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Q.1- Discuss the role of media in strengthening democracy in India.
OR
Discuss the role of Media in Indian democracy
Answer- Media has played a significant role in establishing democracy throughout the
world. Since the 18th century, the media has been instrumental in reaching the masses
and equipping them with knowledge, especially during the American Independence
movement and French Revolution. Media is considered as “Fourth Pillar” in democratic

countries along with Legislature, Executive, and Judiciary, as without a free media
democratic system cannot cease to exist.
Media became a source of information for the citizens of colonial India, as they
became aware of the arbitrariness of the British colonial rule. Thus, gave a newfound
force to India’s Independence movement, as millions of Indians joined the leaders in

their fight against the British imperialism. The role of media in Indian democracy has
undergone massive changes, from the days of press censorship during Emergency in
1975 to being influential in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.
Transition from print to electronic
Indian media has traveled a long way, from the days of newspaper and radio to present-
day age of Television and Social Media. The liberalization of Indian economy in the
1990s saw an influx of investment in the media houses, as large corporate houses,
business tycoons, political elites, and industrialists saw this as an opportunity to improve
their brand image. The news channels were now involved in the showbiz industry, as
TRPs became a cause of rivalry amongst news houses.
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News that was seen as medium to educate the people on issues that were of utmost
important for the society, became a source of biased viewpoints. The role of media is to
make the society aware of their democratic rights and fight the three institutions of
democracy. It acts as the voice of millions of citizens, when government institutions
become corrupt and authoritarian or when they turn a blind-eye towards the issues
concerning the society. In today’s India, media has become a mouthpiece for various
political organizations and business groups, they act as amanuensis for such influential
figures, as their business relies on support from such organizations.
Government’s role in strengthening media
The need for an independent and control-free press is really essential in a vibrant
democracy like India. The Indian government’s stance on the role media has been hotly
debated, ever since our constitution makers started framing the Indian Constitution.
During the framing of the constitution, there was a confusion regarding the status of
media in India, whether there was a need to frame an article under the Fundamental
Right of Right to Freedom of Speech and Expression or to have a separate provision for
freedom of the press as was the case in US Constitution.
Dr Ambedkar, Chairman of the Drafting Committee felt there was no need to have
separate provision for the free press, instead he argued that “the press is merely another
way of stating an individual or a citizen”, thus, right to press became a part of Right to
freedom of speech and expression under In the recent World Press Freedom Index
published by Reporters Without Border, India was ranked 136 out the 180 countries for
the level of freedom available to the journalist in the country.
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The drop in India’s ranking has been associated with the rising ‘Hindu Nationalists’
trying to dismiss “anti-national” manifestation thoughts from the national media,
reflects as a negative role of media in the democracy.
In a diverse country like India, it is difficult to have detailed legislation on the role of
media in the democracy, as was pointed out by Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar. News
Broadcasters Association (NBA) is a government body that has laid down the guidelines
to be followed by media houses, to disseminate the information across the audience.
The guidelines focus on ensuring credible news reaches out to the public with
impartiality and objectivity.
Role of media in Indian democracy
Media is the “fourth estate” of democracy and it plays a pivotal role in ensuring justice
and benefits of the government policies reach the interior sections of the society. They
act as a chain between the government and the citizens of the country, people have
faith in media as it has an impact on the audience. The changing dynamics of Indian
politics has increased people’s expectation from media as in this phase of transition, it is
pretty easy to believe in a particular belief.
The older generation of the country is still fixated on tradition and culture, while the
present-day youth is more interested in the fast-moving world of technology and social
media. Thus, it becomes important for media to ensure that the information that they
are broadcasting should not be a biased or tampered in a way to boost the channels
TRP.
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Q.2- Examine the meaning and indicators of human development.
Answer-
Meaning of Human Development:
The term ‘human development’ may be defined as an expansion of human capabilities, a
widening of choices, ‘an enhancement of freedom, and a fulfilment of human rights.
At the beginning, the notion of human development incorporates the need for income
expansion. However, income growth should consider expansion of human capabilities.
Hence development cannot be equated solely to income expansion.
Income is not the sum-total of human life. As income growth is essential, so are health,
education, physical environment, and freedom. Human development should embrace
human rights, socio-eco-politico freedoms. Based on the notion of human development.
Human Development Index (HDI) is constructed. It serves as a more humane measure of
development than a strictly .income-based benchmark of per capita GNP.
Human development is a development paradigm that is about much more than the rise
or fall of national incomes. It is about creating an environment in which people can
develop their full potential and lead productive, creative lives in accord with their
needs and interests. People are the real wealth of nations. Development is thus about
expanding the choices people have to lead lives that they value. And it is thus about
much more than economic growth, which is only a means - if a very important one - of
enlarging people's choices.
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Fundamental to enlarging these choices is building human capabilities - the range
of things that people can do or be in life. The most basic capabilities for human
development are to lead long and healthy lives, to be knowledgeable, to have access to
the resources needed for a decent standard of living and to be able to participate in the
life of the community. Without these, many choices are simply not available, and many
opportunities in life remain inaccessible.
This way of looking at development, often forgotten in the immediate concern
with accumulating commodities and financial wealth, is not new. Philosophers,
'economists and political leaders have long emphasized human wellbeing as the
purpose, the end, of development. As Aristotle said in ancient Greece, "Wealth is

evidently not the good we are seeking for it is merely useful for the sake of
something else."
In seeking that something else, human development shares a common vision with
human rights. The goal is human freedom. And in pursuing capabilities and realizing
rights, this freedom is vital.
People must be free to exercise their choices and to participate in decision-making
that affects their lives. Human development and human rights are mutually reinforcing,
helping to secure the well-being and dignity of all people, building self-respect and the
respect of others.
At the world level, the United Nations' Development Programme was the apex
body to prepare a Human Development Report for all the countries. It was felt that
measuring the progress of various countries on the basis of a single criterion, i.e., GNP
has too many limitations to be used as the basis of comparison. Many scholars looked
for a more comprehensive socio-economic measure because they believed that:
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"Human Development is about people - and about how development enlarges their
choices. It is about more than GNP growth, more than income and wealth access to
income may be one of the choices, but it is not the sum total of human endeavor ".
The 1990 report was the first endeavor in this direction. This report identified three
essential elements of human life:
Longevity
Life expectancy at birth is the indicator for measuring longevity. The theoretical
justification provided for selecting life expectancy lies in a common belief that human
life is most precious and long life is priceless amongst all human achievements. It is both
the means as well as the end. Long life is closely associated with adequate nutrition,
good health and personal safety.
Knowledge
"Knowledge is Power'' is an old saying. Literacy is a person's first step in learning and
knowledge building. Therefore, a literate person has greater access to power than an
illiterate. Moreover, the importance of literacy has been enhanced in the age of
information technology because it is no more considered as an achievement of an

individual but the basis of one's existence
Decent living standard
It is an accepted fact that command over resources is a must for a decent living but it is
one of the most difficult to measure the most readily available indicator is per capita
income. But it has a wide national coverage and variations along with many other
serious anomalies. Therefore, using purchasing power adjusted real GDP per capita
provides better approximation of the relative power to buy commodities and to gain
command over resources for a decent living standard.
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It is understood that the above-mentioned three indicators have various limitations
owing to the level of macro generalizations of averages it is based upon. At the same
time these are also less sensitive to the regional, gender, historical and class differences
that are most significant in the measurement of these indicators. Moreover, it has also
been criticized for positioning human development against growth, it’s over emphasis
on sectoral rather than overall growth and leanings towards the poor countries whose
primary goal is to satisfy their basic needs, minimizes its applicability in case of the
developed countries.
Though, the overall conceptualization and definitions of human development remained
unchanged for the next two years, yet, in the report of 1992, special attention was paid
to link human development with some other important components.
These were concept of sustained development, unleashing of the creative energies of all
people rough competitive and efficient markets and the adverse impacts of
discriminatory trade policies particularly the immigration policy adopted by the
developed countries which are largely responsible for me continuing disparities between
the rich and poor countries and own level of human development in the developing
countries. The important highlights of this report were.
One of the great lessons of recent decades is that competitive markets are best
guarantees for human development. They open opportunities for creative enterprises
and they increase the access of a whole range of economic choices". Also recognized
the discriminatory and less responsive approaches followed by the rich countries it is
mentioned in the report that.
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"It is irony that the public enterprises are opening up for privatization, consumers'
demand is replacing planning but the global market is restrictive. The developed
countries are not opening their market to the products of poor countries".
Thus, market reforms and human development were linked with-each other in this
report there was some sort of paradigm shift from the last three report and the one
published in 1993. People's participation and the security were the major issues in the
Human Development Report 1993. It also emphasized on progressive democratization
and increasing empowerment of people as minimum conditions for human
development. The report indicated that.
Development must be woven around people, not people around development. It
mentioned that the power of development lies in the development of people
empowerment. The report recognized greater constructive role of 'Civil Societies' in
bringing about peace and human development.
According to the report, "A vibrant and vigilant civil society must stress on the security
of the people rather than that of a nation". It should work for building up an opinion for
reduction in the military expenditure, demobilizations of armed forces, transition from
defense to production of basic goods and services and particularly disarmament and
reduction in the nuclear warheads by the developed countries etc. In a nuclearised
world, peace and well-being are major global concerns.
So long as the threats of mass annihilation looms large over our head, insecurity and
apprehensions will not allow peace, goodwill and compassion for fellow human beings
to prevail in the world. It also acknowledged that dictatorship and military rulers are
greatest threats to human development. As opposed to this, vibrant civil society ensures
relatively better opportunities for peace and human development.
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The paradigm shift that was envisaged in the1993 report was consolidated in the
reports of 1994 and 1995. Sustainable Development was the new buzzword. It gave
new meaning to life itself. It initiated positive steps to eliminate all kinds of
discriminations. It also spelt out the details of security concerns that continue to
threaten the life globally and suggested effective measures to each type of security such
as economic, food, health, environment, personal, community, and political security.
Moreover, international terrorism was also recognized as an important threat to human

well-being and human development for the first time.
Gender equality was the theme of the Human Development Report in 1995. Equal
opportunity to all, particularly to females was the prime concern. It mentioned that,
"human development if not engender is endangered". The findings of the report are
starting true, some the important finding revealed in the report are:
 "Poverty has a women face" roughly 70 percent women the world live in poverty.
 Removing gender inequality has nothing to do with national income. While the
doors of education and health opportunities have opened rapidly for women, the
door to economic and political opportunities is barely ajar.
 Women receive disproportionately small share of credit from banking institutions. It

is as low as 7-11 percent in the case of Latin America.
 Women receive much lower wages than men.
 A major index of neglect reveals that many economic contributions made by women
are grossly undervalued or not valued at all. The magnitude of this omission is to the
tune of $11 billion a year.
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The report takes full note of the gravity of the situation and initiated the process of
computing Gender Equity Sensitive Index or Gender Relax Development Index (GDI)
along with Human Development Index.
The report published in the subsequent year likened hum development to economic
growth. It recognized 'human development as the end and economic growth as the
means'. But it also warns that there is no direct link between the two. In fact on the basis
of the last 15 years performance the report concluded that some counties have made
spectacular economic advancement but some have registered unprecedented decline.
As a result, the disparities have increased consequently there emerged two

diametrically opposite worlds in an otherwise unit-polar world. It also revealed that of
$23 trillion Global GDP in 1993, $18 trillion was in the developed countries and only $5
trillion was in the developing countries, though the latter had 80 percent of the world's
population.
It warned that short-term advancements in human development are possible but they
will not be sustainable with further growth. Conversely, economic growth is not
sustainable without human development.
An important feature of this report was preparing the Human Poverty Index (HPI-1)
and (HPI-2) for the developed and the developing countries respectively. It
concentrated on deprivation in three elements of human life already reflected in the HDI
i.e., longevity, knowledge and a decent standard of living. The deprivations related to
these indicators were:
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 Deprivation related to survival-vulnerability to death at a relatively early age.
 Relating to knowledge-being excluded from the world of reading and
communication
 Relating to decent living people below the poverty line.
The report in 1998 was different from the previous reports in more than one sense. The
major concern of all the previous reports was centered on increasing consumptions and
meeting basic needs. This report blamed spurious consumption patterns by some
countries responsible for low levels of well-being world over. Therefore, it emphasized
on changing today's consumption pattern for tomorrow's human development.
The report highlights that world consumption has expanded at an unprecedented pace
over 20th century, it touched $24 trillion mark in 1998 which was $12 trillion in 1975, $4
trillion in 1960 and $1.5 trillion in 1900. Consumption is an essential means for a human
development but the relationship is not automatic.
The culmination of the 20th century witnessed consolidation of globalization as an
inevitable process. Therefore, the best way to come into terms with this was to
emphasize the human dimension of it.
Though globalization was not a new phenomenon yet, the recent phase has distinct
features. The collapse of the Berlin wall and fall of iron curtains did not only bring an
end to the large part of the former socialist World, but there was also a shrinking of
space, time and disappearance of boundaries.
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The report of 2000 started with a strong and uncompromised commitment to
human rights, freedom and solidarity in order m the human touch to globalization. It
stated that human 18 man development share common vision and common pure
freedom, well-being and dignity of all people everywhere. It talked of freedom from
discrimination - by gender, race ethnicity nationality, origin and religion
It is evident from the brief survey and discussions of the human development
reports presented by the UNDP that attempts have been made to include all the
possible aspects in the report that concern human well-being and development world
over.
The reports have also tried to interrogate the new challenges that threatened human
well-being, peace, and security and freedom world over. But it is surprising to notice
that only three indicators were selected in computing the Final Human Development
Index.
It was mentioned earlier that the UNDP was well aware of the importance of taking
more and relevant indicators for measuring a multidimensional phenomenon such as

human development. It has made various attempts to make it as relevant as possible. I-
However, it had to stick to three indicators only. The justification provided for the same
in the UNDP states:
"The ideal would be to reflect all aspects of human experience. The lack of data
imposes some limits on this, and more indicators could perhaps be added as the
information becomes available. But more indicators would not necessarily be better;
some might overlap with existing indications: infant mortality for example, is already
reflected in life expectancy. And adding more variables could confuse the picture and
detract from the main trends".
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After the selection of the indicators, the most crucial aspect is to prepare a Human
Development Index to measure the performance of each country in terms of the level of
human well-being. For this purpose preparing a human development index is the most
significant and crucial aspect.
Q.3 - critically examine the concept of sustainable development.
Answer - Sustainable development is a pattern of resource use that aims to meet human
needs while preserving the environment so that these needs can be met not only in the
present, but also for future: generations.
The term was used by the Brundtland Commission which coined what has become
the most often-quoted definition of sustainable development as development that
"meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations
to meet their own needs."
Sustainable development ties together concern for the carrying capacity of natural
systems with the social challenges facing humanity. As early as the 1970s "sustainability”
was employed to describe an economy "in equilibrium with basic ecological support
systems." Ecologists have pointed to the "limits of growth" and presented the
alternative of a "steady state economy" in order to address : environmental concerns.
The field of sustainable development can be ; conceptually broken into three constituent
parts: environmental sustainability, economic sustainability and sociopolitical
sustainability.
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The Perspective of the Developed World
The developed countries continue to hold their privileged position and are not willing to
compromise on anything because they were of the opinion that this will prove
detrimental to maintain high standard of living in these countries. In fact they blamed
the increasing populations among poorer countries as a serious threat to the global
environment. They approach sustainable development from the point of view of
restoring pollution free environment for a healthy living.
The Perspective of the Developing World
As opposed to this, the perspective of developing countries showed a diametrically
opposite picture. According to this view, the hegemonic control of the developed world
over the trade, environment, resources, economy, technology, knowledge and politics,
etc., is the single most important threat to the global environment, peace and
development.
They need a safe and protected environment because it is the basis of their individual
and social survival. It was felt that with increasing destruction of environment due to
ongoing, developed projects mostly launched by the developed world, there has been
phenomenal increase in the incidents of poverty, starvation and hunger in the post-
colonial countries.
There is an apprehension among the developing countries that in the name of
liberalization, globalization and privatization, the world capitalism is out to reconstruct
the colonies. But this time the new colonies are not only restricted to the geographical
spaces but also cover the processes of colonization of organism and life itself.
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The environment and the indigenous communities inhabiting the postcolonial countries
are also under the threat in the new patent regime for want of adequate technology
available with them. Thus, the question of environment and sustainable development in
case of the developing countries is intricately related to retaining their freedom, identity
and existence.
Q.4 - Write an essay on the working of politician democracy between 1967 and
1990.
Ans. During this period (1967-1990), the social groups who were on the margin of the
society and were lying dormant became empowered with political voice. They now
started making economic claims on a state that has successfully mediated between the
politics and economics of Indian democracy.
The ensuing process of mediation and reconciliation on the part of the Indian State had
long-term economic and political consequences. The discordant voices were due to the
non-fulfillment of the promises and expectations as there was a rise in the level of
poverty.
(34 per cent in 1957 to 57 per cent in 197071) Crisis in the economy in the mid-1960s
was evident in the form of food crisis, as India became a basket case having a 'ship to
mouth existence'. The devaluation of rupee followed and planning was to be suspended
for three years as the industrial sector as well as savings and investments suffered. The
consensus was also broken because the second generation of political leadership that
emerged in the aftermath of the Kamraj plan was devoid of the legitimacy, acceptance
and charisma of the nationalist leadership.
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Regionalization and realization of Indian politics took place, as the Congress no
longer remained the dominant party having declined in both organizational and
Ideological sense. In the words of Yogendra Yadav, a 'second democratic upsurge' took
place in the form of a fundamental transformation in ne terrain of politics which in turn
is anchored in the process of all change.
This transformation was a product of the change in size, the composition and the
self-definition of the voters as more and more citizens from the lower rungs of society
participated in the total politics articulating and asserting their democratic rights.
There was also the rise of the dominant caste rich peasantry like Jats, Kammas, Kapus,
Yadav as and Reddis in the face of the decline of semi-feudal landlords. These castes
deserted the Congress to join or to create opposition parties.
The newly entrant class of the rich peasant asked for its due share of the benefits
derived from the economic policies and sought an upward mobility in the political
process. The response of the state was in the form of a strong, new, emphasis on
agriculture in the form of the green revolution.
Thus for achieving food security 'betting on the strong policy was adopted. Under
the policy the better endowed peasants and regions received extensive support. Though
land reforms measures that had received partial success with the notable exception of
the states like Kerala, West Bengal, Maharashtra and Jammu and Kashmir were now not
pursued, the Poverty alleviation programmers like DPAP, DWARKA were launched.
In the absence of serious programmatic efforts, the Congress under the leadership
of Indira Gandhi increasingly resorted to the Populist rhetoric in the form of the
sloganeering, nationalization of banks, abolition of privy purses. Dissent and regionalism
in the Congress was met by a strategy of divide and rule by the 'high command of the
ruling Congress.
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The rich peasantry was co-opted into the dominant coalition as the majoritarianism
under a representative democracy during the first phase gave way to authoritarianism. It
all culminated into an emergency that marked the overall failure of democracy in its
procedural and substantive forms.
In class terms the imposition of emergency can be also explained in the form of the
lack of cohesion in the dominant coalition as the landed rich peasantry emerged in a big
way being economically strong and numerically powerful. Political democracy had
provided the institutional mechanisms to sustain the ruling coalition; lack of institutional
mechanisms set in the crisis eventually.
Nevertheless the victory of the Janata Party not only reflected the sagacity of the
Indian electorate but also proved conclusively that the democratic spirit had embedded
itself in the political imagination of the Indian people. The failure of the Janata Party
government reflected the limitation of coalition politics devoid of ideological unity and
purpose. The return of a much chastened and insecure Indira Gandhi also saw the return
of the politics of populism and patronage.
Proliferation of subsidies resulted in massive state expenditure and loss of revenue,
soft loans, loan waivers, sick firma being nationalized, cheap inputs being provided for
the industrial capitalist class. In short, it was same regime under Indira Gandhi anc, later
under Rajiv Gandhi in-terms of its policies.
The centralization of political power, politics of nomination, and marketisation of

polity- all continued to remain the features of the period between1980 to 1990. Massive
allocation of funds was made under employment generating programmers like RLEGP,
NREP, and IRDP. As Deepak Nayyar observes succinctly, there was hardly much
interaction between the economics and democratic politics now unlike the Nehruvian
India.
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The money and muscle factor entered into electoral arena now dominated by what
Rajni Kothari called the vote contractor. Those with money gained in the battle of ballot,
as suitcase politics became the order of the day. Caste, ethnicity and religion now played
far more significant role as the identity politics asserted in continuation with the colonial
legacy as it was first the colonial state that recognized different castes and communities
and introduced separate electorate.
Q.5 -Describe the evolution of religious politics in India.
Answer - The history of India, religion has been an important part of the country's
culture. The vast majority of Indians associate themselves with a religion, and religious
tolerance is established in both law and custom. Indian census has established that
Hinduism accounts for 80 per cent of the population of India. The second largest
religion is Islam, at about thirteen per cent of the population. Stating the hospitality of
Hinduism towards all other religions, John Hardon writes, "However, the most significant
feature of current Hinduism is its creation of a non-Hindu State, in which all religions are
equal.
Religious politic in India has a long history and, in spite of being exclusionist, a rich
pedigree. Some of the great religious thinker with very wide horizons also contributed
to the making of the religious politics even though they are note reducible to be the
votaries of such politics. The history of religious revivalism, which is the via media to the
making of religious politics, is more than hundred years old. Towards the last decades of
the 19th century, politics based on revivalist sentiments was becoming ascendant all
over the country, especially in Bengal and Maharashtra, which were, till then, the main
centers of the social reform movements.
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This new mood of politics based on revivalism was fast replacing the social
movements which sought to question certain practices within Hinduism like child
marriages, enforced window hood, denial of education to women, etc. It is interesting to

note that most of the suggested reforms were related tothe fate of the women, making
life more livable for them.
An instance of the ascendance of revivalism, and the decline of the reform movement
umbrella organized of various social reform movements from different parts of India. Its
aim was to discuss and co-ordinate and encourage the reform movement all over India.
At an all-India level, it used to meet annually, parallel to the sessions of the Indian
National Congress. In a drastic move, in the 1885 session of the Congress at Poona, Bal
Gangadhar Tilak banned its meetings and tried to make it defunct. This change in Tilak's
stance was caused because he had changed by now following the general tendency
against social reforms. Soon after Tilak instituted the sarvajanic Ganesh Puja as major
mode of mass mobilization against colonialism.
The second instance of changing mood among the literati in our society in defense
of religion was the hugely vociferous, even though short lived, campaign against the
Age of Consent Bill". This bill proposed a simple measure that was to rise the age of
marriage for girls from the then ten years to twelve years. Today we will be aghast if
someone was were to oppose this for whatever the reason. But the storm it raised then
is surprising as we look back today.
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Notable figures and nationalists like Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and Ball Gangadhar
Tilak and many other like the joined the chorus of protest. The argument was that the
foreign rulers, the British, have no right to interfere in the religious customs of the
Hindus. The argument sound false because it was never made clear whether infant
marriage of the girl was an internal feature of the Hindu custom or a mere social
practice prevailing in the then Indian society.
Contrast this withGandhi's position when the British proposed a bill for the abolition of
untouchability. He consistently supported the British move between 1933 and 1935. On
27 January 1935, addressing some members of the Central Legislature, Gandhi said,
"even if the whole body of Hindu opinion were to be against the removal of
untouchability, still he would advise a secular legislature like the assembly not to
tolerate that attitude.
"His view was that only undue interference in matters of religion ought to be
avoided. But these same people, who opposed the British on interfering in matters
concerning religion, demanded the ban on cow slaughter. There was no consistency or
uniformity of criteria in terms of which legislative measures proposed by the colonial

government were to be opposed or demanded. The Hindu orthodox groups, which were
becoming influential now, talked only in terms of Hindu religious sentiments.
The idea of going into all this is to show that the rise of religious politics had its roots
varying from region to region, it took a uniform position against another of politics
which was predominant in the earlier phases starting with, Rammohan Roy. The earlier
politics was marked by the conviction that Indian society can revitalise itself by getting
rid of evil practices which have got entrenched in the Hindu society, and that these
cannot be removed without legislation and the sanction of the laws.
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Q.6 - Examine the role of the Lok Sabha in our parliamentary System.
Ans. The Lok Sabha is the directly elected lower house of the parliament of India. As of
2009 there have been fifteen Lok Sabhas elected by the people of India. The
Constitution limits the Lok Sabha to a maximum of 552 members, including no more
than 20 members representing people from the Union Territories, and two members to
represent the Anglo-Indian community (if the President feels that that community is not
adequately represented).
The current size of the Lok Sabha has 545 members including the Speaker and two
appointed members, if any. Each Lok Sabha is formed for a five-year term, after which it
is automatically dissolved, unless extended by a proclamation of emergency which may
extend the term in one-year increments. The 15th Lok Sabha was formed in May 2009.
Powers, including the special powers of the Lok Sabha
The special powers of the Lok Sabha are the reasons why the Lok Sabha is de facto and
de jure more powerful than the Rajya Sabha. Motions of no confidence against the
government can only be Introduced and passed in the Lok Sabha. If passed by a
majority vote, the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers resign collectively.
The Rajya Sabha has no power over such a motion, and hence no real power over the
executive. However, the Prime Minister may threaten the dissolution of the Lok Sabha
and recommend this to the President, forcing an untimely general election. The
President normally accepts this recommendation unless otherwise convinced that the
Lok Sabha might recommend a new Prime Minister by a majority vote. Thus, both the
executive and the legislature in India have checks and balances over each other.
23
Money bills can only be introduced in the Lok Sabha, and upon being passed, are
sent to the Rajya Sabha, where it can be deliberated on for up to 14 days. If not rejected
by the Rajya Sabha, or 14 days lapse from the introduction of the bill in the Rajya
Sabha without any action by the House, or recommendations made by the Rajya Sabha
are not accepted by the Lok Sabha, the bill is considered passed. The budget is
presented in the Lok Sabha by the Finance Minister in the name of the President of
India.
In matters pertaining to non-financial (ordinary) bills, after the bill has been passed
by the House where it was originally tabled (Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha), it is sent to the
other house, where it may be kept for a maximum period of 6 months the other House
rejects the bill or a period of 6 months ela without any action by that House, or the
House that original tabled the bill does not accept the recommendations made bú the
members of the other house, it results in a deadlock.
This is resolved by a joint session of both Houses, presided over by the Speaker of the
Lok Sabha and decided by a simple majority The will of the Lok Sabha normally prevails
in these matters. as its strength is more than double that of the Rajya Sabha.
Equal Powers with the Rajya Sabha in initiating and passing any Bill for
Constitutional Amendment (by a majority of the total membership of the House and at
least two-thirds majority of the members present and voting).
Equal Powers with the Rajya Sabha in initiating and passing a motion for the
impeachment of the President (by two-thirds of the membership of the House).
Equal Powers with 'the Rajya Sabha in initiating and passing a motion for the
impeachment of the judges of the Supreme Court and the state High Courts (by a
majority of the membership of the House and at least two-thirds majority of the
members present and voting).
24
Equal Powers with the Rajya Sabha in initiating and passing a resolution declaring war
or national emergency (by two thirds majority) or constitutional emergency (by simple
majority) in a state,
If the Lok Sabha is dissolved before or after the declaration a National Emergency, the
Rajya Sabha becomes the sole facto and de jure Parliament. It cannot be dissolved. This
limitation on the Lok Sabha.
Q.7- Discuss the changing nature of local self government after the implication of
the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments.
Ans –
The 73rd Amendment
The 73rd Amendment Act provides for a three-tier Panchayati Raj System at the village,
intermediate (block or taluka) and district levels. Small states with population below
twenty lakh have been given the option of not constituting panchayat at the
intermediate level.
This Act acknowledged the role of Gram Sabha (the assembly of people) in the
empowerment of the rural people and provided for the strengthening of the Gram
Sabhas for the successful functioning of the PRIs.
The Act intended to make it a powerful body, the ultimate source of democratic
power and an epitome of people's power at the gram panchayat level. The Gram Sabha
consists of all the residents of a village, and those above 18 years of age are on the
electoral roll of a village. Almost all the State Acts mention the functions of the gram
Sabha. These functions of Gram Sabha include discussion on the annual statement of
accounts, administration, reports selection of beneficiaries of anti poverty programmes.

These functions of Gram Sabha include and annual statement of accounts,
25
administration, reports beneficiaries of anti poverty programmes. The of anti poverty

programmes.
The State Acts of Haryana, Punjab and Tamil Nadu give power of approval of b
Sabha. A Gram Pradhan is elected by the Gram Sabha. It also elects other members of
the Gram Panchayat.
The number of members varies from state to state, and some of them have been
reserved for SCs and STs according to their population and one third of the total seats
have been reserved for the women.
The obligatory functions of the Gram Panchayat include provision of safe drinking water,
maintenance of public wells, ponds, dispensaries, primary and secondary schools, etc.
Now the Gram Panchayats have been assigned developmental functions like minor
irrigation schemes, rural electrification, cottage and small industries and poverty
alleviation programmes also.
The Block level PRI institution is known by different names in different parts of the
country. In Gujarat they are called Taluka. Panchayat, in Up Kshetra Samiti and in MP
they are known as Janapada Panchayat. Thor include
i. The Sarpanchas of the Panchayats
ii. The MPs, MLAs and MLCs from that area
iii. The elected members of the Zilla Parishad

iv. The Chairman of the town area committee of that area.
26
The powers of the Panchayat Samiti include provision of improved variety of seeds and
fertilizers, maintenance of schools, hospitals, roads, implementing anti-poverty
programmes and supervising the functioning of the Gram Panchayats. The Zilla Parishad
is the Apex body of the 'PRIs.
It coordinates the activities of the Panchayat Samitis. It includes the Pradhans of the
Panchayat Samitis of the district, MES and MLAS from the district, one representative
each from the cooperative societies of the district, and also chairmen of the
municipalities of the district. The Zilla Parishad approves the budgets of the Panchayat
Samitis.
It maintains educational institutions, irrigation schemes, and undertakes programmes for

the weaker sections.
The 74th Amendment
The 74th Amendments Act provides for the constitution of three types of local self-
governing institutions in the urban areas. It provides for Municipal Corporations for
'major cities like Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata, Allahabad, Lucknow, Patna etc. Middle
rung cities have Municipal Councils and smaller towns have Nagar Panchayats. Every
Municipal Corporation has a General Council. It has members elected by the adult
citizens of the city.
These members are called Councillors. Apart from the elected members, the Council
also has eldermen elected by the elected Councillors. The MPs and MLAs are also the
members. The Mayor is elected by the members from among themselves. Some of the
state provide for direct election of the Mayor. He is known as the first citizen of the city.
The Municipal Commissioner is the chief executive officer of the Corporation.
27
The Mayor may ask the Municipal commissioner to prepare and present report on any
matter. The compulsory functions of a Municipal Corporation includes maintenance of
hospitals, supplying safe drinking water, electricity, running schools and keeping an
account of births and deaths. The development functions of the Municipal Corporations
include launching of poverty alleviation programmes for the weaker sections.
A Municipality is composed of Councillors elected by the local population. Seats
have been reserved for SCs and STs according to their proportion in the population of
the town and one third of the seats have been reserved for women.
The Presiding officer of a Municipal Board is called the Chairman who is elected by the
voters of the town. In some states the Chairman of the Municipal Board has powers to
appoint teachers of primary schools and even lower level staffs.
An executive officer looks after the day to day administration of the Municipality.
Among the compulsory functions are supplying electricity, drinking water, health
facilities, schools and maintaining roads and keeping records of weaker sections of the
society.
The small towns have Nagar Panchayats. Its members are elected by adult citizens of the
town. As in the case of other local self governing institutions, seats are reserved for
SC/ST and women. Their functions include provision of drinking water, maintenance of
primary schools and registration of births and deaths.
28
Limitations of the Amendments
Inspire of the revolutionary changes brought about by the 73rd Amendment it suffers
from some serious limitations. Ambiguity about the functional jurisdiction of panchayats
is one of its serious limitations. In the absence of properly defined jurisdiction, it is

dependent upon the discretion of state legislatures for being assigned the functions.
This act does not mention the powers and functions of the Gram Sabha. This
amendment mentions that the Gram Sabha will perform the functions which may be
assigned to it by the State legislature.
The provision relating to Gram Sabha in the laws enacted by most of the states reduce
the Gram Sabha to a powerless body which will routinely rubber stamp the decisions
taken up by the Gram Panchayat the chief Ministers’ Conference held in August 1997-
at New Delhi Ruled that it would be necessary to vest in Gram Sabha the powers to
ruled that it would be necessary to vest in Gram sabha the power to sanction and
disburse benefits in open meeting,
to decide location of drinking water hand pumps etc. without having to refer the matter
to officials or other authorities. This conference also held that it is necessary to vest the
ownership of natural resources in Gram Panchayats and also the decision-making
powers concerning the management of and income from such resources in the Gram
Sabha.
Another important limitation of the PRIs, after the amendment is that they still function
in the grip of the state bureaucracy. The village Pradhan has to contact several times in a
month the block office for technical and financial sanctions. Yet another omission of the
Act is that there is no mention of the employees of the panchayat and their
administrative, autonomy.
29
Panchayats in the past failed to deliver because they had inadequate control over
people working to implement the programmes. Even when responsibilities in the field of
health and primary education have been transferred, PRIs have no control over the staff
and budget of these departments. The power of the dissolution of the PRIs in the hands
of the state government is also seen as a limitation of the post-Amendment PRIs. It is
argued that the power of their dissolution should rest with the electorate and not with
any other authority.
Even the provision for MPs/MLAs optional membership of the Zilla Parishad and
Panchayat Samiti respectively with or without voting rights stumbling block in the path
of the PRIs. In the past, a major stumbling block in the path of the PRIs has been the
resources crunch faced by them.
This was due to meager resources at the disposal of the PRIs. Even the new
amendment does not evolve any source of revenue for the PRIs. It has left these to be
considered by the state finance commission. The urban local governing institutions are
also faced with paucity due to increase in population and with people from rural areas
coming to the cities in search of jobs and better life.
Q.8 - Write a note on the relationship between gender and development.
Ans. Gender equality, equality between men and women, entails the concept that all
human beings, both men and women; are free to develop their personal abilities and
make choices without the limitations set by stereotypes, rigid gender roles and political
and other prejudices. Gender equality means that the different behavior, aspirations and
needs of women and men are considered, valued and favored equally.
30
It does not mean that women and men have to become the same, but that their rights,
responsibilities and opportunities will not depend on whether they are born male or
female. Gender equity means fairness of treatment for women and men, according to
their respective needs. This may include equal treatment that is different but which is
considered equivalent in terms of rights, benefits, obligations and opportunities.
One of the most crucial issues that face the women's question today is the
relationship of larger political processes, the idea of justice and the role of women.
There is no confusion today that the agency of women has to be there in their own well-
being and that the women's well-being is something on which even male's well-being
depends. This close relationship has been reflected in the very high human development
indicators from several states in India, like Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, etc.,
where a general improvement in the conditions of health of women has led to the
general improvement of health of both male child and female child.
The political processes are extremely and quite crudely male-centered. Thus,
another vicious circle presents itself. To make the political process and spaces attuned to
the female presence also, institutions of male dominance, ownership patterns, decision
making Monopoly, etc., have to be weakened. Here one key component, one agrees, is
democracy where the voting rights give the ultimate decision-making power to women.
No wonder that in many a country it is the women who are in the forefront of
movement to bring democracy in that country because existentially one can see that it is
the democracy which is the greatest guarantee of women's well being, and
independence.
31
As Amartya Sen has pointed out, "Freedom in one area fosters freedom in other area
as well". Development is seen as the only way possible to bring out a positive change in
the status of women and change gendered politician. Indian developmental experience
has been a shining sample of this. What is now referred to as Nehruvian vision is based "
the development. In India for example at the time of Independence political equality
between men and women was considered as a natter that was settled.
Thus it was only economic equality that was sought after. Despite criticism,
development has improved the condition of women a lot. Over the years in India the
welfares approach and the pressure of the movement and other autonomous groups
have provided a major corrective to the attitudes of the state and the male.
During the 1980s efforts were made to make gender an important component in
development programming. This was the beginning of the 30 per cent reservation for
women at the local level administration, Panchayats, so that they could enter into the
decision-making domain. The issue of 30 per cent reservation for them in the parliament
and state legislature then was taken up but is still mired in controversies and debates
and pending before the Indian parliament.
Economist Amartya Sen called development as freedom where development is the
way to provide capabilities to women to bring out her fullest self. This is, as is argued, to
be done to change her economic standing in the family and society and thereby
improve her position in order to wrest decision making powers too, In the Indian
development phenomenon, development as a philosophy of progress has assumed that

with asset formulation, etc.,
32
women would have greater freedom than in traditional society. Third World
development discourse from the very beginning believed that it was poverty and quite
often the woman's economic and social exclusion that deprived her of any role in
decision making. This strengthened the patriarchy system and women's exploitation was
accentuated due to the extreme poverty.
Q.9- Examine the relationship between Political Democracy and Economic

Development in India since 1991
Ans. The post 1991 India has been witness to an absence of consensus regarding its
strategy of economic development as well as the evolving - nature of its democracy. The
long-term vision of political leadership of Nehru has been replaced by short-term
strategies, as the adoption of the new economic policies of liberalization and the
emergent politics of empowerment seem to be moving the economy and polity in the
opposite directions. What is of most significance is the unwillingness of the Indian State
to mediate in order to affect the conflict resolution.
At this juncture it would be pertinent to address to the cause of a radical shift from
the development planning model to the model of economic liberalization just after a
minor economic crisis, when, despite decades of poverty, the mixed economy model
continued unabated. And then,
How come a minority government of Narasimha Rao could take such far-reaching
policy change when the predecessor governments with the overwhelming majority like
the Congress regime under Rajiv Gandhi were unable to do so despite apparent
willingness? The possible answer can be in the form of the immediate economic
compulsion of crisis management.
33
The political economists like Jayati Ghosh, Pranab Bardhan, Amit Bhaduri and Deepak
Nayyar have referred to a combination of the national and international factors that
explain that the shift was a crisisdriven and not a strategy-driven change in the
economic policies.
These factors included the collapse of the erstwhile Soviet Union and the
Communist regimes in the East European countries that were the biggest trading
partners of India. The external debt crisis resulted as the short-term loans taken by Rajiv
Gandhi administration could not be returned due to failure of the capital goods sector
to export.
Remittances from migrants in the gulf tapered off even as the oil prices increased
in the aftermath of Gulf War. There was a flight of capital from the exchange market by
the NRIs as they lost confidence in the social and political viability of the Indian State in
the aftermath of the Mandal and Mandir controversy. Rise in consumerism indulged by
the rising middle class, increased defence imports, inadequate resource mobilization,
competitive politics of populism were some of the immediate factors. And then the
direct taxes were progressively reduced under the liberalizing policies of Rajiv Gandhi
regime while indirect taxes could not be raised.
It is very clear that the political instability in the present coalition era with frequent
elections explains the prevalence of the short-term interests driven politics. Instead of
taking hard measures to stabilize the economy and risking the adverse electoral verdict
winning popular support in the elections, the continuation of populist measures have
become the dominant factors in the policy making especially at the state level as a chief
minister has an average of less than 3 years of tenure. Thus, the long-term perspective
of the earlier phase is absent.
34
In terms of democratic politics also, the consensus is gone. The corrupt and
inefficient state level bureaucracy remains incompetent to carry out the reforms.
Patronage corruption and nepotism continue unabated.
The nature of investment, whether foreign or domestic, remain suspect as most of
the investments are in the consumer sector and not in the primary or capital goods
sectors. Most of the investment, as Prabhat Patnaik argues, is in the form of 'Hot money'
seeking quick returns. The rich state- poor state syndrome is also posing a challenge
to the Indian federal democracy as the rich states, with their developed economic
infrastructures, are acting as magnets where as the poorer states are being asked to
fend for themselves without central assistance.
Q.10 - Write an essay on farmer’s movement in contemporary India
Ans.
PLEASANT MOVEMENTS IN INDIA
Agrarian movements in contemporary India may be broadly classified into two main
categories. The first type of movements is those of the poor, the marginal or small
peasants. These movements voice the demands related to their economic condition, for
example, demand of the agricultural laborers for higher wages and better working
conditions.
The second type of movements is of the more prosperous peasants, those who produce
a considerable surplus within the rural economy. These movements are often in social
science literature referred to as 'Farmers' Movement ' 'New Agrarianism' or 'New

Peasant Movements'.
35
The first category of movements date back to the colonial period Kathleen Gough in
1974 found that in India 77 peasant uprisings to place since the British period (Gough
1974). In the initial years the sporadic movements were directed against the extraction
of the Zamindars and other forms of intermediaries.
The second category of movement has arisen in recent years in the Green revolution
.areas such as in western Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab or south-western Maharashtra

or in the far south such as Karnataka or Tamil Nadu and it is the rich and the middle
peasants, the prosperous within the rural economy that organize and lead it. These
movements have become much more prominent in recent years.
The movements target the state, the bureaucratic apparatus and demand among
other things concessions from the state like, rise in the remunerative prices for crops,
decrease in the prices of agricultural inputs, providing electricity at a cheap rate etc. By
focussing on the decline in the terms of trade over the years they also have created and
highlighted a distinction between the town' and the country' and some of the leaders
(for example, Sharad Joshi of the Shetkari Sangathana) emphasizes that 'Bharať is being
exploited by 'India'.
The Tebhaga Movement: The Tebhaga movement is one of the two great movements,
which arose in India in the mid-forties immediately after World War 11. The movement
arose in North Bengal and included the districts of Dinajpur and Rangpur in East Bengal
and Jalpaiguri my Malda in West Bengal. The movement was for the reduction in the
share of the produce from one-half to one-third, that is the rent, which used to pay to
the jotedars who possessed superior rights on land.
36
Revolutionary in character in terms of the demands raised and consciously organized by
the Kisaan Sabha. Hence it marked a departure from the pattern of movements noticed
in the country under the leader of the Congress and influenced by the Gandhian
ideology.
In Bengal where the revolt took place the permanent settlement had been introduced in
1793 and this had inaugurated a new arrangement in the pattern of landholding in the
region. Between the Zamindars and the direct peasant producers there came into being
a number of intermediaries such as the Jotedars.
These Jotedars in turn used to sublet their land to the bargadars or the sharecroppers
who cultivated the land and used to pay a part (one half) of the produce known as adhi
or bhag to the jotedars. The righls of the Barzadars in the piece of land, which they
cultivated, were only temporary and existed only for a fixed period usually for a period
of five years.
The Jotedars were not the only exploiters in the rural economy but there also
existed the Mahajans or money fenders (often the landlords themselves) who used to
provide credit to the Bargadars. Thus the exploitation of the Bargadars by the Jotedars,
and the Mahajans was complete. There were a few peasant owners (middle peasants)
who owned and cultivated on their pieces of land but were always under pressure and
very often lost their land and joined the category of landless peasants and turned
Bargadars offen on their own pieces of land.
37
Though the Bargadars constituted around one fifth and quarter of the rural
population, the movement encompassed the entire rural population. The condition of
the rural landless and the peasants became horrible with the Bengal Famine of 1943,
when, according to conservative estimates, 3.5 million peasants perished in the Great
Bengal Famine. The movement began as a movement of the middle peasants on their
own behalf but later on drew on the sharecroppers or the Bargadars. Bhowani Sen
points out that the history of the Tebhaga movement can be traced back to 1939 when
small peasants revolted against the Jotedars.
Officially, however it started in 1946 though it gathered momentum in the years
since 1945 only in 1946, when the Communist Party of India threw its weight behind the
movement, it took a revolutionary turns. the main struggles were fought during the time
of the harvest season when the sharecroppers refused to provide the amount of paddy
to the Jotedars. Refusing to pay to the Jotedars, the Bargadars took away the paddy to
their houses or Khamars (threshing place) and that precipitated the struggles in the
countryside. The Jotedars got the support of the police to protect their interests. It was
the peasant committees, which became a power in the villages and led the peasants.
These committees carried out the administration of the villages.
The Muslim League and the Congress supported the Jotedars and eventually were
successful in suppressing the movement. The movement eventually collapsed and was
officially called off in the summer of 1947. Though the movement failed, it had
important implications for the entire history of agrarian struggles in India.
38
The Telangana Peasant Uprising:
The Telangana peasant movement started in mid-1946 and continued till the October of
1951. The movement engulfed the whole of the Telangana region of the Hyderabad
state and the adjoining districts of the Andhra delta. It has been regarded as the most
revolutionary of all the movements in India, in its character and political objectives. The
CPI through its peasant wing, the Kisan Sabha, launched the movement.
It appears that the CPI could launch the movement after it eschewed the strategy of
'United Front and adopted a strategy of initiating insurrectionary struggles In the whole
of Hyderabad state to which the Telangana region belonged, there were two main types
of land tenure. The first was the Khalsa or Diwani tenure, which was similar to the
raiyatwari system that is the peasant-proprietary system.
Under this system the landowners were not called actual owners but were called
pattadars (registered occupants) and under this system lay around 60 percent of the
land of Hyderabad. The actual occupants were the shikmidars, who had full rights of
occupancy but were not registered. When the pressure on land grew the shikmidars also
leased out their land to the tenants but the later were not the real owners, neither had
they any protection against eviction.
The second kind of tenure, which existed, was under the jagirdari system. Surf-e-khas
was the special land assigned to the Nizarn himself. These were the crown hands and
the Nizam's noblemen, who were granted land in return for military services during
emergency, administered these land.
39
The peasants, under the jagirdari system, were the most oppressed. In the whole of
Hyderabad state, the peasantry in the Telangana region suffered the most oppressive
system of exploitation. The movement led by the Communists began in Nalgonda

district in 1946 and then spread to the neighboring Warangal and Bidar districts and
finally engulfed the whole of the Telangana region.
The objective of the movement, from the very beginning, was a broad one and was
concerned with the whole of the peasantry against illegal and excessive extraction by
the rural feudal aristocracy. The most powerful demand was that all peasant debt should
be written off. The second stage of the movement began when in order to counter the
oppression let loose by the aristocracy the peasantry launched the armed struggle. Thus,
with this, the movement entered into its revolutionary phase.
It entered the revolutionary phase when over 2,000 villages set up their own
'People's Committees'; these 'Committees' took over land, maintained their own army
and own administration (Mehta, 1979). rule of the peasants in a large part of the region
and the armed resistance continued until 1950' and was finally crushed by the Indian
army. It was ultimately called off in 1951.
It was an agrarian struggle in which many peasants were killed by the army of the
landed gentry and later by Indian army after the takeover of the Hyderabad state by the
Indian army. The demands raised were broad ones and the nature of the struggle itself
makes this movement one of the most revolutionary agrarian struggles of India
unmatched so far in the Indian history.
40
Q.11- Explain Gandhi’s view on development
Answer- Mahatma Gandhi, Father of Indian Nation, has imparted his own vision in the
discourse on development strategy for India. Although many of his ideas stand
marginalized today, we cannot dispute the relevance of Gandhian philosophy in twenty-
first century India. Gandhi's vision and thoughts are very aptly encapsulated in 'Hind
Swaraj,' which was published in 1909. For Gandhiji, 'Swaraj' meant moral, social and
political regeneration of the country.
Gandhi had an inherent distrust of modernization based on western concept of

development parameters. He was critical of large-scale industrialization, not only
because it created havoc in the environment, but also because it led to extensive
unemployment. Gandhi found the modern civilization, for all its achievements,
fundamentally rooted in the pursuit of ever-increasing wants with its harmful

consequences. It contributed to inequality and non-harmonious relations amongst
members of a society. "Neither railways nor hospitals are a test of a high or pure
civilization. At best they are a necessary evil. Neither adds one inch to the moral stature
of a nation."
Gandhi's concept of development was expressed in his veneration of charkha' and
khadi. For him cottage industries not only helped to maintain the continuity of
traditional crafts but also generated employment opportunities for many. Gandhi,
however, did not hesitate the symbolic significance of charkha in his nationalist
discourse. Gandhi was very particular about the adverse consequences of modernization
on the environment.
41
According to him, nature provided n for everyone's needs but not for everyone's
greed. He was very much saying 'be the change you want to see in this world.' Gandhi
advised the proponents of rapid mechanization of agriculture that trading in soil fertility
for the sake of quick returns would prove to be disastrous and short sighted.
Another very crucial pillar of Gandhi's thoughts on development was the concept
of self-rule. Gandhi was deeply suspicious of the power of the state to influence growth
and hence relied on the self-control of the individual as the force that could transform
the society. For Gandhi, villages formed the foundation of Indian society and therefore
he supported the idea of self-rule; governance at the local levels. Decentralization was
his mantra for achieving equity and development.
He considered the state as essentially an instrument of violence as it destroyed
individuality "which lies at the root of all progress". He also felt that the voter was too
distanced to take an informed interest in issues pertaining to the nation. Hence Gandhi
conceived of successive layers of communities, which could be self-governing.
Gandhi's views on development were found to be inconsistent with the growth
paradigm after independence. Many of his ideas, if not outright rejected, were
implemented half-heartedly and insufficiently. They, in some measure, formed the base
of Directive Principles of the Indian Constitution. Jawahar Lal Nehru, the then Prime
Minister of India, was an avowed supporter of industrialization based on the western
pattern and vouched for the active intervention of the state in its achievement. His
planning model for development found supporters in government circles.
In retrospect and going by present day scenario, there is a growing feeling about
the relevance of Gandhi's ideas of development. Be it increasing inequality,
environmental and moral degradation and slowing down of the economy, it reinforces
the view that we can as a nation adopt and adapt many ideas of Gandhi today and gain
immensely in terms of individual, social and moral upliftment.
42
Q.12 - What is Judicial Review? Discuss its role in the maintenance of rule of law.
Answer- Judicial review is defined as the doctrine under which executive and legislative
actions are reviewed by the judiciary. Even though we have in India the principle of
separation of powers of the three arms of the State, namely, the executive, the
legislative and the judiciary, the judiciary is vested with the power of review over actions
of the other two arms.
1. Judicial review is considered a basic structure of the constitution (Indira Gandhi vs
Raj Narain Case).
2. Judicial review is the power of the courts to consider the constitutionality of acts of
organs of Government and declare it unconstitutional if it violates or is inconsistent
with the basic principles of the Constitution.
3. This means that the power of the legislature to make laws is not absolute and that
the validity and constitutionality of such laws are subject to review by the courts.
4. Judicial review is also called the interpretational and observer roles of the Indian
judiciary.
5. The Indian Constitution adopted the Judicial Review on lines of the American
Constitution.
6. Suo Moto cases and the Public Interest Litigation (PIL), with the discontinuation of
the principle of Locus Standi, have allowed the judiciary to intervene in many public
issues, even when there is no complaint from the aggrieved party.
43
Judicial Review and Constitution
According to Article 13(2), the Union or the States shall not make any law that takes
away or abridges any of the fundamental rights, and any law made in contravention of
the aforementioned mandate shall, to the extent of the contravention, be void.
i. Judicial review is called upon to ensure and protect Fundamental Rights which are
guaranteed in Part III of the Constitution.
ii. The power of the Supreme Court of India to enforce these Rights is derived from
Article 32 of the Constitution. This provides citizens the right to directly approach
the SC to seek remedies against the violation of Fundamental Rights.
Judicial Review Classification
We can classify judicial review into three categories. They are:
i. Reviews of Legislative Actions: This review implies the power to ensure that laws
passed by the legislature are in compliance with the provisions of the Constitution.
ii. Review of Administrative Actions: This is a tool for enforcing constitutional discipline
over administrative agencies while exercising their powers.
iii. Review of Judicial Decisions: This is seen in the Golaknath case, bank nationalisation
case, Minerva Mills case, privy purse abolition case, etc.
44
Role in the maintenance of rule of law
Democracies run on the premise of limited governmental power and maximum

governance, on the bedrock of Rule of Law. But due to culmination of idea of welfare
State, the role of governmental functioning has experienced a notable shift. This shift
has resulted in greater discretionary power to the executive leading to the possibility of
imbalance. This imbalance necessitates the need for a mechanism to check unbridled
power of the Executive. The most effective means to this end is Judicial Review. As
expressed by the Supreme Court in Tata Cellular v. Union of India, “the judicial power of
review is exercised to rein in any unbridled executive functioning.
The power of judicial review to determine the validity of executive’s decision is
based on the principle of Separation of Power and should be exercised to make sure
that the government operates within the boundaries of law. Rule of Law, in true sense,
can be achieved through impartial and continuous involvement of independent and
separate Judiciary. In India, judicial review is an integral part of the Constitutional system
and in its absence, “the rule of law would become a teasing illusion, and a promise of
unreality.”
Though the Constitution does not mention the term Judicial Review, it is evident by
virtue of Article 13 read with Articles 32 and 226. “Judicial review thus is an incident of
and flows from the constitution to securing and protecting the welfare of the people as
effectively as it may, according justice social, economic, and political in all the institution
of national life”. In S.R. Bommai v. Union of India[25]it was reiterated that the judicial
review is a basic feature of the Constitution.
45
Power of Judicial Review of Courts has worked as a beacon to protect the fundamental
rights envisaged by the Constituent Assembly. Article 32, in particular, is the “ultimate
repository and guardian of the rights and liberties of the people”. This Article, being a
Fundamental Right itself, works as a guard to protect other Fundamental Rights
enshrined in Part III.
The Fundamental Rights are inherent and cannot be abridged by any statutory
provisions. Any law that abrogates rights such as right to equality, right to freedom,
right against exploitation, right to freedom of religion and cultural and educational
rights, would violate the Basic Structure doctrine. Protection of these rights through the
tool of judicial review not only helps to maintain the dignity of an individual, but also
paves the way for the establishment of Rule of Law.
Examples of Judicial Review
IT Act Section 66(A)
In 2015, the SC struck down Section 66(A) of the amended Information Technology Act,
2000. This provided the punishment for sending “offensive” messages through a
computer or any other communication device like a mobile phone or a tablet. A

conviction could fetch a maximum of three years in jail and a fine. This was repealed by
the SC on the grounds that this section fell outside Article 19(2) of the Constitution,
which relates to freedom of speech.
Golaknath Case (1967) - The questions, in this case, were whether the amendment is a
law; and whether Fundamental Rights can be amended or not. SC contented that
Fundamental Rights are not amenable to the Parliamentary restriction as stated in

Article 13, and that to amend the Fundamental rights a new Constituent Assembly
would be required.
46
Also stated that Article 368 gives the procedure to amend the Constitution but does not
confer on Parliament the power to amend the Constitution.
Conclusion
The Apex Court in Union of India v. President, Madras Bar Association held that “Rule of
Law has several facets, one of which is that disputes of citizens will be decided by
Judges who are independent and impartial; and that disputes as to legality of acts of the
Government will be decided by Judges who are independent of the Executive.” This itself
throws light on the role of judiciary in maintaining Rule of Law in the country. This
concept forms the foundation of an orderly democratic society and the organ of the
Government responsible for keeping this foundation solid is the Judiciary of the country.
With the presence and usage of the aforementioned tools and provisions, and more, it
becomes a well-established fact that the concept of Rule of law in India has increasingly
diversified and expanded. By recognizing it as the basic structure, it has been given the
same Constitutional position as the ideals of liberty, equality, fraternity, etc. and thus, its
importance cannot be neglected. Rule of Law is not just recognized as being essential
only in India, but has the same significance in countries all across the globe. An example
of this is the historic Magna Carta of 1215 which embodies this concept by asserting
individual dignity and basic right of lawful judgement as the law of the land
47
Q.13 - What is Liberalization? Analyze its economic and political consequences.
Answer- The Indian economy was liberalized within the year 1991. Economic reforms
were passed to achieve a number of goals, including modernization, growth of the role
of personal and capital inflows, and the establishment of a free-market economy. Let us
discuss liberalization in detail.
What is Liberalization?
Liberalization, simply put, refers to the relief of state restrictions within the areas of
social, political, and economic policies. Liberalization in economic policy focuses on the
reduction of government laws and restrictions in place to encourage greater

participation by private entities.
Liberalization in India
India’s economic reforms were aided by a balance of payments problem in 1985. This
crisis caused the government unable to pay for basic imports and service its debt
obligations. Consequently, India drove to the verge of bankruptcy. As a response
thereto, the then minister of finance of India, Dr Manmohan Singh, introduced economic
liberalization in India.
 Economic liberalization has enabled free capital flow in our country, allowing
companies to easily access capital from investors. Due to a lack of capital during the
pre-liberalization period, taking on lucrative projects was frowned upon, but this was
changed in 1991, resulting in higher growth rates.
 Following the liberalization of the financial system, investors now have the option of
investing a portion of their portfolio in a diverse asset class, thus generating more
revenue.
48
 A relief in economic laws leads to an increase in the value of the stock market,
inviting more trading between investors.
 Although the effect of liberalization on the agricultural sector cannot be directly

measured, there was a substantial increase in the period following 1991.
Economic Consequences of Liberalization
Economic liberalization is definitely not confined with internal application of decontrol
schemes. Foreign economic relations should be addressed as well. However, it should be
pointed out that liberalization of foreign economic relations is supposed to accelerate
market reforms internally and boost integration of the country's economy into global
one. On the other hand, foreign economic relations liberalization should occur in the
way that would protect domestic production and market. It happens liberalization of
foreign economic relations and domestic market protection are as tied as conflicting
issues.
Although public intervention and economic liberalization have been issues of
much controversy for many years, the measure and optimum rate of intervention are
still on agenda of scientific research. To put it more correctly, present day economic
theory does not make quantity measurement of the reasonable public intervention into
economy. Yet measurability and identification of optimum rate of public intervention
bear scientific and practical importance.
The concept of "public intervention in economy" is perceived in different ways by
experts. For instance, by "economic freedom" Heritage Foundation considers 4 key
components available under government control and impacting economic environment,

namely rule of law, government size, regulatory efficiency and market openness.
49
Rule of law, in turn, includes components of "property rights" and "freedom from
corruption" which are evaluated in line with Heritage Foundation-designed
methodology. Government size component reports on assessment of "fiscal freedom"

and "government spending". As for regulatory efficiency component, it comprises three
factors like "business freedom", "labor freedom" and "monetary freedom". The latter
component market openness- addresses comparative evaluation of three liberties-
"trade freedom", "investment freedom" and "financial freedom".
In an attempt of promotion of comparative evaluation of above-stated factors,

Heritage Foundation designed a specific methodology which in fact simply expresses
comparative analysis of liberalization rates in selected areas of economy. In this context,
economic liberalization does not automatically imply limitations of public intervention.
Noteworthy, Heritage Foundation-proposed component of "rule of law" is likely to be

unachievable without proper public intervention. Rule of law implementation stands in
need for public intervention, moreover, it stipulates for enforcement of public
involvement in rule of law protection.
The World Bank-designed "Doing Business" ratings represent limited aspects of
comparative evaluation and public intervention in economy. "Doing Business" ranking
encompasses 11 indicators, such as "starting a business", "dealing with construction

permits", "getting electricity", "registering property", "getting credit", "protecting
minority investors", "paying taxes", "trading across borders", "enforcing contracts",
"resolving insolvency" and "labor market regulation". Since these indicators only cover a
minor area of business activities the calculated comparative data prevent us from proper
evaluation of public intervention rate in its entirety.
50
Global Competitiveness Index measured according methodology by the World Social
Forum strives to assess the extent of the "strength" of the countries in provision of
sustainable economic growth. Annually published the Global Competitiveness Report

reaches most of countries worldwide and the key conclusions are mainly associated with
the fact that highly competitive countries also provide higher welfare for their citizens. In
theory, the overall purpose of these reports lies in pushing governments to removing
barriers that hinder economic development thanks to finding their position globally in
economic development and competitiveness ranking and making necessary
comparisons.
Political Consequences of Liberalization
1. Free Capital Flow in The Economy - Liberalization has enabled free movement of
capital in our country, allowing companies to access the same easily from investors.
In the pre-liberalization period, undertaking lucrative projects was taboo due to the
dearth of capital, which was rectified in 1991, initiating higher growth rates.
2. Diversification of Investor Portfolio - post-liberalization, investors have the liberty
to invest a percentage of their portfolio into a diversified asset class, thus generating
more profit.
3. Improvement of Stock Market Performance - Relaxation of economic laws also

leads to a rise in the stock market’s value, thus encouraging more trading among
investors.
4. Impact on The Agricultural Sector - Even though the impact of liberalization on
the agricultural sector cannot be measured accurately, in the period post-1991, there
was a significant modification in cropping patterns throughout the country.
51
Q.14 - Discuss ethnic politics in the context of north-east India.
Answer- A conflict relating to either one or all ethnic parties is called ethnic conflict.
While ethnic factors form the basis of the conflict, the ends are often political, economic,
social, or territorial gains. Shared cultural, physical, and historical traits form an ethnic
community, making it is easier to aggravate people who share similar beliefs and goals.
Ethnic conflicts can be broadly categorized as violent and non-violent. The former is
usually a result of deep ethnic animosity fostered by political and social factors. The
latter is not as disastrous in its effects as violent conflicts and is motivated by trivial
political gains.
Conflicts based on ethnic grounds often have catastrophic results such as genocide,
mass migrations, economic sufferings, and environmental damage, thus proving to be a
significant threat to international peace. Major ethnic conflicts from the late twentieth
and early twenty-first centuries are present in Rwanda, Chechnya, Iraq, Israel, and India.
India is a multi-ethnic and highly diverse nation, and the sovereign state often witnesses
violent clashes due to this diversity. One example is the Assam conflict, which is
predominantly ethnic. Assam, as a state, has seen a spike in population growth since the
country's partition in 1947.
The three main groups (ethnicities) inhabiting Assam are the Bengalis, the
Assamese, and the tribal communities. Most of the population in the state is because of
migration from the neighboring country of Bangladesh (earlier East Bengal). These
migrants (Bengali Hindus) had an educational advantage over the locals of Assam and
slowly took the administrative reins of the region.
52
On the other hand, the Bengali Muslims were mainly peasants due to their
geographical limitations. When these migrants arrived in the scarcely inhabited Assam,
they made settlements and took over the lands populated by the tribals. Over time, the
divide between the tribals and the migrants (with more experience and opportunities)
increased. The locals then felt suppressed and exploited in their land. Cultural barriers
based on language and religion also surfaced on a large scale. There was a shared anti-
Bengali sentiment in Assam, demanding the development of Assam and its native
people.
At the time, the Bengali-Muslims were favored by the Indian government, whose
expulsion was demanded by the Assamese. It was a clear conflict of interest and needed
to be resolved immediately. However, the leaders did not arrive at a peaceful solution
for political gains and power and continued the elections.
Due to the continuous immigration, and a failure to balance the rights of the different
communities, many violent clashes were seen in the elections of 1984. In this state of
unrest, where the region was plagued with differences and frustrations, the government
put its political gains above everything else, resulting in the mass destruction of human
rights and property.
Types of ethnic groups
Not all ethnic groups are politically active or engage in ethnic conflict. Depending on
the political structure of the state (democracy versus authoritarian regimes) and the size
and situation of the ethnic minority (large versus small portion of the society, regionally
concentrated versus dispersed), ethnic groups will have different claims and will use
different means to voice their demands. The Minorities at Risk Project at the University
of Maryland began tracking ethnic groups in 1986, and it developed six types for
53
categorizing the groups: ethnonationalists, indigenous peoples, ethnoclasses, communal
contenders, religious sects, and national minorities.
Ethnonationalists are large, regionally concentrated ethnic groups with a history of
autonomy or separatist struggles.
Indigenous peoples are original inhabitants, or descendants of the original inhabitants,

of a colonized territory. These groups typically have traditional social, economic, and
cultural customs that set them apart from the rest of the society. Even though
indigenous peoples are often notably different from the dominant group (they usually
are set apart not only by physical markers but also by language, religion, traditions, etc.),
they tend to be badly organized, have weak connections among group members, and,
consequently, are usually unable to voice their claims (mostly to land and access to
resources) in a successful manner. As a result, indigenous peoples are among the most-
marginalized ethnic groups in the world.
Ethnoclasses are physically or culturally distinct groups who are typically descendants
of slaves or immigrants. In many cases, these groups perform distinctive economic

activities, mostly at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. Ethnoclasses generally strive
for equal treatment, economic opportunities, and political participation. Mobilization of
these groups varies widely. Ethnoclasses have successfully pursued their interests in
many Western democracies, but they remain relatively unorganized in most other
places.
54
Communal contenders are culturally distinct groups that have or desire a role in state
power. Some of them can also be classified as ethnonationalists opting for separatism
and seeking independence. The Minorities at Risk Project distinguishes between

dominant, advantaged, and disadvantaged communal contenders. Dominant groups
hold both political and economic power over other groups in their societies.
Advantaged groups enjoy political benefits but are not in control of governing power.
Disadvantaged communal contenders are the most common, and they often face
political or economic discrimination or both.
Changes to group relations involving communal contenders are particularly likely if
power structures change. Intergroup shifts of relative political influence and economic
prosperity can provoke violent reactions, which tend to be particularly long-lasting and
disastrous. Power-sharing models that take differences and external changes into
account are the only way to deal with these issues. However, as history shows, such
power-sharing arrangements are often very difficult to achieve.
Religious sects are ethnic groups that differ from the rest of their society mostly by
their religious beliefs and related cultural practices. Religious minorities tend to have
high group cohesion because religion is a highly salient trait. In addition, religious
groups usually already possess an organizational structure, which makes mobilization of

the groups particularly easy and likely. For these politicized religious minorities, their
faith is what sets them apart, but their goals are political in nature (e.g., participation in
the government, nondiscrimination, or the recognition of the minority).
National minorities are groups with kinfolk in a neighbouring state but who are a
minority in the state in which they reside. Most of these groups have a history of
political autonomy, which they strive to reinstate.
55
Conclusion
Cultural differences and ethnic conflicts are important issues shaping international
politics. Because cultural affiliations and ethnic identity are particularly strong factors
shaping group relations, these conflicts have led to tremendous human suffering and
are a significant threat to international security. Instability, refugee flows, spillover
effects, and other international consequences guarantee that ethnic conflict remains an
issue on the international political agenda. However, it is not the cultural differences per
se that lead to conflict but the political, ideological, and economic goals of international
actors, regardless of whether these actors are states or ethnic groups. Given the
complexity of ethnic and cultural conflicts, there is no easy solution to related issues.

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Q.1- Discuss the role of media in strengthening democracy in India.

Discuss the role of Media in Indian democracy

movement and French Revolution. Media is considered as “Fourth Pillar” in democratic

democratic system cannot cease to exist.

force to India’s Independence movement, as millions of Indians joined the leaders in

1975 to being influential in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Transition from print to electronic

TRPs became a cause of rivalry amongst news houses.

Government’s role in strengthening media

freedom of the press as was the case in US Constitution.

the level of freedom available to the journalist in the country.

trying to dismiss “anti-national” manifestation thoughts from the national media,

reflects as a negative role of media in the democracy.

to be followed by media houses, to disseminate the information across the audience.

Role of media in Indian democracy

Q.2- Examine the meaning and indicators of human development.

Meaning of Human Development:

The term ‘human development’ may be defined as an expansion of human capabilities, a

widening of choices, ‘an enhancement of freedom, and a fulfilment of human rights.

Hence development cannot be equated solely to income expansion.

human rights, socio-eco-politico freedoms. Based on the notion of human development.

Human Development Index (HDI) is constructed. It serves as a more humane measure of

development than a strictly .income-based benchmark of per capita GNP.

or fall of national incomes. It is about creating an environment in which people can

enlarging people's choices.

Fundamental to enlarging these choices is building human capabilities - the range

opportunities in life remain inaccessible.

This way of looking at development, often forgotten in the immediate concern

with accumulating commodities and financial wealth, is not new. Philosophers,

purpose, the end, of development. As Aristotle said in ancient Greece, "Wealth is

rights, this freedom is vital.

People must be free to exercise their choices and to participate in decision-making

for a more comprehensive socio-economic measure because they believed that:

essential elements of human life:

good health and personal safety.

information technology because it is no more considered as an achievement of an

Decent living standard

command over resources for a decent living standard.

It is understood that the above-mentioned three indicators have various limitations

Though, the overall conceptualization and definitions of human development remained

countries. The important highlights of this report were.

and increasing empowerment of people as minimum conditions for human

development. The report indicated that.

Development must be woven around people, not people around development. It

mentioned that the power of development lies in the development of people

empowerment. The report recognized greater constructive role of 'Civil Societies' in

bringing about peace and human development.

reduction in the military expenditure, demobilizations of armed forces, transition from

relatively better opportunities for peace and human development.

as economic, food, health, environment, personal, community, and political security.

Moreover, international terrorism was also recognized as an important threat to human

door to economic and political opportunities is barely ajar.

 Women receive disproportionately small share of credit from banking institutions. It

 Women receive much lower wages than men.

tune of $11 billion a year.

along with Human Development Index.

spectacular economic advancement but some have registered unprecedented decline.

As a result, the disparities have increased consequently there emerged two

sustainable without human development.