Eo

Effective strategies and approaches for reaching
street and working children through education:

reviewing recent developments
Issues and methodologies in educational planning
A n H E P series for orientation and training
Effective strategies and approaches for

reaching street and working children
through education: reviewing
recent developments
A n a Cristina Leonardos
U N E S C O : International Institute for Educational Planning

The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author
and do not necessarily represent the views of U N E S C O or of the IIEP. T h e
designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this book
do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of
U N E S C O or П Е Р concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city
or area or its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries.
The publication costs of this volume have been covered through a grant-
in-aid offered by U N E S C O and by voluntary contributions m a d e by several
M e m b e r States of U N E S C O , the list of which will be found at the end of
the report.
This volume has been typeset using IIEP's computer facilities

and has been printed in IIEP's printshop
International Institute for Educational Planning

7 - 9 rue Eugène-Delacroix, 75116 Paris
© U N E S C O December 1995 IIEP/ko'f

Contents
Acknowledgements vii
Introduction 1
Objectives 1
Methodology and scope 1
Structure 3
Chapter I. Predictions m a k e urban children's futures look
gloomy in the absence of a global countermovement 4
Chapter II. W h o are they? 8
1. Predominant views of street children: emergent categories 10

2. W a y s of dealing with the issue 12
3. Macro-micro: the need for comprehensive strategies 13
Chapter III. Effective strategies 17
1. W h a t seems to work? 19
2. The case of the 'Undugu Society of Kenya' 22
3. What type(s) of education? 27
v
Contents
Chapter IV. Organization, management and financing:

intertwined issues 31
1. Types of organizational structures 31

2. Partnerships and networks: managing participation 34
3. S o m e financial aspects of programmes 41
Chapter V . Implications for future policy/planning:

potential for action 46
1. Which case for decentralization? 46

2. Re-thinking education 50
3. Investing in training 53
4. Conducting participatory evaluations 55
Concluding remarks 56
Bibliography 58
vi
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Jacques Hallak, IIEP Director, Françoise Caillods,

Senior Staff M e m b e r , IIEP, for the crucial guidance and orientation received
during the elaboration of this study.
I would also like to express m y gratitude to Thereza Penna Firme,

Alda Judith Alves, and Henry Levin, w h o read and commented on the final
draft.
vn
Introduction
Objectives
This study identifies areas of broad consensus in the recent literature
concerning the effective features of innovative educational projects geared
towards the urban children population in difficult circumstances. Consider-
ing the post-Jomtien renewed leverage in this area of interest, this study
makes use of the recently published literature - (Blanc, 1994; U N E S C O ,
1995; Easton et al., 1994), a m o n g others - in an attempt to grasp the most
recent developments in the provision of alternative educational interventions
for poor urban children.
While several authors have repeatedly grappled with the issue of

identifying effective strategies for and with street children of great metropol-
itan areas of Third World countries, the present study organizes existing
information and provides a framework for the formulation of n e w strategies
of action, particularly those within the scope of international organisms
involved with educational planning.
Methodology and scope

The analysis contained in this study is based on second-hand informa-
tion to the extent that the latter was previously elicited and/or compiled by
different authors (Blanc, 1994; U N E S C O , 1995; Easton et al., 1994), a m o n g
others. It should also be noted that the methods for data gathering applied by
these authors differed in nature.
1
Effective strategies and approaches for reaching street
and working children through education
Whereas Blanc1 (1994) and Easton 2 et al. (1990) were part of an

international working team whose members contributed with relatively more
detached analyses and evaluations of effective programmes for street and
working children, U N E S C O ' s (1995) publication, containing 18 case-
studies, is solely based on the project personnel's accounts. T h e U N E S C O
case-studies are purposefully not followed by any commentary, which does
allow (as originally intended) the reader to reach his/her o w n conclusions
and establish parallels based upon previous readings. Provided these
differences are needed, this recently published literature constitutes a useful
basis for further analysis and identification of converging issues.
Regarding the development of the relevant concepts and their

subsequent discussion, different and similar points of view are brought
together in an attempt to explore the complexities of the issues here
presented. Furthermore, in order to better illustrate and contextualize these
issues, examples will be drawn from different project experiences around the
Third World. Only one programme will be described in depth - the U n d u g u
Society of Kenya - due to its extreme relevance in depicting most (if not all)
effective elements highlighted in the literature. Finally, throughout the
document, areas which have still not been fully or sufficiently addressed or
developed will be identified and discussed.
Regarding the scope of this study, the discussion on effective strategies

is mostly based on urban educational projects/programmes implemented in
Third World countries. Although s o m e effective rural projects and the
problem of urban children in distress in industrialized countries are
addressed to s o m e extent in the literature, the main focus of the recent
publications relies upon issues pertaining to poor urban children in the
developing countries. O n the one hand, Blanc (1994) reports, for instance,
on studies conducted in four developing countries - Brazil, Philippines,
India, and K e n y a - and on only one industrialized country - Italy.
1. The book uses country case-studies which were part of the Urban Child Project
(UCP) organized by the U N I C E F International Child Development Centre (ICDC),
Florence.
2. The report was carried out under U N I C E F auspices by a team of researchers from
Florida State University ( U S A ) in collaboration with staff of U N I C E F country
offices and field programmes in more than 20 countries.
2
Introduction
Eastern, (1994) and U N E S C O , (1995), on the other hand, concentrate on

programmes developed in Latin America, Asia and Africa. Finally, the
strikingly large number of street and working children in the Third World
metropolizes, as well as the disadvantageous environmental, societal and
economical conditions faced by the poor urban population, call for
immediate recapitulation and informed action in this area.
Structure
This document is structured into five sections. The first of them deals
with the larger urbanization phenomenon and the subsequent impoverish-
ment of the lower layers of the social fabric, which has reached particularly
critical proportions in the metropolizes of developing countries. T h e second
section discusses the predominant views held on street children and the three
main strategies for dealing with the issue: i.e. rehabilitation, protection and
prevention. It also includes a discussion of the macro-micro links and
emphasizes the need for a convergence of strategies at both levels. The third
section presents some global indicators of effectiveness a m o n g innovative
strategies, supported by the case of the " U n d u g u Society of Kenya", and
discusses the effective educational strategies depicted in the literature. The
fourth section reviews broader issues relevant to the organization, manage-
ment and financing of programmes/projects and illustrates each different
domain with concrete examples. T h e fifth section offers a synthesis of the
principal parameters under which any further action should be planned and
suggests guidelines for the participation of H E P in the fields of education,
training and evaluation.
3
Chapter I
Predictions m a k e urban children's futures
look gloomy in the absence of
a global countermovement
The impressive urbanization trends predicted for the Third World should not
be trusted blindly according to Hardoy, (1992), to the extent to which
changes at the social, economic and political levels of each country m a y
affect their concretization. Nevertheless, even if cautiously analysed, these
projections call for urgent policies and action geared towards improving the
situation of the socially and economically disadvantaged population and,
especially, street and working children.
United Nations projections (Hardoy, 1992) suggest that the population

of almost all cities in Africa, Asia, and Latin America with 500,000 or more
inhabitants in 1980, will at least double between 1980 and the year 2000 and
14 will at least triple. Nairobi's population, for instance, is projected to grow
from 0.8 to 2.7 million between 1980 and 2000.
According to Hardoy (1992), if present trends are extended through the

year 2000, over four out of ten children will be born in an urban centre and,
by 2025, this m a y rise to six out of ten children. Therefore, w h e n the urban
population of the Third World is expected to quadruple between 1980 and
2025, growing from 959 million to 4,376 million, over half of this total
number will consist of children. A s Hardoy (1992:53) exclaims: "Never in
the history of humankind will so m a n y children be born in urban centres as
during the early years of next century".
4
Predictions make urban children's futures look gloomy
in the absence of a global countermovement
T h e young profile of the Third World urban populations becomes an

urgent concern w h e n one understands the poverty conditions under which
these people have to live. Hardoy (1992) signals a gloomy future w h e n he
draws attention to the fact that:
"At least 600 million urban inhabitants in the Third World already
live in 'life and health-threatening' circumstances due to the very
poor quality and overcrowded shelters, a lack of basic
infrastructure and service, and housing sites which are subject to
floods, landslides or other natural hazards (Cairncross, 1990).
Quite possibly, between 25 and 35 million poor people will be
added each year to this 6 0 0 million total. These hundreds of
millions of people are poor according to the indicators that form
the traditional profile of h u m a n deprivation: they do not have
access to health services, safe water and adequate sanitation; their
incomes are below the poverty line; the number of malnourished
and illiterate adults is high; so too is the number of children w h o
do not go to school or have dropped out of school" (p.53).
All these facts and figures, which point to the predominantly young and
poor population profile of the next millennium, can certainly not be ignored.
Moreover, they strongly reinforce the idea that preventive policies are
necessary in order to assure this n e w population's access to health services,
adequate sanitation, decent housing and income, quality nutrition and
education. Nevertheless, Blanc (1994) also adds to this list of deprivations
other more qualitative dimensions which deserve special attention. They are
(1) a diminishing fabric of social support for children within the family and
community; (2) decreasing opportunities for socialization; (3) lack of
opportunities to consolidate one's self-worth in the broader societal sphere;
(4) experiences of marginalization and uncertainty of the future; (5) poorly
planned urban environment. The author suggests that more research studies
need to be undertaken specifically addressing these five problems in
developing countries. It seems as though the subjective nature of these
problems has been overshadowed by the striking, concrete and visual
deprivations of the urban poor population previously mentioned.
Finally, although the focus, so far, has been placed on the deprivations
of the young population of the Third World's metropolises, child poverty
and deprivation is also found in industrialized countries (Cornia, 1990).
Blanc (1994), for instance, devotes a whole chapter to analyzing the case of
5
Italy, with a special focus on Naples, Palermo and Milan. In parallel ways,
urban children also seem to be suffering from the country's rapid m o v e from
agriculture to industrialization. Urban development in Italy, as in developing
countries, has progressed in a chaotic manner for the past 20 years; i.e. cities
had work but no appropriate health environment to offer.
According to Blanc (1994), growing up poor under the unhealthy and
deprived environmental urban conditions previously identified means
having, from an early age, to become involved in informal-sector activities.
This sector has c o m e to represent 50 per cent of all incomes in most cities
of the developing world. Therefore, although acknowledging the plight of
the urban children population is the main step towards developing
preventive policy measures in the long run, it also forces one to
acknowledge, in the short run, the need that m a n y poor urban children have
to generate income. According to Easton (1994) " s o m e 130 million
primarily school-aged children world wide have abandoned the classroom,
most of them to work (p.4)". In this respect, Blanc (1994) reports that:
"(...) approximately three-fourths of the children on the streets are

actively contributing to household economies in the Philippines
and in India. In Brazil, it w a s found that even a m o n g street
children w h o had only tenuous ties with their families, 42 per cent
still sometimes contributed to the family budget" (p.41).
The fact that these children need to work in order to complement family
budgets does more than explain their exit from the schools. It points to the
inability of the formal,rigidand sometimes costly education system to retain
these students and, thereby, assure their physical, intellectual, social and
emotional development at such a crucial age. A s D e w e e s and Klees
(1995:77) claim, in a highly competitive labour market, where schooling is
the main avenue to acquiring the necessary skills and credentials for
obtaining better jobs and higher income, "any activity that adversely affects
school attendance and intellectual development threatens a child's future".
Nevertheless, it seems clear, at this point, that there is a need for
conceptualizing a n e w schooling system; one that is sensitive to the needs
of urban poor children and whose teachers' positive attitudes will enable
them to work with children w h o lack family support. In s u m , a n e w
conception of the formal schooling system should evolve as part of the
response to street and working children issues.
6
Predictions make urban children's futures look gloomy
in the absence of a global countermovement
But w h o are these children? H o w are they perceived by the larger

society? W h a t types of strategies have already been put in place to address
their problems? A n d h o w exactly does the macro, external structure push
them to the streets? W e n o w turn to these questions.
7
Chapter II
W h o are they?
M a n y situational analyses have already been undertaken throughout the

world in attempts at better describing the plight of street and working
children. These studies have helped to (1) provide a greater understanding
of the local dynamics of each metropolis in its o w n context and specificity,
(2) draw national and international attention to a growing problem, and
(3) inform organized action geared towards the urban poor. Whereas
situational analyses, urban statistics and predictions do help contextualize
and clarify the magnitude of the problem, one seems to obtain a fuller
picture of the young urban poor's plight w h e n an individual case is
presented.
W h e n Milton decided to go h o m e 3
Milton is a 16-year old boy w h o wants to quit the streets of Rio de Janeiro and go h o m e .
H e explains the reasons w h y he wants to leave the streets to a friendly researcher:
"I want to go h o m e because I a m not corrupt!" "Here, on the streets it is bad. Certain
policemen and some guys beat m e and also tell m e to do bad things like stealing and
other things..." "There (at home) I have m y mother. I want to stay with her and never
come back to the street again".
Asked about his life on the streets he voiced his views on several issues:
The group: " W e spend all day talking, being together and soon w e develop friendships.
Nobody fights anybody. O n e for all and all for one. One protects the other from the
police. Each one says, I will stay until a certain day; one day I will leave the street. (...)
Girls: "They seldom stayed with us on the street. They oscillate too m u c h . I mean, that
they go back and forth from street to h o m e and from group to group. But when w e have
some food w e take it where they are. If they get sick w e try to get money and buy
medicine for them. Like a family".
3. Adapted from Penna Firme, T . "Meeting at-risk children where they get together: an
alternative concept of community". In Justice for Children, Ed. by Stewart Asquith
and Malcom Hill, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Netherlands, 1994.
8
Who are they?
Food: " W e pick up vegetables and fruits thrown away when the street market is over".
Bath: "There, on the seashore or at the beach". ("Do you use soap?" the researcher
naively asks Milton). "It doesn't go well with salted water!".
Sleeping: "Cardboard on the floor. Then w e m o v e from place to place to avoid the
police. This is what w e have to flee from".
Policemen: " S o m e kick us out and away to the beach, for instance, after beating us up.
Others talk to us".
Stealing: "This happens when some kids want to make use of drugs or in situations when
nobody gives us food".
Violence: "Nobody ever did it in m y group. If one hurts others, it is to protect himself
when people react '.
Rules: "Everybody follows the rules. N o boss. There is respect for the one w h o speaks
and for the one w h o is right. Age doesn't matter. The important thing is to respect the
agreements".
The group members: "There are 12 of us, aged from 7 to 16". (Nine boys and three girls.
Each came from a different place very far from one another).
Community: "People become like friends, get together to solve problems that the
government doesn t. They decide on their o w n . G o after their rights, fighting". 'Your
community?' the researcher asked. " W e don't have one. Here, nobody pays attention to
us. Seventy per cent spit, kick us. Thirty per cent come close, talk, offer food". ' W h a t
counts most? the researcher asked. ' T o value us and to trust us. The majority of people
think that w e will steal something if w e enter their house. Here the neighbours do not pay
attention to us. W e are like garbage blocking the way".
What is your dream? ' T o possess a home. T o study. T o have the tenderness that I never
had from a mother".
Constitution: (silence)... ' Prostitution?'
Statute: (silence)... ' Institute, orphanage?'
The researcher reports that Milton came back one week after returning h o m e . His
mother was insisting that he should get a job to bring money h o m e . That was hard.
Where? H o w ? At school he had achieved only an incomplete second grade. His mother
insisted and said he would get no more food until he started to work, so Milton left home
and went to live with a friend. M a n y other street children will want to go home,
hopefully. But h o w can they succeed and re-enter their community of origin? Is there
any authentic community to absorb them as they need and deserve? A n d there are
millions of such kids.
9
Milton is one of the 7 million children estimated to live on the streets

of the larger Brazilian cities (Penna Firme, 1994). Milton is not an ideal
typical street youngster. H e demonstrates a poignant understanding of his
immediate and larger surrounding community. D u e to several failures at the
society, community, school and family levels, this youngster has been
socialized in the street group's rules and internal ethics. H e seems to ignore
Brazil's Federal Constitution and the Statute of the Child and Adolescent4,
which reveals the gaps between the sanctioning and the enforcement of laws
in this country. Milton is also haunted by any terminology which m a y
remind him of 'institutionalization', as he hears 'institute' instead of
'statute'. H e experienced all the hardships of life in the streets: hunger,
police violence and contempt from passing people. Yet, he has not lost his
sense of self and family (though they seem to have been considerably
shattered), and seems to possess both a life dream, to possess a h o m e , to
study, to be cared for, and a will to pursue it.
1. Predominant views of street children: emergent categories
Dewees and Klees (1995) tend to adopt a very overarching definition

of 'street and working children'. For them, all children growing up in
unfavourable conditions for their h u m a n development and well-being would
fall into this group. Other authors (Blanc, 1994; Easton, 1994; Alves, 1991)
go into a more .detailed categorization w h e n defining this group.
T h efirstset of categorization (Childhope, 1989) identifies three types

of street children, which are: (1) children w h o maintain regular contacts with
their families, (2) children with irregular contacts with their families, and
(3) children without families/abandoned children. O n e could say Milton
belongs in the second group. In fact, the great majority of street children and
adolescents fall into one of the twofirstcategories. According to Blanc
(1994:41), children with no functional family ties at all "generally constitute
a small portion of the overall number of children on the street". It is
estimated that in large Brazilian cities, for instance, they range from a few
hundred to a few thousand, per city. Similarly, in the Philippines, it is
4. Article 227 of Brazil's Federal Constitution states: "It is the duty of the family,
society and the State to assume with absolute priority the rights of children and
adolescents to life, adequate food, education, leisure, occupational training, culture,
dignity, respect and freedom; and in addition to save them from negligence,
discrimination, exploitation, cruelty, and oppression".
10
Who are they?
estimated that approximately 7 0 per cent of the street children fall into the
first category, against 25 per cent and 5 per cent into the second and third
categories, respectively (Childhope, 1989).
Another set of categorization regarding street and working children is

offered by Easton et al. (1994) and Alves (1991). They m a k e a distinction
between street children ' o n ' or 'in' the street and street children ' o f the
street. Whereas thefirstgroup would only spend their days on city streets
engaging in legal or illegal trades, they do return to their h o m e s at night. B y
contrast, children ' o f the street would be those whose families live on the
street, or w h o have formed n e w families from street acquaintances and in
some cases even created h o m e in abandoned structures. Therefore, whereas
there seems to be s o m e overlap between the two sets of categorization, the
first one is based on the degrees of family/community links and the second
one derives from the type of relationship established with the street, defined
primarily as public space.
There seems to remain no doubt, whichever classification one chooses

to adopt, that street and working children are, by definition, living under
circumstances that jeopardize their h u m a n development and well-being, as
suggested by Dewees and Klees (1995). W h a t remains to be constantly and
individually defined is the extent to which these children, living under such
difficult and unfavourable conditions, have become engaged in patterns of
high-risk behaviour. Blanc (1994:397), for instance, makes an attempt to
classify the main types of children's and adolescents' high-risk behaviours.
T h e six following categories are proposed by this author and can form an
initial basis for discussion:
(1) engagement in serious conflict with the law;

(2) substance abuse;
(3) early unprotected sexual practices;
(4) dropping out of school;
(5) dropping out of h o m e ;
(6) engagement in any other type of behaviour that might be
detrimental to their development or health.
Blanc's (1994) analysis attributes these high-risk behaviours to the fact

that these children have to face complex tasks of self-development without
any or little family and community support. They would be, according to the
author, "relationally deprived children" and could be best helped w h e n
11
reached before they engage in some sort of higherriskbehaviour through the

establishment of relations at the family and community levels.
2. W a y s of dealing with the issue
Programme strategies tend to respond to the needs of particular

groupings and behaviour patterns of street children favouring, accordingly,
preventive, protective or rehabilitative measures. Preventive interventions
characterize community-based programmes, which attempt to address the
problem where it starts - in the family and the community. In this sense, the
family or community with which these children are in contact can still reach
out to them and avoid their falling into high-risk behaviour patterns. This
can be achieved through "family preservation; community construction; and
citywide systems of collaborative support that establish more protective
networks around children and families" (Blanc, 1994:417). In the Philippine
Street Children Project (Childhope, 1989), preventive approaches have
meant: (1) providing children educational opportunities through
informal/non-formal education, (2) providing their families with ways to
obtain a regular income, (3) training parents on responsible parenting and
family life, especially the care and protection of the young (p. 15). Protective
interventions have usually been associated with street-based approaches and
are often carried out by street-educators. Street-based children, with weak
links with their families and communities, need immediate protection from
all sorts of violence, health hazards and insecurities they are exposed to,
prior to any further action directed towards them. S o m e of the protective
interventions offered by T h e Secretariat of the Child in Säo Paulo (Brazil)
include, for example: temporary shelter for child victims of physical and
sexual violence, abandoned children and runaways; children's hotline;
network of children to combat violence against children (Penna Firme and
Tonini, 1988). In Brazil, grass-roots' advocacy against any type of violence
geared towards street children resulted in a national m o v e m e n t which
changed the legal system of this country and transferred to Municipal
Councils the responsibility of defending children'srights.Rehabilitative
interventions, finally, are usually confined to centre-based programmes and
are geared towards abandoned children and/or those w h o are already
manifesting s o m e advanced type of high-risk behaviour. Centre-based
approaches represent an opportunity for 'cure' of psycho-social illnesses,
mainly channelled through rehabilitation programmes, but they have, in
certain countries, meant radical actions such as institutionalization and
imprisonment.
12
Who are they?
These last two solutions - institutionalization and imprisonment - have

been highly criticized in the literature as they have c o m e to be perceived as
inadequate, expensive and, in most cases, ineffective. Dewees and Klees
(1995:84) illustrate this point w h e n discussing the National and State
Foundations for the Welfare of Minors ( F U N A B E M and F E B E M ) , in
Brazil. These governmental institutions, which housed both children w h o
had committed crimes and those rounded up in actions to remove children
from the streets, were k n o w n to offer horrible living conditions and little in
the w a y of actual assistance.
It should be noted, however, that in the past 15 years, there has been
an ever-growing shift from an emphasis on rehabilitative/compensatory/
curative measures towards an emphasis on primarily preventive/protective
measures. This movement, which can be apprehended from the practice of
several alternative projects as well as from the recent literature on street/
working children, has been accompanied by a n e w w a y of perceiving the
urban poor children's plight. Street and working children are no longer
viewed as 'problems' but rather, as 'part of the solution'. Their families are
no longer viewed as 'guilty' for their children's fate, but as victims of local,
national and international careless policies. Children's informal income-
generating activities are no longer perceived as insignificant but, rather, as
the only way to survive in a highly unfair social-economic system. Children
are no longer perceived as inadequate to formal schooling, but very m u c h
the other way around. Finally, the m o v e towards preventive strategies can
at the same time be understood and justified by the large numbers of
children w h o are still at family, community or school reach, as opposed to
those w h o have cut off all their social links.
Acknowledging the need for preventive action presupposes an

understanding of the complex underlying causes of urban poverty. Admit-
ting the latter entails, in turn, an awareness of the interplay of macro and
micro actions. W e n o w turn to a discussion of the need for macro-micro co-
ordination in the planning of any preventive approach which intends to
tackle street and working children issues.
3. M a c r o - m i c r o : the n e e d for c o m p r e h e n s i v e strategies
" W e have proposed to grow our w a y out of poverty, yet growth

has not reduced poverty or inequality; w e have resolved to
educate our w a y out of poverty, yet w e educate very few well, and
13
there is n o evidence that even if w e educated everybody well

there would be sufficient opportunities to gainfully or creatively
employ them; (...)" (Easton etal, 1994:24).
T h e shift from an emphasis on curative to preventive measures has

been linked to a deeper understanding of the intertwining nature of macro-
micro social issues. Furthermore, prevention has been frequently perceived
as a long-term change process that would involve different sectors and
actors. Blanc's (1994) model of action, for instance, emphasizes prevention
through compounded behavioural changes. According to the author, change
entails a long-term modification of behaviour and attitudes through multi-
level redefinition of roles. A s Blanc (1994) explains:
"(.••) theories on the prevention of high-risk behaviour have

ranged from simple cause-effect that identify one or two powerful
antecedents of problem behaviour on which programmes could
focus, to complex risk assessments that call for an array of
interventions" (p.397).
M a n y programmes have, in fact, already realized the importance and

the weight of preventive measures in the long run, if the issue of urban
poverty is to be tackled by its roots. Preventive measures were, for instance,
a major concern for the staff of the U n d u g u Society of Kenya, w h e n
assessing their programme in the early 1980s. Easton et al. (1994) report that
staff felt the need to engage in essentially preventive strategies in order to
stem the flow of street children, besides working to rehabilitate children
already on the streets. These strategies involved developing an array of
complementary programmes for alleviating the problems that push children
on to the streets. They also comprised improving and adapting the educa-
tional programmes designed to help street children and potential street
children; developing a n e w technical training system based on a model of
apprenticeship systems, under which children completing the basic
education sequence were helped to find a local artisan with w h o m they could
apprentice and later obtain government credentials to begin work on their
o w n ; establishing programmes of community organization and development,
through which problems were identified - such as malnutrition, clothing,
lack of educational opportunities, employment and affordable housing - and
joining forces to solve them.
14
Who are they?
Only very recently, in the early 1990s, has the U n d u g u Society of

Kenya started a political advocacy, trying to involve "government officials
in its public awareness campaign regarding the plight of street children and
in the design and implementation of major improvements in the infrastruc-
ture for determining and meeting their needs" (p.41). T h e programme
director is n o w involved in concerted efforts to influence government policy
on issues like land tenure, educational certificates equivalence and social
service provision that directly affect the welfare of street and working
children, and has potential for influencing the government regarding the
need for comprehensive macro-micro strategies.
Claiming that growing global poverty and hunger are the bottom-line
cause for the increasing numbers of street and working children, and that
any solution to the difficult array of problems facing this specific population
"must confront this context squarely", Dewees and Klees (1995) tend to
assume a more radical stand than Blanc (1994) and Easton (1994) in as far
as they believe change at the macro-level can only be attained through social
movement pressure. The authors direct sharp criticisms towards the narrow
technical rational model usually adopted by governments in attempts to
respond to urban poverty, claiming they often serve as an excuse for inaction
rather than a vehicle for change. In their view, the technical-rational model
would merely serve as a cover-up for the biases behind the policy choices
m a d e at the higher, structural level. Providing the recent social movements
in Brazil as an example, the authors suggest that a potentially effective
alternative "for making significant social change appears to be following a
more 'politically rational' model in which large social movements pressure
the state for meaningful reform" (p.81).
In Brazil, switching from an assistance model to a more constructive

one meant incorporating children's rights into the legal system. This was
only possible through a combined social m o v e m e n t in which both grass-
roots programmes and some policy-makers took part. This social m o v e m e n t
culminated in the Article 227 of the n e w Brazilian Constitution (which
consists of an extension of the International Convention on the Rights of the
Child) as well as in the replacement of the Minors' Code by the Child and
Adolescent Statute, which "criminalized the activities of millions of young
people, whether they had committed a crime or were simply in the streets
seeking to survive" (Dewees and Klees, 1995: p.84). These changes in the
Brazilian legal system placed this country, worldwide reputed for its history
of violence against street children, as the most progressive one in terms of
15
urban children protection (Blanc, 1994; Easton et aZ.,1994); D e w e e s and

Klees, 1995). Nevertheless, the fact that this country replaced its repressive
legal code by a progressive one remains, by and large, a victory at the level
of constitutional protection for street children and adolescents. Furthermore,
it has been argued that thisfirstlegal step has had an impact on people's
perception of the problem. If this is the case, within a theory of action,
changing people's views and attitudes could trigger meaningful behavioural
changes. T h e Brazilian social m o v e m e n t that culminated in legal reform can,
therefore, be viewed as a necessary step towards a more comprehensive
movement, which would involve the larger society in the pursuit of both law
enforcement/implementation and other more overarching preventive actions.
Despite their different strategies, these two examples converge to a

c o m m o n point: the acknowledgment that preventive action at the micro and
local level will not be effective without macro-structural reforms which
would tackle the roots of the street children's plight. O n the one hand, the
U n d u g u Society's response to the macro-micro problem has been, initially,
an enlargement of the programme's scope through co-ordinated community
action, thereby ensuring street and working children opportunities of social,
educational and professional re-insertion, followed later by a greater political
advocacy which has potential for a national concerted action in favour of the
urban poor. O n the other hand, the Brazilian case illustrates the effect of a
social m o v e m e n t , headed by N G O s , street children and a few politicians,
that exerted pressure on the modification of the country's Constitution and
legal system. T h e extent to which these two strategies will have a significant
impact on macro preventive policies geared towards at-risk children remains
to be seen. It seems clear, however, that in the absence of co-ordinated
action at the macro and micro levels, neither the perception of, nor the social
behaviour and attitudes towards, the urban poor will undergo the necessary
changes.
16
Chapter III
Effective strategies
Several interventions, around the world, have been put in place in diverse
attempts to reach out for the growing urban poor children and adolescent
population. These programmes and projects also have diverse origins and
approaches: G O s and N G O s , street, community, or centre-based, though all
mostly decentralized in nature. But just h o w effective have they been in
coping with or reducing the plight of disadvantaged children?
Defining effectiveness in the context of innovative projects and

programmes for the urban poor population is a rather subjective task. Blanc
(1994), for instance, points to the difficulty in measuring the level of
improvement achieved by remedial or curative interventions (especially
considering that a few children often relapse into high-risk behaviour
patterns) and in measuring the number of people w h o , because of develop-
mental or preventive measures, have not slid into higher risk conditions. In
other words, would not running away from home or not dropping out of
school be convincing evidence of the effectiveness of a programme? T o
what extent would change in knowledge and attitudes be sufficiently
predictive of behavioural change, or, indicative of a programme's success?
Thus, reaching an understanding of project effectiveness stumbles into

the inherent constraints of conducting a systematic evaluation and gathering
conclusive supporting evidence.
Blanc (1994) takes a more conservative stand and claims that the ideal
situation would be one in which evaluation could demonstrate that "in
aggregate, more of the participants changed to the desired behaviour than
matched controls" (p.400) 5 . Nevertheless, even in this case, the author is
5. Blanc (1994) claims that even in a country as research-oriented as the U S A , valid

evaluations are rare. Only 33 out of 350 evaluations of school-based drug education
programmes and 20 out of 452 evaluations of drop-out prevention programmes were
considered acceptable (p.400).
17
doubtful whether change in behaviour could be exclusively attributable to

the programme.
Another issue related to the concept of effectiveness concerns the

capacity of programmes to cover the problem in a significant w a y . A s the
example of Kenya will show, effectiveness within the context of innovative
programmes is not linked to 'coverage'. It is estimated that there are
between 30,000 and 3,000,000 street and working children in Kenya
(Easton, 1994). In 1993, the U n d u g u Society of Kenya catered for the needs
of a total of 581 learners in their educational programme; 78 trainees in their
vocational training programme; and 20 youngsters were awaiting placement
with artisans ( U N E S C O , 1995). Referring to these N G O programmes as
'jewel boxes' - "beautifully crafted efforts that really help some children"
(p.93), D e w e e s and Klees (1995) claim that they do not even begin to
address the magnitude of the problem. These same authors estimate that in
Brazil, for instance, only 500 programmes for street children existed in
1990, w h e n in fact it "would have required 40,000 such programmes to
reach all these children" (p.93).
Effectiveness should thereby be a concept to be understood and applied

within a certainflexibleframework. It is, perhaps, better apprehended w h e n
operationalized at the project/programme level. That means to say that
programme results should be primarily assessed in terms of established goals
and available resources, rather than in absolute terms. Although only
suggested by the literature - Blanc, (1994); Easton et al, (1994); U N E S C O ,
(1995), - effective projects and programmes seem to be those which, besides
really helping some children, have also constantly re-oriented theirfieldof
action as a result of both self-evaluations of their practices and assessments
of the children's needs. Moreover, these programmes have been consistently
concerned with high-risk behaviour prevention strategies and with ways to
involve all levels of society in a co-ordinated protective/preventive action.
Having provided a context for understanding the relativeness with which

the concept of effectiveness is used in the literature, w e can n o w turn to a
discussion of the c o m m o n effective strategies across programmes and
projects that have been extracted by two specific authors - Blanc, 1994 and
Easton etal, 1994.
18
1. W h a t seems to w o r k ?
Despite the limits in assessing programme effectiveness, a great deal of

knowledge has been accumulated over the past 15 years regarding the
internal dynamics and functioning of projects and programmes geared
towards the urban poor children population. The studies carried out by Blanc
(1994) and Easton et al. (1994) attempt to extract lessons from a variety of
such projects. These projects have managed to put together strategies that
are meaningful for the street children population and thereby have greater
chances of affecting their lives. A s will be shown from the synthesis of
effective project elements that follows, there seems to be considerable
overlap a m o n g the "lessons or principles from specific interventions"
proposed by Blanc (1994) and the "programmatic and instructional lessons"
extracted by Easton et al. (1994). A s will be argued, all the aspects
underlined by these two authors as particularly effective ones, fall into six
larger categories, which are: (1) contextualized and individualized support-
ive approaches; (2) networking: comprehensive and integrated strategies
coupled withflexibleapproaches; (3) actors' involvement and participation;
(4) recognizing and improving linkages with work; (5) seeking alternative
approaches to education; (6) provisions for training.
(1) Contextualized and individualized supportive approaches
• Discovering effective ways of making contact with children-at-risk

(Blanc, 1994).
e
Individualized attention to children and listening to them in order
to obtain a better understanding of what children most lack (Blanc,
1994).
e
Recognition of the advantages of locating programmes in urban
neighbourhoods (Blanc, 1994).
e
Creating a supportive immediate environment around the children,
provision of counselling and other support to families (Blanc,
1994).
9
T h e importance of 'hanging out'; i.e. the first step in making
contact with street and working children and helping them to begin
a n e w learning experience seems almost universally to involve
simply 'hanging out' with them, hearing their stories, according
them some of the trust, respect and love they deserve, and learning
their 'culture' (Easton, 1994).
19
• The importance of context and life history: i.e. successful interven-

tions are carefully adapted to the specific characteristics of street
and working children and to the diverse contexts in which these
children live and work (Easton, 1994).
(2) Networking: comprehensive and integrated strategies coupled

withflexibleapproaches
e
Creating a multicomponent network instead of unimodal approaches
to these children's problems. Ensuring collaboration a m o n g
different components at all levels. T h e same network m a y also be
extended preventively to other disadvantaged children atriskof
faltering (Blanc, 1994).
e
Operationalizingflexibleapproaches to the wide range of problems
(Blanc, 1994).
• Shifting from an exclusive focus on 'the child' to a broader focus
on the child, family, school and community, reinforcing their coping
strategies, and involving them in the elaboration of more affordable
approaches to family preservation, and school and community
development (Blanc, 1994).
• Developing broad partnerships and self-managing networks (Blanc,
1994).
• T h e need for comprehensive and integrated strategies; i.e. the
educational and h u m a n needs of street and working children are
multiple, and the roots of the problem are so entangled with issues
of community development, health and employment, that successful
programmes generally adopt a comprehensive and integrated
strategy that attempts to address each of these spheres of life in an
internally coherent manner (Easton, 1994).
(3) Actors' involvement and participation

e
Active participation and involvement of children, families, neigh-
bourhoods and the broader community in programme activities
(Blanc, 1994).
e
Careful use of peers in interventions, especially of older peers, first
to influence/help younger peers as role models, second, to attract
children to programmes, and third, in group analysis of problems
(Blanc, 1994).
20
• Family involvement and stakeholder participation; i.e. the families

and communities of working children should be involved in
programme design and implementation whenever and however
possible, and other important 'stakeholders' - such as city adminis-
trators, police and local merchants - need to be 'brought into the
act' as well (Easton, 1994).
• "Building the children's movement"; i.e. helping children to
participate in programme design and administration and to organize
themselves is the key to ensuring a strong educational environment
(Easton, 1994).
(4) Recognizing and improving linkages with work

e
Forming constructive linkages with the world of work (Blanc,
1994).
• Recognizing the need to work: i.e. programme strategies must pay
attention to the need of m a n y , if not all, street and working children
to continue to generate income in some manner (Easton, 1994).
(5) Seeking alternative approaches to education
• Seeking alternative approaches to education in order to facilitate

reintegration (Blanc, 1994).
• Traditional educational approaches just will not work; i.e. for the
most part, successful educational interventions on behalf of street
and working children end up adopting more of an 'androgogical' or
critical adult education approach than a formal pedagogical or
schooling one (Easton, 1994).
• The challenge of public education; i.e. in m a n y street and working
children programmes, education has one additional and very
significant meaning that it virtually never has in formal primary and
secondary school: education of the public, particularly of key
stakeholders groups in the situation - police, merchants and church
groups, for instance - about the children's plight, their potential and
the roots of the problem (Easton, 1994).
(6) Provisions for training
• S o m e arrangements for training (Blanc, 1994).
21
• T h e imperative of staff training and development; i.e. though

education programmes for street and working children are fuelled
in great measure by volunteers and the underpaid efforts of
committed staff, providing opportunities and professional backup
for these personnel is one of the primary challenges that
programmes face. It is a challenge that the most effective
programmes have begun to solve (Easton, 1994).
2. The case of the 'Undugu Society of Kenya' 6
All these features identified as 'effective' can be found to a certain

extent in the ' U n d u g u Society of Kenya'. Blanc (1994); Easton (1994); and
U N E S C O (1995) have resorted to this Kenyan programme as an example
of a "successful innovative programme". The fact is that the ' U n d u g u
Society of Kenya' has existed long enough to bear time evaluation, and has
wisely adapted and developed its programme activities in order to better
serve the urban poor population. A t the same time, realizing the limited
reach of the programme and the growing numbers of street children, U n d u g u
is n o w an active programme in policy advocacy and has been engaged in
several types of comprehensive preventive action.
T h e U n d u g u 7 Society of Kenya was established by Father Grol, a

Dutch priest w h o first attempted to reach out to the 'parking boys' of
Nairobi, 20 years ago. Through his personal rapport with these children he
found out that their main aspiration was to receive education. M a n y were
primary school drop-outs, whose families could not pay school fees or buy
the necessary uniforms and materials. Efforts were then m a d e to raise funds
to pay fees and material costs for as m a n y of them as possible, but the
directors did not want these 'street children' back in their schools for a
variety of reasons: they had missed too m u c h to catch up with their peers or
had developed habits in the street, making re-adaptation to school life and
discipline very difficult. Father Grol then decided to establish a 'school for
life' outside the formal education system that would give street children
basic literacy skills and prepare them for productive and self-sustaining roles
6. This summary was mostly based on the descriptions of the Undugu Society of Kenya
provided by Easton et al., 1994.
7. 'Undugu' means 'brotherhood' in Swahili ( U N E S C O , 1995).
22
in society. With a few volunteers and the assistance of university students,

Father Grol set up a network of Undugu Youth Centres based in church halls
and community centres of poor neighbourhoods. Very soon the Youth
Centres were fully subscribed.
The next step was to prepare these fully literate youngsters for future
employment. At this time, the Undugu teamed up with the National Kenyan
Council of Churches ( N K C C ) and devised the 'village polytechnic' which
consisted of a vocational-technical training institute in rural areas. Besides
teaching technical skills it would also help reintegrate these youngsters in
the rural milieu, from which the programme's sponsors felt they ultimately
came. These village polytechnics were created between 1975 and 1978, and
were prematurely standardized and replicated by the Kenyan Government
without significant result.
Upon afirstassessment of the U n d u g u Society's activities, staff noted

that the village polytechnics were not successful because they had been
founded on some false premises: most of their graduates would return to the
urban centres and the vocational and technical education and training
curriculum was not attuned to the informal sector craft employment of the
cities. In the meantime, the numbers of street children in Nairobi had risen
sharply and, this time, the vast majority of these street children came from
the slums of the urban periphery rather than from rural areas.
Realizing that their efforts should be both 'rehabilitative' and 'preven-

tive', the U n d u g u Society activities were re-structured in these two
directions. The Society improved its sequence of educational programmes
and developed an urban technical training system in which graduates from
the literacy programme could learn with local artisans. A system of skill
upgrading was established so as to enable apprentices to pass the basic
government trade test, enabling them to subsequently operate on their o w n .
Simultaneously, the U n d u g u established programmes of community

development in slum neighbourhoods which helped residents to identify and
prioritize their o w n problems and then attempt to solve them in a joint effort.
The most important issues were: malnutrition, clothing, educational
opportunities for slum children, employment and affordable housing. T h e
U n d u g u Society has since developed a multi-faceted or comprehensive
strategy for urban poverty alleviation, considered to be the best means of
stemming the flow of street children.
23
During the second reassessment of its programme, the U n d u g u team

realized the Society had spread its activities too thin; more than 2 0 different
types of programmes had been created and they could not all be given equal
attention. The U n d u g u decided then to concentrate its efforts around three
principal 'preventive' strategies: community organization, employment
creation and low-cost/environmental improvement. Administrative support
was also considered fundamental for raising funds, marketing the products
of Undugu workshops and co-ordinating with other institutional stakeholders
in the plight of the urban poor.
First, a m o n g community organization efforts and low-

cost/environmental improvements, U n d u g u focused on: leadership
development, upgrading the houses in slum communities, developing 'urban
agriculture' (local gardens which would provide part of residents' food
needs), providing adequate water supplies and drainage systems for rain-
water, and advocacy efforts to resolve land tenure issues.
Secondly, the 'employment creation' component consisted of three

major strategies: education, training and the development of employment (or
self-employment) opportunities that the children could fill. T h e Basic
Education Programme was designed to give participants basic literacy and
survival skills and a heightened sense of their o w n self-worth. Boys and girls
aged 10-16 w h o had dropped out of school or never entered one, were given
priority to the U n d u g u ' s Informal Schools located in the various slum
communities in and around Nairobi (from which most street children came).
Street children catered for by Undugu's reception centres and street outreach
programmes comprised a minority of enrolment in the Informal Schools.
Since even re-adapting street children to 'informal' schooling had proven to
be a lengthy task, U n d u g u decided to increase its emphasis on 'preventive'
work in slum communities.
T h e Informal Schools were staffed by teaching personnel recruited

locally from secondary school graduates and salaried by U n d u g u at a level
slightly lower than that of formal schoolteachers. T h e programme w a s
organized in three phases and covers in three years the six years of formal
primary education. Children are, however, allowed to m o v e through it at
their o w n pace, and some m a y take four, five or more years to complete the
basic education phases. O n c e completed, youngsters can enter phase four,
which consists of acquainting themselves with different vocational options:
24
carpentry, tailoring, auto-mechanics and metalworking, in which U n d u g u

has its o w n workshops.
U p o n completion of the four phases and after having developed a trade

preference, youngsters are encouraged and assisted to choose an informal-
sector artisan with w h o m they might apprentice for a year in order to gain
further training and experience. U n d u g u , as partner to this negotiation,
developed certain criteria for selection of 'host' artisans as well as a
procedure for periodic inspection of work conditions at their facilities.
Simultaneously, the apprentice goes to weekly Undugu workshops for 'skill
upgrading' so as to be better prepared to take thefirstgovernment trade test
in their vocational area at the end of the year.
Most youngsters take and pass this test and are then ready to seek
employment. They m a y either want to set up their o w n business, assisted by
the 'Business Advisory Services' unit, which provides loans to U n d u g u
graduates, or continue working with their artisan mentor as a fully-fledged
partner or employee. A third option is to undergo a second year of training,
in the U n d u g u workshops, and prepare for the advanced government trade
test. Recently, the Society has established a n e w Industrial Design depart-
ment to work on improving the design and marketing of goods and services
produced in the informal sector.
At the third reassessment, the U n d u g u Society had already become a

relatively large organization, with some of the bureaucratic characteristics
that accompany institutionalization. B y 1991, U n d u g u ' s income was the
equivalent of U S $ 1 . 3 million, 43 per cent of it from internal sources like
crafts sales and 57 per cent from donations and aid. Furthermore, the Society
had shifted in the late 1980s from expatriate to Kenyan hands, and the n e w
leadership, feeling the need to get better control of the operation, leaned
towards greater centralization. T h e third reassessment of Undugu's
programmes that began in 1991-1992 and is still under way, has represented
an effort to c o m e to grips with institutionalization, through increasing the
managerial competence of the organization, and ensuring efficiency.
Moreover, internal and external evaluations conducted in the 1990s pointed
to a number of problems that emerged with the rapid growth of the
organization:
• insufficient monitoring of expenditures;
25
• instances of poor communications between central office and field

staff;
• the lack of well-developed and defined systems for formative
evaluation and staff training;
• an overly centralized and personalized leadership style;
e
insufficient co-ordination of efforts with other N G O s ;
• insufficient attention to advocacy with government authorities in
regard to underlying issues like land tenure and education policy;
and
• a decreasing emphasis on services for street and working children
(the original hallmark of the U n d u g u ) .
In order to respond to the organizational and managerial problems, the

U n d u g u has started developing n e w systems for administrative decentraliza-
tion and improved accounting procedures for organizing regular internal
evaluation of programmes and more systematic opportunities for staff
development.
In addition, although U n d u g u has m a d e it clear that it does not wish to

spread nationwide, the Society has initiated efforts to assist other N G O s to
design programmes based on the Society's experience and lessons learned.
In the domain of political advocacy, the Director is n o w speaking of
concerted efforts to influence government policy on issues like land tenure,
educational certificate equivalency and social service provision that impinge
directly on the welfare of street and working children. T h e Society has also
launched a multi-faceted public education campaign about street children
around the theme 'It's our problem', and placed a renewed emphasis on
programmes for street children by: intensifying contact work on the streets,
upgrading the infrastructure and staffing of its reception centres, and, for the
first time, developing n e w activities for street girls.
Finally, the U n d u g u Society provides afineexample of organizational

learning and of the w a y in which programmes can develop their o w n
methodology out of the material of their experience. It has also developed
an innovative educational strategy involving a sequence of steps that lead
from initial contacts in the streets or the slums through informal schools,
vocational training, apprenticeship with local artisans and efforts on the
Society's part to upgrade the technical and commercial viability of informal
sector businesses, to adult vocations as self-employed entrepreneurs or
industrial employees. Crossover possibilities with formal schooling have
26
been developed in individual cases and, after extensive refinement, the basic
education programme has n o w been granted approval by the Kenyan
Government as an acceptable educational alternative to the formal State-
school system.
The U n d u g u Society is an example of an effective full-service project

and yet, from 1976 to 1990, only 456 street and slum children passed
through the U n d u g u ' s Informal Schools, 134 children graduated from the
vocational-technical training cycle and are employed or self-employed. The
street and working children population of Kenya is estimated to range
between 30,000 and 3 million; whatever the figure, the U n d u g u Society
k n o w s that it has provided quality services to a very small portion of this
population. This is the reason w h y it has given progressively greater
emphasis over the years to 'preventive' work, through comprehensive
strategies of community development efforts in Nairobi's slum communities.
3. W h a t type(s) of education?
A s can be seen throughout this document and, more concretely, in the

case of the U n d u g u Society of Kenya, education has been broadly defined
within the context of programmes geared towards street and working
children. It takes the shape and form of a number of different instructional
activities among which one can identify basic literacy and vocational skills.
In fact, education within this context has c o m e to be understood from a
holistic perspective, which takes into account the social, physical and
psychological well-being of poor urban children. Furthermore, as Easton et
al. (1994) point out, within this holistic perspective, it is not just street and
working children w h o are the target of educational efforts, but the general
public as well, and, more particularly, key stakeholder groups such as
family, police, merchants, church groups and health and city administrators,
to n a m e a few.
Moreover, Myers in (Easton et al., 1994) argues that education for

street and working children should take the form of 'education for life'
based on constant dialogue and dealing with the problems of their everyday
lives. In fact, in m a n y countries, the critical adult education characterized by
dialogue, empowerment andflexibilityis widely applied in effective
alternative educational projects for street and working children. These young
people can, according to Easton et al. (1994), be considered in m a n y ways
as adults, to the extent that:
27
"they have had to take responsibility for their o w n livelihood and

survival, they are exposed to a broader range of life experience
and often more intense risks than most children their age, and
they have few of the supports and developmental latitudes
associated with childhood" (p. 126).
Although non-formal education seems to better respond to the multi-

faceted needs of street and working children, street and working children can
sometimes be referred to formal schooling provided they are given support
and counselling by external agencies. T h e informal education system, or
community schools, also have something to offer to the urban poor
population. This section will be devoted to a discussion on the potential
resources and limitations of each of these options in more detail.
(a) Non-formal educational programmes
Street and working children programmes are usually characterized by

theirflexibilityin scheduling and an avoidance of 'formal school' require-
ments, such as uniforms. Furthermore, these non-formal programmes are
usually located near the target population and function in varied types of
low-cost buildings, shelters or even tents. Programme staff is diversified,
consisting of volunteers, religious and paid social work personnel.
It has already been said that the most successful programmes and
projects m a k e use of the situation of the children and the children's o w n
analysis of it to create a relevant curriculum. Most programmes are,
however, still limited to offering a condensed and adapted version of the
formal school material based on the three R ' s . Within the non-formal
system, at least three to five grades are covered within a shorter time,
enabling children to acquire basic literacy skills. Moreover, the curriculum
of effective non-formal education programmes usually promote a combina-
tion of different activities aiming at developing abilities and competencies.
S o m e of them are: survival skills, economic skills, self-confidence (sense of
worth and identity) development, self-expression through arts and recrea-
tion, research skills on their o w n milieu and problems, the development of
a critical understanding of the situation of street and working children and
of the abuses of children's rights involved, leadership skills, community
organization, political advocacy, value formation and spiritual development
(Easton et al., 1994).
28
(b) Formal education strategies
S o m e street and working children m a y be assisted in adapting to a

formal schooling system, or, conversely, school curricula, methods and
regulations m a y be adapted to this particular student population's needs.
Easton et al. (1994) argue that the "simplest and least ambitious strategies
are sponsorship schemes which provide funds and other forms of support for
putting street and working children through formal schooling or lessening
the danger of their dropping out" (p. 137). S o m e of the projects that have
been successful in concentrating all their educational efforts on placing and
sponsoring children in schools are: the Ligkod K a p w a ('Services to Others')
Project in Kallokan City, Philippines, The Etoiles du C H E E D I S Project in
Chad and the M E S E programme in Zacatecas, Mexico. S o m e programmes
include tutoring for the children within school to help them keep up with
their lessons.
O n this specific area, Blanc (1994) claims that studies have shown that
the most successful programmes in schools "are administered by external
organizations which provide support (training, special curriculum materials)
and help to co-ordinate collaboration between school and
community" (p.411). T h e same author argues that by being anchored in
urban neighbourhoods, these programmes are more able to reach drop-outs,
truants and children generally 'turned off by the school system.
Even though only a limited number of street and working children will
be ready to enter formal schools with the support and guidance required,
non-formal educational alternatives have been progressively seeking
equivalency with formal school certificates. This is, for instance, the case of
the Baldia Soakpit Project in Pakistan, a non-formal education programme
which is "campaigning for the introduction of a comprehensive examination
system, a certification alternative or a formula for transit from non-formal
to formal schooling that would allow its students access to higher levels of
education" (Easton, et ai, 1994: p.138).
(c) Informal schools
Informal schools would be an intermediate option between internal

non-formal programmes and external integration with formal education.
Informal schools are usually located in poorer neighbourhoods or slums, and
tend to attract children from the local communities. Examples of informal
29
schools are: the community schools of Rocinha, in Rio de Janeiro, and of

Recife in P e m a m b u c o (both in Brazil); the street schools of Lyari, in
Pakistan; or the U n d u g u Informal school in M a m a r e Valley (one of
Nairobi's larger slum neighbourhoods). These schools m a y either emerge
from grass-roots community movements (Neto, 1991) or be set up by N G O s .
They tend to offer a culturally-sensitive curriculum content, but these
schools are often staffed with less-qualified teachers and operated with
scarce resources. A U N I C E F study conducted in Pakistan has shown,
however, that a great proportion of students attending street schools in this
country do not work and attend the formal system, using the community
institutions as a tutoring and coaching device. Easton et al. (1994) cite the
Salesian 'mini-schools' in the slums of Port-au-Prince, Haiti, as an exception
to the rule. According to the author, the 'mini-schools' adopted the resource-
starved facilities, and offered them personnel and material support in return
for guarantees on educational quality.
These three main strategies - non-formal, formal and informal - are not
to be viewed as mutually exclusive, and ideally should be a set of simulta-
neous alternatives to be offered to street and working children. Easton et al.
(1994) provide the example of the Twilight Children project in Durban,
South Africa, which "orients its children towards in-house non-formal
education, formal schooling or outside adult education and vocational
training according to their age and previous educational experience" (p. 139).
30
Chapter IV
Organization, management and
financing: intertwined issues
Issues of organization, management and financing of projects are not clear-

cut in the recent literature. Nevertheless, one can attempt to outline the types
of organization, management and financing structures which have been
associated with the effective projects and programmes discussed in Blanc
(1994); Easton et al (1994); and U N E S C O (1995).
1. Types of organizational structures
Easton et al. (1994) identifies at least four mainflexibleorganizational

structures among successful programmes. Each of them adopts a comprehen-
sive and integrated strategy which aims at addressing the different spheres
of poor urban children's lives in an internally coherent manner. They are:
(a) complete environments for abandoned children, (b) full-service
programmes, (c) community-based approaches, and (d) broader co-
ordination schemes.
The "complete environments for abandoned children" are also referred

to as 'centres', 'hostels' ( U N E S C O , 1995) or 'street-based drop-in centres'
(Blanc, 1994) and usually take the form of institutionalized approaches
(Easton et al, 1994): (Blanc, 1994). These programmes are meant for
children w h o are living on the streets and w h o cannot be reintegrated with
their families. It has been pointed out ( U N E S C O , 1995) that there is no
single way in which a centre for street children can be run, as each child
requires a unique strategy. Therefore, some children m a y be taken in centres
or hostels, whereas others m a y be better placed in guardian families. A s the
children often need reassurance in regard to their identity and behaviour,
centres should be structured around the child while, at the same time, the
children should feel they are in charge of their o w n lives.
Successful centres provide a residence for the child, support, and the
development of basic skills. T h e El Hogar de A m o r y Esperanza in
31
Honduras, receiving boys from Tegucigalpa w h o had left abusive h o m e s to

live on the streets, is an example of a 24-hour programme designed to
respond to their needs, which clearly goes far beyond organized instruction
(Easton, et al, 1994). These boys sleep in the centre, receive three meals a
day and medical care. Staff and counsellors offer guidance, role modeling
and social and psychological support. The children also practice survival
skills (gardening, tailoring or carpentry) and are required to enrol in schools.
The programme additionally offers assistance to the children with tutoring
sessions in order to help them succeed in school. Providing a supportive
environment through social, artistic, sportive and spiritual activities, the
El Hogar assists these boys throughout their personal development at the
same time that it fosters their autonomy. The boys, at the age of 16, can
choose whether or not they desire to continue on to a technical school which
will allow them to lead an independent life through employment or self-
employment.
These types of programmes geared mainly towards street children reveal,

according to Easton et al. (1994), "The potential effectiveness of integrating
a variety of programme activities" (p.l 15). Other successful institutionalized
interventions mentioned in the literature (Easton etal., 1994); ( U N E S C O ,
1995) are: the Bosconia- L a Florida (Colombia), the Juconi Project
(Mexico), the H o m e of L o v e - D B A I (Madras), and the Hogares D o n Bosco
(Argentina). D u e to their intensity and comprehensiveness, these
programmes can only receive a limited number of children and adolescents.
It is however argued that these programmes will have achieved their aims if
they are able to assist these children in affirming their identities, taking
initiative, improving their communication skills and strengthening their will
to fight for better living conditions ( U N E S C O , 1995).
Full-service programmes are best exemplified by the case of the U n d u g u

Society of Kenya, previously described in greater depth. This specific
programme has evolved from a reception and recreational centre for Nairobi
'parking boys' into a 'full-service' programme for the poor urban children.
Programmes such as the ones offered by the U n d u g u Society are sufficiently
developed to receive and guide children presenting different problems and
needs. Children receive support throughout the programme and get
assistance with job placements. It seems clear though that the full-service
approach usually requires a greater organizational complexity. However, it
is not the case that 'full service' can only be achieved through a complex
formal organization. Easton et al. (1994) and Blanc (1994) provide the
32
Organization, management and financing:
intertwined issues
example of Goiânia (Brazil) as a less formal organization which emerged

from a joint effort of foundation officials, child advocates, university
professors, and w o m e n ' s group leader. According to Easton et al. (1994):
"In their day shelter, a multidisciplinary team strives to create a

'whole educational environment' for the children, enabling them to
acquire at one and the same time increased sense of self-esteem, n e w
social skills, a basic education, job training and an understanding of
children's n e w legal rights and responsibilities. (...) The city also
operates a night shelter which runs on a similar philosophy -
respecting the integrity of the children as whole and complete
h u m a n beings and providing a cluster of services to meet their
many-sided needs" (pp.116/117).
Finally, it is the belief of Easton et al. (1994), for instance, that such
well-rounded approaches have a greater chance of multiplying impact.
Community-based approaches resort to parents, neighbours and local

organizations in order to obtain a better understanding of the poor urban
children's needs and problems. Working with the children's local c o m m u -
nity seems to be an effective strategy, particularly in the case of working
children. Easton et al. (1994) provides the example of the S m o k y Mountain
Project in Manila, which provides a variety of services to the children and
families w h o work as scavengers on the Manila d u m p . Project organizers
met for three months with parents and community organizations so as to
understand the complexity of problems surrounding the scavenger children
before a strategy could be developed. It basically encompassed:
"non-formal education, health care and income-generating activities.

The education programme teaches the children literacy skills with
a focus on vocational application and the development of self-
confidence and responsibility. The health-care programme teaches
families about basic nutrition and sanitation and also serves to train
several community residents as local public health para-profession-
als. The parents help in all aspects of the programme, from manage-
ment to cooking, and are involved in income-generating schemes as
well, including a fluorescent light recycling project" (Easton et al.,
1994:р.116).
33
The same author also reports that project staff feel that the comprehen-
siveness of the programme as well as its community base have been key
factors in its success and sustainability.
Broader co-ordination schemes are usually an effective strategy which

allows smaller programmes to achieve more comprehensive approaches.
Through co-ordination with other N G O s , specialized public or private
agencies, small programmes can better respond to the complexity of
problems involving street and working children. Easton et al. (1994) report
that in Sri Lanka:
"The N G O s are n o w linked with the Non-formal Educational

Branch of the Ministry of Education and therefore can recommend
children and adults for enrolment in literacy classes. Additionally,
for parents and older children the day shelter sponsors income-
generating classes and assists with job placement and small
enterprise development. Lastly, the National Housing Development
Authority assists the shelter and the families to acquire or build
affordable housing. A s a result of N G O - g o v e r n m e n t co-operation,
the street survivors have easier access to options that respond to a
variety of their needs" (p.l 17).
In India, the same author reports that N G O s have formed a coalition, and
that a National N G O Forum for street and working children has been set up
to provide co-ordination and support to forums at the State and local levels.
M a n y new and innovative programmes for street children have also arisen
in India as a result of collaboration between organizations and professional
groups.
Despite the undeniable potential of co-ordinating action and of

establishing partnerships, both Blanc (1994) and Easton et al. (1994) have
underlined the difficulties in achieving this goal. B y and large, N G O s still
lack co-ordination both with other N G O s and with government agencies. W e
n o w turn to these issues in more detail.
2. Partnerships a n d n e t w o r k s : m a n a g i n g participation
Effective educational projects and programmes have revealed a

managerial capacity for establishing partnerships, creating networks and
guaranteeing active participation of several different groups.
34
intertwined issues
2.1 Partnerships and networks
According to Easton et al. (1994) and to Blanc (1994), N G O s have

played a central role in the development of programmes for street and
working children, but they have discovered that their efforts cover only a
small fraction of the need; that their immediate service delivery does not
tackle the roots of the problem; and they, therefore, gradually realize that
they cannot work alone.
In fact, most N G O s seem to start establishing partnerships and creating

networks as part of an evolutionary development which coincides with an
increased consciousness of the need for preventive measures and profound
changes in the political and economic spheres of the countries where they
operate. Körten in Easton et al., (1994) provides a description of the N G O
evolutionary process, which the author divides into four stages - welfare,
community development, policy advocacy and the organization of people's
movement. The historical development of N G O s seems to indicate that their
different strategies do not m e a n the development of distinct roles, "but rather
different stages of a long-term developmental process" (p. 148).
Therefore, N G O s gradually realize that they can strengthen and

multiply efforts geared towards street and working children w h e n they
engage in partnerships and create networks with other N G O s within
countries and across national borders, the civil society, the private sector,
churches and religious bodies, advocacy and action groups, university
students and professors, government officials, urban poor communities and
families, and children and adolescents themselves.
(a) Other NGOs
W h e n N G O s begin networking among themselves, isolation is broken

d o w n and functional solidarity grows. Clusters and federations of N G O s are
beginning to feel they have the backing and weight to undertake policy
advocacy. Furthermore, the promotion of such lateral exchanges a m o n g
programmes also creates n e w resources and insights (Easton, et al., 1994).
(b) Civil society
Most effective programmes promote linkages with informal-sector

economic and business activities. M a n y businesses are getting more directly
35
involved in sponsoring training and/or employment for the disadvantaged

and in making resources available to community groups (Easton et al.,
1994).
(c) Churches and religious bodies
"In countries w h e r e religious groups are particularly progressive, their

interest in children has provided a strong impetus for specific projects a n d
for advocacy in general" (Blanc, 1994: 397). This is the case of the M i n o r ' s
Pastorate in Brazil, w h i c h provides support to street educators, as well as
training, materials a n d protection.
(d) Advocacy and action groups
In a democratic world of electoral accountability, pressure groups

represent an important element, enabling the venting of particular h u m a n i -
tarian a n d social interests. H u m a n rights organizations s e e m to b e the m o s t
logical partners in this d o m a i n (Blanc, 1 9 9 4 ) .
(e) Universities
Brazilian universities, for instance, have been involved in action-

oriented research and technical assistance, providing reliable data on street
children (Rizzini et al., in Blanc, 1994). Universities could also play a
crucial role in assisting N G O s with the development of systematic
programme evaluations conducted by staff and children themselves.
(f) Government officials
G o v e r n m e n t officials are major organizers of services and funding, a n d

are thereby critically important partners. Blanc (1994), h o w e v e r , reports that
in the five countries studied (Brazil, Philippines, India, K e n y a a n d Italy),
public officials revealed negative attitudes a n d apathy towards street a n d
w o r k i n g children p r o g r a m m e s , constituting a major obstacle for partner-
ships. T h e author believes that face-to-face contacts, such as the ones that
took place in the Street Children's Congress in Brazil, a n d the ' i m m e r s i o n '
of public officials into c o m m u n i t y problems, as in the case of the Philip-
pines, have proved to b e particularly rewarding. M o r e o v e r , they attest to
h o w powerful personal contact c a n b e in changing people's views.
36
intertwined issues
(g) Urban poor communities and families
"Communities and families need to be more closely involved in

problem 'solving' and problem-monitoring attempts, which give c o m m u n i -
ties, families and children a sense of heightened self-esteem and importance;
and create a feeling of connectedness in strife-ridden neighbourhoods (...)"
(Blanc, 1994: .389). T h e Community Development Committee in the
Philippines, is an example of h o w community members can get together and
become involved in poor and street children issues (Porio et al., in Blanc,
1994).
(h) Children and adolescents
Children can have a crucial role in their o w n development; they are

their o w n best spokespersons and can also be good researchers (Blanc,
1994). According to Blanc (1994), in the four developing countries studied
(Brazil, Philippines, India and Kenya), the best examples of children's
participation invariably involve street children: "they have already had to
learn to take decisions in order to survive" (p.392).
Though defending the need for the mobilization of different partners,

Blanc (1994) draws attention to the fact that partners belong to different
sectors of society and reveal different political and economic strengths.
Therefore, the author argues that any collaboration should be "constructed
with m a n y built-in checks and balances in order to assure that (1) no one
party can manipulate the situation, but, instead, that (2) each party, whatever
its strengths or weaknesses, is able to realize its potential" (p.421).
Furthermore, the same author argues that a renewed vision of the urban poor
should be, at the same time, the basis and the main goal for effective
partnerships. It should however be stressed that a n e w vision with c o m m o n
ground should be sought in order to ensure convergence of efforts.
Finally, there is considerable consensus among authors in identifying

networking and partnership as key strategies for programme survival and
longer-term sustainability (Blanc, 1994; Easton et ai, 1994).
37
2.2 Managing participation
(a) Stakeholders
There is a clear consensus a m o n g authors concerning the importance

of involving key actors in the programmes' lives and planning. According
to Easton et al. (1994), programmes that provide for the participation of
stakeholder groups benefit in at least three different manners. First, assuring
the participation of teachers, social worker, police officers, policy-makers
and health providers, is crucial, for instance, if children are to be assisted in
their complex and multi-sided needs. Second, stakeholders' participation is
an important trust-building activity on both sides. According to Easton et al.
(1994):
" C o m m u n i t y groups are more likely to put their support behind

a n e w centre for street children or a street school if they are
actively involved in assessing the children's situation and in
designing responses to their problems. Children are more likely
to accord trust to these adults and social institutions, w h o m they
see mostly as having betrayed them, if they see evidence that
adult society is taking an active interest and playing a genuine
supporting role in their personal development" (pp.102/103).
Third, andfinally,managing the participation of stakeholders involves

reciprocal learning. O n the one hand, the community m e m b e r s learn about
co-operating and setting objectives towards achieving shared aims. O n the
other hand, the children learnfirst-handwhat it means to use community
resources to solve problems.
Furthermore, the same author discusses two effective methods

employed by street and working children to involve stakeholders in project
design and implementation. They are, respectively, the 'educational method'
and the "co-operative programme-planning and implementation method".
T h e first method consists of activities designed to acquaint various
professional groups with the situation of street and working children and the
ways in which their profession can help. In Brazil, India, and the
Philippines, police officers received training or received a handbook
teaching them h o w to protect the rights and promote the development of
street and working children.
38
intertwined issues
The second method consists of involving stakeholders in co-operative

programme planning and implementation. Easton et al. (1994) cite the
example of the Indian N G O 'Butterflies', w h o gained the trust and active
involvement of city officials in the effort of providing employment for street
and working children in N e w Delhi.
Again, involving stakeholders in greater programme participation

invites some resistance from within and outside. F r o m within, the inevitable
institutionalization and bureaucratization that some N G O programmes tend
to undergo as they grow constitutes a barrier in itself. From outside, "the
effort to promote greater participation of families and their communities is
slow work at best, often fraught with political perils" (p. 104).
(b) Children
Blanc (1994) and Easton et al. (1994) repeatedly emphasized the

importance of mobilizing the active participation of children in programmes'
activities, management and planning. In the view of Easton et al. (1994),
programmes which promote this type of involvement are simultaneously
fostering self-direction, self-discovery, social criticism and collective
initiative, all highly educational and instructive for street and working
children. Nevertheless, according to the same authors, involvement of
children in the planning and administration of the programmes is often
difficult, though an essential step "in moving from a purely 'service-
delivery' methodology to one that is both more empowering and more
educational" (p. 109).
S o m e programmes have already attested to the richness and effective-

ness of getting children to participate in their administrative activities. T h e
Bosconia-La Florida (Colombia) programme is an example of a highly
structured w a y to involve children in planning and implementation of
activities.
"There, staff have developed an entire separate social system

within the programme itself. Its last stage, L a Florida, is a self-
governing and self-contained community of former street boys
where all w h o have passed primary three and demonstrated their
responsibility to the others become full-fledged 'citizens' and are
entitled to participate in all governance functions and elect their
o w n 'mayor'. T h e children also m a k e laws for the community and
39
decide on rules to use in their implementation" (Easton et al.,

1994: 110).
Although not reaching the sophistication of the Bosconia-La Florida

programme, other programmes encourage children's responsibilities and
participation. T h e El Hogar de A m o r y Esperanza in Honduras m a k e
children responsible for the upkeep of programme facilities; the Quincho
Barrilete programme in Nicaragua involves children in the building of their
o w n shelter; and the U n d u g u Society of K e n y a places graduates at the
reception centre where street children first m a k e contact with the
programme. Blanc (1994), Easton etal, (1994); and U N E S C O ; (1995) are
unanimous in considering such participatory strategies as crucial and worthy
of encouragement.
Finally, a few words should be added regarding leadership. T h e role of

leaders seems to be an important one in the setting up of street and working
children programmes and services. This was the case of Father Grol, for
instance, the Dutch priest w h o initially established the U n d u g u Society of
Kenya. Leaders have a great capacity for mobilizing and raising resources
as well as of injecting energy and hope in the initial organization of socially
neglected groups. Nevertheless, as programmes evolve into larger and more
complex structures, a sound administrative structure in which children and
other stakeholders actively participate seems of utmost importance for the
effectiveness and sustainability of any programme.
In this respect, a number of projects have attempted to distinguish very

clearly between their 'administrative' and their 'operational' activities. This
seems to keep projects from either developing a top-heavy bureaucratic-
administrative system which stifles the operational section, or finding
themselves in a chaotic administrative void, which allows charismatic
leaders to overwhelm the project with their personal obsessions ( U N E S C O ,
1995). The U n d u g u Society of Kenya and the Fundación Junto con los Nios
de Puebla ( J U C O N I ) , in Mexico, report the need for establishing two
separate structures - administrative and operational - so as to assure the
good functioning of their different activities. It seems that:
"a clearly defined legal status, strictly kept accounts, a rational

work pattern and real discipline are all valued by educators w h o
m a y have experienced situations in which sentimentality or a
vague religiosity predominated or in which the organization was
40
intertwined issues
overpowered by the weight of certain personalities" ( U N E S C O ,

1995:256).
In a nutshell, programme evolution faces two main managerial

challenges. T h efirstone is the passage from charismatic leadership to
effective participatory management, and the second one is the balance to be
reached between administrative structures and the delivery of quality
services.
3. S o m e financial aspects of p r o g r a m m e s
(a) Financing
Local N G O programmes usually operate with limited funding and

depend on public and/or private sources. There is a struggle to reach a
balance "between the management requirements of their local programmes
and the need to attract funds by becoming well-known nationally, or even
internationally" (Blanc, 1994: 385).
There are, however, a number of ways through which N G O resources

can be increased. Thefirstone (already pointed out in this section), relates
to the inherent potential of promoting lateral exchanges among N G O s ,
through partnerships and networks (Easton et al., 1994). The second one
relates to the importance of intersectoral co-ordination between G O and
N G O (and between N G O s ) programmes for diminishing costs and obtaining
m a x i m u m impact in the most cost-efficient way (Blanc, 1994). A n example
of lack of intersectoral co-ordination is what happened in Goiânia (Brasil),
until the end of the 1980s. Governmental agencies covered some of the same
ground that private child-welfare organizations did, and each sector worked
in isolation without the benefit of co-ordination. In order to avoid these
wasteful overlaps, the Children's and Adolescents' Act in Brazil, included
a provision which states that any organization concerned with child-related
issues must register with their municipal Council for the Rights of the Child
and Adolescent in order to have access to public financing. This measure has
potential for maximizing available resources and tends to avoid gaps in
coverage.
Other ways of achieving greater intersectoral convergence would be to

involve a larger number of municipal departments, beyond Social Welfare
and Health Departments, around child-focused activities. According to
41
Blanc (1994), if citywide planning for children were institutionalized into

a citizens council, for all the children and families, broader resources would
be mobilized.
S o m e of the major financial constraints in governmental financing are

considered to be officials' rotativity and political party favouritism and
clientelism (Blanc, 1994). T h e author reports that, in m a n y countries,
officials change assignments every two years. They barely have time to
understand the programmes' intricacies before they are transferred, which
greatly jeopardizes a project's success. Moreover, in Brazil for instance,
access to public financing is plagued by favouritism and clientelism in the
distribution of resources. State support is uneven and m a y shift to different
hands as a result of a newly-elected political party.
Another constraint attached to government funding is their guiding

principle of large allotments for rapid turnover. According to Blanc (1994),
official agencies spend m u c h more energy ensuring that schedules and
procedures for spending allotted m o n e y are being respected, than o n "the
more time-consuming effort of increasing local capabilities for more
sustainable, self-reliant development" (p.420). T h e author adds that moving
m o n e y and handing it out is antithetic to building capacities and tends to
generate unrealistic expectations.
Finally, authors, such as Blanc (1994) and Easton et al, (1994) have
consistently pointed out that the most effective innovative projects are the
ones which have been able to offset the negative tendencies previously
discussed and to transform "relatively small amounts of public m o n e y into
highly constructive self-help efforts" (Blanc, 1994: 420).
(b) Cost-effectiveness
There is enough consensus in the literature to affirm that programmes

that the official political-administrative hierarchy designs and implements
in a heavy, and top-down, fashion are both costly and ineffective (Lewis et
al, 1988; Blanc, 1994; and Easton et al, 1994). Placement in official
institutions, for instance, an approach resorted to until recently by m a n y
Third World countries, has been repeatedly criticized by researchers as being
less effective and definitely more costly (Blanc, 1994). Local N G O (and
G O ) programmes seem to be the best providers and facilitators of quality
services as they are better staffed and equipped to reach to communities,
42
intertwined issues
families and street and working children, shaping activities around their
assessed needs. Nevertheless, defining cost-effectiveness, in the context of
local delivery systems for street and working children, is not always a simple
task.
(i) Processes
According to Blanc (1994), a cost-effective programme would be one

which makes the best use of available resources and seeks options that yield
the highest degree of effectiveness for the lowest cost. Roughly, an analysis
of cost-effectiveness would: (1) depend on the assessment of goals and
costs; (2) take into account unintended positive and negative consequences;
and (3) carry a time dimension to include the issue of sustainability.
These elements of a cost-effective analysis are complex. Costs are not

always the most relevant criterion, since, as Blanc (1994) argues, less
expensive programmes m a y also be less effective or less likely to be
continued. Furthermore, due to the large variety of resources, standardized
measurements are usually not available. Moreover, as previously discussed
(Chapter III), 'effectiveness' is a very subjective concept, and the measures
which are available, a bit artificial and dubious. This is the case in measure-
ments of the 'unit cost' of inputs such as class-hours of instruction, or in
intermediate results such as attendance or number of graduates (Easton et
al., 1994). At the least, programmes are considered sustainable if they can
be continued following the end of temporary external support (Blanc, 1994).
Programme sustainability constitutes a major challenge, since it depends on
programmes' capabilities of raising the necessary resources from their o w n
income-generating activities or at the local level (often not available or
affordable)8.
Nevertheless, Easton et al. (1994) consider that the underlying notion

"of seeking both to improve quality and to do it at a reduced cost that would
allow extension of these benefits to a larger group of children is doubtless
as valid for street and working children programmes as for any other type of
education" (p.21). Furthermore, Blanc (1994) adds that conducting more
comprehensive analyses of cost-effectiveness can bring positive results as
8. The best example of an effective strategy for programme sustainability is the one
provided by the Undugu Society of Kenya. In 1991, 43 per cent of Undugu's income
came from internal sources and 57 per cent from donations and aid. Gradually, the
Society is becoming more self-sufficient.
43
they force programmers to evaluate all the elements of their interventions,

introduce some elements of accountability, and provide effective advocacy
tools for influencing shifts in policy, backed up by financial considerations.
(ii) Goals
Analyses of cost-effectiveness are, mostly, conducted to inform policy-

makers w h e n addressing problems of coverage at the most reasonable cost,
with the most effective results. This raises two important issues: programme
'replicability' and 'growing to scale'.
O n the one hand, replicability is often a major concern for policy-

makers w h o are eager to r e c o m m e n d cost-effective interventions for other
sites, clients and times (Blanc, 1994). However, the transfer of successful
experiences has not always worked, due to the m a n y factors involved in the
evolution of a programme and the presence of key agents of change (internal
and external to the experience). O n c e again, the principle of
'contextualization' of programmes should be brought to the forefront of the
'replicability' debate. It seems, however, reasonable to suggest that the
implementation of larger principles, that would allow for the emergence of
the six effective programme elements outlined earlier (Chapter III), has a
greater chance of success than the mere 'cloning' of successful experiences.
Growing to scale, on the other hand, is a strategy for reaching greater

coverage in shorter time, and m a y take two forms. T h efirstone is to enlarge
the scope and reach of effective programmes, and the second one is to
multiply smaller programmes within a community, neighbourhood or city
until considerable coverage is reached. Both ways of attaining greater
coverage should be viewed with caution. O n the one hand, the enlargement
of programme scope and reach has its limits and pitfalls9. Growing too big
m a y cause local programmes to lose their community identity and, thereby,
miss out quality services. O n the other hand, multiplying smaller
programmes creates the problem of replicability just discussed. Again,
replicating larger principles seems preferable to replicating individual
experiences. However, due to the usually limited resources available in local
9. Abruptly standardizing and replicating the village polytechnic formula of the Undugu
Society was, for instance, a step taken prematurely by the Kenyan Government,
founded on some false premises (Easton, et al, 1994).
44
intertwined issues
N G O programmes, these processes of growing to scale would require the

financial support and involvement of governments.
T o conclude, as previously discussed (Chapter TV), enhancing

programmes' capabilities through partnerships, networks and intersectoral
co-ordination would greatly increase programme effectiveness as a result of
a simultaneous increase in resources, quality and capacity. Nevertheless, in
the long run, comprehensive strategies remain the most cost-effective ones,
since they are, at the same time, protective and preventive. A s Blanc (1994)
summarizes, the more comprehensive approaches:
"aim at modifying elements of the environment that cause family

dysfunction. They focus on communities and cities and suggest
strategies and actions to m a k e these environments more support-
ive. They are thus both generally protective (reinforcing the
potential long-term efficacy of home-based assistance, for
example) and also preventive (limiting the potential increase in
the family's and child's problems)" (p.418).
45
Chapter V
Implications for future policy
planning: potential for action
In thisfinalsection, decentralization is presented as the major parameter

under which any further action geared towards the improvement of
educational strategies and policies for street and working children should be
planned. Finally, major issues related to education, training and evaluation
will be discussed and their respective potential for future developments
further explored.
1. W h i c h case for decentralization?
"(...) w e have promised to decentralize community development

efforts, yet mostly what w e have done is to slough off responsibil-
ity without giving the resources to allow anything substantial to
happen" (Easton etal, 1994:24).
There seems to remain no doubts about the inefficacy of street children

programmes that are officially and centrally designed and implemented in
a top-down fashion. Decentralization of interventions geared towards street
and working children is a policy strategy which most authors agree to be
effective (Lewis, 1988; Blanc, 1994; Easton et ai, 1994; Meyers, 1991), and
particularly necessary "in countries that contain significant regional, cultural,
economic, and industrial diversity" (Meyers; 1991:167). Advocates of
decentralization defend the transfer of the decision-making power to the
local grass-roots levels on the grounds that decentralization facilitates a
closer fit between programmes and the realities of the environment.
Moreover, decentralization would allow for flexibility within

programmes which could, in turn, assure high degrees of relevance and
creativity. Easton et al. (1994) claim, for instance, that "government power
is more effectively decentralized and applied to empowering community and
municipal organizations and to profiting by the creativity of private
charitable initiative" (p. 181). Furthermore, decentralization of decision-
46
Implications for future policy planning:
potential for action
making power opens up room for the joint participation of children, families,
communities and municipalities in both the identification of street and
working children's needs and the planning of socio-educational
interventions that would best respond to their needs. O n this note, Blanc
(1994) cites research studies and evaluations of C E D C interventions, which:
"all strongly confirm that to be effective, programmes need to

reach children where they live; it is the city, and city
neighbourhoods, with their households, schools, playgrounds and
streets, where attention needs to be sharply focused. (...) Urban
families living lives of permanent crisis need flexible support
systems, often best achieved through community and
neighbourhood projects. They also need a supportive social
environment in which, to begin with, they are no longer
marginalized by municipal officials, uncaring school teachers and
police officers" (p.422).
Acknowledging that there has been some confusion concerning the

meaning of decentralization, Easton et al. (1994) attempt to clarify the issues
by drawing a useful distinction between two major strategies -
déconcentration and devolution. According to these authors,
'déconcentration' is the transfer of decision-making power to regional or
local entities, but retaining accountability at the centre, whereas 'devolution'
is the transfer of both decision-making authority and accountability to the
regional or local level.
Blanc (1994), an advocate of the 'devolution' model, underlines the

importance of decentralizing responsibilities and resources to the municipal
level and calls for the inclusion of children on city agendas. T h e author
reports that there has been some progress in this area, and lists, for instance,
the major guidelines which formed the basis for discussion by innovative
City T e a m s at the International Meeting of Mayors, Urban Planners and
Policy-Makers in Florence in October 1992:
• change can only occur w h e n different sectors of society have

achieved a n e w vision of children and families living in urban
poverty;
• decentralization of responsibilities and resources to the municipal

level needs to be encouraged and continued;
47
• new partnerships and key municipal actors for change must assume
responsibility for the creation of a more supportive environment for
urban children and families in crisis;
» government officials and N G O s , as well as Mayors, must

increasingly view themselves not only as providers but also as
facilitators of services to families and children in distress;
e
a city-wide municipal council should help co-ordinate different
sectors in order to avoid costly duplications and improve
performance;
• large physical infrastructures are often not the most cost-effective

investments;
• improved division of tasks, co-ordination and intersectoral

convergence a m o n g government agencies and N G O s at municipal
level m a k e demonstrably more effective results possible in shorter
times;
• full partnership with the city's h u m a n resources (including

distressed children, families and communities) increases
affordability, sustainability and coverage (p.422-423).
Although Easton et al. (1994) claim that both types of decentralized

strategies m a y have relevance for policies related to the education of street
and working children, they also tend to believe that the 'devolution' model
is the ideal one. Within this model, communities and/or local agencies
would be given power and resources to address, on their o w n , the problems
of street and working children. They would decide what needs to be done,
they would do it and decide whether or not it has been well done.
Myers (1991), however, suggests that governments' role should involve

setting the general policy framework for services such as broader goals,
objectives, administrative guidelines and quality standard for performances,
whose specifics would then be planned locally. Thereby, under the
'déconcentration' model, these strategies should be accompanied by
programme accountability at the centre, and a commitment from the central
government to continuously review its practices and tune them according to
the different local needs and demands. This would, in turn, ensure that
48
decentralization would not become a means through which educational

decline, violence, and poverty would remain unchecked.
Dewees and Klees (1995) tend to stress the fact that decentralization has
often been a strategy adopted by countries worldwide for passing on
responsibilities without the resources to fulfil them. The lack of support and
resources of Municipal Councils in some Brazilian cities is an example of
such undesired governmental neglect. These authors believe that central
governments have a crucial role in providing overall support and means for
local initiatives to attain their goals. Easton et al. (1994) also agree with this
view, claiming that "decentralization of initiative to the municipality level
and creation of a strong policy framework m a y produce few palpable results
if there are not parallel changes in the allocation of resources" (p. 149).
The concept of decentralization is a complex and controversial one but,

be it under the 'déconcentration' or the 'devolution' model, there is enough
consensus a m o n g authors to view this process as meaningless if not
supported by the needed resources. Furthermore, the discussions around
'decentralization' should not be disconnected from the effective managerial
strategies pointed out earlier. That is to say, that government agencies and
N G O s need to improve their division of labour and co-ordinate their actions
so as to avoid overlap of coverage and efforts, assure stakeholders'
participation in the decision-making process, and engage in key networks
with other organizations, the civil society, communities, families and private
sectors, thereby seeking more comprehensive strategies. Both government
agencies and N G O s need, in sum, to re-define their roles and respective
responsibilities in a major co-operative effort as part of the long-term change
process.
This compounded framework should, therefore, be the basis for the

development of future policies concerning interventions for and with street
and working children. Next, three main guidelines for action which emerge
from the reviewed literature and are directly relevant to international
agencies, such as the H E P , will be discussed. They are: education, training
and evaluation. Again, these strategic guidelines should be viewed as part
of a comprehensive framework which takes into consideration the larger
social, economic and political issues of each country.
49
2. Re-thinking education
Education needs to be re-defined within the context of street and

working children as the traditional formal schooling process n o longer
responds to the emerging needs of the poor urban children population
(Blanc, 1994; Easton et ai, 1994; U N E S C O 1995). A s previously discussed,
any educational effort in this direction needs to take into account all the
complexities of these children's plight and operate at different levels -
individual, community and societal - in order for it to be meaningful and
purposeful.
The authors, such as Blanc (1994), argue for a collaboration between

the formal schooling system and these innovative projects and programmes.
Schools so far have traditionally ignored the origins and cultures of their
students, students' roles in the community and students' financial needs.
Formal schooling lacks theflexibilityand the holistic educational approach
offered by the alternative educational projects discussed so far and definitely
does not seem well equipped or even tailored to rehabilitate street children.
A s Blanc (1994) states, it is unrealistic to think that formal schools can take
the place of outside organizations in developing and administering effective
programmes for children already presenting a pattern of high-risk behav-
iours. Nevertheless, this does not m e a n that formal schools should not re-
define their social role and become involved in a major preventive strategy.
Schools are being s u m m o n e d to play a role within their reach, that is, to
m a k e special efforts to prevent students from engaging in high-risk
behaviour. Principals and teachers can, and should, be trained to deal with
and /or inform students about high-risk behaviours such as delinquency,
drug and substance abuse, early unprotected sexuality, school and family
drop-out. They are also the best persons, according to Blanc (1994), to
identify children showing early signs of difficult h o m e or social situations.
Schools do have a role to play in co-ordinating action with community
initiatives, external organizations and, ideally, with families, in what
concerns the prevention of high-risk student behaviour. According to the
same author, "Integration of the school in the community has been
considered essential, the community taking responsibility for the complete
package of educational, family, social health, as well as job placement
services" (p.409).
Concerning street and working children catered for by non-formal

projects and programmes, Blanc (1994) and Easton et al. (1994) defend the
50
improvement of linkages between these innovative non-formal educational

programmes and the formal education system. A s previously discussed, there
have been considerable efforts o n the part of some programmes (e.g.
U n d u g u Society of Kenya) to seek credential equivalence with the formal
education system. Furthermore, m a n y programmes for street and working
children encourage students to m a k e a transition back to formal schooling,
but in Easton et als' (1994) view, the barriers are enormous and only a few
have m a d e significant progress in this domain. T h e experience of re-
inserting street children in the formal system, initially attempted by Father
Grol in Nairobi (Kenya), turned out to be fruitless as:
"(...) school directors for the most part could not take children or
didn't want them back, fearing either that the same factors that had
forced them out of school the first time would do so again or that
the street had worked character changes that would m a k e it
impossible for them to conform to standard classroom routine"
(Easton et al 1994:.34).
A s previously discussed {Chapter III), street children need time and

external support to undergo a necessary 'acculturation process', w h e n
readjusting to formal schooling.
Taking all these barriers and difficulties into consideration, Easton et al. •
(1994) argue for a drastic educational reform. These authors claim that this
would be the most effective long-term preventive strategy "to stem an
increasing tide of young people entering into activities which are detrimental
to their futures" (p. 158). A m o n g the major guidelines for educational
reform, these authors include: (1) eliminating all fees and other direct costs,
or even to pay poor students a stipend to attend school, to lessen the
necessity for children to work; (2) raising teacher salaries and investing in
teacher training in order to improve educational quality; (3) transferring the
principles of critical adult educational pedagogy to the formal primary-
schooling system; (4) developing more decentralized, participatory
management structures to replace top-down inflexible bureaucracies;
(5) providing nutritious meals as part of the educational programme.
T h e same authors point, for instance, to some very interesting innova-

tive experiences for disadvantaged students, within the formal system. O n e
of them, proposed by Levin in Levin and Lockheed (1993), is built around
the view that instead of compensating for the students' deficits, schools
51
should offer them 'accelerated' curricula, most commonly reserved for

students labelled as 'gifted'. Another innovative strategy involves active
learning by the students. Escuela Nueva (in Colombia), for instance, makes
use of an approach which allows students to learn auricular content on their
o w n and at their o w n pace through self-study and peer tutoring.
Furthermore, Easton et al. (1994), claim that m u c h more can be learned

and m a n y other practices developed from successful educational experiences
for street and working children. T h e S K I Couriers in Sudan, the workshop
of Bosconia/La Florida or the apprentice programmes of U n d u g u have
developed, for instance, programmes with an integral relationship between
education and work. T h eflexibilityof schedule, meeting place and staffing
of these alternative programmes could also provide schools with models of
less formal structures and thereby enlarge their coverage. Finally, the action-
research and community-study activities proposed by M A N T H O C in Peru
or in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire, involve children in applying their learning to
their o w n environment. In s u m , m a n y N G O educational programmes
provide a living laboratory of approaches and pilot projects that could both
inform and inspire educational reform.
Blanc (1994, p.359) also advocates a more client-focused school

system, along similar lines. T h e author suggests that schools:
e
allow for payment of school fees in instalments;
e
establish forms of credit for crisis situations, including repayment
by especially disadvantaged families in labour or kind (cleaning
classrooms, repairing school property, preparing school meals and
so forth);
e
adapt school schedules to students' needs, establishing alternative
andflexiblehours in public schools, and increasing the availability
and access to night schools;
m a k e the teaching more relevant; by redefining 'basic education';
° m a k e the classrooms more welcoming to marginalized children by

emphasizing their creativity and positive contributions;
52
• offer incentives to children, such as scholarships and meal

programmes;
• link schools with on-site income-generating alternatives for

working children (p. 359).
In a nutshell, the main idea being conveyed by these authors is the

promotion of a "much-needed co-ordination of non-formal education and
formal primary schooling in which transitions and equivalencies are ironed
out, schools benefit from the context- and workplace-relevance of non-
formal education, and a single yet differentiated system begins to emerge"
(Easton et al 1994:181).
Finally, all the preventive strategies suggested in this section require a

restructuring of the formal education system, and would certainly entail both
political will and a major increase in expenditure on education. According
to Easton et al. (1994), it is estimated that "providing basic education of
acceptable quality to all the world's children would require an additional
expenditure of almost U S $ 1 5 0 billion between 1990 and 2005, an increase
of about 15 per cent per year over current spending levels" (p. 161).
3. Investing in training
Staff training and development is considered to be a crucial element in

the effectiveness of local educational programmes ( G O s or N G O s ) .
However, providing training opportunities and professional backup for
personnel remains one of the primary challenges that programmes face
(Easton eiaZ.,1994).
M o s t often, programmes are staffed by volunteers and underpaid

personnel w h o work as street educators, teachers or administrators. In most
developing countries, the type of social and educational work with street and
working children is not recognized as a profession, justifying to a great
extent the low pay and the stigma attached to it. These street educators all
have in c o m m o n a great dedication to the children, and yet, despite the fact
that this is a necessary condition for their work it is, in itself, insufficient.
Working with street and working children is both physically and psychologi-
cally taxing, and requires that (especially frontline) personnel receive
ongoing support and technical training.
53
Easton et al. (1994) enumerate some of the skills street educators should
develop:
"(they) should combine the sensitivity and diagnostic understand-

ing of good social workers, the imagination, patience and c o m m u -
nication skills of accomplished teachers and s o m e of the clairvoy-
ance and managerial skills of seasoned administrators - plus a
saint's faith and the tough skin of a truant officer" (p. 12).
Both researchers and programme administrators agree that traditional

teacher training is often a handicap in this area, and claim that w h e n hired,
teachers have to be convinced that they k n o w nothing about teaching street
children before they engage in action (Easton et al., 1994). In connection
with this point, Blanc (1994) claims that teacher training should be geared
to the special needs of working, minority and migrant children, including
anti-discrimination teaching.
S o m e large organizations for street and working children have

provisions for training programmes which m a y either take place internally
or externally to the programme. U C E P (in Bangladesh), for instance,
considers staff training to be one of its priorities and a basic component of
its strategy, whereas the U n d u g u Society has been using periodic services of
outside trainers to help in staff development (Easton, et al., 1994).
Obtaining funding for training programmes is a major constraint for

m a n y smaller N G O s . Struggling with the management of scarce resources
often turns good training into a luxury. Nevertheless, here is an area where
international agencies, governments, universities and other regional
organizations can be instrumental in providing support. Other ways of
maximizing energy and efforts in this domain would be through the pooling
of programmes around training resources.
U N I C E F and E N D A - T i e r s M o n d e , have been very actively involved in

training in Central and Latin America (Guatemala, Ecuador and Uruguay)
and in Africa, respectively. Either organizing regional training programmes
or applying a 'cascade training' formula, "where participants are prepared
to offer the same training to others upon returning to their o w n countries"
(Easton et al., 1994: 145), these agencies have been delivering quality
support to street and working children programmes.
54
In sum, the training of street educators should take a holistic perspec-

tive, likewise in street children education. The development of social work,
teaching, communication and managerial skills, are just some of the qualities
required for working with the street and working children. Street educators
should also be given training both in programme and self-evaluation, and in
the utilization of the knowledge acquired through the evaluations conducted.
Learning h o w to conduct participatory evaluations with street and working
children would greatly increase street educators' knowledge of problems and
could help programmes evolve and mature through the re-direction of their
activities and services around newly discovered needs. The next section will
deal with 'evaluation' issues in greater detail.
4. Conducting participatory evaluations
In order to achieve full efficiency, all projects and programmes need a

built-in evaluation strategy. Programmes which have shown better processes
and results seem to be those permanently engaging in self-evaluations of
their goals, practices and resources. Evaluating actual experiences within
programmes, assessing difficulties and subsequently extracting lessons from
these evaluations constitutes the main basis for programme renewal and
tuning. Responding more efficiently to the emerging problems seems, in
turn, to be a crucial element in long-term programme sustainability.
Easton et al. (1994), advocate a constant evaluation process within and

across programmes for street and working children. A s these authors state,
an important theme that emerges:
"(...) concerns the importance of infusing appropriate n e w knowl-

edge into - and creating valuable n e w knowledge within -
educational programmes for street and working children. (...)
Approaches need to be refined, lessons of experience - both
harvested within and imported from without - need to be accumu-
lated" (p. 179).
Staff and children should be involved in programme monitoring and

evaluation. However, involving key actors, such as staff and children, in the
evaluation process has not been a c o m m o n practice a m o n g programmes so
far. In fact, Easton, et al. (1994) claim that monitoring and evaluation are
themselves relatively undeveloped aspects of programme administration in
the G O s and N G O s most involved with street and working children. T h e
55
overwhelming demands for immediate service, have also turned evaluation

into an unaffordable luxury in terms of time, h u m a n andfinancialresources.
Furthermore, Penna Firme et al. (in Myers, 1991) add another important
hindrance to programme evaluation. According to these authors:
" M a n y people involved in work with street children have misgivings

about the very purpose and nature of evaluation in general, which they
tend to regard as a technical instrument of hierarchical accountability
rather than as a self-learning process to promote better management
decisions" (p. 140).
Again, international and official national agencies, as well as universi-

ties, have an important role to play in providing technical and financial
resources for the participatory monitoring of quality services and the
development of evaluation competencies a m o n g programme staff and
beneficiaries. Participatory programme evaluation also reduces the threat
that government and international agencies m a y pose w h e n assessing local
programmes (Penna Firme et al., in Myers, 1991). According to Easton et
al (1994):
"(...) more systematic programme evaluation by staff and children

themselves, and supported with appropriate outside assistance,
would go a long w a y towards enabling programmes to 'capitalize'
on their o w n experience and knowledge" (p. 180).
Finally, the authors reviewed in this section seem to be proposing a two-

fold effort in the area of programme evaluation. T h efirstone is the
promotion of an 'evaluation' culture within programmes which would
involve changing the commonly held views of conducting evaluation. The
second one consists of an effort geared towards the training of programme
members in participatory evaluation techniques, which would include both
information gathering and knowledge application.
Concluding remarks
The literature reviewed in this document reveals that a primary body of

knowledge has been gathered both on the life conditions of street and
working children and on the functioning of effective N G O programmes that
serve this particular population. Situational analyses of street and working
56
children have provided a more accurate picture of the plight of the urban
poor around the world, and contributed to drawing national and interna-
tional attention to this issue. Evaluation studies conducted in Third World
countries on the emerging grass-roots and local N G O delivery systems,
geared towards street and working children, have already been able to
extract main effective elements and strategies which permeate most, if not
all, of the successful experiences. These effective elements can, in turn, be
viewed as major principles in the implementation of other services in this
domain. Moreover, these studies have pointed to areas of insufficient
development such as: the potential contribution of the formal education
system vis-à-vis less formal education systems and the other w a y around;
the need for further personnel development through external and in-training
services; and the importance of promoting more systematic participatory
programme evaluation. These are just some of the areas which could thrive
on the greater involvement of national and international agencies. Neverthe-
less, involvement in this context acquires a very specific meaning. It entails
collaboration through equal partnerships, the development of networks, the
promotion of intersectoral co-ordination, as well as the participation of
stakeholders, all embedded in a larger decentralized and comprehensive
framework.
At last, a shared renewed vision of the urban poor, and especially of

street and working children, seems to be the basis for future policies and
"action in this domain. N e w partners in this challenging enterprise should
concentrate efforts in protective and preventive steps as part of a long-term
social change strategy.
57
Bibliography
Alves, A.J. 1991. "Meninos de rua e meninos na rua: Estrutura e dinámica

familiar". Report prepared by F L A C S O for the Urban Child Project,
U N I C E F International Child Development Centre in co-ordination
with U N I C E F Brasilia, and subsequently published in Fausto, A .
and Cervini, R . О trabalho e a rua. Säo Paulo: Editora Cortez.
Blanc, C . and contributors. 1994. Urban children in distress: Global

predicaments and innovative strategies, U N I C E F , Florence, Italy/
Gordon and Breach, U S A .
Childhope. 1989. First Regional Conference/Seminar on Street Children

in Asia, Manila, Philippines, 4-13 M a y .
Cornia, G . A . 1990. "Child poverty and deprivation in industrialized

countries: Recent trends and policy options", Innocenti Occasional
Papers, U N I C E F , Florence, Italy, March.
Dewees, A . and Klees, S.J. 1995. "Social movements and the transformation
of national policy: Street and working children in Brazil". In
Comparative Education Review, Vol. 39, No.l (pp.76-100).
Easton, P . et al. 1994. Asserting the educational rights of street and

working children: Lessons from thefield.Report submitted to the
Urban Section, U N I C E F , N e w York, by the Center for Policy
Studies in Education, The Florida State University, Tallahassee, F L
32306.
Hardoy, J. 1992. "The urban child in the Third World: Urbanization

trends and some principal issues", Innocenti Occasional Papers,
U N I C E F , Florence, Italy, September.
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Bibliography
Levin, H . and Lockheed, M . (Eds.). 1993. Effective schools in developing

countries. London, Washington, D . C . : Falmer Press.
Lewis, J. et al. 1988. Strengthening the poor: What have we learned?,

Transaction B o o k s / O D C , Washington, D . C .
Myers, W . E . 1991. Protecting working children, Zed Books Ltd., London

and N e w Jersey/UNICEF.
Neto, J.B. 1991. L'école des déshérités (Le mouvement populaire et

l'éducation dans la ville de Récife-Brésil), D E A dissertation,
Université René-Descartes/Paris V .
Penna Firme, T . 1994. "Meeting at-risk children where they get together:
an alternative concept of community", in Justice for children, ed.
by Stewart Asquith and Malcolm Hill, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers,
Netherlands.
, et al. 1991. " T h e generation and observation of evaluation

indicators of the psychosocial development of participants in
programmes for street children in Brazil". In W . E . Myers,
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Jersey/UNICEF.
U N E S C O . 1995. Working with street children, U N E S C O Publishing,

I C C B , Paris, France.
59
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Issues and methodologies
in educational development
NOe 12
Sharply increasing in numbers and declining in their life condition,

street and working children have become a major focus of attention
of education specialists throughout the world. In developing
countries, where the phenomenon has stricken more violently,
several governmental and non-governmental organizations have
developed innovative educational programmes especially designed
for street and working children. S o m e of these programmes have
already been documented and n o w constitute a rich source for
analysis and reflection.
Based on recent reports and publications which describe and

discuss innovative educational programmes geared towards street
and working children in Third World countries, this study offers a
critical analysis of the strategies which stand out as being
particularly effective in the provision of services for, and with, the
urban poor. Education is herein discussed in the light of a newly
emerged agenda for street and working children and its multifaceted
features exemplified by concrete cases. T h e organizational,
managerial and financial structures put in place by diverse
educational programmes are also subject of analysis. Finally, the
study points to areas of insufficient development and suggests
further possibilities of action and planning.
Author
Ana Cristina Leonardos has taught at the
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil).
She has done work on the study and evaluation of
innovative educational programmes (formal
and non-formal sectors), including her doctoral
dissertation on Developed Centres of Public
Education (CIEP) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
She is also engaged in a study on 'Research
Paradigms in the French Sociology of Education '.

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Effective strategies and approaches for reaching

street and working children through education:

A n H E P series for orientation and training

Effective strategies and approaches for

U N E S C O : International Institute for Educational Planning

This volume has been typeset using IIEP's computer facilities

International Institute for Educational Planning

© U N E S C O December 1995 IIEP/ko'f

Chapter I. Predictions m a k e urban children's futures look

gloomy in the absence of a global countermovement 4

Chapter II. W h o are they? 8

1. Predominant views of street children: emergent categories 10

3. Macro-micro: the need for comprehensive strategies 13

Chapter III. Effective strategies 17

Chapter IV. Organization, management and financing:

1. Types of organizational structures 31

Chapter V . Implications for future policy/planning:

1. Which case for decentralization? 46

I would like to thank Jacques Hallak, IIEP Director, Françoise Caillods,

I would also like to express m y gratitude to Thereza Penna Firme,

While several authors have repeatedly grappled with the issue of

Methodology and scope

Whereas Blanc1 (1994) and Easton 2 et al. (1990) were part of an

Regarding the development of the relevant concepts and their

Regarding the scope of this study, the discussion on effective strategies

Eastern, (1994) and U N E S C O , (1995), on the other hand, concentrate on

United Nations projections (Hardoy, 1992) suggest that the population

According to Hardoy (1992), if present trends are extended through the

T h e young profile of the Third World urban populations becomes an

"(...) approximately three-fourths of the children on the streets are

But w h o are these children? H o w are they perceived by the larger

M a n y situational analyses have already been undertaken throughout the

Milton is one of the 7 million children estimated to live on the streets

1. Predominant views of street children: emergent categories

Dewees and Klees (1995) tend to adopt a very overarching definition

T h efirstset of categorization (Childhope, 1989) identifies three types

Another set of categorization regarding street and working children is

There seems to remain no doubt, whichever classification one chooses

(1) engagement in serious conflict with the law;

Blanc's (1994) analysis attributes these high-risk behaviours to the fact

reached before they engage in some sort of higherriskbehaviour through the

2. W a y s of dealing with the issue

Programme strategies tend to respond to the needs of particular

These last two solutions - institutionalization and imprisonment - have

Acknowledging the need for preventive action presupposes an

3. M a c r o - m i c r o : the n e e d for c o m p r e h e n s i v e strategies

" W e have proposed to grow our w a y out of poverty, yet growth

there is n o evidence that even if w e educated everybody well

T h e shift from an emphasis on curative to preventive measures has

"(.••) theories on the prevention of high-risk behaviour have

M a n y programmes have, in fact, already realized the importance and

Only very recently, in the early 1990s, has the U n d u g u Society of

In Brazil, switching from an assistance model to a more constructive

urban children protection (Blanc, 1994; Easton et aZ.,1994); D e w e e s and

Despite their different strategies, these two examples converge to a

Defining effectiveness in the context of innovative projects and

Thus, reaching an understanding of project effectiveness stumbles into

5. Blanc (1994) claims that even in a country as research-oriented as the U S A , valid

doubtful whether change in behaviour could be exclusively attributable to

Another issue related to the concept of effectiveness concerns the

Effectiveness should thereby be a concept to be understood and applied

Having provided a context for understanding the relativeness with which

Despite the limits in assessing programme effectiveness, a great deal of