Aidana Sultan

1. Introduction - 3-5 pages

a. General description

b. RESEARCH QUESTIONS - important

c. Methodology in brief

2. Literature review and main concepts you gonna describe your findings - 8-10 pages

3. Methodology and its justifications 2-4 pages

4. Findings HERE TITLES CAN BE DIFFERENT 8 -10 pages describe them by the

words and concepts you have talked in literature section

5. Discussion of the results HERE TITLES CAN BE DIFFERENT 8-10 pages,

Answer here to you research questions by the words and concepts you have talked in

literature section

6. Conclusion 3-5 pages

7/ bibliography

Lately a new wave on how to be a Kazakh woman has come from different camps:

both governmental and societal. Book on how to be a proud Kazakh woman can still be

found on the shelves of the book shops. “Uyatmen” is a common word that describes men

who shame women for “not (enough) kazakh” behaviour, would it be to raise your voice,

know your rights or dress as you as an individual person choose to. Schools aimed to raise

“proper wives” still function1; students in classes of hand work (“truda”) are still separated

based on their sex: girls cook, boys repair stuff. Is it normal that there are only two roles – to

be an obeying wife or a providing husband – in our country? Is it normal that this is not even

a decision that a person makes, but rather is put on you once a doctor sees your genitals?

From my own observation while being a student in two Kazakh gymnasiums, the

discourse of imposed norms was effectively functioning at the time: girls could not enter if
1 https://vlast.kz/obsshestvo/v_astane_otkryli_institut_blagorodnyh_devic-7479.html
we did not have our hair braided, it was obligatory to have no makeup, no earrings, no

piercings, no dyed hair. Such rules were not explained, they were taken as norms. Nobody

in those schools, questioned them openly, everyone was too anxious to be yelled at, pointed

at, forced to be ashamed. We could question how such atmosphere in a school, where

students spend more than six hours a day, can be related to the suicide statistics, but not in

this paper. For the sake of clarity of this research, I want to focus on the postcolonial

nationalism that forms the societal norms of women behaviour and existence. The research

question is to see whether there is a continuous dichotomy between patriarchal oppression

and feminism discourse in the framework of the nation-building process. This research is

focused on exploring the construction of re-traditionalized discourse of hegemonic femininity

as an attempt and part of nation building in the age of populism. The second part focuses on

how such revitalization of the “lost traditions” are aligned with the decolonization process in

Central Asia. Finally, it describes the impact of populism trends and parallels on rising

hegemonic femininity definitions in the USA, Poland, Russia.

For my research I am mostly using qualitative research on gender, nationalism and

populism conducted by both Central Asian and outside feminist scholars. To understand all

the topics included, we should first define such phenomenons as postcolonial feminism,

nationalism, features of Central Asian feminism and nationalism, and retraditionalization as a

part of nation building.

INTRODUCTION

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, all former communist countries experienced a

rapid urge for transformations in all spheres: socio-economic, political, cultural and

ideological. Communism used to be the only ideology and basis of identity for several

decades. Previous value system oppressed any other “self-fulfillment” that would question

its top position. In his work John Plamenatz describes Ideology: “a set of closely-related
beliefs or ideas, or even attitudes, characteristic of a group or community”2. Eventually,

ideology has grown to statehood formation, as Karl Manneheim writes, “ideology refers to

the particular ideologies which are used by nations for securing the goals of their national

interests''3.

To delve in the understanding of how nations are constructed, it is important to

include the famous theory of Benedict Anderson is that communities, nations and

nationalism are imagined, such concepts as sovereignty and comradeship, patriotism are also

imagined, as they do not exist, “It is imagined because the members of even the smallest

nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet

in the minds of each lives the image of their communion”, – Anderson.4 The construction of

such ideas is what helped to keep people at relative peace during the last decades, forming a

nation, where “regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each,

the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship”.5 In this sense, it is

important which imagination is collectively formed and pushed as a part of nation-state

building.

Another scholar that reflects on construction of norms in societies is Antonio

Gramsci, who explains the concept of cultural hegemony using marxism theory – the norms

of society are the norms that are formed by the interests of the ruling class. However, people

are not constrained to behave and believe in a certain way, but are rather persuaded. Such

hegemony sets norms, values, and beliefs, thus, keeps people subject to the ruling elite. Same

with hegemonic masculinity and femininity. Therefore, the Kazakhstani ruling elite – i.e the

2 John Plamenatz, Ideology (London, 1970), p. 15.

3 Shtromas, Aleksandras. “IDEOLOGY AND CONFLICT: DOES WARFARE BETWEEN ‘ISMS’

BELONG TO PAST HISTORY?” International Journal on World Peace, vol. 14, no. 2, 1997, pp. 31–
76.
4 Anderson, B. (2006) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism
(revised edition). London:
Verso.
5 Ibid.
government – can impose, support or condemn any certain behavior, including based on

gender. “The concept of “emphasized femininity” focused on compliance to patriarchy, and

this is still highly relevant in contemporary mass culture”, – Connell and Messerschmidt.

Here, the lenses that Feminist International Relations offer us a possibility to look and

scrutinize situations from different perspectives – an attempt to always be aware that there are

silenced, historically excluded from decision-making processes. It helps us to scrutinize how

gender based roles form norms that can be restricting and harmful. Since it is very often that

in patriarchal societies women’s voices are muted the most, it is important to dismantle the

forms of hegemonic masculinity that have been rooted in IR politics – whereas militarization

and security are considered to be one of the main national interests, securitization is viewed

as the realm caused by potential risks to the state, feminist perspective analyzes various

interpretations of security, asking a question: "Who is being secured?" ( Harel-Shalev 2017)6.

The main objective of the Feminist IR (Tickner, 1997)7 is to consider in IR analysis and

address gender inequality – a problem that is still concealed or overlooked in international

theory. By using various methodologies, including non-traditional investigative methods,

feminist IR scholars have contributed to the study of international relations, through

reevaluating the roles gender play in the international arena and how it affects the notions of

dominance, authority, supremacy, and security. Feminist IR academics adopt gender

perceptions that affect power relations and communication. However, looking at particular

trends of global politics through gendered lenses does not just tell us one point, instead, it

gives us an opportunity for deeper research than without such (Sjoberg 2013, p. 285)8.

6 Harel-Shalev, A. (2017). Gendering ethnic conflicts: Minority women in divided societies–the case of
Muslim women in India. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 40(12), 2115–2134.
7 Tickner, J. A. (1997). You just don’t understand: Troubled engagements between feminists and IR
theorists. International Studies Quarterly, 41(4), 611–632.
8 Sjoberg, L. (2013). Gendering global conflict: Toward a feminist theory of war. NY: Columbia
University Press.
 Coming back to the times after the USSR collapsed, the formation of a nation-state

ideology had to be done quickly, an attempt to erase the influence of a colonizer on national

identity. As Leela Gandhi notes, postcolonial nations tend to forget the painful past colonial

times and rush to build themselves fresh. Which is what Kazakhstan's government is actively

doing now. It is as if we are in a hurry to become what we were prior to Russian

colonization, to reach that level of “Kazakhness”, which is not bad per se, but the form of that

new identity is ambiguous and not defined. Rather than that, characteristics of a “true

Kazakh” man and woman are selectively collected, often coinciding with hegemonic

masculinity and femininity. Nationalism is essentially gendered and discriminative as a result

of a social construction in patriarchal communities.

Postcolonialism discourse can serve as an additional instrument for feminist scholars

to point out oppression and encounter the idea that each individual can go through different

experiences than the hegemonic gender norms would presume. Leela Gandhi writes, when

the two meet – feminism and postcolonialism – they “produce a more critical

and self reflexive account of cultural nationalism”.9 According to her writings, post-colonial

nation-state can be characterized as behaving in compliance with anti-colonial nationalism

and European imperialism. Such theory would mean that postcolonialism, as to rebell to

former colonizer (Russia in the case of Kazakhstan) , spurs nationalism, which in its turn

covers all the problems that go under the carpet, would it be high rates of domestic abuse or

teenage suicide. After three decades of being an independent, sovereign country, new

questions arise concerning how far we have gone in terms of development. If the three pillars

of Kazakhstan foreign policy are security, stability and prosperity, have we achieved all of

them? Has the process of nation-building been completed? In the context of nationalism and

lost traditions renaissance, such measures as Ruhani Zhangyru (“spiritual awakening”),

9 Gandhi's, L. (1998). Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction. Australia: Allen & Unwin.
“Kazakhstan 2030/2050” fit well, as well as the former president’s initiatives as Central

Asian Union and deeper Eurasian integration.

As Zhanar Sekerbayeva – co-founder of the Kazakhstan feminist initiative Feminita

writes, the relationship between Central Asia and Russia is complex due to its complex

history10. To this day, this subordination exists. She connects her own experience, that many

of us (including myself) can relate to: to be ethnic Kazakh woman, speak Russian, understand

Kazakh but not to speak it, “I am never fully realised in any of these identities: I am

somewhere but only to a certain level, to a certain extent.” Historian Marina Mogil’ner

supports this theory of subordination policy based on inferiority of one towards the other, was

used by Russia at the same level as the Western colonizers11. For Zhanar, intensive

subordination started in the 19th century, when ethnographers travelled all over Central Asia

to civilise the local people, who were called “inorodtsy”12 at that time, term for non-Russian

population of Turkestan which carried negative context.

Diana Kudaibergenova in her work on nationalism in Kazakh-Soviet literature

highlights that by “rewriting” Kazakh historical epics in the second half of the twentieth

century, enabled bilateral approach in formation of ethnic identities13. To encompass the

local culture, cultural and intellectual elites used pre-Russian historical elements, creating an

“imagined community”, which opposed colonialism. In her work, Diana analyzes how

modern Kazakhstan’s identity is almost fully based on that imagined community of the

Soviet time literature and culture. Although very often faced with criticism, such as “too-

10https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/two-fields-within-lost-between-russian-and-kazakh-in-the-
eurasian-borderland/
11 Mogil'ner, M. (2013). Homo imperii: A history of physical anthropology in Russia. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press.
12 Slocum, J. (1998). Who, and When, Were the Inorodtsy? The Evolution of the Category of "Aliens"
in Imperial Russia. The Russian Review, 57(2), 173-190.
13 Diana T. Kudaibergenova, “The Body Global and the Body Traditional: A Digital Ethnography of
Instagram and Nationalism in Kazakhstan and Russia,” Central Asian Survey 38, no. 3 (September
2019): 363–80.
nationalistic” for the Soviet officials, the cultural elites were able to cover some important

issues of geographical history.

Are we, after years, decades and centuries of such relations towards us, running away

from being “inorodtsy” no more, to reach the highest level of Kazakhness, to restore as it was

prior to colonization? To this topic, many books, articles and work have been written, all

covering post-colonialism and its impact on nation formation.

In addition to that, the work on studying, scrutinizing, analysing and civilising the

indigeneous culture and traditions of Central Asian people has led us to a new mixture –

where is the truth and where there is that colonial derivative. While analysing the rise of

populism in the world and its impact on Kazakhstan, we should bear in mind this feature of

the past to influence the present.

METHODOLOGY

In my work, I use qualitative research, and in order to analyze re-traditionalization

discourse of hegemonic femininity by the government during the last year, I operate with

discourse analysis. In order to track how gender hegemony is coerced by governmental

channels, I have been observing instagram accounts of a local feminist – Fariza Ospan, as

well as posts of Kazakhstani feminist organizations: Feminita and KazFem. To approach

gender policies of Kazakhstan from the perspective of discourse analysis will allow me to

find out how importance and value of hegemonic femininity is created in the social context.

As Fairclough defines critical discourse analysis, “to systematically explore often opaque

relationships of causality and determination between (a) discursive practices, events and

texts, and (b) wider social and cultural structures, relations and processes; to investigate how

such practices, events and texts arise out of and are ideologically shaped by relations of

power and struggles over power” 14. Critical discourse analysis scrutinizes the existing
14 Fairclough, N. (1995) Critical Discourse Analysis. Longman. London.
dominant discourses in the society and “explores notions of resistance and appropriation of

discourses among various social actors” 15. Therefore, discourse analysis at the same time

mirrors the major phenomenons in society, how they are created, and how they can be altered

as there are other forms for them to exist.

Teun A. van Dijk defines critical discourse analysis as “primarily studies the way

social power abuse, dominance and inequality are enacted, reproduced and resisted by text

and talk in the social and political context.”16 According to Van Dijk, this type of analysis

can assess in examining the subordinate social structures. To explore the relations of power

in the discourse.

Myra Macdonald advocates discourse analysis for studying media due to the fact that

media has become a major part of the social world and supplies ideas and values to society 17.

In this case, she suggests that discourse analysis can serve better than an ideological and

semiotic analysis by avoiding marrownes but still have enough scope of accuracy.

For my research, I have chosen to focus on Facebook and Instagram, although cases

from other public media resources as well as feminist organizations’ websites are used in this

work. I chose these channels, as most of information and work of feminist activists is

displaced there. Following feminist activists helped me to stay on top of the gender policies

in Kazakhstan. For instance, because of constantly following the work of the Feminita

organization, I was informed at the time about the judiciary project of the Republic of

Kazakhstan "On amendments and additions to some legislative acts of the Republic of

Kazakhstan on family and gender policy" (“О внесении изменений и дополнений в

некоторые законодательные акты Республики Казахстан по вопросам семейной и

15 Hammersley, Martyn. (2003). Conversation Analysis and Discourse Analysis: Methods or

Paradigms?. Discourse and Society. 14. 10.1177/09579265030146004.
16 Teun A. van Dijk, “Critical Discourse Analysis,” in The Handbook of Discourse Analysis (John
Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2008), 349.
17 Macdonald, Exploring Media Discourse, 2.
гендерной политики”)18, which suggests to displace the meaning of gender by sex. Another

example is Fariza Ospan’s Instagram account19, who was first in drawing attention to the

misogynistic video20 sponsored by the local officials (akimat) of Shymkent. She was as well

first to point out the objectivization of women’s image in the “Samal21” water advertisement

that was placed in Almaty.

As I base my research on the work of feminist scholars, specifically from the Central

Asia, I apply Diana T. Kudaibergenova’s work on a mobile application named Kelin22. Kelin

(“daughter-in-law” in Kazakh) is an application with a forum for kelins themselves.

Kudaibergenova uses content analysis of two feminist bloggers in Kazakhstani Instagram, as

well as the messages in the app’s chat room. Analysing the language used in the chat, she

often came across victim-blaming, topics of female virginity and cases of domestic violence.

Using such methods, she comes to conclusion that “The rise of kelin discourse and its

commodification is an alarming tendency that requires further study and attention from

feminist scholars”.

As to limitations of my research paper – I am selecting the most unpopular issues, so

the positive work done by the government for gender equality may not be represented here.

In this context, I have interpreted works of researchers in gender studies, therefore, it is also

mainly focused on what the government has done wrong. However, there is no work on the

positive progress in the academic field, at least not among regional scholars. I suppose it is

due to feminism being a “critical theory in political practice”23.

18https://feminita.kz//2020/06/гендер-не-равен-полу/
19 https://www.instagram.com/p/CBBJxgGjaS9/
20 https://liter.kz/korotkaya-yubka-priznak-prostituczii-chto-propagandiruet-akimat-shymkenta/
21 https://good.kz/portfolio/samal_leto_2020/
22 Kudaibergenova, Diana T. “Project Kelin. Marriage, Women, and Re-Traditionalization in Post-
Soviet Kazakhstan.” Women of Asia Globalization, Development, and Gender Equity (2018): n. pag.
Print.
23 Stephen Leonard, Critical Theory in Political Practice (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1990). For a feminist defence of the claim that feminism, as a political project, speaks to and from a
left politics and, as such, embodies a form of critical theorising, see Catherine Eschle and Bice
 Concerning the ethics of the research, the information used is disclosed publicly,

therefore anyone is free to use it in a research. In addition to that, I will provide evidence of

every situation and news that appear in the paper.

FINDINGS

To have a deeper look into the relationship between gender and nation-building, I

have used works of both local and not scholars of Central Asia and its identity formulation.

First, this paper will cover phenomena of nationhood and its dimensions. Secondly, it will

include analysis of the nation-building process in modern Kazakhstan till this day. Thirdly,

it will encompass retraditionalization discourse of the state. Finally, this work examines the

notions of populism and its relation to gender inequality.

There are many definitions of a nation proposed by nationhood scholars. Yuval Davis

divides them according to three dimensions: genealogical origins, cultural – language and/or

religion together with constructed customs and traditions and citizenship that compose a

unified vision on “us” (versus “them”). Either way, gender plays an important role within

each of the dimensions by enacting and maintaining power relations. For instance, if the

collective “us” is constructed by being born within one nation, then intermarriage is frowned

upon, and in some cases such as in the Nazi law, blood could be “contaminated” by 1/16 or

1/8 of Jewish or Black blood. In the case of cultural dimension, very often womens’ right to

control their own bodies, including reproductive rights, are taken to the extent of a threat to

authorities, to religious customs and social norms. It is not the woman, in this case, that

decides what to do with her body, but a religious authority that has the legitimacy to make

that decision. Let us not forget that women’s positions in some societies still depend on the

number and gender of the children. Sonia Correa and Ros Petchesky (1994), call this

Maiguashca, ‘Rethinking globalised resistance: Feminist activism and crit- ical theorising in IR’, British
Journal of Politics and International Relations, 9:2 (2007), pp. 284–301 and Eschle and Maiguashca,
‘Reclaiming feminist futures’.
phenomenon, when women step higher in the social ladder because of her childbearing

abilities and/or number of sons, as gaining women's social rights. Yuval Davis gives the

example of Palestenian women who are pressured to have as many children for the national

struggle. In Kazakhstan, However, when a woman gives birth to a child outside of marriage,

it is considered shameful.

According to Bhavne Dave,24 the attempt to create a modern national identity was

failed, as the blueprint of the Soviet statehood is rather implemented, rather than replaced.

This clientelistic approach of the past to collaborate with the Moscow officials to have a

stable, more or less survival conditions was brought by the same politicians that are present

today. Being on good terms with Moscow would also ensure your position, is what Dave

calls “the Soviet order”. In this context, to be a member of “Nur-Otan” would mean to have

and receive benefits similar to joining the ranks of the Communist party in the past. To

Dave, this “Soviet legacy” has not changed, therefore, she undermines the transit of

economy, politics and institutions, that the Commonwealth of Independent States are often

described with. However, the highlight of her text is the importance of nation-identity

creation – the first step of which would be “to make a conscious break from the coercive and

paternalistic regulation of society by the state"(p. 171) .

Diana Kudaibergenova in her work on nationalism in Kazakhstan and Russia raises

the issue of retraditionalizing practices, such as the concept of uyat – “shame” in Kazakh.

As she writes, actors use retraditionalization as a tool to establish power by outlining the

traditional order of the nation, drawing the line between acceptable and unacceptable

behaviour in society. Here, social shaming is used for preserving that order. Otherwise, this

national tradition might be at risk due to the globalized norms. In order to legitimize and

24 Kazakhstan: Ethnicity, Language and Power, Bhavna Dave (London and New York: Routledge,
2007), xii, 242 pp.
ensure its top position, the local political elite enforces norms that can build consensus in the

divided society.

In this part, I will be analyzing the aspects of populism and its relations to gender.

Populism, being the word of 2017 year, has frequently become the definition of modern

politics. While to some, populism means radical, it is often considered to represent the will

and interests of the majority. Cas Mudde2526, researcher on populism and extremism in the

US and Europe, describes populism as an ideology that draws a line between “us” and

“them”: “the pure people” and “the corrupt elite”. On this basis, populism insists that politics

should be run and based on the general will of the people. It becomes an instrument through

which people can simultaneously assert the world within different discourses and express

their concerns. The ambiguity of the “the people” term although questioned, for some, as

Laclau, remains its main strengths – it gives flexibility as an “empty signifier” , thus, gives

space when defining both “the people” and “the elite” and serves in sustaining power.

Populism, in the view of Laclau, can not exist without an enemy, which could represent

anything, regime, the Establishment, economic elite, etc.

In his work Mudde identifies different concepts of populism: throughout texts we

discover such definitions as a movement, a syndrome, an economic programme.

Nevertheless, even within the ideology framework, populism can have polarized meanings,

such as in the case of European and Latin American contexts: in one it covers ideas of anti-

immigration and xenophobia, in another it implies political clientelism. Overall, there are

three types of populism he outlines: “agrarian populism in Russia and the USA at the turn of
25 Cas Mudde, ‘The populist zeitgeist’, Government and Opposition, 39:4 (2005), pp. 541–63 (p.
543).

26 Cas Mudde and Cristóbal R. Kaltwasser, ‘Populism’, in Michael Freeden, Lyman Tower Sargent,
and Marc Stears (eds), Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2013), p. 7.
the nineteenth century; socio-economic populism in Latin America in the mid-twentieth

century; and xenophobic populism in Europe in the late twentieth and early twenty-first

centuries”. It also coincides with the features that “the people” can be differentiated by:

authenticity, socioeconomic status, and nationality.

The idea of the general will in the definition of populism is linked to the ideas

of Jean Jazque Rousseau – the ability of people to unite and promote mutual interests. Here,

the duty of a politician is to see the general will of the time and generate it by creating a

community who stand by that will. However, from here comes the tendency of populism to

fall into authoritarianism. Carl Schmitt (1932) writes that due to the necessity for a

democracy to have a united, homogenous society, there starts the distinct separation of the

rest who do not belong to “the people''. The general will, being an absolute norm, goal,

value, draws a dividing line who are outside it, thus, permits attacks on the outsiders.

The “elite” here is referenced to the group that is against the volonté générale.

These people have more power, which contradicts the definition of populism if populists are

in power, because it would make them the “elite”. Certainly, such cases have happened in

history, an example would be Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Vladimir Mečiar in Slovakia, and,

I would suggest, Trump in the US. Simultaneously to be the “elite” but also anti-

establishment is attainable by reconceptualizing the “elite”. Consequently, as Richard

Hofstadter (1964) proposes, ‘the paranoid style of politics’ comes into place as the logic of

such post-populists would be to argue that there are hidden forces who hold the power, not

them, the elected leaders. It also lets blaming those forces rather than holding accountability

very convenient. Often the elite would be the economic power for populists in power,

therefore, it makes it easy to put responsibility for political failure because of its limits put by

the economic elite.

 The dichotomy of populism is that it can both enforce and undermine democracy

(Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2012). While it gives a platform for people to express

concerns and promote, it also promotes absolutism within it, therefore discriminizing

minorities. Because the power of the general will is considered to be the highest norm and

subject to form rules, it shouldn’t be restricted by other institutions that could check the

exercise of power by elected populists (Rovira Kaltwasser 2012: 195).

Nationalism and populism are intertwined, as some academics define one by another,

especially in the case of the xenophobic type. Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser

do not agree on that, however, their suggestion is that nationalism is a “definitional feature of

populism”. The definition can converge in the case when division between the people and

elite is both moral and ethnic. In such a context, the elite become total aliens.

Both Brexit and the election of Trump for presidents are the emerging flags of a new

nationalist populism surge. Hugh Gusterson describes it as ationalist, while others use terms

as authoritarian, right-wing cultural, neo-nationalism (Stuart Hall (1980), Nicolette

Makovicky (2013), Salih Can Aciksoz and Umut Yıldırım (2016), Gillian Evans (2017), Ana

Carolina Balthazar (2017)). This rise, according to the scholar, is a backlash to global

neoliberalism and globalization overall. In response to the rising challenges to the balance of

power, inequality, wealth distribution of neoliberalism, populism strikes back. Nationalist

populism has covered Europe and the US: failure of pro-European Italian referendum,

climate science and abortion rights oppression in Poland, attacks on immigrants in Hungary

, election of anti-immigrant party Marine Le Pen in France.

Looking at the US media after Trump has been elected to be the President in 2016, the

strategy of “us” and the “corrupt elite” was implemented successfully (Cooper 2016). The

discourse where Trump represents the (white) working class, but who is, not to forget, a

billionaire, was constantly nurtured by the right-wing media. Most of his voters were one of
the two groups: most of the voters were those with an income higher than $50, 000, at the

same time getting support from voters who have not attended college (Christine Walley, 2017

). Nevertheless, even if the majority of his voters were wealthy citizens, this focus on his

“blue-collarless” has made him the “man of the people” and let the campaign catch voters of

the central social class. Within this framework, the paradigm of relationship between

growing neoliberalism and populism is vivid.

Mary Ann Tetreault in her works comes to a conclusion that as the demand for

systemic revolution is rising, so rises the opposition in the face of natiolanist movements and

policies. She calls “revolutionary potential of the bourgeois family” phenomena when

family is separated and from the reach of the state and its control, it causes a space for

challenging state power directly.