Journalism Studies

ISSN: 1461-670X (Print) 1469-9699 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjos20

The Impact of Technology on Journalism

John Pavlik

To cite this article: John Pavlik (2000) The Impact of Technology on Journalism, Journalism
Studies, 1:2, 229-237, DOI: 10.1080/14616700050028226

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Journalism Studies, Volume 1, Number 2, 2000, pp. 229–237

The Impact of Technology on Journalism

JOHN PAVLIK
University of Minnesota, USA

ABSTRACT This article proposes that changing technology in uences journalism in at least four
broad areas: (1) how journalists do their work; (2) the content of news; (3) the structure or
organization of the newsroom; and (4) the relationships between or among news organizations,
journalists and their many publics. Although new media such as the Internet, World Wide Web
and digital video are perhaps the most visible examples of technologies that are transforming
journalism, the history of journalism is in many ways deŽ ned by technological change. The article
concludes with a proposed research agenda for the study of journalism and technological
change.

KEY WORDS: Digital, Internet, Journalism, Online, Technology

Journalism has always been shaped by
technology. Since Julius Caesar or-
dered the Acta Diurna in AD 59, dis-
tributing information about the
important events of the day has been
enabled, if not often driven, by techno-
logical advances. Gutenberg’s printing
press not only made possible the print-
ing of the Bible and other religious
texts; it also laid the foundation for
mass literacy and the invention of the
newspaper. Alexander Graham Bell’s
invention of the telephone not only
made possible widespread telecommu-
nications; it also transformed how jour-
nalists gather and report the news,
frequently conducting interviews by
telephone, and sometimes distributing
news via the telephone. In fact, there
were trials of newspaper delivery by
telephone in the early 1900s, trans-
formed later in the 1970s into the
widely popular audiotex services of-
fered by more than 1000 daily newspa-
pers in the United States.
This article proposes that technologi-
cal change in uences journalism in at
ISSN 1461-670X Print/ISSN 1469-9699 Online/00/020229-09 Ó
least four ways. Technological change
affects: (1) the way journalists do their
job; (2) the nature of news content; (3)
the structure and organization of the
newsroom and the news industry; and
(4) the nature of the relationships be-
tween and among news organizations,
journalists and their many publics, in-
cluding audiences, competitors, news
sources, sponsors and those who seek
to regulate or control the press.
The Way Journalists Do Their
Job
Technology has, for better or worse,
exerted a fundamental in uence on
how journalists do their jobs. Although
the best reporting is, and always has
been, so-called “shoe-leather” report-
ing, or news-gathering when the
journalist is on the scene, more and
more journalists spend increasingly
less of their time out in the Ž eld observ-
ing directly the events and processes
on which they report. Since the intro-
2000 Taylor & Francis Ltd
230 JOHN PAVLIK

duction of the telephone to the news- sources in their work. Here are some of
room in the early 1900s, journalists the most notable survey Ž ndings:
have used telecommunications tech-
· Almost all journalists now use online
nology to gather news. Many, if not
tools for researching and reporting.
most, interviews are conducted via the
Fully 93 per cent of respondents say
telephone. Some might ask what is
they or their staffs use online ser-
wrong with that? Perhaps, sometimes,
vices in some way at least occasion-
nothing; but it is not always possible via
ally. Almost half the respondents say
the telephone to be sure of the non-
they or their staff go online every day
verbal communication that accompa-
(more than half for newspapers).
nies a verbal answer. Moreover, it is
Only 2 per cent say they or their
not always possible to be sure you are
staffs absolutely never use online
really speaking to the person you think
technology.
you are speaking to.
· When reporting a breaking story after
With the development of the Internet
hours journalists try to reach the
the problem can be even worse, with
source Ž rst almost every time, but
journalists sometimes even conducting
indicate that they turn to company
interviews via e-mail. Conversely, the
websites second for information.
Internet can also help to improve the
During non-business hours, or when
quality of news-gathering, especially
live sources are not available, web-
when on deadline or in after-hours situ-
sites are playing a signiŽ cant role in
ations. With increasing amounts of
delivering information to media.
public records and corporate infor-
· Many journalists are going online to
mation published in complete form on-
obtain story ideas. Amazingly, list-
line (e.g. the Federal Elections
servs, e-mail, the Web and Usenet
Commission now publishes on its web
newsgroups together were named by
site, www.fec.gov, in real time the data
9 per cent of respondents as their
it collects on campaign contributions,
primary source of story ideas—
making it both a highly reliable and
together, about the same as
timely source for journalists covering
newswires; but live sources remain
political campaigns), reporters can now
far and away journalists’ biggest
effectively use online tools to gather
sources of story ideas.
news and information, check facts and
· Most respondents indicate that they
even Ž nd sources off the Web, from
are using the Web for gathering im-
list-serves and chat rooms. Similarly,
ages and other materials that had to
the US Department of the Census
be carried physically to the news-
(www.census.gov) plans to make all of
room just a few years ago.
its raw census data available on its
· More than half of all respondents can
website not only for journalists but for
now access the Internet from work,
all citizens to sort, sift and otherwise
compared to a little more than a third
analyze.
of the entire sample in 1995. Only 9
Research by public relations pro-
per cent of the respondents said they
fessional Dan Middleberg and journal-
had no individual Internet access.
ism professor Steve Ross provides a
revealing look at how journalists use The editorial and production pro-
the Internet. The authors’ four-survey cesses of journalism are also greatly
trend report, Media in Cyberspace, is in uenced and shaped by technologi-
based on more than 2500 responses cal change. In the analog world, the
and shows that journalists increasingly limits of technology often made it im-
use the Internet and other online re- possible to work close to deadline with-
IMPACT OF TECHNOLOGY ON JOURNALISM
out risking a complete breakdown in
the reporting process. Today, digital
online tools make it increasingly poss-
ible to work right up to deadline, es-
pecially signiŽ cant in opening up
possibilities for on-deadline operations
in video journalism.
Moreover, in the analog world, the
rules imposed by the broadcasting
unions greatly constrained the pro-
duction of television news. Each indi-
vidual function, such as changing a
tape or making an edit, was performed
by a union member under strict rules.
None of these rules apply in the digital
age. In the digital newsroom any
journalist can perform any editorial or
production operation on the video.
Thus, any reporter can produce video,
editing in the Ž eld and/or on deadline.
Of course, this might have signiŽ cant
negative implications for television
news, as individual reporters come un-
der increasing pressure to act as one-
person news and production crews. It
is perhaps some consolation that the
tools are increasingly easy to use, and
will soon be as easy to use as is a word
processor for editing text.
At KGO-TV, the San Francisco ABC
afŽ liate, the digital newsroom is com-
plete, at a cost of roughly $ 22 million.
According to Jim Topping, the ABC
owned TV station’s senior vice presi-
dent who oversaw the implementation
of the digital system (he is also former
general manager of the station), the
transition to digital is both a threat and
an opportunity. The opportunity is es-
pecially great for stations in major mar-
kets with the staff size and experience
and other resources to implement a
digital system fully and successfully.
The danger is greatest in smaller mar-
kets, Topping says (in comments at the
annual meeting of the Association for
Education in Journalism and Mass
Communication, August 4, 1999, New
Orleans), where inexperienced re-
porters will be asked to serve as one-
231
person crews, sometimes on major
stories that occur in relatively remote,
small markets.
The Nature of News Content
Technology also has exerted a pro-
found in uence on the content of news.
Writing and language are, in fact, tech-
nologies and as such reporters have
always depended on them for the re-
porting or storytelling of journalism.
History is replete with examples of how
more recent technologies also have
shaped the content of what we call
news. Adam Clayton Powell III, now
vice president of technology for the
Freedom Forum and a veteran of the
television and radio newsroom (with
many years as a producer for CBS
News and vice president of news and
information for National Public Radio)
conducted a study for the Freedom Fo-
rum Media Studies Center that showed
how the introduction of video in the
1970s transformed the storytelling of
network news once produced on Ž lm
(Powell, 1993). Powell’s study showed
that prior to the use of video, television
news reports featured longer shots,
fewer edits and more slowly paced nar-
rative. The introduction of video ex-
erted a powerful in uence on network
news. Edits became faster-paced,
shots were shortened and the narrative
became much faster-paced. As former
CBS News veteran Bud Benjamin once
quipped, it became “NTV”, or news
MTV-style.
In today’s digital, online world, con-
tent is once again undergoing a pro-
found transformation, largely enabled,
if not driven, by technological change.
No one can dispute the increased
speed of news  ow. Stories break at
the speed of light, circling the globe
instantly via the Internet. Reports on
online Ž nancial news sites, such
as www.thestreet.com, can in uence
232
market performance in seconds, as day
traders react to the instant reporting of
company performance reports, pro-
nouncements from Federal Chairman
Alan Greenspan or even rumors on
Internet chat-rooms and bulletin
boards. All this has given new-millen-
nium meaning to the old observation of
journalist A. J. Liebling, “I can write
better than anyone who can write
faster, and faster than anyone who can
write better.”
There is no debating the ascendancy
of high-speed news. The question is
whether it is better journalism. Partly, it
depends how it is regarded. Consider
the case of the Columbine, CO shoot-
ing in the United States in the spring of
1999. Would you rather have waited to
Ž nd out about the shooting until the
next day when your local newspaper
would have reported about it in the
morning paper, having had 8 or more
hours to check the facts, or would you
rather have learned about the shooting
moments after it occurred as it was
reported via the Web, with little time for
fact-checking and a fairly high likeli-
hood of some errors?
Although no one has a deŽ nitive an-
swer to this question, the 1999 Middle-
berg/Ross survey also provides useful
data on online content trends for news-
papers online. The data show the fol-
lowing.
· The trend for online scoops contin-
ues. This year almost one-third of
publications’ websites allow the Web
to scoop their print product, at least
sometimes.
· The growth of online publishing is
simply tremendous. More than half of
responding journalists indicate they
use the Web to distribute news. Fifty-
Ž ve per cent say that their publi-
cation, or portions of it, is already
online! That is double the 25 per cent
reported 2 years ago. Only 9 per
cent of respondents this year said
JOHN PAVLIK
their publication had no plans to go
online at all.
· Original content being published on-
line has seen signiŽ cant growth. Last
year only 7 per cent of newspapers
with websites said half or more of the
site’s content was original, not also
appearing in their print versions. This
year almost 20 per cent of newspa-
pers with websites said original con-
tent was at least half. For
magazines, 48 per cent said their
websites are at least half original, up
from 17 per cent last year.
· Over 40 per cent of editors or their
staffs write copy that ends up on
their own publications’ websites.
Digital technology is also transform-
ing the nature of storytelling and the
presentation of news online. The once-
basic inverted pyramid news-writing
style is becoming obsolete in the online
news world. It is being supplanted in-
creasingly by immersive and interactive
multimedia news reports that can give
readers/viewers a feeling of presence
at news events like never before. Con-
sider the case of the collaboration be-
tween online crime news service
apbonline and the Center for New Me-
dia at Columbia University’s Graduate
School of Journalism in the United
States. In 1999, West African immi-
grant Amadou Diallo was gunned down
by four plain-clothes police ofŽ cers in
the middle of the night as Diallo
stepped through the vestibule of his
apartment building in the Bronx, New
York. The four ofŽ cers Ž red 41 shots at
the unarmed Diallo as he reached for
his wallet to presumably present
identiŽ cation to the ofŽ cers. The apbon-
line/Columbia collaborative news
team, featuring Columbia graduate stu-
dents from journalism and a number
of other Ž elds, used a 360-degree
video camera to record the site of the
shooting. Posting the omnidirectional
video on the apbonline web site
IMPACT OF TECHNOLOGY ON JOURNALISM
(www.apbonline.com), the collaborative
team report enables visitors to explore
the vestibule on their own, panning,
tilting or zooming anywhere inside the
vestibule, examining the physical
space and artifacts left from the shoot-
ing, including bullet-holes, messages
written by police and other visitors to
the site, and the doorway and mailbox
inside the vestibule. Members of the
audience can use this 360-degree view
to examine the crime scene on their
own, potentially extracting additional
details overlooked by the reporter or
even the police. In this fashion, the
visitors to the site develop and discover
their own story, in marked contrast to
the traditions of news reporting based
on linear narration.
Is it better journalism? I do not know;
but it is engaging and in some way
perhaps comes closer to the truth by
removing one level of Ž ltering.
The Structure and Organization
of the Newsroom and the News
Industry
Technology is also exerting a strong
in uence on both the structure of the
newsroom and of the news industry.
On one level, this in uence is immedi-
ately obvious. The rise of the Internet
and the World Wide Web as media of
mass communication has made poss-
ible the publication of some 5000 news
sites maintained by classic news orga-
nizations, including newspapers, news
magazines and broadcast/cable news
providers (www.ajr.com). These sites
provide global access to news from all
parts of the world. Suddenly, newspa-
pers, television, radio and other news
providers all Ž nd themselves in head-
to-head competition.
Consumers, on the other hand, have
never had it so good. For the Ž rst time,
anyone anywhere in the world can read
233
the New York Times (online version,
which includes all the content of the
day’s paper edition plus much more)
any time and at no cost (all that is
required is a computer with Internet
connection, available free of charge in
many libraries across the country and
around the world). Whether the thou-
sands of news providers now online will
Ž nd successful business models to
support their online operations is an-
other matter. In all likelihood there will
be a consolidation in this new global
news marketplace, as there has been
with other “traditional” media.
An important question is, “what will
happen to local news?” A study by
Columbia University professors Eli
Noam and Robert Freeman reported in
Television Quarterly shows that while
diversity of news and other media is
growing at national and international
levels, it is shrinking at the local level.
Not all of this is due to technology
(much is due to economics), but tech-
nology certainly plays a part by making
efŽ ciencies of scale and distribution ir-
resistible. It is also true that the chang-
ing economics and technology of online
news are reshaping the traditional sep-
aration of editorial and business func-
tions, or so-called separation of “church
and state”, in newsrooms across the
United States. The lines between ad-
vertising and editorial are blurring, as
banner advertisements are featured on
many online newspaper front pages, a
practice frowned upon in most printed
newspapers. Many sites feature links
from their book review sections directly
to online book sellers, a feature attract-
ive to many online consumers but one
that sometimes raises troubling ethical
concerns about the possible in uence
of advertising on editorial content.
Within the newsroom, technology,
especially online communication, is
affecting the centralization and hier-
archical character of the newsroom.
Traditionally, newspaper and other
234
newsrooms have been very hierarchi-
cally organized, almost in military fash-
ion, with an editor or news director,
exerting powerful control over the news
operation, followed by other ofŽ cers in
the chain of command. The Internet is
changing this signiŽ cantly, as more
newsrooms become  atter in their
structure, especially in online editions.
In places such as cnet.com or
thestreet.com, although there is still an
editor-in-chief, the distance between
top and bottom in the newsroom is
much reduced. Moreover, there is
much more frequent communication
between newsroom personnel and
audience members, often in the shape
of e-mail. This dramatically in uences
story selection and coverage.
Also emerging in today’s journalism
is the so-called combined newsroom.
The Tribune Company, CNN and
Bloomberg are perhaps the best exam-
ples of news organizations that have
created combined news-gathering op-
erations. Here, stories are assigned to
reporters who gather news, and then
the information gathered is packaged
for distribution via any of a number of
media outlets, such as television, radio,
newspaper or Internet. This combined
news-gathering operation is highly
efŽ cient and cost-effective .
Newspaper distribution is also being
fundamentally redeŽ ned by the online
revolution. The Orem (Utah) Daily Jour-
nal is reported to be the Ž rst daily
newspaper to go online and stop pub-
lishing a printed product http://
www.ucjournal.com/(Carricaburu,
1999). After 9 months in print, the pa-
per decided to distribute via only the
Internet from August 5, 1999. The
reader, of course, can print the product
and read it on paper, if preferred.
It will be an interesting case to watch
and may be the beginning of a trend.
The cost of printing and delivery,
roughly 60 per cent of the cost of pro-
ducing the average newspaper, has
JOHN PAVLIK
been greatly reduced (virtually elimi-
nated, in fact). Publisher Levor Oldham
said common sense was behind his
reasoning. “Clearly, the future of news-
papers is on the Web.” Whether the
free online paper can maintain its ad-
vertising base will largely determine its
proŽ tability.
It is not yet clear what the online
readership of the paper is, but in print
the paper had a circulation of 7500.
Utah is the fourth-ranked state in the
nation in terms of Internet penetration
at 46 per cent, establishing the poten-
tial for substantial online readership.
The Nature of the Relationships
Between and Among News
Organizations and their Publics
Perhaps most importantly, technologi-
cal change is fundamentally reshaping
the relationships between and among
news organizations, journalists and
their many publics, including audi-
ences, competitors, news sources,
sponsors and those who seek to regu-
late or control the press.
For at least 500 years, since Guten-
berg invented the printing press in
Mainz, Germany, the basic relationship
between publishers and their publics
has been deŽ ned by a “broadcast”
model of communication. The broad-
cast model emphasizes a one (or few)
to many communication  ow, with little
feedback between source and receiver
(or journalist and audience) and a rela-
tively anonymous, heterogeneous audi-
ence. The intent of this communication
is a combination of persuasion and in-
formation. Most US newspapers and
broadcast news organizations, for ex-
ample, provide most of their news
coverage with the intent to inform the
public about a variety of events and
issues important to their communities
and society in general. Editorial and
opinion pages and columns are in-
IMPACT OF TECHNOLOGY ON JOURNALISM
tended to in uence public opinion on
matters of public importance. More-
over, the general news coverage has
been shown in research to exert an
agenda-setting in uence in society,
helping to shape public opinion in
terms of which issues are most import-
ant. Political scientist Bernard C. Co-
hen summed this up in The Press and
Foreign Policy (1963) when he said
“The press may not be successful
much of the time in telling us what to
think, but it is stunningly successful in
telling its readers what to think about.”
This is the foundation for what has
become known as the agenda-setting
function of the press or the media.
Another way to view this traditional
set of media in uences is in terms of
what public relations research tells us
about the world of corporate communi-
cation. Public relations scholar James
Grunig has described several
paradigms of communication in a cor-
porate context, including two that are
especially relevant to the traditional
analog world of journalism. First is the
public information model. In this model
organizations, typically corporate or
governmental, distribute information to
the public with the intention of inform-
ing the public on matters considered
important. The intention is not to per-
suade, although an agenda-setting
function may be a by-product of this
communication function. Although this
model has been used to describe much
of the process of public relations, it is
also clearly descriptive of much of tra-
ditional journalism.
The second model relevant to this
discussion is what Grunig calls the
one-way, asymmetric model of com-
munication. In this model, the  ow of
communication is primarily one direc-
tional, from an organization to its public
or publics. It is asymmetric in the sense
that not only is the  ow unbalanced,
with one of the communication partici-
pants dominating the  ow and impact
235
of communication, but that one party
(the message sender/content provider)
intends to in uence the opinion, and
perhaps the behavior, of its publics.
This is an accurate description of com-
munication not only in much of the
world of public relations, but also in
traditional or classic journalism.
Whether via newspapers or
magazines, television or radio, news in
the world of analog media has largely
followed this model of one-way, asym-
metrical communication, especially in
newspaper opinion and editorial pages
where considerable resources are em-
ployed to shape public opinion and be-
haviors with regard to important issues,
especially in the realm of the political
sphere where virtually every newspa-
per attempts to in uence its readers’
voting choices.
The advent of the digital, networked
world of communication is fundamen-
tally altering these models of twentieth-
century journalism. No longer can most
journalists and editors be content
merely to publish the news. Instead,
the process is becoming much more of
a dialog between the press and the
public. This is especially the case in
newspapers and broadcast news oper-
ations which have made a signiŽ cant
commitment to publishing online. In
these cases in particular, audience
members have joined in signiŽ cant
numbers in online discussions with re-
porters and editors to debate and dis-
cuss coverage of important events.
E-mail has become a vital and instan-
taneous link between readers and re-
porters, often shaping reporters’
knowledge and attitudes as much as
an initial report may have in uenced
the public.
Thus we are seeing the emergence
of what Grunig calls a two-way sym-
metric model of communication in
twenty-Ž rst-century news operations. In
this model, the  ow of communication
is much more balanced, much more a
236
dialog between both or all parties to the
communication. No one group domi-
nates the process of persuasion.
Rather, all parties in uence each other,
at least to some degree. Although not
all news organizations are comfortable
with this emerging model, many have
embraced it as a way to not only serve
their communities more effectively, but
to engage younger audiences. We see
much of this developing in what is
known as civic, or public, journalism.
Finally, the emergence of the Inter-
net and World Wide Web as a medium
of mass communication in the 1990s is
redeŽ ning the notion of who is a
journalist. A.J. Liebling once observed
that: “Freedom of the press is guaran-
teed only to those who own one.” This
observation accurately portrayed the
world of journalism until the advent of
the Internet and the World Wide Web
as a medium of mass communication
in the 1990s. Today, virtually anyone
with a computer and an Internet con-
nection can, in effect, own a printing
press and reach not only a local audi-
ence, but a global one. As a result,
literally millions of citizens in the United
States and around the world are active
participants in the communication pro-
cess online.
Moreover, this transformation has
made it possible for the traditional
sources used by journalists to become
content providers themselves, some-
times even serving as primary news
providers to the public, often bypassing
the traditional news gatekeepers alto-
gether. Through their web sites, com-
panies, not-for-proŽ ts and govern-
mental agencies are all publishing in-
formation meant for direct consumption
by the public as well as by journalists.
Although this is great for the compa-
nies, and perhaps for the public, it
raises serious questions about the role
of journalism in a networked world.
What should be the role of the journal-
ist in a world where citizens can obtain
JOHN PAVLIK
their information directly from any
source? What are the implications for
democracy? Most citizens realize that
information sources have a vested in-
terest in slanting the information they
provide to re ect positively on their or-
ganization or the issues they support.
Therefore, most citizens realize that
there is an important role for journalists
to play in providing impartial reporting
on those organizations or events they
seek to in uence. Nevertheless, the
credibility of traditional news providers
is at an all-time low, and surveys by
organizations such as Jupiter Commu-
nications and others show that the pub-
lic often views online sources as just as
credible as those in the off-line world.
Clearly, there is an important role for
journalism to play in the digital, net-
worked world, but what that role is
must still take shape. The credibility
and impartiality of news organizations
must be re-established, or the public
may increasingly look to primary
sources for news.
Conclusions
This article has argued that technologi-
cal change exerts a profound in uence
on journalism in at least four ways: (1)
how journalists do their job; (2) the
content of news: (3) the structure of the
newsroom and the news industry: and
(4) the relationship between news or-
ganizations and their publics. These
effects raise a variety of important re-
search questions for investigation in
the twenty-Ž rst century. Following is a
brief outline of a research agenda for
the new millennium.
Research Agenda
1. How are journalists using the feed-
back function in the online arena,
IMPACT OF TECHNOLOGY ON JOURNALISM 237

where e-mail transforms audi- as reported by international

ence–reporter relationship?
2. To what extent are reporters using
online reporting in place of tra-
ditional shoe-leather reporting?
3. How does the combined news-
room affect news quality?
4. Is the blurring of the advertising/
editorial border eroding news
credibility?
5. To what extent are online news
organizations developing new sto-
rytelling formats designed for the
online media?
6. Although many American journal-
ists argue that most readers are
not interested in international
news unless it has a clear impact
at home, interest in international
sites on the Web continues to
grow. To what extent are readers
interested in international news, as
reported by domestic providers or
sources?
7. To what extent is a possible lack of
interest in international news
merely a function of how domestic
news providers have packaged
and selected the news, often rely-
ing heavily on ofŽ cial sources and
reported by white, male foreign
correspondents?
8. What are the emerging business
models to support online journal-
ism?
9. What are the most effective roles
for journalism in an age where citi-
zens can increasingly go directly to
the source of news? Should jour-
nalism focus more on providing
context and meaning to the day’s
events and issues?
10. Is the speed and ubiquity of news
delivery producing a lowering of
quality of news (i.e. more errors)?

References
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http://www.abponline.com
http://www.ajr.com
http://www.census.gov
http://www.fec.gov
http://www.thestreet.com
http://www.ucjournal.com
http://www.mediasource.com/intro.htm