of the Oromo, who meet once every eight years, to review the laws, to proclaim new laws, to
evaluate men in power, and to resolve major conflicts that could not be resolved at lower levels of their
judicial organization” (2000, 100). The Gumii has the authority to remove Gadaa leaders from office if
they are found to be unfit for leadership upon evaluation. This feature, which mirrors impeachment in
modern-day democracy, is believed to check the tendency of power abuse and avoid the consequences of
leadership incompetence.
Accountability, enacted through “confession” and “impeachment (buqqisuu),” is a key principle of the
Gadaa System (Legesse 2000).
Accountability, enacted through “confession” and “impeachment (buqqisuu),” is a key principle of the
Gadaa System (Legesse 2000). This principle requires that “the luba [the office of the Gadaa leaders] in
power appears before the Gumii and let the people judge how well they have conducted themselves as
leaders. If their leadership was inadequate, the National Assembly will remove them from office or
penalize them in other ways, such as barring them and all their descendants from holding the same office”
(2000, 202).
In Borana, the leaders in power are evaluated by the immediate younger and four of the older Gadaa
classes. The evaluation takes around the middle of the term of power and may lead to buqqisuu
(uprooting) and replacement with other leaders, other forms of punishment, or forgiveness following the
confession and pledge of the leader(s) to make necessary amendments during the second half of the term.
This is a well-established mechanism of ensuring accountability of elected leaders to the people and
works in tandem with the other Gadaa principles, most notably that of “the laws that stand above all men”
(Legesse 2000, 198).
Some accounts of the Gadaa System point out that the institution excludes women. In my view, this is a
valid critique that needs to be addressed through the inclusion of women into the Gadaa cycle, with equal
rights with their male counterparts in every Gadaa grade as appropriate. To be fair, however, it should be
recognized that the institution was practiced among the Oromo over 130 years ago. All Gadaa practices
were rendered illegal in the late 19th century during Menelik’s expansion. Banning the Gadaa System
meant denying it the opportunity to adapt itself to transformations in global and local worldviews and
norms. It created a rupture in the development of Oromo nationhood, which has reemerged through
persistent struggle for over half a century in semi-organized and organized manner (Bulcha 2016). Any
attempt to explore the relevance and application of Gadaa to our current circumstances should recognize
the rich values of the system but should not take it as a “blueprint” (Legesse 2000).
Although it should not be an excuse for their exclusion from the Gadaa System, Oromo women have an
institution called siiqqee/siinqee (as called in different parts of Oromia), which is particularly devoted to
the protection of women’s rights. In her article titled “The Siiqqee Institution of Oromo Women,” Kuwee
Kumsa (1997, 119) argues that this institution “functioned hand in hand with Gadaa system as one of its
built-in mechanisms of checks and balances.” Jalata also states, “if the balance between men and women
was broken, a siiqqee rebellion was initiated to restore the law of God [Waaqa] and the moral and ethical
order of society” (2012, 136).
Conclusion
This article challenges the widespread image and a generic representation of Africa as outlandish to
democracy. It has critiqued the portrayal of the African people as living in a continent new to democracy
and argued, using the Gadaa System of the Oromo people as an example, that there are possibly many
societies that had lived in a land of democracy through their ancestors. In this context, it is important to
understand ongoing struggle of the Oromo people and the resurgent Oromo nationalism (subboonummaa
Oromoo) in Ethiopia as a way or reclaiming their own democratic institution of self-governance, not just
as a longing for Western liberal democracy.
The historical and contemporary significance of the Gadaa System has been discussed as well. One of its
many values is its accountability structure and function. The various components of the governing
structure create checks and balances as in modern democracy. This serves the purpose of holding leaders
accountable to public interest. A similarly remarkable accountability value of the institution is that it
gives authority to the General Assembly to remove Gadaa leaders if found unfit for leadership.
The Gadaa System, as an indigenous institution of democratic self-governance, has significantly

motivated foregoing and ongoing struggle of the Oromo people. Even when it was banned and rendered
practically noninfluential, I have argued, it has been carrying (and carried by) the Oromo struggle,
symbolically and materially. At the same time, the system’s vigorous comeback was an outcome of
persistent and relentless struggle by the Oromo people. What the Gadaa System holds for the future and
what the future holds for the Gadaa System will likely be determined by the continued struggle moving
forward. What is at stake is the conversion of the symbolic recognition on international stage to a material
relevance in the governance realms of modern polity.
Notes
[1] Source: https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/gada-system-an-indigenous-democratic-socio-political-system-

of-the-oromo-01164
[2] According to the Ethiopian Constitution, Ethiopia is a country of nations, nationalities and peoples
(FDRE 1995).
[3] Asmarom Legesse is an Emeritus Professor of Harvard University. He was awarded honorary
doctorate degree by Addis Ababa University in 2018 for his magnificent contribution to the study the
Gadaa system. This news is available at: http://www.aau.edu.et/blog/aau-confers-honorary-degree-up-on-
professor-asmerom-legesse/
[4] This grade exceptionally lasts for 13 years, disaggregated into Raaba Didiqqaa of age 32-40 and
Doorii of age 40-45 (Legesse 2000, p. 123).
[5] I have rewritten the Oromo names for the classification according to the linguistic principle of Qubee
Afaan Oromoo. I made the necessary corrections of spellings even when I use direct quotations.
References
Bulcha, M. (2016). Contours of the emergent & ancient Oromo nation: Dilemmas in the Ethiopian
politics of state and nation-building. Mälardalen: Mälardalen University, School of Sustainable
Development of Society and Technology.
Jalata, Asafa (2012). Gadaa (Oromo Democracy): An Example of Classical African Civilization.
Sociology Publications and Other Works. Available at: http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_socopubs/80.
Kumsa, Kuwee (1997). The Siiqqee Institution of Oromo Women. The Journal of Oromo Studies, 4 (1 &
2): 115-152.
Legesse, A. (2000). Oromo democracy: An Indigenous African Political System. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea
Press.

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The Gadaa system is an indigenous egalitarian democratic system practised among the Oromo nation of

Problems and Purpose

Origins and Development

Participant Recruitment and Selection

How it Works: Process, Interaction, and Decision-Making

Influence, Outcomes, and Effects

Analysis and Lessons Learned

Consensus through dialogue

The Seventy-Fourth Gadaa General Assembly on Environmental Protection

Dirribi Demissie, Oromo Wisdom in Black Civilization, (Finfinne, Ethiopia, 2011).

[39] “Oromo: UNESCO Recognizes Indigenous System of Self-Government as World Heritage”,

UNESCO "Gada System"

Official Website of Oromia and Oromo

The meaning and significance of the Gadaa System

The term ‘Gadaa’ has three distinct but interrelated meanings:

How does the Gadaa System promote accountability?

The Gadaa System, as an indigenous institution of democratic self-governance, has significantly

[1] Source: https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/gada-system-an-indigenous-democratic-socio-political-system-

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