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Solution Manual for Intermediate Accounting Vol 1 Canadian 3rd

Edition Lo Fisher 0134145054 9780134145051


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Chapter 2
Conceptual Frameworks for Financial Reporting

K. Problems

P2-1. Suggested solution:

Three reasons for having a conceptual framework for accounting standards include
the following:
1. The framework helps to organize the numerous concepts that financial
statement preparers and users have found to be important.
2. The framework provides general guidance for standard setters when they deliberate
new standards or changes to existing standards.
3. The framework helps financial statement preparers to choose among
accounting alternatives when such alternatives exist.

P2-2. Suggested solution:

Concept Demand Supply


a. User needs
b. Measurement criteria
c. Assumptions for the preparation of financial statements
d. Objectives of financial reporting
e. Definitions of the elements of financial statements
f. Recognition criteria
g. Constraints
h. Desirable qualitative characteristics
P2-3. Suggested solution:

Qualitative
Concept characteristics Assumption Constraint
a. Understandability
b. Going concern
c. Relevance
d. Benefits vs. costs
e. Verifiability
f. Representational faithfulness
g. Comparability
h. Financial capital maintenance

Copyright © 2017 Pearson Canada Inc.


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ISM for Lo/Fisher, Intermediate Accounting, Vol. 1, ThirdChapter
Canadian
2: Conceptual
Edition Frameworks for Financial Reporting

P2-4. Suggested solution:

Representational
Concept faithfulness Recognition Measurement
a. Current cost
b. Completeness
c. Historical cost
d. Revenue recognition
e. Probable and measurable future
flows of resources
f. Neutrality
g. Present value
h. Realizable value

P2-5. Suggested solution:

An asset is:
– a resource controlled by an entity
– as a result of past events, and
– from which future economic benefits are expected to flow to the entity.

P2-6. Suggested solution:

A liability is:
– a present obligation of the entity,
– arising from past events,
– the settlement of which is expected to result in an outflow from the entity of economic
resources embodying economic benefits.

P2-7. Suggested solution:

* Equity is defined as assets net of liabilities. It is not independently defined because the
balance sheet and double-entry bookkeeping requires A = L + E.
* Income involves increases in equity (other than from capital transactions with owners).
Since equity is defined in terms of assets and liabilities, income ultimately involves
increases in assets or decreases in liabilities.
* Expenses involve decreases in equity (other than from capital transactions with owners).
Since equity is defined in terms of assets and liabilities, expenses ultimately involve
decreases in assets or increases in liabilities.

Copyright © 2017 Pearson Canada Inc.


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ISM for Lo/Fisher, Intermediate Accounting, Vol. 1, ThirdChapter
Canadian
2: Conceptual
Edition Frameworks for Financial Reporting

P2-8. Suggested solution:

Reasons for the lack of general acceptance of the current cost accounting model include:

Cost and benefits constraint: The cost to collect current cost information and to prepare current
cost financial statements outweighs the likely benefits. Developing a system to produce current
cost information for firms’ assets and liabilities on an ongoing basis is an expensive
undertaking. Auditors will also need to develop methods to independently verify the current cost
data, which also entails substantial costs.

Understandability: Current cost arguably provides better information to users for decision
making, in particular regarding the maintenance of physical capital. However, the complexity
of the calculations and even the principle of current cost are difficult to understand, such that
only the very sophisticated reader will be able to understand the financial statements. This lack
of understanding could be so significant as to render the information useless, or at least
significantly impair the benefits of having such information.

Predictive value: Virtually all prediction models involve extrapolation from past patterns.
Historical cost accounting reflects the past and is verifiable, providing a solid base for
trend analysis.

Articulation: Historical cost accounting produces internally consistent data that are
articulated among the financial statements. Current cost accounting information is not
necessarily articulated.

P2-9. Suggested solution:

a. Considering the qualitative characteristics, investments in employees should not be


recorded as assets for several reasons. First, the benefits of the training lack verifiability;
different people will come up with vastly different estimates of the value of training.
Second, the amount would lack representational faithfulness due to the incompleteness
and biasedness of the figures. The amounts are likely to be incomplete because there are
many different activities that could improve the value of employees and it is not practical
to track these activities. Due to the lack of verifiability of the value of employees, the
amounts are likely to be biased to serve management’s interests.
b. Considering the elements of financial statement and the recognition, of those elements,
there are several reasons for not recording assets for the investment in employees. First,
the employees are not under the full control of the company since they can seek
employment elsewhere, so they cannot be considered to be assets of the company.
Second, since there are outflows of resources associated with employee training, those
outflows should be reflected as expenses. Third, even if one argues that investments in
employees are assets, they cannot be recognized on the financial statements—the future
benefits associated with better trained employees may be probable, but those benefits are
not measurable with a sufficient degree of accuracy.

Copyright © 2017 Pearson Canada Inc.


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comes of age, the head-tuft is shaved with great ceremonies, the relations
being called together, priests being invited to recite prayers and wash the
head of the young man, and all the family resources being drawn upon
for the feast. The exact moment of the shaving is announced by a musket
shot. After the tuft is removed, the lad is sent to the pagodas to be taught
by the priests, and many of them never leave these quiet retreats, but
enter the ranks of the regular priesthood.
Even the women wear the hair-tuft, but in their case the hair is allowed
to grow to a greater length, and is carefully oiled and tended. The
woman’s head-tuft is said to represent the lotus flower opened. The head
is seldom covered, the cap worn by King S. Phra Mongkut being quite an
exceptional instance. As for clothing, the Siamese care but little for it,
though the great people wear the most costly robes on state occasions.
But even the highest mandarins content themselves during the warmer
months of the year with the single garment called the Pa-nung. This is a
wide strip of strong Indian chintz, generally having a pattern of stars
upon a ground of dark blue, green, red or chocolate. When worn, “the
Siamese place the middle of this, when opened, to the small of the back,
bringing the two ends round the body before, and the upper edges, being
twisted together, are tucked in between the body and the cloth. The part
hanging is folded in large plaits, passed between the legs, and tucked in
behind as before.” (See Bowring’s “Kingdom and People of Siam.”)
Sometimes the men have a white cloth hanging loosely over their
shoulders, and occasionally throw it over their heads. When walking in
the open air, a broad palm-leaf hat is used to keep off the sunbeams, and
is worn by both sexes alike.
There is very little difference in the dress of the sexes. When very
young, girls wear a light and airy costume of turmeric powder, which
gives them a rich yellow hue, and imparts its color to everything with
which they come in contact. Up to the age of ten or eleven, they
generally wear a slight gold or silver string round the waist, from the
centre of which depends a heart-shaped piece of the same metal, and,
when they reach adult years, they assume the regular woman’s dress.
This consists of the chintz or figured silk wrapper, which, however, falls
little below the knees, and a piece of lighter stuff thrown over one
shoulder and under the other. This latter article of dress is, however, of
little importance, and, even when used, it often falls off the shoulder, and
is not replaced. Even the Queen of Siam, when in state dress, wears
nothing but these two garments. As a rule, the feet are bare, embroidered
slippers being only occasionally used by great people.
The appearance of the king in his royal robes may be seen from the
portrait of a celebrated actress on the next page. In Siam, as in China, the
actors are dressed in the most magnificent style, and wear costumes
made on the pattern of those worn by royalty. To all appearance, they are
quite as splendid as the real dresses, for gilding can be made to look
quite as well as solid gold, and sham jewels can be made larger and more
gorgeous than real gems. The reader will notice that upon the fingers the
actress wears inordinately long nail-preservers, which are considered as
indicating that the nails beneath are of a proportionate length.
The actors in the king’s theatre are all his own women, of whom he
has some six or seven hundred, together with an average of five
attendants to each woman. No male is allowed to enter this department
of the palace, which is presided over by ladies chosen from the noblest
families in the land. These plays are all in dumb show, accompanied by
music, which in Siam is of a much sweeter character than is usual in that
part of the world. Besides the chief actors, at least a hundred attendants
assist in the play, all being magnificently attired. The play is continued
ad infinitum. When any of the spectators become wearied, they retire for
a while, and then return, and it is thought a compliment to the principal
guest to ask him the hour at which he would like the play to be stopped.
KING OF SIAM.
(See page 1467.)
ARMOR.
(See page 1460.)
ACTRESS.
(See page 1468.)
The veritable crown is shaped much like the mock ornaments of the
actress. The King brought for the inspection of Sir J. Bowring the crown
used at his coronation. It is very heavy, weighing about four pounds, and
is of enormous value, being covered with valuable diamonds, that which
terminates the peak being of very great size and splendor. The King also
exhibited the sword of state, with its golden scabbard covered with
jewels. When the sword is drawn, it is seen to be double, one blade being
inserted into the other, as into a second sheath. The inner blade is of
steel, and the outer of a softer metal. The handle is of wood, and, like the
sheath, is profusely adorned with jewels.
The Siamese are among the most ceremonious people, and in this
respect equal, even if they do not surpass, the Chinese and Japanese.
Their very language is a series of forms, by which persons of different
rank address each other; and, although there may be no distinction of
dress between a nobleman and a peasant, the difference of rank is
marked far more strongly than could be done by mere dress. It is an
essential point of etiquette, for example, that the person of inferior rank
should always keep his head below that of his superior.
Should a man of low degree meet a nobleman, the former will stoop at
the distance of thirty or forty yards, sink on his knees as his superior
approaches, and finally prostrate himself on his face. Should he wish to
present anything to his superior, he must do so by pushing it along the
ground, and, indeed, must carry out in appearance the formal mode of
address in which he likens himself to a worm. Just as the peasants grovel
before the nobles, so do the nobles before the king; and if either of them
has a petition to offer, he must put it in a jar, and so crawl and push it
along the ground as humbly as if he were a mere peasant. Siamese artists
are fond of depicting the various modes of approaching a superior, and
never forget to indicate the great man by two points. In the first place, he
sits erect, while the others crouch; and, in the second, he leans on his left
arm, and bends the left elbow inward. This most strange and ungraceful
attitude is a mark of high birth and breeding, the children of both sexes
being trained to reverse the elbow-joint at a very early age.
As may be expected from the progress of civilization, the Siamese
have a tolerably complete code of laws, which are administered by
regularly appointed officers. The laws are rather severe, though not much
more so than were our own a century ago. Murder, for example, is
punished with death; and in every case of murder or suicide, the houses
within a circle of eighty yards from the spot on which the crime was
committed are considered responsible, and fined heavily. This curious
law forces the people to be very cautious with regard to quarrels, and to
check them before the two antagonists become sufficiently irritated to
seek each other’s life. This respect for human life contrasts strongly with
the utter indifference with which it is regarded in China and Japan.
Nobles of very high rank are exempt from capital punishment in one
way, i. e. their blood may not be shed; but, if guilty of a capital offence,
they are put into sacks, and beaten to death with clubs made of sandal
wood. Some punishments are meant to inflict ignominy. Such, for
example, is that of a bonze, or priest, who is detected in breaking his
vow of chastity. He is taken to a public place, stripped of his sacred
yellow robe, flogged until the blood streams down his back, and then
kept in the king’s stables for the rest of his life, employed in cutting grass
for the elephants.
Another similar punishment is inflicted on laymen. A cangue is
fastened round his neck, his hands and wrists are chained, and he is taken
round the city, preceded by drums and cymbals. The worst part of the
punishment is, that he is compelled to proclaim his crime aloud as he
passes through the streets; and if he ceases to do so, or drops his voice,
he is beaten severely with the flat of a sword. Prisoners are mostly
employed on public works, and at night they are all fastened together
with one long chain.
Of the religion of the Siamese it is impossible to treat, because
Buddhism is far too wide and intricate a subject to be discussed in a few
pages. There is, however, one modification of this religion which must
be mentioned; namely, the divine honors paid to the White Elephant.
By the Siamese, these animals are thought to be the incarnations of
some future Buddha, and are accordingly viewed with the deepest
respect. The fortunate man who captures a white elephant sends the news
to the capital, and in return for the auspicious news is thenceforth freed,
with his posterity, from all taxation and liability to military service. A
road is cut through the forest, and a magnificent raft is built on the
Meinam River, for the reception of the sacred animal. When the elephant
reaches the raft, he is taken on board under a splendid canopy, and kept
in good temper by gifts of cakes and sweetmeats. Meanwhile, a noble of
the highest rank, sometimes even the First King himself, goes in a state
barge to meet the elephant, accompanied by a host of boats with flags
and music, and escorts the sacred animal to the capital, each boat trying
to attach a rope to the raft. When arrived, the animal is taken to the
palace, when he receives some lofty title, and is then led to the
magnificent house prepared for him, where, to the end of his life, he is
petted and pampered and has everything his own way, the king himself
deeming it an honor if the sacred beast will condescend to feed out of his
hand. On the head of the elephant is placed a royal crown, his tusks are
encircled with precious rings, and a royal umbrella is carried over him
when he goes to bathe.
When the animal dies, the hairs of the tail are reserved as relics of a
divine incarnation, and the body is buried with royal honors. The hairs of
the tail are set in golden handles, profusely adorned with precious stones;
and the reader may possibly remember that the First King, Somdetch
Phra Mongkut, sent one of these tufts to Queen Victoria, as a priceless
proof of the estimation in which he held her. The King also gave the
ambassador, Sir J. Bowring, a few hairs from the tail, as a gift about
equal to that of the Garter in England, and when, to the great grief of the
nation, the elephant died in 1855, the King sent Sir J. Bowring, as a
further mark of his favor, a small piece of the skin preserved in spirits of
wine.
The color of the elephant is not really white, but a sort of pale, brick-
dust red. Albino animals of all kinds are venerated by the Siamese, the
white monkey being in rank next to the white elephant. This veneration
is so marked that a talapoin—a sort of preaching fakir—who will not
condescend to salute the King himself, bows humbly if he should see
even a white cock, much more a white monkey.
The architecture of Siam deserves a brief notice. It possesses some of
the characteristics of Chinese, Japanese, and Burmese, but has an aspect
that belongs peculiarly to itself. Ordinary houses are of comparatively
small dimensions, but the temples are often of enormous size, and in
their way are exceedingly beautiful. They are full of lofty and gabled
roofs, five or six of which often rise above each other, in fantastic beauty,
so as to lead the eye upward to the central tower. This is always a sort of
spire or pinnacle, which is made of a succession of stories, and is
terminated by the slender emblem of sovereignty, namely, an ornament
that looks like a series of spread umbrellas placed over each other, and
become less and less as they approach the summit. The whole of the
tower is profusely adorned with grotesque statues in strange attitudes,
and there is scarcely a square foot which is undecorated in some way or
other.
The palaces are built on much the same model, and their gates are
often guarded by gigantic figures carved in stone. At the door of the Hall
of Audience at Bangkok are two figures made of granite. They are sixty
feet in height, and represent men with the tails of fish projecting from the
spine. In fact, they are almost exact reproductions of the Assyrian
Dagon, as it is represented on the Nineveh sculptures.
The funeral pile on (or rather in) which is burned the body of a king or
any of the royal family, is built on the same principle as the temples, and
is in fact a temple, though made of combustible materials. There is
before me a photograph of the funeral pile which was made for the body
of the First King’s son, and another of a pile erected for the purpose of
consuming the body of his wife. They are very similar in appearance,
being temples made of wood and canvas, covered with gilt paper. They
are about a hundred and twenty feet in height, and on the photograph,
where the nature of the material is not shown, look like magnificent
specimens of Siamese architecture.
The central spire, terminated with its royal emblem, rises in the centre,
and round it are clustered gables, roofs, pinnacles, and pillars, in
bewildering profusion.
The door is guarded by two gigantic statues, and the body lies in the
centre of the building, hidden by curtains. On account of the flimsiness
of the materials, to all the pinnacles are attached slight ropes, which are
fastened firmly to the ground, so that they act like the “stays” of a ship’s
mast. Inflammable as are the wood, paper, and canvas of which the
edifice is made, they are rendered still more so by being saturated with
oil, tar, and similarly combustible substances. Vast, therefore, as is the
building, a very short time suffices to consume it, and the intense heat
reduces the corpse to a mere heap of ashes, which are gathered together,
and solemnly placed in the temple dedicated to that purpose.
CHAPTER CLIX.
ANCIENT EUROPE.
THE SWISS LAKE-DWELLERS.

DISCOVERY OF THE DWELLINGS AND RELICS — MODE OF BUILDING THE HOUSES


— POPULATION OF THE LAKES — GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE RELICS.

Many of my readers may be aware of the remarkable discovery that


was made in 1853-4, showing that even in Europe there lived, at one
time, a race of men having exactly the same habits as the swamp-
dwellers of New Guinea, or the lake-dwellers of Maracaibo on the
Amazon. During the winter months of those two years, the weather in
Switzerland was very dry and very cold, so that the rivers did not receive
their usual supplies of water. Consequently, the water in the lakes fell far
below its usual level, and this disclosed the remarkable fact that in those
lakes had once been assemblages of human habitations, built upon piles
driven into the bed of the lake.
These houses, appropriately called “Pfahlbauten,” or Pile-buildings,
were, as their name implies, built upon piles; and it is a most interesting
fact, that not only have the piles been discovered, on which the houses
were built, but also fragments of the walls of those houses; many
specimens of the weapons and implements of the inhabitants, their
ornaments, and even their food, have been brought to light, after having
been buried for centuries beneath the water.
The resemblance, not to say the identity, between many articles found
under the waters of the Swiss lakes and those which are still used by
savage tribes of the Western hemisphere is absolutely startling; and not
the least remarkable point about the relics which have just been
discovered is, that several of them are identical with inventions which we
fondly deem to be modern.
The chief part of these lake-dwellings was constructed during the
Stone period, i. e. a period when axes, spear-heads, etc., were made of
stone, the use of fire being unknown. This is proved by the quantity of
stone weapons and implements which have been found in the lakes. That
various improvements have been made in the architecture is also shown
by the difference in details of construction.
From the relics that have been discovered, it is easy to see what these
lake-dwellings must have been. They were built on a scaffolding made of
piles driven into the bed of the lake, and connected with cross-beams, so
as to make the foundation for a platform. Upon this platform the huts
themselves were built. They were mostly circular, and the walls were
made of wattle, rendered weather-tight by the clay which could be
obtained in any quantity from the bed of the lake.
The reason for building these edifices is analogous to the feeling
which induces military engineers to surround their forts with moats filled
with water. In those primitive times, man waged an unequal war against
the wild animals, such as the bear, the wolf, and the boar, and in
consequence, these lacustrine habitations proved to be strongholds which
such enemies could not assault. It is natural, also, that persons thus
threatened should congregate together, and in consequence we find that
in one lake alone, that of Neufchâtel, a population of some five thousand
had congregated.
A vast number of relics of this bygone age have been recovered from
the lakes, and are of absorbing interest to the anthropologist. In the first
place, the original piles have been discovered, still standing, and several
have been drawn, in order to ascertain the depth to which they were
driven. Portions of the wattled walls of the huts have also been found,
together with great numbers of stone implements, denoting a very early
age. Great quantities of pottery have also been found, the crescent being
a favorite ornament, and several utensils of a crescentic shape having
been discovered.
Then, as time went on, men improved upon their earlier works, and
took to metal instead of stone, as examples of which may be mentioned
the wonderful series of metallic objects that have been found in the
lakes. There are axes, spears and arrow-heads, necklaces, bracelets, and
hair-pins, and—most remarkable—there is the very article that was
patented some years since as the “Safety Pin” for nurseries.
As to the food which these people ate, we have abundant evidence in
the way of bones belonging to various animals, and—strangest of all—
specimens of bread have been discovered. As may be supposed, the
bread in question was of the coarsest possible character, the grains of
corn being roasted, slightly ground, and then pressed into lumps, which
may by courtesy be termed cakes. Even fruits have been found ready cut
and prepared for consumption, the apple being the most plentiful of these
fruits. Seeds of different fruits, such as the plum, the raspberry, and the
blackberry, have been found, together with the shells of hazel and beech-
nuts, showing that all these different fruits were used for food in the
olden times now so long passed away.
CHAPTER CLX.
AFRICA—Continued.

THE MAKONDÉ.

DR. LIVINGSTONE’S LAST EXPEDITION — MAKONDÉ — JUNGLE — NATIVES


WILLING TO WORK — THEIR FOOD — NUMBER REDUCED BY SLAVE TRADE
— MODE OF SALUTATION — PERSONAL APPEARANCE — MAKONDÉ
WITHOUT A PARAMOUNT CHIEF — METAMBWÉ — MATUMORA THEIR
CHIEF — THEIR IDEA OF GOD — TATTOOING — RAIN SCARCELY KNOWN ON
THE EAST COAST — THE MAKOA, KNOWN BY HALF-MOON FIGURE — A
RAIN-MAKER — VILLAGES REMARKABLE FOR CLEANLINESS — POTTERY,
HOW MADE — SINGULAR CUSTOM.

When this work was published, the celebrated explorer, Dr. David
Livingstone, who had done so much in opening to the civilized world the
great continent of Africa, had disappeared in its interior. In the beginning
of 1866 he started from Zanzibar, on the East Coast, on that journey
which at length terminated with his life in the village of Ilala, in April,
1873. By the providential preservation of his journal we are favored with
the results of his explorations, and learn of the tribes and peoples whom
he visited, and has described with so truthful and fascinating a pen.
No inconsiderable portion of this work is derived from the travels of
Dr. Livingstone. It seems important, therefore, that his contribution to a
knowledge of the uncivilized races, made since this work was issued,
should, so far as our space will permit, be appended to it.
In March, 1866, Dr. Livingstone, having left Zanzibar, arrived in
Mikindany Bay, which is about twenty-five miles north of the Rovuma
River. Starting from Pemba, on the north side of the bay, April 4th, he
entered the country of the Makondé.
The path lay in a valley with well-wooded heights on each side; and
with the tall grass towering over the head, and now and then a jungle to
be cleared, and no air stirring, the entrance upon his seven years’
journeying was difficult and oppressive.
In passing through the jungles, though they offered no obstruction to
foot-passengers, it was necessary to heighten and widen the paths for the
tall camels. The Makondé of the village were very willing to aid
Livingstone in this work, as wood-cutters or carriers. He organized a
party of about ten jolly young men, paying each a yard of calico per day.
Being accustomed to make clearing-places for their gardens, they
worked with a will. They were perfectly satisfied with their small
compensation. Using tomahawks, climbing and young trees disappeared
before their steady and vigorous blows like clouds before the sun. This
work, however, told upon them in two or three days. The tallest men
became exhausted soonest. Not being a meat-eating people, except one is
fortunate enough to kill a wild hog or antelope, their physical strength
was not equal to any prolonged demand for hard work. They will not eat
the flesh of beasts like that of the leopard and lion, which is readily eaten
by other tribes, and the reason they give is, that these animals devour
men. Such a fact refutes the allegation that this tribe are guilty of
cannibalism.
In the open spaces were cleared gardens for maize, cassava, and
sorghum. The soil being very fertile and with no rocks, very heavy crops
of these products are obtained. The cassava bushes grow to the height of
six or seven feet. Food is very plenty and cheap. Just before
Livingstone’s visit, they had been ravaged by the Mazitu, who had
carried away many of their people as slaves. The Mehambwé, a branch
of the Makondé tribe, had also three months before been invaded, and
robbed of all their food, so that they were obliged to send in every
direction for provisions.
The Makondé have been very greatly diminished in numbers since the
slave trade was introduced, one village making war upon another,
kidnapping as many as possible to sell them to the Arab slave-dealers.
They ascribe diseases and death to witches, and when one of a village
dies, the whole population move off, saying “That is a bad spot.” They
pray to their mothers when dying or overtaken by any disaster.
Livingstone’s Somalie guide, Ben Ali, represented that they had no idea
of a deity or a future state, and believe in nothing but medicine. All the
head men of the villages pretend to be or are really doctors. Livingstone,
however, discovered some consciousness of the existence of a God. They
get large quantities of the gum-copal, which attracts the coast Arabs as
an article of commerce. The people have the belief that in the vicinity of
the kumbé, or gum-copal trees, the more ancient trees stood and must
have dropped their gum upon the ground. They therefore dig for it, and
will give as a reason for want of success at any time, “In digging, none
may be found one day, but Mulungu (God) may give it to us on the
next.”
Bhang, which is a species of hemp, is not smoked, but only tobacco.
They raise no sheep or goats, but only fowls, pigeons, and ducks. Honey
is so abundant that a gallon-pot and four fowls were given for two yards
of calico. One of their modes of salutation is to catch each others’ hands
and say, “Ai! ai!” but the more common custom is to take hold of the
right hand and say, “Marhaba” (welcome).
The Makondé are all independent of each other, and have no
paramount chief. Their physical characteristics are well-formed limbs
and body, small hands and feet, medium height, and manly bearing.
Their lips are full but not excessively thick; their foreheads are compact,
narrow, and low; the alæ nasi are expanded laterally.

THE MATAMBWÉ TRIBE.

The Matambwé, whose country extends up to Ngomano, seem to be a


branch of the Makondé, and are very numerous. Their country stretches
far to the south, and abounds with copal trees and elephants.
Matumora, the chief at Ngomano, was a tall, well-proportioned man,
with a countenance severe in expression, on account of the wrinkles on
his forehead. In character he is much superior to other chiefs. He is often
resorted to for defence against oppression. He had been assailed on all
sides by slave-hunters, but had never taken captives nor engaged in any
way in the slave trade. His customary politeness was quite remarkable
toward Livingstone and his party. He took them over the Loendi River.
Sitting on the bank of the river till all their goods were carried over, and
then going over with Livingstone in the same canoe, he opened a fish-
basket in a weir and gave Livingstone the contents, and afterward some
sorghum. And yet a short time previously he had been robbed of all his
corn in an attack of the Mazitu, and was obliged to take refuge in
Marumba, a rocky island in Rovuma. He had never seen a European
before he met Livingstone.
When Matumora was asked whether the Matambwé believed in God,
he replied that “he did not know him, and the people must not be asked if
they pray to him, because they would imagine I desired them to be
killed. When they pray they first offer a little meal.” They have great
reverence for the Deity, and they say, “We don’t know him,” in order to
avoid speaking irreverently, as that may injure the country. The name
with them is “Mulungu.” Machochera, a head man, said afterward, that
“God is not good because he kills so many people.”
The marks on their foreheads and bodies are intended as ornaments
and to give beauty in the dance; they also have a sort of heraldic
significance, for by them one can tell to what tribe or portion of a tribe a
man belongs. The tattoo or tembo of the Matambwé of Upper Makondé
is very similar to the drawings of the old Egyptians, wavy lines, such as
the ancients used to indicate water, trees, and gardens, enclosed in
squares. The tattoo has been transmitted from father to son, but the
meaning seems now to be lost. It shows very clearly in persons of light
complexion, who are quite common among these tribes.
The Matambwé file their front teeth to points, but the Machinga, a
Waiyau tribe, leave two points on the front teeth, and knock out one of
the middle incisors above and below.
It is quite remarkable that the trade in rum is almost unknown on the
East Coast of Africa, though it is so common on the West Coast. It
cannot be that the religious convictions of the Arabs have had any
influence in producing this result. The Portuguese south of Cape
Delgado are the personification of what is mercenary and mean. They
would even “sell their grandfathers as well as rum,” Livingstone sharply
says, “if they could make money by the transaction.” They have built
distilleries for making a vile liquor from the fruit of the cashew and other
fruits and grains; but the business is a failure. They will furnish their
slaves with “mata bicho,” which signifies “kill the creature” or “craving
within,” and the natives will drink it if given to them; but there is no such
passion for intoxicating drinks as to render the manufacture profitable.
The use of rum, so common in all political transactions on the West
Coast, has no counterpart with the chiefs of the East Coast.

THE MAKOA TRIBE.

One part of the Makondé, known as Makoa or Makoané, are


distinguished by a half-moon figure tattooed on the forehead or
elsewhere. Many of the men have their faces tattooed in double raised
lines about half an inch in length. Charcoal is rubbed into the incisions
and the flesh is pressed out so that the cuts are raised above the surface.
This gives them an ugly and ferocious look. The people, however, are
kindly in their feelings, and conferred favors with no apparent object of
being remunerated by calico and beads. They were in constant dread of
the invasion of the Mahiba from across the Rovuma, who steal their
women for the Ibo slave-market. It is impossible to realize the terror in
young and old inspired by these Mazitu: if they shake their shields, the
people are beside themselves and fly like frightened sheep.
A doctress or rain-maker in the village of Nyamba presented a large
basket of soroko, or “mung” as it is called in India, and a fowl. Her tall
and finely-proportioned form was profusely tattooed all over, her hips
and buttocks being elaborately marked. There was no apparent shame in
the exposure of these parts. The women as well as the men delight in the
ornamentation of the tattoo.
The villages are remarkable for their cleanliness, and the people are
intelligent, kindly, and courteous. One began to talk during a religious
service, but when Livingstone said “Kusoma Mlungu,” “We wish to pray
to God,” he immediately desisted, and all were silent and respectful.
They seem to be free from the debasing and brutal wickedness, the
selfishness and treachery, which characterize so many of the barbarous
tribes in Africa and elsewhere.
Stone-boiling is not known to these tribes, but ovens are made in ant-
hills. For baking the heads of large game, as the zebra, feet of the
elephant, and hump of the rhinoceros, they excavate holes in the ground.
Fire is produced by drilling between the hands, a custom universal
among the natives. They wet the blunt end of the upright stick with the
tongue, so that when dipped in the sand some particles of saliva will
adhere, and this is then inserted into the horizontal stick. The wood of a
wild fig-tree is generally used because igniting so readily.
Their pottery for cooking and other uses is made by the women, the
form being fashioned by the eye, no machine ever being used. The
foundation or bottom is first made, the clay being scraped by a piece of
bone or bamboo. Leaving the vessel to dry during the night, a piece is
added to the rim the next day, and according as the air is dry and
favorable several rounds may be added. The whole is then carefully
smoothed off and is ready to be thoroughly sun-dried. They usually
embellish their pots for two or three inches near the rim before they are
hardened. The ornamentation is in imitation of basket work.
The art of pottery seems to have been known to the Africans from the
earliest times, for fragments are discovered everywhere among the oldest
fossil bones of the country.
Near many of the villages may be seen a wand bent, with both ends
inserted in the ground. A quantity of medicine is buried beneath it. If
sickness occur in a village, the men go to the place, wash themselves
with the medicine and water, creep through under the wand, and then
bury the medicine, and, as they think, the evil influence too. The wand is
thought to be a protection against evil spirits, enemies, and wild beasts.
CHAPTER CLXI.
AFRICA—Continued.

THE WAIYAU.

THEIR CURIOSITY — APPEARANCE OF THE WOMEN — MATAKA’S RECEPTION OF


LIVINGSTONE — REMARKABLE DECISION OF THIS CHIEF — HIS VIEWS OF
SLAVE TRADE — THE WAIYAU WILLING AGENTS OF THE ARAB SLAVE
DEALERS — INCIDENT SHOWING THE DREADFUL WRONG OF THIS
BUSINESS — LIVINGSTONE’S RESCUE OF AKOSAKONÉ — IRON-SMELTING
POPULATION — AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE COUNTRY — WORK
HONORABLE AMONG THE WAIYAU — THEIR PERSONAL APPEARANCE.

The country occupied by this tribe is somewhat mountainous, and the


land, sloping for a mile down to the south bank of the Rovuma, teems
with an immense population. When Livingstone passed through this
district (July 1, 1866) some were cutting down trees and burning them in
order to make gardens; others were moving their grain, of which they
had stored large quantities, to new places.
The Waiyau, as a tribe, have a great deal of curiosity, staring at
strangers, and sometimes showing great rudeness. Large crowds of
people came to gaze upon Livingstone and his party, bursting into
laughter at the remarks which were made in regard to the appearance and
conduct of their visitors. They would gather round his tent to peer into it.
This rude curiosity was very annoying and could be abated by only one
method: sudden rising to the feet would produce a stampede of the
women and children.
In person, the women are strong and well-built, having large limbs.
The fashion in ornament is blue and black beads, with arm-coils of brass
wire. These people strive to copy the Arabs as nearly as possible in dress
and chewing tobacco with “nora” lime instead of betel-nuts. The gaudy
prints were, however, sought by some, though the tribes in the interior
are desirous of strength rather than show in the fabrics they buy.
The town of Mataka, one of the petty Waiyau chiefs, is situated in an
elevated valley about twenty-seven hundred feet above the sea, and is
surrounded with mountains. It consisted of about a thousand houses
when Livingstone was there. There were many other villages near.
Mataka kept Livingstone waiting in the veranda of his house, and at
length made his appearance, smiling good-naturedly. About sixty years
of age, he was dressed as an Arab. He seemed to possess considerable
humor, for his people would often greet his remarks with laughter. His
courtesy was shown by giving Livingstone a large square house to live in
and sending him generous donations of food, as porridge, meat, and
milk.
A number of his men had gone without his knowledge to Nyassa, and
in a foray stolen both cattle and people; but when they returned with
their spoil, Mataka peremptorily ordered all to be sent back. When he
went up to see Livingstone soon after, he told of what he had done.
Livingstone replied that it was “the best piece of news he had heard in
the country.” Delighted with this testimony, he turned to his people, and
asked if they heard what was said by the white stranger among them. He
then repeated Livingstone’s remark, and added, “You silly fellows think
me wrong to restore the captives, but all wise men approve of it.” He
then reproached them most severely for their disgraceful conduct.
Livingstone gave Mataka a trinket as a remembrancer of his honorable
conduct toward the Nyassa. He replied that he would always act in a
similar manner. His conduct is surely deserving the highest
commendation because it was spontaneous and contrary to the custom of
other chiefs and the prevailing spirit of the people. One day he asked
Livingstone what he ought to take to secure some gold if he should go to
Bombay. The reply was, “Ivory.” He rejoined, “Would not slaves be a
good speculation?” The answer was, “If you take slaves there for sale,
they will put you in prison.” The idea of his being “in durance vile” was
not quite compatible with his consciousness of personal dignity and
superiority; and as his countenance fell, the laugh of his people, who
heard what was said, was turned against him. It was a new thing for these
almost defenceless people, familiar, as they were, with the scenes of
pillage and barbarity, to hear these protests against stealing and selling
others into slavery. Ready as they were to regard Mataka’s sayings as
witty and to reward them with their approval, it was no small satisfaction
to them to have him impaled on Livingstone’s sharp rejoinder. They
probably had but a vague idea of the guilt of the traffic, but the suffering
and loss of life they had witnessed, and all of which might perhaps
become their own bitter experience any day, made the matter one of
personal safety, and this was an idea they could fully comprehend.
Mataka, though now in his later years desiring quiet, had been actively
engaged in slave wars. The Waiyau generally are the most ready
coadjutors of the slave traders in their nefarious business. The Arab
merchants arriving at a Waiyau village show the goods they have brought
to the elders, who tell them to tarry there and enjoy themselves.
This means that slaves enough will soon be procured to pay for the
merchandise. A raid against the Manganja, a peaceable, unwarlike tribe,
who have few guns, is undertaken. The Waiyau, being provided with
guns by the Arabs, easily accomplish their purpose, and the caravan is
re-enforced with captive men and women for the slave market.
Nor are Mataka’s people always the assailants. Makanjela, another
Waiyau chief, about a third of the way from Mtendé’s to Mataka, unable
to reach the Manganja, will kidnap from Mataka if any of his tribe are
found outside of their own district. He has forfeited the friendship of all
his neighbors by his plundering from them and selling their people. All
who for any reason cross their borders are seized and sold, and so bitter
feuds are engendered and perpetuated by frequent forays.
The following incident gives a glimpse of the wide-spread and
dreadful curse of the African tribes, viz., the slave trade; it also illustrates
the conduct of Livingstone and his uniform protest against the traffic
wherever he went. Though we shall treat this subject more fully in
another chapter, yet the circumstance referred to may properly find a
place here.
One morning, as Livingstone relates the story, when he and his party
were proceeding on their way, they were loudly accosted by a well-
dressed woman, upon whose neck a heavy, slave-taming stick had just
been fastened. Her manner was so dignified and earnest in telling of the
cruel wrong inflicted upon her that all stopped to listen to her case. She
was a near relative of Chirikaloma, and was on her way up the river to
meet her husband, when the old man, in whose house she was a prisoner,
had seized her, taken her servant away, and reduced her to the helpless
and degraded condition in which she was first seen by Livingstone. Her
captor said in defence of his conduct that she was running away from
Chirikaloma, and he would be displeased if she was not secured for him.
The presence of several slave-traders near by led Livingstone to the
conviction that she was seized that she might be sold to them. He
accordingly gave the old man a piece of cloth, to propitiate Chirikaloma
if he should be offended, and told him to say that Livingstone was
ashamed to see one of his relatives in a slave-stick, and would take her to
her husband. He also explained to the head men in the village what he
had done and sent messengers to Chirikaloma so that he might not
misunderstand the proceeding.
The appearance of the woman and her numerous beads gave evidence
of her being a lady among her tribe. Her high spirit was also seen when,
after she was liberated, she went into the house of her captor to get her
basket and calabash, in spite of the resistance of the virago wife of the
old man. But the sympathy of all was with her, and she came off
victorious. During the whole journey Akosakoné (this was her name)
acted like a lady, being modest in all her conduct, and sleeping at a fire
apart from the men. In every village she enlisted the sympathy of the
people by relating the gross insult that had been put upon her. She was
also of great service to Livingstone, and abundantly repaid him for the
interposition in her behalf. Being of fine address, she could buy twice as
much food as any of the men with the same quantity of cloth. If any
injustice was attempted against Livingstone or his men, she would plead
in their behalf, and when carriers were needed she volunteered to carry a
bag of beads on her head. Her husband was brother of Chimseia, a chief
to whom she introduced Livingstone, and induced him to be generous
toward the travellers on account of the great service rendered to her.
When she and Livingstone parted, her expressions of gratitude were
profuse, and it was evident that the kindness done in rescuing her from
the doom of slavery was neither undervalued nor undeserved.
To the northeast of Moembe, Livingstone found an extensive tract of
valuable land, which retained numerous evidences of having once
supported a very large iron-smelting and agricultural population. The
clay pipes that are put in the nozzles of their bellows are found
everywhere. So, too, the ridges on which were planted beans, cassava,
maize, and sorghum are visible still, and evince the industrious habits of
the people. Pieces of broken pottery, with their rims embellished by rude
designs in imitation of basket-work, show the handiwork of the women.
The cattle of this region are a small breed, with various colors, and
their milk is greatly valued by the Waiyau. The sheep are generally black
in color but large in size. This tribe have no other useful domestic
animals, except fowls and pigeons, unless the miserable village curs to
be found everywhere be included in this category. The fertility of the soil
is manifested by the great size of its products. The sweet potatoes
become very large, and so abundant were they that Livingstone bought
two loads of them for three cubits and two needles. The maize grows to a
remarkable size, one cob bearing sixteen hundred seeds. The character of
the soil, the coolness of the climate, the abundance of water, and the
means of building square houses, combine to render this region one of
the most delightful for residence. It is an elevated and attractive country,
about thirty-four hundred feet above the level of the sea.
South of Lake Nyassa Livingstone visited another chief, Mukaté. He
and Mponda and Kabinga were the only chiefs of the Waiyau then
engaged in the slave trade, making periodical raids upon the Manganja
and the Maravi. Mukaté’s village is about eight hundred feet above the
lake. The heights, so far as the eye could see, were covered with villages,
and the population, though very large, seemed to revel in plenty.
Mukaté’s house and those of the other Waiyau chiefs were square
buildings, both substantial and convenient. He and all his people wear
the beard trained upon the chin, after the Arab style.
Livingstone had long discussions with this chief about the slave trade.
The barbarities and horrors of the business, so visible to all in the skulls
scattered along the way, the desolate villages, the sufferings of those who
perish in the journey to the coast, the murders committed,—all these
frightful evils Mukaté tried to dismiss with a laugh, as if they were of
little consequence; but his conscience was not altogether dead, and his
people, many of them, were anxious that he should abandon his raids in
the interest of the Kilwa slave dealers.
The religious notions of this people are very crude. The traditions they
have are that they came from the west originally, and that their
forefathers taught them to make nets and kill fish. No moral instruction
seems to have been transmitted, and they have no idea of a teacher above
them. With no book, and never having heard of such a thing till
Livingstone’s visit, with no carvings or writing on the rocks, they are
sunk in mental darkness, though surrounded by such abundance of the
earth’s riches. Their ancestors had never taught them anything of their
condition after death, though they had heard it said of those who died
that “God took them.”
The differences between the Waiyau and the Manganja, of whom there
is an account in a preceding part of this work, are very marked. The
exactions and superciliousness of the Waiyau indicate that they regard
themselves the dominant race. Though they are continually making raids
upon their neighbors, for the sake of the slave trade, yet they are inferior
to them in many respects.
The Waiyau have round, apple-shaped heads, understand the use of
fire-arms, and with dash and courage easily overpower the Manganja,
who use only bows and arrows, and are a more peaceable, as they are a
more intelligent and ingenious race. Fond of roving, scattered and broken
by their slave wars and internal feuds, they make little if any progress in
the matters of husbandry, but by their greater bravery and restless spirit,
they are successful in their plundering forays among their neighbors,
who are made tributary to their selfish schemes in stocking the slave
markets on the coast.
Among the tribes of the Waiyau, especially Mpondas and Kabingas,
agricultural labor is esteemed; all cultivate the ground, from the chief
down. Mponda was in his garden at work when Livingstone reached his
village. With this example before the people there is no disgrace attached
to such work. Vast stores of grain are raised by these tribes, though they
are given to roving and marauding. Notwithstanding they plundered the
Manganja of their large breed of humped cattle, yet they do not milk
them, and accordingly the number dwindled from the thousands of
former times to a few hundreds. The idea of drinking milk, with these
tribes, is one to excite disgust. A boy will undergo chastisement rather
than milk a goat.
Their method of making salt is to lixiviate the soil that is impregnated
with it and boil the water that filters through a tuft of grass placed in a
hole in the bottom of a pot till all is evaporated. A residuum of salt is
left. Hundreds of people may be seen at times engaged in the
manufacture of this needful article.
The Waiyau, though not a handsome race, have not the prognathous
appearance of those on the West Coast. Their foreheads are compact, but
not receding; their lips are full, and with the women an additional
thickness is given by a small lip-ring. This would not alone so much
disfigure their faces, but they file their teeth to points, which gives a
hideous look. They are strong and equal to the work which belongs to
them. The men are large, sturdy fellows, capable of great endurance. A
rite obtains among them similar to that which distinguished the Jews.
This is performed at the age of puberty, and the young man then takes a
new name. This custom dates back to a period previous to the coming of
the Arabs, and its origin is accordingly unknown.
CHAPTER CLXII.
AFRICA—Continued.

THE BABISA AND BABEMBA.

APPEARANCE OF THE BABISA — MODE OF SALUTATION — COWARDICE AND


FALSEHOOD — THE RAIN DANCE — THEIR IMPLEMENTS — THEIR FOOD —
THEIR SUSPICION — SLAVE TRADE — DEGRADED CONDITION — LOCALITY
OF THE BABEMBA — ROMANTIC SCENERY — LAWSUIT BEFORE THE CHIEF
— NSAMA’S TERRITORY — A BRAVE AND SUCCESSFUL WARRIOR — HIS
BREACH OF PUBLIC LAW — HIS PUNISHMENT BY THE ARABS — PEACE-
MAKING — MARRIAGE OF HIS DAUGHTER — BRIEF HONEYMOON —
CASEMBÉ’S TOWN — LIVINGSTONE’S RECEPTION — APPEARANCE OF
CASEMBÉ — HIS BARBAROUS PUNISHMENTS — UNDERGROUND HOUSES IN
RUA — SINGULAR SUPERSTITIONS — CASEMBÉ’S JUST DECISION — THE
UNFAITHFUL WIFE SOLD AS A SLAVE — HATRED OF THE SLAVE TRADER —
BELIEF IN A LIFE AFTER DEATH — APPEARANCE OF THE BABEMBA — THE
TYPICAL NEGRO.

The territory occupied by The Babisa is the district northwest of Lake


Nyassa, lying between the parallels 10° and 12° south latitude.
Moanzabamba was the founder of this tribe. The singular plaits of hair
which are worn as a head-dress, and look like large ears, was the curious
style originating with this chief.
This tribe resembles in many respects the Bushmen or Hottentots.
Their roving habits indicate Bushman blood. They have round, bullet-
shaped heads, short, pug noses, and an upward slant of the eyes. The
mode of salutation among the men is to lie down upon the back, and
while clapping the hands make a disagreeable, half-kissing sound with
the lips.
They are destitute of courage, yet possess considerable craft and prefer
to tell falsehoods rather than the truth. They seem to be more inclined to
answer questions by misstatements than to give correct replies.
Their want of valor subjects them to frequent invasions of the Mazitu.
In order to escape starvation in consequence of the plundering raids of
their enemies, they cultivate small patches, some ten yards in diameter,
at wide intervals in the forest. They plant millet and pumpkins, as it is
difficult for the Mazitu to carry off these. The Babisa dismantle their huts
and take the thatch to their gardens, where they live till the harvest is
over. This exposure of the framework to the rains and sun helps to
destroy the vermin that may always be found in the dwellings of this
tribe. When the party is a strong one they build their sheds so as to form
a circle and have but one opening. The ridgepole, or rather a series of
ridgepoles, constitutes one long shed with no partitions in the roof-
shaped hut. The women have a dance called the rain-dance in which their
faces are smeared with meal, and they carry axes and endeavor to imitate
the male voice in their singing.
Their implements of husbandry are exceedingly rude. The hoe they
use is made of wood in a kind of V shape, or it is a branch with another
springing out of it, about an inch in diameter at the sharp point. With this
they claw the soil after the seed has been scattered. Their food consists
principally of wild fruits, leaves, roots, and mushrooms. Of the latter
they choose some five or six kinds and reject the others. One species
grows to some six inches in diameter, is pure white with a blush of
brown in the centre, and is very palatable when roasted. The natives
readily distinguish the good from the poisonous. One trait very
prominent in the character of the Babisa is their distrust. Full of
suspicion they demand payment in advance for what they sell. Their
distrust of all others develops into dishonesty in themselves; to use
Livingstone’s words, “They give nothing to each other for nothing.” If
this enlargement of mind be produced by commerce, commend me to the
untrading African. Like the Makoa, this tribe possess a very dull sense of
delicacy and politeness. Some tribes, like the Babemba, will retire when
food is presented to any one.
They are engaged in the slave trade, and its effects are seen in the
depopulation of their country, their neglect of husbandry, on account of
the raids they fear, and their consequent poverty and almost starvation.
Famine and famine prices everywhere obtain, and the people do not see
that their own roving and slaving habits are the cause of their being so
degraded and reduced to the condition of dependents of the Babemba.
They are, as Livingstone briefly says, “a miserable, lying lot of serfs.”

THE BABEMBA TRIBE.

L , Lobemba, Ulungu, and Itawa-Lunda are the names by which


the portions of an elevated region between the parallels 11° and 8° S. and
meridian 28° 53° Lon. E. are known. The altitude of this section of
country is from four thousand to six thousand feet above the level of the
sea. It is the water-shed between the Loangwa, a tributary of the river
Zambesi, and several rivers which flow toward the north. It abounds in
forest lands and is watered by numerous rivulets. The soil is remarkably
fertile, yielding abundantly wherever cultivated. Lake Liemba, which
lies in this basin, is, however, twenty-five hundred feet above the level of
the sea. The land around this lake is very steep, the rocks in many
instances running from a height of two thousand feet down to the surface
of the lake. The tops, sides, and bottom of these cliffs are covered with
wood and grass.
The scenery of this region is romantic and very beautiful. The Acasy, a
stream about fifty feet wide, comes down the cliffs, forming cascades by
leaping three hundred feet at a time, exciting the admiration and wonder
of the traveller. Buffalos, elephants, and antelopes are found in great
abundance on these slopes, and in the waters of the lake crocodiles,
hippopotami, and fish of various kinds.
The lake is from fifteen to twenty miles broad and from forty to fifty
long, sending out an arm some two miles wide toward Tanganyika, of
which it may be only a branch. Groves of palm-oil and other trees may
be found on the banks of the lake. These palm-trees are large and fruitful.
Livingstone saw a cluster from one carried past the door of his hut that
required two men to bear it. Though there are villages around this lake
yet most of the natives live on two islands, where they raise goats,
cultivate the soil, and catch fish.
Livingstone had an opportunity to hear a case tried in Lobemba,
before the chief. An old man talked an hour, the chief all the while
listening and maintaining a grave and dignified deportment. When the
trial was finished he gave his decision in about five minutes. Thereupon
the successful party went away lullilooing. The custom with the
attorneys in such cases is to turn the back upon the chief or judge, then
lie down upon the ground, clapping the hands. Saluting him in this way
they then are prepared to make their appeal or argument.
The chief Nsama, a very old man when Livingstone saw him, had a
good head and face and an enormous abdomen. He was so large and
helpless his people had to carry him. Women were constantly in
attendance pouring pombé into him.
This tribe is very much more warlike than any of those south of them.
They dig deep ditches around their villages and stockade them also.
Their politeness is manifested in their retiring when food is presented to
any one.
Nsama’s territory is called Itawa, and is generally cleared of trees for
cultivation, lying about three thousand feet above the sea. The river
Chiséra, a mile and a half broad, gives off its water to the Kalongosi, a
feeder of Lake Moero. This is about twelve miles broad, having on the
east and west sides lofty, tree-covered mountains. The western range is
part of the country Rua Moero. What is of most interest about this lake is
that it forms one of a chain of lakes linked by a river some five hundred
miles in length. First, the Chambeze rises in the country of Mambwé,
northeast of Molembé. Flowing southwest and west, till it reaches
latitude 11° S. and longitude 29° E., it forms Lake Bemba or Bangueolo;
emerging thence it takes the name Luapala and flows down to fall into
Moero. Going out of this lake, it is known by the name of Lualaba, as it
flows northwest to form another lake named Urengué or Ulengé. No
positive information could be ascertained as to whether it enters
Tanganyika or a lake beyond that.
Nsama had been a brave and successful warrior, and was regarded as
invincible, but his power had waned and he was defeated by a party of
twenty Arabs with guns. Some of them got within the stockade, and
though Nsama’s men were very numerous they were overcome and soon
fled carrying the bloated carcass of their chief.
The defeat of Nsama caused a great panic among the various tribes of
the region. He had been the ablest and most successful warrior at the
head of a brave and warlike people. That this “Napoleon,” before whom
none could stand, should be conquered, created a surprise and a
revolution in the minds of the people, and the superiority of guns over
bows and arrows had to be acknowledged by those little inclined to
admit the fact. But as the people have considerable intelligence they
cannot resist the logic of events. It seems that Nsama had given great
offence by some outrage upon the Arab traders, and was charged with
“having broken public law by attacking people who brought merchandise
into the country.” But though it was difficult to ascertain whether the
Arabs were the aggressors or Nsama, the feud raged till the former had
punished him by an ignominious defeat, routing a large number, besides
killing some fifty, with the loss of about the same number by the Arab
assailants. The consequences of the quarrel were most disastrous. His
son was captured, and his country, which was but lately so densely
peopled, seemed as if deserted, the inhabitants having scattered in
various directions to escape the plunder of their goods and the stealing of
their wives and children for the slave-market.
The peacemaking between these hostile parties absorbed three and a
half months, thus delaying Livingstone, as it was not thought safe for
him to enter Nsama’s territory till a reconciliation was effected. A
custom of drinking each other’s blood is one of the formalities of making
peace. But this did not altogether avail.
At length, as a final method of settling the difficulty, Nsama promised
his daughter as wife to Hamees. So one afternoon, she who was to be a
reconciler of the hostile parties came riding pick-a-back on a man’s
shoulders. Livingstone describes her as “a nice, modest, good-looking
young woman, her hair rubbed all over with nkola, a red pigment made
from the cam-wood and much used as an ornament. She was
accompanied by about a dozen young and old female attendants, each
carrying a small basket with some provisions, as cassava, ground-nuts,
etc. The Arabs were all dressed in their finery, and the slaves, in fantastic
dresses, flourished swords, fired guns, and yelled. When she was brought
to Hamees’ hut she descended and with her maids went into the hut. She
and her attendants had all small, neat features. I had been sitting with
Hamees, and now rose up and went away. As I passed him he spoke thus
to himself, ‘Hamees Wadim Tagh! see to what you have brought
yourself.’” But the condition he so much deprecated was not of long
duration. The next day he set off with his new wife to make a visit upon
his father-in-law, and was soon met by two messengers informing him
that he must delay his visit. Yet when he went, Nsama would not admit
him into the stockade unless he would lay aside gun and sword. But
these conditions Hamees would not submit to. Soliciting guides from
Nsama, yet he was annoyed by the chief’s delay and vacillation,
although he had promised them. At length having secured them and
making preparations for their journey, Hamees’ wife, supposing an
attack upon her father was contemplated, decamped with the guides by
night, forsaking her new Arab husband after a honeymoon of only a
week, and without ceremony, relieving him of the humiliating attitude of
marrying a negro wife for the sake of peace.
Not far from the lower part of Moero, and near the north end of the
lakelet Mofwé is Casembé’s town. This covers about a mile square of
cassava plantations. Some of the huts have square enclosures of reeds,
but the whole resembles a rural village more than a town. The
population, judged from the huts scattered irregularly over the space, was
about a thousand. The court or palace of Casembé was an enclosure
about two hundred yards by three hundred long; within this hedge of
high reeds was the large hut of the chief and smaller huts for his

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