Saint Benedict of Nursia (c.

480–547) is the father of Western Monasticism because of his main

achievement, the “Rule” containing precepts for his monks which became one of the most influential
religious rules in Western Christendom. He founded twelve communities for monks at Subiaco, about
40 miles to the east of Rome, before moving to Monte Cassino in the mountains of southern Italy.
His “Rule” is heavily influenced by the writings of John Cassian, and shows strong affinity with the Rule
of the Master.

The Rule of Saint Benedict (Regula Benedicti) is a book of precepts written by St. Benedict of Nursia
for monks living communally under the authority of an abbot. Since about the 7th century it has also
been adopted by communities of women. During the 1500 years of its existence, it has become the
leading guide in Western Christianity for monastic living in community.

The spirit of St Benedict's Rule is summed up in the motto of the Benedictine Confederation: pax
("peace") and the traditional ora et labora ("pray and work").

Compared to other precepts, the Rule provides a moderate path between individual zeal and
formulaic institutionalism; because of this middle ground it has been widely popular. Benedict's
concerns were the needs of monks in a community environment: namely, to establish due order, to
foster an understanding of the relational nature of human beings, and to provide a spiritual father to
support and strengthen the individual's ascetic effort and the spiritual growth that is required for the
fulfillment of the human vocation, theosis.

INFLUENCES

John Cassian is a Christian theologian and one of the ‘desert fathers’. He wrote two major spiritual
works, the Institutions and the Conferences. In these, he codified and transmitted the wisdom of the
Desert Fathers of Egypt. These books were written at the request of Castor, Bishop of Apt, of the
subsequent Pope Leo I, and of several Gallic bishops and monks. His books were written in Latin, in a
simple, direct style. They were swiftly translated into Greek, for the use of Eastern monks, an unusual
honor.

A. The Institutions (De institutis coenobiorum) deal with the external organization of monastic
communities.

Books 1-4 discusses clothing, prayer and rules of monastic life.

Books 5-12 are rules on morality, specifically addressing the eight vices - gluttony, lust, avarice, pride,
wrath, envy, acedia, and boasting - and what to do to cure these vices.
B. the Conferences (Collationes patrum in scetica eremo) deal with "the training of the inner man and
the perfection of the heart." It summarized the important conversations that Cassian had with elders
from Scetis about principles of the spiritual and ascetic life. This book addresses specific problems of
spiritual theology and the ascetic life. It was later read in Benedictine communities before a light
meal, and from the Latin title, Collationes, comes the word collation in the sense of "light meal."

Furthermore, the Regula Magistri or Rule of the Master is an anonymous sixth-century collection of
monastic precepts. It was also regarded to influence the Rule of Saint Benedict. It is no longer in active
use by any monastic community.

But it also, and this persuaded most religious communities founded throughout the Middle Ages to
adopt it. As a result, the Rule of Benedict became one of the most influential religious rules in
Western Christendom. For this reason, Benedict is often called the founder of western Christian
monasticism.

ANALYSIS OF THE BENEDICTINE RULE

Of the seventy-three chapters comprising the Rule, nine treat of the duties of the abbot, thirteen
regulate the worship of God, twenty-nine are concerned with discipline and the penal code, ten refer
to the internal administration of the monastery, and the remaining twelve consist of miscellaneous
regulations.

The Rule opens with a prologue or hortatory preface, in which St. Benedict sets forth the main
principles of the religious life, namely: the renunciation of one's own will and the taking up of arms
under the banner of Christ. He proposes to establish a "school" in which the science of salvation shall
be taught, so that by persevering in the monastery till death his disciples may "deserve to become
partakers of Christ's kingdom".
In Chapter 1 are defined the four principle kinds of monks: (1) Cenobites, those living in a monastery
under an abbot; (2) Anchorites, or hermits, living a solitary life after long probation in the monastery;
(3) Sarabites, living by twos and threes together, without any fixed rule or lawfully constituted
superior; and (4) Gyrovagi, a species of monastic vagrants, whose lives spent in wandering from one
monastery to another, only served to bring discredit on the monastic profession. It is for the first of
these classes, as the most stable kind, that the Rule is written.

Chapter 2 describes the necessary qualifications of an abbot and forbids him to make distinction of
persons in the monastery except for particular merit, warning him at the same time that he will be
answerable for the salvation of the souls committed to his care.

Chapter 3 ordains the calling of the brethren to council upon all affairs of importance to the
community.

Chapter 4 summarizes the duties of the Christian life under seventy-two precepts, which are called
"instruments of good works" and are mainly Scriptural either in letter or in spirit.

Chapter 5 prescribes prompt, cheerful, and absolute obedience to the superior in all things lawful,
which obedience is called the first degree of humility.

Chapter 6 deals with silence, recommending moderation in the use of speech, but by no means
prohibiting profitable or necessary conversation.

Chapter 7 treats of humility, which virtue is divided into twelve degrees or steps in the ladder that
leads to heaven. They are: (1) fear of God; (2) repression of self-will; (3) submission of the will to
superiors; (4) obedience in hard and difficult matters; (5) confession of faults; (6) acknowledgment of
one's own worthlessness; (7) preference of others to self; (8) avoidance of singularity; (9) speaking
only in due season; (10) stifling of unseemly laughter; (11) repression of pride; (12) exterior humility.

Chapters 9-19 are occupied with the regulation of the Divine Office, the opus Dei to which "nothing is
to be preferred", or Canonical Hours, seven of the day and one of the night. Detailed arrangements
are made as to the number of Psalms, etc., to be recited in winter and summer, on Sundays,
weekdays, Holy Days, and at other times.

Chapter 19 emphasizes the reverence due to the presence of God.

Chapter 20 directs that prayer in common be short.

Chapter 21 provides for the appointment of deans over every ten monks, and prescribes the manner
in which they are to be chosen.

Chapter 22 regulates all matters relating to the dormitory, as, for example, that each monk is to have
a separate bed and is to sleep in his habit, so as to be ready to rise without delay, and that a light shall
burn in the dormitory throughout the night.
Chapter 23-30 deal with offences against the Rule and a graduated scale of penalties is provided: first,
private admonition; next, public reproof; then separation from the brethren at meals and elsewhere;
then scourging; and finally expulsion; though this last is not to be resorted to until every effort to
reclaim the offender has failed. And even in this last case, the outcast must be received again, should
he so desire, but after the third expulsion all return is finally barred.

Chapter 31 and 32 order the appointment of a cellarer and other officials, to take charge of the
various goods of the monastery, which are to be treated with as much care as the consecrated vessels
of the altar.

Chapter 33 forbids the private possession of anything without the leave of the abbot, who is,
however, bound to supply all necessaries.

Chapter 34 prescribes a just distribution of such things.

Chapter 35 arranges for the service in the kitchen by all monks in turn.

Chapter 36 and 37 order due care for the sick, the old, and the young. They are to have certain
dispensations from the strict Rule, chiefly in the matter of food.
Chapter 38 prescribes reading aloud during meals, which duty is to be performed by such of the
brethren, week by week, as can do so with edification to the rest. Signs are to be used for whatever
may be wanted at meals, so that no voice shall interrupt that of the reader. The reader is to have his
meal with the servers after the rest have finished, but he is allowed a little food beforehand in order
to lessen the fatigue of reading.

Chapter 39 and 40 regulate the quantity and quality of the food. Two meals a day are allowed and
two dishes of cooked food at each. A pound of bread also and a hemina (probably about half a pint) of
wine for each monk. Flesh-meat is prohibited except for the sick and the weak, and it is always within
the abbot's power to increase the daily allowance when he sees fit.

Chapter 41 prescribes the hours of the meals, which are to vary according to the time of year.

Chapter 42 enjoins the reading of the "Conferences" of Cassian or some other edifying book in the
evening before Compline and orders that after Compline the strictest silence shall be observed until
the following morning.

Chapters 43-46 relate to minor faults, such as coming late to prayer or meals, and impose various
penalties for such transgressions.
Chapter 47 enjoins on the abbot the duty of calling the brethren to the "world of God" in choir, and of
appointing those who are to chant or read.

Chapter 48 emphasizes the importance of manual labor and arranges time to be devoted to it daily.
This varies according to the season, but is apparently never less than about five hours a day. The
times at which the lesser of the "day-hours" (Prime, Terce, Sext, and None) are to be recited control
the hours of labour somewhat, and the abbot is instructed not only to see that all work, but also that
the employments of each are suited to their respective capacities.

Chapter 49 treats of the observance of Lent, and recommends some voluntary self-denial for that
season, with the abbot's sanction.

Chapters 50 and 51 contain rules for monks who are working in the fields or traveling. They are
directed to join in spirit, as far as possible, with their brethren in the monastery at the regular hours
of prayers.

Chapter 52 commands that the oratory be used for purposes of devotion only.

Chapter 53 is concerned with the treatment of guests, who are to be received "as Christ Himself". This
Benedictine hospitality is a feature which has in all ages been characteristic of the order. The guests
are to be met with due courtesy by the abbot or his deputy, and during their stay they are to be under
the special protection of a monk appointed for the purpose, but they are not to associate with the
rest of the community except by special permission.

Chapter 54 forbids the monks to receive letters or gifts without the abbot's leave.

Chapter 55 regulates the clothing of the monks. It is to be sufficient in both quantity and quality and
to be suited to the climate and locality, according to the discretion of the abbot, but at the same time
it must be as plain and cheap as is consistent with due economy. Each monk is to have a change of
garments, to allow for washing, and when traveling shall be supplied with clothes of rather better
quality. The old habits are to be put aside for the poor.

Chapter 56 directs that the abbot shall take his meals with the guests.

Chapter 57 enjoins humility on the craftsmen of the monastery, and if their work is for sale, it shall be
rather below than above the current trade price.

Chapter 58 lays down rules for the admission of new members, which is not to be made too easy.
These matters have since been regulated by the Church, but in the main St. Benedict's outline is
adhered to. The postulant first spends a short time as a guest; then he is admitted to the novitiate,
where under the care of a novice-master, his vocation is severely tested; during this time he is always
free to depart. If after twelve month' probation, he still persevere, he may be admitted to the vows of
Stability, Conversion of Life, and Obedience, by which he binds himself for life to the monastery of his
profession.

Chapter 59 allows the admission of boys to the monastery under certain conditions.

Chapter 60 regulates the position of priests who may desire to join the community. They are charged
with setting an example of humility to all, and can only exercise their priestly functions by permission
of the abbot.

Chapter 61 provides for the reception of strange monks as guests, and for their admission if desirous
of joining the community.

Chapter 62 lays down that precedence in the community shall be determined by the date of
admission, merit of life, or the appointment of the abbot.

Chapter 64 orders that the abbot be elected by his monks and that he be chosen for his charity, zeal,
and discretion.

Chapter 65 allows the appointment of a provost, or prior, if need be, but warns such a one that he is
to be entirely subject to the abbot and may be admonished, deposed, or expelled for misconduct.

Chapter 66 provides for the appointment of a porter, and recommends that each monastery should
be, if possible, self-contained, so as to avoid the need of intercourse with the outer world.

Chapter 67 gives instruction as to the behavior of a monk who is sent on a journey.

Chapter 68 orders that all shall cheerfully attempt to do whatever is commanded them, however hard
it may seem.

Chapter 69 forbids the monks to defend one another.

Chapter 70 prohibits them from striking one another.

Chapter 71 encourages the brethren to be obedient not only to the abbot and his officials, but also to
one another.
Chapter 72 is a brief exhortation to zeal and fraternal charity

Chapter 73 is an epilogue declaring that this Rule is not offered as an ideal of perfection, but merely
as a means towards godliness and is intended chiefly for beginners in the spiritual life.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BENEDICTINE RULE

1. The Rule has a unique spirit of BALANCE, MODERATION and REASONABLENESS (ἐπιείκεια,
epieikeia)
- It manifested its wonderful discretion and moderation, its extreme reasonableness, and its keen
insight into the capabilities as well as the weaknesses of human nature.
- There are no excesses, no extraordinary asceticism, no narrow-mindedness, but rather a series of
sober regulations based on sound common sense.
- This is contrary to the austerity and asceticism of the monks of Egypt.

2. ON FOOD: With regard to food, the Egyptian ascetics reduced it to a minimum, many of them
eating only twice or thrice a week, whilst Cassian describes a meal consisting of parched vetches with
salt and oil, three olives, two prunes, and a fig, as a "sumptuous repast" (Coll. vii, 1). St. Benedict, on
the other hand, though he restricts the use of flesh-meat to the sick, orders a pound of bread daily
and two dishes of cooked food at each meal, of which there were two in summer and one in winter.
And he concedes also an allowance of wine, though admitting that it should not properly be the drink
of monks (Chapter 40).

3. ON CLOTHING: St. Benedict's provision that habits were to fit, to be sufficiently warm, and not
too old, was in great contrast to the poverty of the Egyptian monks, whose clothes, Abbot Pambo laid
down, should be so poor that if left on the road no one would be tempted to take them
(Apophthegmata, in P.G. LXV, 369).

4. IN THE MATTER OF SLEEP: The Egyptian monks regarded diminution[1] as one of their most
valued forms of austerity, St. Benedict ordered from six to eight hours of unbroken sleep a day, with
the addition of a siesta in summer. The Egyptian monks, moreover, often slept on the bare ground,
with stones or mats for pillows, and often merely sitting or merely reclining, as directed in the
Pachomian Rule, whilst Abbot John was unable to mention without shame the finding of a blanket in a
hermit's cell (Cassian, Coll. xix, 6). St. Benedict, however, allowed not only a blanket but also a
coverlet, a mattress, and a pillow to each monk. This comparative liberality with regard to the
necessaries of life, though plain and meagre perhaps, if tested by modern notions of comfort, was far
greater than amongst the Italian poor of the sixth century or even amongst many of the European
peasantry at the present day.

St. Benedict's aim seems to have been to keep the bodies of his monks in a healthy condition by
means of proper clothing, sufficient food, and ample sleep, so that they might thereby be more fit for
the due performance of the Divine Office and be freed from all that distracting rivalry in asceticism
which has already been mentioned.

There was, however, no desire to lower the ideal or to minimize the self-sacrifice that the adoption of
the monastic life entailed, but rather the intention of bringing it into line with the altered
circumstances of Western environment, which necessarily differed much from those of Egypt and the
East. The wisdom and skill with which he did this is evident in every page of the Rule, a learned and
mysterious abridgement of all the doctrines of the Gospel, all the institutions of the Fathers, and all
the Counsels of Perfection".

5. COLLECTIVISM: St. Benedict perceived the necessity for a permanent and uniform rule of
government in place of the arbitrary and variable choice of models furnished by the lives and maxims
of the Fathers of the Desert. And so we have the characteristic of collectivism, exhibited in his
insistence on the common life, as opposed to the individualism of the Egyptian monks. One of the
objects he had in view in writing his Rule was the extirpation of the Sarabites and Gyrovagi, whom he
so strongly condemns in his first chapter and of whose evil lives he had probably had painful
experience during his early days at Subiaco.

On the Types of Monks (Chapter 1)

aa) Cenobites - They live in a monastery, serving under a Rule and an Abbot.
bb) Anchorites or Hermits – They live a solitary life after long probation in the monastery.
cc) Sarabites – They live by two’s and three’s together, without any fixed rule or lawfully constituted
superior; and
dd) Gyrovagi- a species of monastic vagrants, whose lives spent in wandering from one monastery to
another, only served to bring discredit on the monastic profession. It is for the first of these classes, as
the most stable kind, that the Rule is written.

6. STABILITY: To further the aim of collectivism, he introduced the vow of Stability, which becomes
the guarantee of success and permanence. It is only another example of the family idea that pervaded
the entire Rule, by means of which the members of the community are bound together by a family
tie, and each takes upon himself the obligation of persevering in his monastery until death, unless
sent elsewhere by his superiors.

It secures to the community as a whole, and to every member of it individually, a share in all the fruits
that may arise from the labors of each monk, and it gives to each of them that strength and vitality
which necessarily result from being one of a united family, all bound in a similar way and all pursuing
the same end.

Thus, whatever the monk does, he does it not as an independent individual but as part of a larger
organization, and the community itself thus becomes one united whole rather than a mere
agglomeration of independent members.

7. CONVERSION OF LIFE: The vow of Conversion of Life indicates the personal striving after
perfection that must be the aim of every Benedictine monk. All the legislation of the Rule, the
constant repression of self, the conforming of one's every action to a definite standard, and the
continuance of this form of life to the end of one's days, is directed towards "putting off the old man
and putting on the new", and thereby accomplishing the conversio morum which is inseparable from
a life-long perseverance in the maxims of the Rule.

8. OBEDIENCE: The practice of obedience is a necessary feature in St. Benedict's idea of the
religious life, if not indeed its very essence. Not only is a special chapter of the Rule devoted to it, but
it is repeatedly referred to as a guiding principle in the life of the monk; so essentials it that it is the
subject of a special vow in every religious institute, Benedictine or otherwise.

In St. Benedict's eyes it is one of the positive works to which the monk binds himself, for he calls
it labor obedientiae (Prologue). It is to be cheerful, unquestioning, and prompt; to the abbot chiefly,
who is to be obeyed as holding the place of Christ, and also to all the brethren according to the
dictates of fraternal charity, as being "the path that leads to God" (Chapter 71).

It is likewise extended to hard and even impossible things, the latter being at least attempted in all
humility. In connection with the question of obedience there is the further question as to the system
of government embodied in the Rule. The life of the community centers round the abbot as the father
of the family. Much latitude with regard to details is left to "discretion and judgment", but this power,
so far from being absolute or unlimited, is safeguarded by the obligation laid upon him of consulting
the brethren - either the seniors only or else the entire community - upon all matters affecting their
welfare.

And on the other hand, wherever there seems to be a certain amount of liberty left to the monks
themselves, this, in turn, is protected against indiscretion by the repeated insistence on the necessity
for the abbot's sanction and approval.
What Kind of Man the Abbot ought to be (Chapter 2)
Chapter 2 describes the necessary qualifications of an abbot and forbids him to make distinction of
persons in the monastery except for particular merit, warning him at the same time that he will be
answerable for the salvation of the souls committed to his care.

9. POVERTY AND CHASTITY: The vows of Poverty and Chastity, though not explicitly mentioned by St.
Benedict, as in the rules of other orders, are yet implied so clearly as to form an indisputable and
essential part of the life for which he legislates. Thus by means of the vows and the practice of the
various virtues necessary to their proper observance, it will be seen that St. Benedict's Rule contains
not merely a series of laws regulating the external details of monastic life, but also all the principles of
perfection according to the Evangelical Counsels.

10. BINDING POWER OF THE RULE: With regard to the obligation or binding power of the Rule, we
must distinguish between the statutes or precepts and the counsels. By the former would be meant
those laws which either command or prohibit in an absolute manner, and by the latter those that are
merely recommendations. It is generally held by commentators that the precepts of the Rule bind
only under the penalty of venial sin, and the counsels not even under that. Really grave transgressions
against the vows, on the other hand, would fall under the category of mortal sins. It must be
remembered, however, that in all these matters the principles of moral theology, canon law, the
decisions of the Church, and the regulations of the Constitutions of the different congregations must
be taken into consideration in judging of any particular case.

______________________

REQUIRED READING:

Prologue of the Rule of St. Benedict

What, dearest brethren, can be sweeter to us than this voice of the Lord inviting us? See, in His loving
kindness, the Lord showeth us the way of life. Therefore, having our loins girt with faith and the
performance of good works, let us walk His ways under the guidance of the Gospel, that we may be
found worthy of seeing Him who hath called us to His kingdom (cf 1 Thes 2:12).

If we desire to dwell in the tabernacle of His kingdom, we cannot reach it in any way, unless we run
thither by good works. But let us ask the Lord with the Prophet, saying to Him: "Lord, who shall dwell
in Thy tabernacle, or who shall rest in Thy holy hill" (Ps 14[15]:1)?

After this question, brethren, let us listen to the Lord answering and showing us the way to this
tabernacle, saying: "He that walketh without blemish and worketh justice; he that speaketh truth in
his heart; who hath not used deceit in his tongue, nor hath done evil to his neighbor, nor hath taken
up a reproach against his neighbor" (Ps 14[15]:2-3), who hath brought to naught the foul demon
tempting him, casting him out of his heart with his temptation, and hath taken his evil thoughts whilst
they were yet weak and hath dashed them against Christ (cf Ps 14[15]:4; Ps 136[137]:9); who fearing
the Lord are not puffed up by their goodness of life, but holding that the actual good which is in them
cannot be done by themselves, but by the Lord, they praise the Lord working in them (cf Ps 14[15]:4),
saying with the Prophet: "Not to us, O Lord, not to us; by to Thy name give glory" (Ps 113[115:1]:9).
Thus also the Apostle Paul hath not taken to himself any credit for his preaching, saying: "By the grace
of God, I am what I am" (1 Cor 15:10). And again he saith: "He that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord"
(2 Cor 10:17).

Hence, the Lord also saith in the Gospel: "He that heareth these my words and doeth them, shall be
likened to a wise man who built his house upon a rock; the floods came, the winds blew, and they
beat upon that house, and it fell not, for it was founded on a rock" (Mt 7:24-25). The Lord fulfilling
these words waiteth for us from day to day, that we respond to His holy admonitions by our works.
Therefore, our days are lengthened to a truce for the amendment of the misdeeds of our present life;
as the Apostle saith: "Knowest thou not that the patience of God leadeth thee to penance" (Rom
2:4)? For the good Lord saith: "I will not the death of the sinner, but that he be converted and live"
(Ezek 33:11).

Now, brethren, that we have asked the Lord who it is that shall dwell in His tabernacle, we have heard
the conditions for dwelling

there; and if we fulfil the duties of tenants, we shall be heirs of the kingdom of heaven. Our hearts
and our bodies must, therefore, be ready to do battle under the biddings of holy obedience; and let us
ask the Lord that He supply by the help of His grace what is impossible to us by nature. And if, flying
from the pains of hell, we desire to reach life everlasting, then, while there is yet time, and we are still
in the flesh, and are able during the present life to fulfil all these things, we must make haste to do
now what will profit us forever.

We are, therefore, about to found a school of the Lord's service, in which we hope to introduce
nothing harsh or burdensome. But even if, to correct vices or to preserve charity, sound reason
dictateth anything that turneth out somewhat stringent, do not at once fly in dismay from the way of
salvation, the beginning of which cannot but be narrow. But as we advance in the religious life and
faith, we shall run the way of God's commandments with expanded hearts and unspeakable
sweetness of love; so that never departing from His guidance and persevering in the monastery in His
doctrine till death, we may by patience share in the sufferings of Christ, and be found worthy to be
coheirs with Him of His kingdom.

[1] The act or process of diminishing; a lessening or reduction.

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CHAPTER VIII THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS – IN HOC SIGNO VINCES – EDICT OF MILAN (313)

CHAPTER VIII
THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS –
IN HOC SIGNO VINCES – EDICT OF MILAN (313)

Edict of Toleration (311)

In spite of the ferocity of the long campaign and with all the advantages apparently on the side
of the civil power, Rome was finally obliged to admit defeat. The persecution was a total failure and
by an imperial edict it came to an end on April 30, 311. It was signed by Galerius and his co-regent
Constantine. The Christian religion was allowed to be practiced by this Edict of Tolerance. It is no
more than this, that is, an edict of tolerance because there is a clause quite restrictive for Christianity:

Ut denuo sint christiani et conventicula sua componant; ita ut ne quid contra disciplinam agant.
[1] That they may be Christians again and build the houses in which they used to gather, provided that
they do nothing contrary to the discipline.

This is how Galerius’ Edict reads:

Since they (Christians) still persist in their impious folly and are deprived of public exercise of their
religion, we are disposed to extend to these unhappy men the effects of our accustomed mercy. We
allow them, consequently, to profess their private opinions and meet at their places of worship
without fear of disturbance, provided always that they respect the existing laws. We hope that our
clemency will induce the Christians to offer prayers to the Deity whom they worship for our safety
and prosperity, for their own, and for that of the state.[2]

Soon after Galerius died eaten by worms and in a pitiful state. Eusebius, in his Ecc. Hist. says that
Galerius was punished by God.

Beginning with his very flesh and proceeding to the soul. For an abscess suddenly appeared in the
center of his privy parts, then a deeply perforated ulcer, incurable and feeling into the very depths of
his bowels. From these an innumerable multitude of worms burst forth and gave out a deathly
stench…

Wrestling with so many evils, he felt conscious-stricken for the deed which he had brazenly
committed against the pious, and so reflecting within himself, he first openly confessed to the God of
the universe; then, summoning those about him, he commanded them without delay to put an end to
the persecution against the Christians.

In Hoc Signo Vinces

In the meanwhile, the political situation in the West worsened to such an extent that a decisive
context between Constantine and Maxentius was rendered inevitable. War broke out between
Constantine and Maxentius (306-312). When the war began in 312, Constantine was not a Christian
but possibly followed his father’s religion, a form of that new moral monotheism, popular with the
army, whose symbol was the Sun – Sol Invictus. By the time of the actual expedition against
Maxentius, he has abandoned also the cult of the sun and is much closer to Christianity, that is, to the
belief in one God. And just before the decisive step, that is, the battle at the Milvian Bridge, when
Constantine was marching at the head of an army of 30 thousand men against the 100 thousand
strong army of Maxentius, a cross of light appeared in the heavens, with the woven words: in hoc
signo vinces (In This Sign You Shall Conquer).” According to Eusebius, in his Life of Constantine,
immediately after the vision of the Cross, Christ appeared to him and told him to adopt the Cross as
his standard instead of the Roman eagle. He did so. In the fight which followed he was victorious and
Maxentius was drowned in the Tiber as he fled from the field. Constantine entered Rome convinced
now that the one, supreme God was the God whom the Christians worshipped: Jesus Christ.
The impression which this victory made on the pagan world was tremendous. The God of the
Christians had proved his superiority over the gods of the Capitol. Constantine entered the city amid
the rejoicings of the people. Upon the triumphal arch which the Senate and people erected to him,
and which is still standing among the ruins of the city of the Caesars, his great victory is ascribed to
the “decree of God.” Constantine himself caused his own statue to be set up, holding in his hand the
standard of the cross (labarum), with the inscription: “through this saving sign, have I freed your city
from the tyrant’s yoke.”
The full text on the triumphal arch reads like this:

To Emperor Caesar Flavius Constantine the Great, Felix, Augustus, because inspired by the Godhead,
by the greatness of his spirit, at one stroke avenged the State upon the tyrant and his entire faction by
just a show of force together with his army, the Senate and the People of Rome have dedicated this
arch in token of his triumph.

Elsewhere on the Arch appears:

Liberator of the City. Founder of Peace.[3]

This is the original Latin:

Imp[eratori] Caesa[re] Fl[avio] Constantino Maximo, P[ius], F[elix], Augusto S.[enatus] P.[opulus] Q.
[ue] R.[omanus] Quod Instinctu Divinitatis Mentis magnitudine cum exercitu suo tam de Tyranno
Quam De Eius Factione Uno Tempore Iustis Rempublicam Ultus est Armis Arcum Triumphis insignem
Dicavit.

Liberator urbis. Fundatori Quietis.[4]

The Edict of Milan (313)

The religious problem received Constantine’s immediate attention. Towards the end of 312, in
a letter to Maximinus Daia, he pleaded in favor of the Christians of the East. He freed the African
clergy from public duties. In a meeting with his brother-in-law Licinius, held at Milan in February of
313, he gave to the Christians throughout the Empire unrestricted freedom of worship. The two of
them commanded to restore to the Christians the property which had been confiscated during the
persecutions. The agreement is known as the Edict of Milan, in the words of Eusebius “a very perfect
and comprehensive law in favor of Christians[5] but more properly, a rescript or circular mandate to
the governors of the provinces.
With this act, the exclusive union between the Roman State and the pagan cult was broken, a
new religious policy was opened. The Edict inaugurates a memorable turn in the history of
Christianity. For the moment, the new happy order of things had still an enemy in Maximinus Daia,
who had renewed his hostility against the Church. Maximinus Daia took advantage of the absence of
Licinius in the West and, despite the difficulties of the winter, invaded his states, crossed into Europe,
and with his powerful army laid waste the rich provinces which are now the Balkans. There, at
Nicopolis, he met, and was defeated by Licinius, returned from Milan in haste; and with the defeat
and death of Maximinus Daia, the authors of the Edict of Milan were masters of the Roman world. As
Eusebius says:

From that time on a day bright and radiant with no cloud overshadowing it, shone down with shafts of
heavenly light on the Churches of Christ throughout the world, nor was there any reluctance to grant
even those outside our community the enjoyment, if not of equal blessings at least of an effluence
from and a share in the things that God has bestowed on us.[6]

The Vision of the Cross by Constantine

 We have already seen Constantine’s triumph over Maxentius and his ‘coeleste signum Dei’ as
narrated by Eusebius in his “Vita Constantini,” (I, 28-31) written in 337. Are we to admit a miraculous
intervention by God in the way described by Eusebius? It is quite difficult to admit Eusebius’
description as it sounds, but we cannot reject it outright or take it as pure illusion. There is a nucleus
of truth in it, which at a distance of so many years and under the impression of the happy reign of
Constantine, was transformed into a legend. It cannot be denied that the Emperor, who by nature
was inclined to dreams and visions, had a certain day a strong religious commotion, which brought
him closer to the Christian religion.
This is how Lactantius in his book, On the Deaths of the Persecutors described the vision of
Constantine:

Already civil war had broken out between Constantine and Maxentius. Although Maxentius remained
at Rome – an oracle had predicted that he would die if he crossed the city gates – the war was
conducted by his able commanders. His forces were superior to those of his adversary. For he not
only had his father’s army, which had deserted from Severus, but his own as well, which he had just
collected from Mauritania and from the country of the Getulians. They clashed and Maxentius’
troops held the advantage, up until the time when Constantine, prepared either to win or to die,
brought all his forces close to Rome and encamped near the Milvian Bridge. It was near the twenty-
eighth of October, the anniversary of his completion of five years of reign.

During his sleep Constantine was directed that God’s heavenly sign should be inscribed on the
soldier’s shields before they should begin the battle. He did as he was commanded, and he had
inscribed on the shields the name of Christ by means of an “X” that was crossed by an “I” curved over
the top. Armed with this sign, his soldiers stood to arms … And the hand of God was stretched over
the fray.[7]

One thing is certain, since the victory at the Milvian Bridge (312) Constantine, although still a pagan in
many practices, was not only favorable to Christianity but also embraced Christianity himself.

Stages in Constantine’s Conversion

We must not absolutely reject a divine intervention in Constantine’s conversion. However, this
seems to be the process of events which led him on to embrace Christianity.
From family tradition he was well disposed towards the Christians. Possibly the Christian religion was
not unknown in his family because one of his father’s daughters was called Anastasia, a name which
appears almost exclusively among Christians.
From his aversion against Diocletian (284-305) and Galerius (292-311), who excluded him from the
imperial succession, he leaned towards a different religious policy.
The Church although materially and politically was not strong, yet, morally and religiously excelled all
other cults and had a wonderful internal and external organization.
The martyr’s strength and heroism, among the terrible precedent persecutions, was something
admirable and without as natural explanation.
Constantine knew a little about the dogma and Christian moral precepts, but he conceived a high
opinion of Christ’s exceptional power.
During the war against Maxentius, given the tremendous difficulties facing him, he asked Christ’s help
and experienced his power in battle.
He had, then, possibly, that dream or admonition related by Lactantius:

Commonitus est in quiete Constantius ut coeleste signum Dei notaret in scutis atque proelium
commiteret. Fecit ut iussus est, et transversa X littera, summo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutis
notat. Quo signo armatus exercitus capit ferrum.[8]

He ordered to paint on the shields of his soldiers the monogram of Christ and adopt a new standard
(Labarum) before the decisive battle.

After the great Victory at the Milvian Bridge (312), because the god of the Christians had shown his
power and fulfilled His promise, Constantine embraced Christianity.
With Constantine Christianity finally triumphed over paganism. This victory was “the purest ever
won.” For it was won by witnessing and enduring, by loving and suffering, by pouring of innocent
blood. It was won by weak men and women, slaves often, opposed to the mightiest of governments
and all the social and intellectual pride and prejudice of the civilized world.

Chronological Note
305 1st of May, Diocletian (284-305) and Maximian Herculean (286-305) leave the Empire;
Galerius (292-311) and Constantius Chlorus (292-306) become Emperors; Maximinus Daia (305-313)
in the East and Severus (305-307) in the West become Caesars.
306 25th of July, death of Constantius Chlorus, father of Constantine. Constantine is elected
augustus by the soldiers.
27-28th of October, Maxentius elected augustus by the Pretorian Guard.
307 February, Severus defeated by Maxentius
31st of March, Constantine marries Fausta, sister of Licinius.
308 April, Maximian the Herculean expelled from Rome by Maxentius, his own son, Maximian the
Herculean goes to Constantine.
309 Autumn, Maximian plots against Constantine.
310 January, Maximian dies.
311 30th of April, Edict of Tolerance of Galerius, Constantine and Licinius, Augusti.
312 Autumn, War between Constantine and Maxentius
28th of Oct., Maxentius dies at the Battle of Milvian Bridge at the outskirts of Rome
Nov-Dec, Constantine in Rome
313 Jan-Feb, Meeting at Milan and so-called Edict of Milan
April, Maximinus Daia invades Licinius’ provinces
1st of May, Licinius victory over Maximinus Daia at Hadrianapolis, in Thrace
13th of June, Licinius publishes in Nicomedia the Edict of Milan
Aug-Sep, Maximinus Daia dies
314 War between Licinius and Constantine. Constantine receives Illyricum.
324 War between Constantine and Licinius. Constantine Lord over the whole Empire

The Cult of Martyrs

The etymological meaning of the word “martyr” is that of ‘witness’. The Christian martyr is the
one who gives testimony of Christ’s faith, faith in the resurrection of the Lord. The Church, however,
has reserved the word for those Christians who shed their blood for Christ. All the other Christians
who suffered persecution but did not lose their lives are known as confessors - martyrs without
blood. Martyrdom, that is the testimony given with sufferings, with blood and with death in favor of
the truth of a fact and of the divinity of a doctrine, is a unique property of Christianity. Neither
philosophy, nor paganism, not even Judaism had true martyrs. Only the Christians had sacrificed their
lives, and this en masse, to affirm the fundamental facts and doctrine of their religion, whose
witnesses and testimonies they wanted to be. “Nobody”, writes St. Justin, “believed in Socrates to
the extent of dying for the doctrine that he taught.”[9] There had never been in paganism a man
who, with his death, testified that his religion was true. This extraordinary testimony was part of the
plan of the Founder of Christianity as a proof of the Divinity of his origin and of the transcendence of
his doctrine. The Christian suffers, with total freedom, a violent death and, in this way, his voluntary
condemnation becomes a resplendent triumph of the moral freedom that Christianity brought to the
world.
For Christianity, this testimony of the martyrs has a priceless value, so great that it is impossible
to understand the deaths of so many Christians of all regions, ages, sexes, and walks of life unless we
have recourse to a supernatural help and intervention. For us, Christians, those brothers of Christ and
ours were not fanatics, were no people who despised life, but men and women like us, with the same
hope and faith of redemption whose love for Christ, their Savior and Redeemer, was so great, so
profound that they valued for nothing this temporal life if by it they were to be cut off from Christ’s
love and friendship and to lose their eternal life. They are the warriors for Christ’s kingdom, who,
when the hour of trial comes, go happy into battle, considering it a privilege to suffer for Him who
first suffered for them. No doubt then, that they from the very beginning of the Church, were held in
great respect and their memory blessed forever. The martyrs were the crown of every Church.
 At the outset their relics were placed in the Catacombs or underground cemeteries and their
tombs served as altars to celebrate the Sacred Mysteries. These relics were the objects of a pious
cult from the part of the faithful and, at the same time, they celebrated the martyr’s death as the day
of triumph, the dies natalis – the natal day of their martyrdom. A wonderful illustration of this is
found in Polycarp’s Passion:

But we taking up his bones, valued more than precious stones, more tried than gold, deposited them
in a suitable place. There also, as far as we can, we will celebrate the natal day of his martyrdom in
joy and gladness, both in commemoration of those who finished their contest before, and to prepare
those that shall finish hereafter.

The Number of Martyrs

The aim of this question is not to arrive at knowing the exact number of martyrs, something
which will always be totally impossible. Only God knows. We will attempt to arrive at an approximate
number of martyrs, putting the figure at the millions. The admirers of the Roman empire, on the
other hand, defend that only a few thousand died before Constantine. And these were condemned
because, as breakers of Roman laws, they were criminals.
We will not go into the intricate problem of finding the criteria how to judge the number of
martyrs, but only, following the latest research on the matter, give you the approximate and prudent
figure defended by Catholic scholars.
We have two ways of knowing whether a Christian was a martyr or not:
a. Direct Way, or the so-called Historico-Literary Way: a way by which from the sources and writers
of the time we have the names of those who died for Christ. Through this was we have around two to
three hundred martyrs.
b. Indirect Way or the so-called Archeological Way, which tells us the number of martyrs by the cult
they received, for the Christians built an altar round the martyr’s sepulcher. Through this way, we
know of 1,000 martyrs. But the question is this: did all the martyrs receive cult? It was quite
impossible that all the martyrs received cult for it began sometimes, especially in the Roman Church,
in the middle of the 3rd century. So, the precedent martyrs during the persecution of Nero (54-68),
Domitian (81-96), the Antonines (98-181) never received a cult. But not only this, not all the martyrs
during Diocletian’s persecution received cults, because this required a sepulcher and where are the
sepulchers of those many martyrs who died in the mines, in the sea, in the mountains, in the forests,
in exile? On the other hand, many churches were happy with one martyr or one with a group who
died with him. Except the most important churches of Rome, Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage, the
other churches of the Empire had only the cult of one martyr, although they had many more whose
cult was never celebrated, for it is ridiculous to believe that the Emperors took a great deal of pain to
have only one martyr for each Church. Later on, the bishops tried to have a catalogue of the martyrs
of all churches but the memory of many of them had disappeared.
From this we can conclude that the number of martyrs is much higher than the one thousand from
whom we have cult.
There are testimonies of many writers for almost all the persecutions. For Nero (54-68) Tacitus says:
“Ingens multitudo”.[10]
For Domitian (81-96) the Apocalypse 6.9:

…I saw under the altar the souls of those who had been slain for the word of God and for the witness
they had borne.

For Trajan (98-117): Plinius the Younger (111): “If they still persevered, I ordered them to be
persecuted” who were many because he adds:

…considering the numbers endangered, persons of all ranks and ages, and of both sexes…are
involved.[11]

For the second century the apologists Justin (ca. 100- ca. 168), Tertullian (ca. 155-228), Minucius Felix
testify of the many persecutions and the innumerable number of Christians killed by the populace.
For Septimus Severus (193-211): Clement of Alexandria (150-215) speaks of an “Infinite
multitude”[12]
St. Irenaeus (ca. 140-202): “The Church offered in all places at all times a multitude of martyrs to the
Father.”[13]
These testimonies refer only to the persecutions before the terrible ones of the 3rd century and the
impression the Christian writers give is that the number of martyrs was exceptionally high.
For Decius (249-251): St. Cyprian and Dionysius of Alexandria speak of great numbers killed for the
faith. Dionysius even speaks:

A multitude of Christians” who fled to avoid falling into the hands of the persecutors and died in the
mountains, in the deserts, killed by beasts, by robbers, etc.[14]

For Valerian (253-260) we have, again, the testimonies of St. Cyprian and Dionysius of Alexandria:

To give all the names of our people, who are so numerous and quite unknown to you, would be a
waste of time, but I must tell you that men and women, youngsters and graybeards, girls and old
women, soldiers and civilians, every race and every age, some the victims of scourges and the stake,
others of the sword, came through their ordeal triumphantly and have received their crowns.[15]

For Diocletian we have many testimonies from Eusebius. Speaking only of Nicomedia, he has this to
say:

The spectacle of what happened after this beggars descriptions: in every town great numbers were
locked up, and everywhere the gaols built long before the homicides and grave-robbers were
crowded with bishops, presbyters, and deacons, readers and exorcists, so that now there was no
room in them for those convicted of crimes.[16]

After the third edict –

It was laid down that if the prisoners offered sacrifice they should be allowed to go free, but if they
refused they should be mutilated by endless tortures.[17]

He again writes this:

Now once more, how could one count the number of martyrs in every province of the empire,
especially those in Africa and Mauritania, in the Thebais of Egypt?[18]

When he describes the persecution in the Thebais, he is even more categorical about the number:

In this way they carried on, not for a few days or weeks, but year after year. Sometime ten or more,
sometimes over twenty were put to death, at other times at least thirty, and at yet others not far
short of sixty; and there were occasions when on a single day a hundred men as well as women and
little children were killed, and condemned to a succession of ever-changing punishments.[19]

These are then, the testimonies of pagan and Christian contemporaries for every persecution. They
describe quite vividly the impressions about the persecutions, an impression that says that the
number of martyrs was indeed great. We have no reason to doubt their truthfulness. So we can
conclude that the number of martyrs was, in fact, very high. Naturally, it is quite difficult to put into
figures those “great multitudes”, “ingens multitudo”, “great numbers”, “infinite multitude”, etc…but
this way of writing makes us to believe that the number was really great.
According to the latest research the number, then, could be put at one hundred thousand. Five
thousand for the first century; ten thousand for the second; twenty to thirty thousand for the third
and fifty thousand for Diocletian’s persecution.[20]
As a conclusion we can ask ourselves this question: is this number 100,000 small or great? Without
any doubt it is a large number, because it refers to 100,000 martyrs who were killed just for their
faith, with no other crime but that of being Christian. So, it is a very great injustice.
On the other hand, to have a clear idea of the persecutions we must talk not only of the martyrs, but
also of the many other kinds of punishments: prison; confiscation, torments, difficulties, penalties of
all kinds, which the Christians had to suffer for the name of Jesus. For every martyr some twenty or
thirty other Christians suffered torments, prison, exile, confiscation, etc. All the Christians, on the
other hand, lived in a continuous danger of losing their lives for three centuries. So, in giving the
number of Christians who died as martyrs, we do not give the whole picture of the persecutions.