Gulzar Ahmad Pakistan Studies 2020 Iub

FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN:
CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS
Session 2015-2018
Ph.D. (Pakistan Studies)
Researcher Supervisor
Gulzar Ahmad Dr. Muhammad Khurshid
64/IU.PhD/2015
Department of Pakistan Studies
The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

2020
I
FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN:
CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS
A dissertation submitted to
In
Fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
In
Pakistan Studies
By
Gulzar Ahmad
64/IU. PhD/2015

2020
II
III
Dedication
To
My parents
IV
Declaration
I, Gulzar Ahmad, Ph.D. Scholars of the Department of Pakistan Studies, the Islamia
University of Bahawalpur, hereby declare that the research work entitled “Formation
of New Provinces in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects” is done by me. I also certify
that nothing has been incorporated in this research work without acknowledgment and
that to the best of my knowledge and belief, it does not contain any material previously
published or written by any other person or any material previously submitted for a
degree in any university where due reference is not made in the text.
Gulzar Ahmad S/O Muhammad Shafee

Session: 2015-18
Registration No: 64/IU. PhD/2015
V
Supervisor Declaration
It is hereby certified that work presented by the student, Gulzar Ahmad in the thesis titled
“Formation of New Provinces in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects” is based on the results
of a research study conducted by candidates under my supervision. No portion of this work has
been formerly being offered for a higher degree in this university or any other institute of
learning and to the best of the author’s knowledge, no material has been used in this thesis
which is not his work, except where due acknowledgment has been made. He has fulfilled all
the requirements and is qualified to submit this thesis in partial fulfillment for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy in Pakistan Studies in the Faculty of Arts and Languages, The Islamia
University of Bahawalpur.
Dr. Muhammad Khurshid,
Assistant Professor,
Department of Pakistan Studies,

VI
Certificate
I certify that I have ensured that Mr. Gulzar Ahmad has complied with the regulations for
higher degrees. I also certify that the research work embodied in this dissertation entitled
“Formation of New Provinces in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects” has been carried out by
Mr. Gulzar Ahmad under my supervision and is worth presenting to The Islamia University of
Bahawalpur, Pakistan for the award of the degree for Doctor of Philosophy.
Dr. Muhammad Khurshid. __________________________
(Supervisor). Assistant Professor
The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan.
Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani ___________________________
(Chairman of the department). Professor
The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan.

VII
Acknowledgment
Thanks to almighty Allah, for the completion of this work. I would like to pay special regards
to Dr. Muhammad Khurshid, for his assistance during the study. It is whole-heartedly
appreciated that your great advice for my study proved monumental towards the success of this
study. Due to the special attention and guidance of supervisor Dr. Muhammad Khurshid who
paved the way to the successful completion of this work. I would like to recognize the
invaluable assistance that you provide during my study. I also like to express my deepest
gratitude to Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani the Chairman, Department of Pakistan Studies, and Dr.
Samia Khalid who provide guidance and motivation to focus on work. I would like to pay
special regards to all the faculty members and administration of the department of Pakistan
Studies who helped and encouraged me at every phase of the work. I would like to say special
thanks to Muhammad Muzamal, Amir Ali, Javed Ahmad, and Dilshad Ali who helped me at
every step of the research work. I also like to show gratitude to my friends Rab Nawaz Bashir,
Younas Ali, and Naeem Akhtar for their support and motivation. I also pay special regards to
my family for their support and encouragement. I like to thank my sons Ahmad Raza and
Muhammad Awais Khan, who give me their part of the time to complete the work. I am also
very grateful to my brothers and mother for their support to serve my part of responsibilities. I
also like to thank the administration of the Education Department of Punjab, to allow me to
complete this work. I am very grateful to the staff of the central library of the Islamia University
of Bahawalpur and the Quaid-e-Azam library Lahore, for their sport to find out the research
work. I am also grateful to the staff of GHS 172/WB for their support and motivation. I am
very grateful to all those persons who are directly, indirectly play their role in the completion
of this work. At finally, I am indebted to my father (late), and wife for their support and vision.
I like to thank again Almighty Allah for his blessings to complete this work.
Gulzar Ahmad
VIII
Table of Contents
DEDICATION .............................................................................................................................................. III
DECLARATION .......................................................................................................................................... IV
SUPERVISOR DECLARATION ................................................................................................................. V
CERTIFICATE ............................................................................................................................................ VI
ACKNOWLEDGMENT ............................................................................................................................. VII
TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................................... VIII
LIST OF TABLES......................................................................................................................................XIV
LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................................. XVII
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ..................................................................................................XIX
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................XXI
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 PROBLEM STATEMENT ........................................................................................................................... 3
1.2 SCOPE OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................................................. 3
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................................... 4
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS .......................................................................................................................... 4
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................................ 5
1.6 THEORETICAL CONCEPTS OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................... 5
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................... 7
1.8 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS .................................................................................................................... 7
1.8.1 Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................ 7
1.8.1.1 Introduction...................................................................................................................... 7
1.8.2 Chapter 2 ............................................................................................................................ 8
1.8.2.1 Federalism in Pakistan ..................................................................................................... 8
1.8.3 Chapter 3 ............................................................................................................................ 8
1.8.3.1 Demand for the Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan .................................................. 8
1.8.4 Chapter 4 ............................................................................................................................ 8
1.8.4.1 Challenges and Prospects of New Provinces in Pakistan ................................................. 8

IX
1.8.5 Chapter 5 ............................................................................................................................ 8
1.8.5.1 Comparison between Pakistan and the Major Countries of the world ............................. 8
1.8.6 Chapter 6 ............................................................................................................................ 9
1.8.6.1 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 9
1.9 LITERATURE REVIEW............................................................................................................................. 9
1.10 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ................................................................................................................. 12
1.10.1 Formation of New Provinces Under the Mughal’s Rule ................................................... 14
1.10.2 Formation of New Provinces Under the British ................................................................ 16
1.10.2.1 Modern Concept of Administrative System .................................................................. 16
1.10.2.2 Division of Bengal in 1905: A Great Example of New Provinces ................................ 21
1.10.2.3 Major Political Parties and Leader’s Stance about the Formation of New Provinces in
British India 24
1.10.2.4 The action of the British Government about the formation of new provinces and reforms
in provinces 25
1.10.3 Pakistan and Formation of New Provinces ....................................................................... 26
1.10.3.1 Initial problems ............................................................................................................. 26
1.10.3.2 Issue of Language ......................................................................................................... 27
1.10.3.3 Division of power.......................................................................................................... 27
1.10.3.4 Proportional Representation .......................................................................................... 27
1.10.3.5 One-Unit Scheme .......................................................................................................... 28
1.10.3.6 Declaration Against the One-Unit ................................................................................. 29
1.10.3.7 Separation of East Pakistan in 1971 .............................................................................. 29
1.10.3.8 Pakistan’s State Failed to Take Necessary Steps........................................................... 30
1.10.3.9 East Bengal and Need of New Provinces ...................................................................... 30
1.10.3.10 Current Pakistan .......................................................................................................... 30
1.10.3.11 Eighteenth Amendment and New Provinces ............................................................... 31
1.10.3.12 A resolution passed by the National Assembly in 2012 regarding New Province ...... 31
1.10.3.13 Establishment a Parliamentary Commission for Formation of New Province ............ 31
1.10.3.14 Movements for the Formation of New Provinces........................................................ 32
1.10.3.15 Manifestos of Different Political Parties regarding New Province.............................. 32
1.11 SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................................... 34
CHAPTER 2 FEDERALISM IN PAKISTAN ............................................................................................ 36

X
2.1 CONCEPT OF FEDERALISM ................................................................................................................... 36
2.2 LEGACY OF FEDERALISM IN PAKISTAN ................................................................................................ 41
2.2.1 Quaid-e-Azam's view about the Federalism ...................................................................... 48
2.3 FEDERALISM FROM 1947 TO 1958........................................................................................................ 49
2.3.1 Federalism under the Interim Constitution of Pakistan .................................................... 49
2.3.2 Federalism and One-Unit Scheme .................................................................................... 53
2.3.3 Federalism under the Constitution of 1956....................................................................... 55
2.4 FEDERALISM UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1962 ............................................................................... 59
2.5 FEDERALISM UNDER THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK ORDER (LFO)............................................................. 63
2.6 FEDERALISM UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1973 ............................................................................... 63
2.6.1 Federalism under the Eighth Amendment in 1973 Constitution ....................................... 67
2.6.2 Federalism and Thirteenth and Seventeenth Amendments ................................................ 68
2.6.3 Eighteenth Amendment and Federalism in Pakistan ........................................................ 69
2.6.4 Nineteenth Amendment and Federalism ........................................................................... 73
2.7 SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................................... 74
CHAPTER 3 DEMAND FOR THE CREATION OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN .................. 76
3.1 MOVEMENTS FOR SEPARATE PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN ....................................................................... 79
3.1.1 Saraiki Province Movement .............................................................................................. 80
3.1.2 Bahawalpur Province Movement ...................................................................................... 93
3.1.2.1 Historical View of Bahawalpur Princely State............................................................... 95
3.1.2.2 The annexation of Bahawalpur State to Pakistan ........................................................... 96
3.1.2.3 Provincial Status of Bahawalpur State ........................................................................... 97
3.1.2.4 One-Unit Scheme and Eradication of Bahawalpur State................................................ 98
3.1.2.5 Implications of One-Unit on Pakistan and Especially on Bahawalpur State .................. 99
3.1.2.6 Movement for the Restoration of Bahawalpur Province .............................................. 102
3.1.3 Hazara Province Movement ............................................................................................ 113
3.1.4 Mohajir/Karachi Province Movement in Sindh .............................................................. 123
3.1.5 Pashtun Province Movement in Balochistan .................................................................. 130
3.2 GRIEVANCES OF ALL THE MOVEMENTS FOR SEPARATE PROVINCES ................................................. 132
3.2.1 Economic Inequality in Pakistan .................................................................................... 133

XI
3.2.2 Poverty and Unemployment ............................................................................................ 133
3.2.3 Literacy rate trends ......................................................................................................... 135
3.2.4 Ranking of Pakistan by the UNDP Report 2019 ............................................................. 136
3.2.5 Distance Issue ................................................................................................................. 137
3.2.6 Inequality in Political Positions in Pakistan ................................................................... 137
3.3 SUMMARY ......................................................................................................................................... 139
CHAPTER 4 CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN .............. 140
4.1 AMENDMENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS ............................................................................... 141
4.2 POLITICS OF POLITICAL PARTIES ....................................................................................................... 143
4.3 INEQUITABLE DISTRIBUTION OF RESOURCES ..................................................................................... 147
4.4 ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS ................................................................................................................. 147
4.5 ETHNIC AND LINGUISTIC IDENTITIES ................................................................................................. 149
4.6 MAJOR REGIONAL POLITICAL GROUPS AND PARTIES ........................................................................ 152
4.7 THE NUMBER OF CONSTITUENT UNITS .............................................................................................. 153
4.8 SIZE OF THE FEDERATING UNITS ....................................................................................................... 154
4.9 VOICES FOR THE GRIEVANCES OF BACKWARD REGIONS AND AREAS................................................ 155
4.10 CENTRIPETAL FORCES AND CENTRALIZATION ................................................................................... 156
4.11 CIVIL BUREAUCRACY ........................................................................................................................ 157
4.12 CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION AND NEW PROVINCES ..................................................................... 158
4.13 SUMMARY ......................................................................................................................................... 158
CHAPTER 5 COMPARISON BETWEEN PAKISTAN AND THE MAJOR COUNTRIES OF THE

WORLD ....................................................................................................................................................... 160
5.1 PAKISTAN’S COMPARISON WITH OTHER COUNTRIES IN TERMS OF DEVELOPMENT AND NEW PROVINCES163
5.2 TURKEY (81 PROVINCES) AND FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES ...................................................... 165
5.3 SWITZERLAND AND NEW PROVINCES ................................................................................................ 169
5.4 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (USA) AND NEW PROVINCES.............................................................. 173
5.5 CANADA AND NEW PROVINCES ......................................................................................................... 176
5.6 FRANCE AND NEW PROVINCES .......................................................................................................... 178
5.7 INDIA (28 PROVINCES AND 8 UNION TERRITORIES) ........................................................................... 181
5.8 CHINA AND THE FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES............................................................................. 185

XII
5.9 BANGLADESH (8 PROVINCES) AND NEW PROVINCES ......................................................................... 188
5.10 AFGHANISTAN (34 PROVINCES) AND NEW PROVINCES ...................................................................... 190
5.11 IRAN (31-PROVINCES) AND FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES ........................................................... 191
5.12 JAPAN (47 PROVINCES/ PREFECTURES) AND CREATION OF NEW PROVINCES ..................................... 193
5.13 INDONESIA (31 PROVINCES) AND NEW PROVINCES ........................................................................... 196
5.14 RUSSIA (46 OBLASTS, 21 REPUBLICS, 10 AUTONOMOUS OKRUGS, 6 KRAYS, 2 FEDERAL CITIES, 1
AUTONOMOUS OBLAST) .................................................................................................................................. 199
5.15 ARGENTINA (23 PROVINCES AND 1 AUTONOMOUS CITY) AND NEW PROVINCES ................................ 203
5.16 AUSTRALIA (6 STATES AND 2 TERRITORIES) AND NEW PROVINCES ................................................... 205
5.17 AUSTRIA (9 STATES) AND FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES .............................................................. 207
5.18 BRAZIL (26 STATES AND 1 FEDERAL DISTRICT) .................................................................................. 210
5.19 GERMANY (16 STATES) AND CREATION OF NEW PROVINCES ............................................................ 211
5.20 MALAYSIA (13 STATES AND 3 FEDERAL TERRITORIES) AND NEW PROVINCES ................................... 213
5.21 MEXICO (32 STATES AND 1 FEDERAL DISTRICT) AND NEW PROVINCES ............................................. 215
5.22 NIGERIA (36 STATES) AND FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES ............................................................. 217
5.23 PAPUA NEW GUINEA (20 PROVINCES) AND NEW PROVINCES ............................................................ 219
5.24 VENEZUELA (23 STATES AND 1 CAPITAL DISTRICT) AND NEW PROVINCES ........................................ 221
5.25 PHILIPPINES (81 PROVINCES GROUPED INTO 17 REGIONS, ONE GRANTED 'ADMINISTRATIVE' STATUS AND ONE
GRANTED 'AUTONOMOUS' S…………………………………………………………………………………..223
5.26 UNITED KINGDOM (UK) AND NEW PROVINCES ................................................................................. 226
5.27 SUMMARY ......................................................................................................................................... 229
CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... 231
6.1 SUGGESTION ...................................................................................................................................... 243
APPENDIX-1 ............................................................................................................................................... 244
APPENDIX-2 ............................................................................................................................................... 246
APPENDIX-3 ............................................................................................................................................... 247
APPENDIX-4 ............................................................................................................................................... 249
APPENDIX-5 ............................................................................................................................................... 250
APPENDIX-6 ............................................................................................................................................... 251
APPENDIX-7 ............................................................................................................................................... 252

XIII
APPENDIX-8 ............................................................................................................................................... 253
APPENDIX-9 ............................................................................................................................................... 256
APPENDIX-10 ............................................................................................................................................. 258
APPENDIX-11 ............................................................................................................................................. 260
APPENDIX-12 ............................................................................................................................................. 262
APPENDIX-13 ............................................................................................................................................. 266
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................................... 268

XIV
List of Tables
Table 1-1: Numbers of Subahs (provinces) of the Mughal Empire ................................... 15
Table 1-2: Administration of Mughal Empire in Provinces .............................................. 16
Table 1-3: List of Provinces Under British India at the beginning of the twentieth Cen .. 20
Table 1-4: List of minor provinces under British India of that time.................................. 20
Table 2-1: Formation of the First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and the total num... 50
Table 2-2: Budgetary Position of the Central Government from1956 to 1958. ................ 58
Table 2-3: Budgetary Position of the Provincial Government (Rupees in Million) .......... 59
Table 2-4: Representation of Federal Units in Senate ....................................................... 64
Table 2-5: Division of Seats of National Assembly of Pakistan ....................................... 65
Table 2-6: Central Government’s Intervention in Federating Units and some other ........ 69
Table 3-1: Area and population of provinces of Pakistan.................................................. 76
Table 3-2: Ethnolinguistic Structure of Pakistan (In percent) ........................................... 79
Table 3-3: Population of the Saraiki Region (In thousands).............................................. 82
Table 3-4: Ethnolinguistics composition of Southern Punjab according to census 1998 .. 90
Table 3-5: Area and Population of Bahawalpur Division .................................................. 94
Table 3-6: Population ratio by the mother tongue of Bahawalpur Division ...................... 95
Table 3-7: Party Position of Bahawalpur Division in Elections 1970 ............................. 108
Table 3-8: Bahawalpur United Front-BMM’s Party Position after Gaining Support ..... 108
Table 3-9: Ethno-linguistic compositions of Hazara Region ........................................... 114
Table 3-10: Ethno-linguistic Composition of Karachi..................................................... 123
Table 3-11: Proportion of Muhajirs in Population........................................................... 124
Table 3-12: Economic Inequality in Pakistan .................................................................. 133
Table 3-13: Poverty Trends in Punjab by Region (percent) ............................................ 134
Table 3-14: Unemployed – Pakistan and Provinces (Million)......................................... 134

XV
Table 3-15: Labor Force (LF) participation rate and unemployment rate by sex ........... 135
Table 3-16: Literacy Rates (10 Years and Above) - Pakistan and Provinces .................. 136
Table 3-17: Ethnic Origins of Political Positions (1972-2007) ....................................... 137
Table 4-1: Major Political Parties of National Level in Pakistan .................................... 144
Table 4-2: Ethno-Regional Political Parties of Pakistan.................................................. 150
Table 5-1: Number of provinces in Pakistan, and Population, Area km2, GDP ............ 163
Table 5-2; Provinces of Pakistan with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ... 164
Table 5-3: Comparison of Provinces of Pakistan and Other Countries of the World ..... 164
Table 5-4: Number of provinces in Turkey and Population, Area km2, GDP ............... 167
Table 5-5: Provinces of Turkey with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ..... 167
Table 5-6: Number of provinces in Switzerland and Population, Area km2, GDP ........ 171
Table 5-7: Province/Cantons of Switzerland with Name, Area, Population ................... 171
Table 5-8: Number of States in USA and Population, Area km2, GDP explanation ...... 174
Table 5-9: The States of USA with Name, Area Population, and Ranking by Population174
Table 5-10: Number of Provinces in Canada and Population, Area km2, GDP ............. 177
Table 5-11: Provinces of Canada with Name, Area, Population ..................................... 177
Table 5-12: Number of Provinces in France and Population, Area km2, GDP ............... 179
Table 5-13: Provinces of France with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop .... 179
Table 5-14: Number of Provinces in India and Population, Area km2, GDP ................ 182
Table 5-15: Provinces of India with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ...... 182
Table 5-16: China’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces ..... 186
Table 5-17: Provinces of China with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ..... 186
Table 5-18: Bangladesh’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation ..................................... 189
Table 5-19: Provinces of Bangladesh with Name, Area, Population .............................. 189
Table 5-20: Afghanistan’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Prov ... 190
Table 5-21: Provinces of Afghanistan with Name, Area, Population.............................. 190

XVI
Table 5-22: Iran’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces ........ 192
Table 5-23: Provinces of Iran with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ........ 192
Table 5-24: Japan’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces ...... 194
Table 5-25: Provinces of Japan with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ..... 194
Table 5-26: Indonesia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation ....................................... 197
Table 5-27: Provinces of Indonesia with Name, Area, Population.................................. 197
Table 5-28: Russia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces .... 199
Table 5-29: Provinces of Russia with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop .... 199
Table 5-30: Argentina’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Province 204
Table 5-31: Provinces of Argentina with Name, Area, Population ................................. 204
Table 5-32: Australia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation .......................................... 206
Table 5-33: Provinces of Australia with Name, Area Population ................................... 206
Table 5-34: Austria’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces ... 208
Table 5-35: Provinces of Austria with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ... 208
Table 5-36: Brazil’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces ..... 210
Table 5-37: Provinces of Brazil with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop ..... 210
Table 5-38: Germany’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces 212
Table 5-39: Provinces of Germany with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking ............ 212
Table 5-40: Malaysia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces 214
Table 5-41: Provinces of Malaysia with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop 214
Table 5-42: Mexico’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces .. 215
Table 5-43: Provinces of Mexico with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop .. 216
Table 5-44: Nigeria’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Provinces ... 217
Table 5-45: Provinces of Nigeria with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Pop... 218
Table 5-46: Papua New Guinea’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation .......................... 220
Table 5-47: Provinces of Papua New Guinea with Name, Area, Population .................. 220
XVII
Table 5-48: Venezuela’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of Prov ...... 222
Table 5-49: Provinces of Venezuela with Name, Area, Population ................................ 222
Table 5-50: Philippines’ Population, Area, GDP Explanation and Number of province 223
Table 5-51: Provinces of Philippines with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking ........ 224
Table 5-52: United Kingdom (UK)’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation ................... 227
Table 5-53: Regions of the United Kingdom with Name, Area, Population ................... 227
XVIII
List of Figures
Figure 1-1: Indus civilization, the two main cities Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa .............. 13
Figure 1-2: Administrative Structure of British India under the British ............................ 17
Figure 1-3: Administrative division of the country in British India .................................. 18
Figure 1-4: A map of the British Indian Empire in 1909. .................................................. 19
Figure 2-1: Government India Act 1919: Member of the Council of the State ................ 44
Figure 2-2: Central Government of British India: Members of the Legislative ................ 45
Figure 3-1: Different ethnic, based regions are shown in present Pakistan. . .................... 80
Figure 3-2: Proposed Saraikistan map consists of the districts South Punjab. .................. 81
Figure 3-3: A conference held in Lahore on April 9, 2018, by the PML-N MNAs,. ........ 91
Figure 3-4: A map of Pakistan, in which the Bahawalpur Division has been shown ....... 93
Figure 3-5: Nawab Salahuddin warns of movement if Bahawalpur province ................ 111
Figure 3-6: Proposed Map of Hazara Province in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Pakistan) ...... 115
Figure 3-7: Tehrik-e-Hazara (Hazara Movement) demanding a separate province. ....... 117
Figure 3-8: Baba Haider Zaman leading a rally for a provincial status of Hazara .......... 118
Figure 3-9: Hazara parliamentarians to meet political leadership for Hazara province. . 121
Figure 3-10: Ladies’ rally at Karachi Press Club in favor of their demands ................... 129
Figure 3-11: Map of Balochistan with the partition of Pashtuns and Baloch. ................. 131
Figure 5-1: Population of Pakistan’s provinces with percentage..................................... 165
Figure 5-2: GDP per capita income of Turkey from 1995 to 2019. ................................ 166
Figure 5-3: Markus G. Jud, Switzerland’s 26 Cantons (Federal States). ......................... 172
Figure 5-4: Trading Economics, United States GDP per capita. 2020.. .......................... 174
Figure 5-5: population of USA’s States with percentage. ............................................... 176
Figure 5-6: Population of Canada’s Provinces with Percentage of ................................. 178
Figure 5-7: Map of France Regions ................................................................................. 181

XIX
Figure 5-8: Population of Indian Provinces with Percentage of ...................................... 184
Figure 5-9: Administrative map of India showing India's States and Union Territories . 185
Figure 5-10: China’s Provinces with Percentage of ........................................................ 188
Figure 5-11: Regions, Prefectures and their Capital Cities of Japan ............................... 196
Figure 5-12: Administrative Map of Indonesia ............................................................... 198
Figure 5-13: Administrative Unit of Russia..................................................................... 203
Figure 5-14: Population of the provinces of Argentina ................................................... 205
Figure 5-15: The states of Australia with a population percentage. ................................ 207
Figure 5-16: Area wise States of Austria ......................................................................... 209
Figure 5-17: Population wise Austria’s States ................................................................. 209
Figure 5-18: Population of Germany’s States with Percentage ....................................... 213
Figure 5-19: Administrative Units of the UK and England. ............................................ 228

XX
Abbreviations and Acronyms

AC Assistant Commissioners
APAC All-Party Action Committee
APP Associated Press of Pakistan
BBS Bahalia Bahawalpur Suba
BMM Bahawalpur Mutahidda Mahaz
BPC Basic Principles Committee
BPM Bahawalpur Province Movement
CCI Council of Common Interest
CM Chief Minister
COP Combined Opposition Parties
CPDI Centre for Peace and Development Initiatives
DAC Democratic Action Committee
DC Deputy Commissioners
DIG Deputy Inspector-General
EBDO Elected Bodies Disqualification Order
ECP Election Commission of Pakistan
FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas
FBS Federal Bureau of Statistics
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GDP (PPP) Gross Domestic Product (Purchasing Power Parity)
HCBBA High Court Circuit Bench Bar Association
HDI Human Development Index
HQM Hazara Qaumi Mahaz
HRL Home Rule League
ICS Indian Civil Service
IG Inspector-General of Police
JI Jamaat-e-Islami
JPSM Janoobi Punjab Sooba Mahaz
JUI Jamiat-e-Ulma-Islam
JUP Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan
KKF Khidmat-i-Khalq Foundation
KPK Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
LFO Legal Framework Order
LHC Lahore High Court
MNA Members National Assembly
MPA Member of Punjab Assembly
XXI
MQM Muttahida Qaumi Movement (Pakistan)

MQM Muhajir Qaumi Movement
MRBP Movement for Restoration of Bahawalpur Province
N.W.F. P North-West Frontier Province
NA National Assembly
NAP National Awami Party
NDF National Democratic Front
NFC Award The National Finance Commission Award
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NSF National Student Federation
PBS Pakistan Bureau of Statistics
PDM Pakistan Democratic Movement
PKMAP Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party
PM Prime Minister
PML-N Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz
PMLQ Pakistan Muslim League Quaid-e-Azam
PNA Pakistan National Alliance
PONM Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement
PPP Pakistan People’s Party
PRODA Public and Representative Office Disqualification Act
PSO Pakhtunkhwa Student’s Organization
PSP Pakistan Siraiki Party
PTI Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf
QWP Qaumi Watan Party
SDP Saraikistan Democratic Party
SP Superintendent of Police
SQI Saraikistan Qaumi Ittehad
SQM Siraiki Qaumi Mahaz
SQT Siraiki Qaumi Tehrik
SSM Siraiki Suba Mahaz
TSH Tehreek Sooba Hazara
TV Television
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UP Uttar Pradesh
USA United State of America
XXII
Abstract
Today, the issue of the formation of new provinces in Pakistan has become very serious
and worthy of consideration. After the Eighteenth Amendment in the constitution of
1973, this issue has picked up fast momentum in the country. Different T.V. channels,
electronic, social, and print media have made it a very hot and debatable issue in the
country. In the context of the formation of new provinces in Pakistan, the core
objectives of the study are to examine the research questions such as; why do the
separate province's movements and the public of Pakistan demand the new provinces
in the country? What are the challenges and prospects of a new province in Pakistan?
The comparison between Pakistan and the major countries of the world with special
reference of the new province, in which is to find out the role of new provinces in the
development of the major countries of the world. From the historical perspective of the
issue, the importance of new provinces is very clear. In the subcontinent view of
population growth and expansion of the area, the establishment of new provinces in
India has always been necessary. The Mughal rulers and the British made the
establishment of new provinces possible in their respective eras, keeping in view the
importance of new provinces. Both made the creation of new provinces for
administrative purposes and good governance. The two main political parties in the
subcontinent, the Congress and the Muslim League, also favored the creating new
provinces. Besides, other political leaders of the subcontinent, including Quaid-e-Azam
and Allama Iqbal, emphasized the importance of creating new provinces to alleviate the
backwardness (such as Bombay’s secession from Sindh, and implementing the reforms
in the province Balochistan and NWFP on par with other provinces). There are many
examples of new provinces in the world but in the historical perspective of provinces
and their division, the study of the partition of Bengal is very important to know the
political, social, religious, economic, and administratively changing aspects of that era.
Moreover, another core objective of the study is to discuss and examine the role of
federalism in the country because the balance of power in Pakistan has always been
deteriorating, which did not allow federalism and democracy to flourish according to
its original spirit. That is why the distribution of resources and power-sharing in the
country could not be made fair and as a result, different parts of the country exposed to
backwardness, poverty, and deprivations. Due to this, different separate provinces'
XXIII
movements are demanding new provinces in these regions for their due rights. The main
objective to raise voices for new provinces is to eradicate the backwardness and
deprivations of their respective areas. There are many challenges in the way of the
creation of new provinces in the country such as politics of political parties on the name
of new provinces, economic implications, ethnic and linguistic identities, demand on
ethnic grounds by movements of new provinces in the country, centralization, major
regional political groups, and parties (such as Sindhi, Pashtun, Baloch, Punjabi). If the
above-mentioned challenges and obstacles that stand in the way of creating new
provinces are removed or resolved, the chances and hopes of making new provinces
can increase. In respect of the comparison of Pakistan with the major countries of the
world in special reference to new provinces, it is very clear that the major countries of
the world are developing fast due to the formation of new provinces. The facts and
figures show that the new provinces are playing a great role in development in the other
countries of the world. In short, given the historical context of the subcontinent and the
development of the major countries of the world in terms of the importance of the
creation of new provinces, it is quite clear that the establishment of small provinces or
units in the country opens new avenues for development and prosperity.
Keywords: Formation of new provinces, Historical view, Federalism in Pakistan,

Movements for new provinces, Grievances, Challenges and prospects, Comparison
with major countries.
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Pakistan emerged on the world map on August 14, 1947.1 There were many problems and
issues like political, social, administrative, economic, and provincial, linked with this newly
born State. Language issues, division of power between the West and East wings,
constitutional matters, issue of parity, etc. were the provincial issues of that time. Pakistan
has been facing numerous difficulties, issues, and hurdles since 1947. Pakistan consisted
of four provinces, a commissionaire of Baluchistan, and some Princely States. The territory
area of Pakistan was approximately 365029 square miles, and its total population was 70.6
million.2
Pakistan remained under the British dominion from 1947 to 1956. After the
promulgation of the 1956 constitution, Pakistan made the Islamic Republic. In 1958,
General Muhammad Ayyub Khan imposed Martial Law in the country. 3 Martial law
continued about eleven years in the country, and after this, General Yahya Khan again
forced martial law in Pakistan. In 1971, Pakistan was divided into two separate parts
Pakistan and Bangladesh. It was a great mishap in the history of Pakistan. There were many
reasons for this incident. In this way, the main and important reason for separation was the
feeling of deprivation of East Pakistan’s people. The public of the region thanked that their
assets were being snatched by West Pakistan.4 In 1973, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto gave the present
constitution of 1973. So for, more than 25 amendments have been done in the Pakistani
constitution.
Present-day Pakistan is in South Asia. India, China, Russia, Afghanistan, Iran,

Central Asian states, and Gulf countries are the neighbors of Pakistan. In these neighbors,
China, India, and Russia are the atomic powers of the world. Pakistan is also an atomic
1
Sheikh Muhammad Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999 (Lahore: Bazam-e-Skafat Publishers, 2013), 33.
2
Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999, 44.
3
Murtaza Haider, "What they never tell us about Ayub Khan's regime." Karachi: Dawn, November 5, 2016.
4
Nawaz, Ghulam Mustafa & Adil. "The Separation of East Pakistan: Socio-Economic Factors." Asian
Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, 2014: 45-51.
2
power. She is a federation of different units.5 Pakistan consists of four provinces such as
Punjab, Sindh, Baluchistan, and KPK.
Today in Pakistan, the issue of the formation of new provinces has become a very
hot and serious matter. The momentum of this issue was raised in April 2010 after the 18th
amendment.6 After this, the demand for new provinces in the country has picked up the fast
momentum. This issue is debated on different TV channels and print media. Pakistani
media has made it a popular and famous issue. Now the voices of the demand of new
provinces are arising in the different regions of Pakistan. In this way, the Restoration
Movement of Bahawalpur Province, Saraiki Soobah (province) Movement in Punjab,
Karachi Province in Sindh, Hazara Province Movement in KPK, and Pashtun in
Baluchistan are very popular movements in Pakistan.
Provinces and administrative units are very necessary to run administrative affairs
of the State in any country of the world. For this purpose, the State/Country is divided into
different administrative units like Provinces, Divisions, Districts, Tehsils, and Union
Councils. This division of the State plays a vital role in better administration and good
governance in any country in the world. Mostly, Countries of the world have adopted this
system of division. Powers are decentralized in this system from up to a low level. The
government works for the welfare of the people in the country through this system. But
when the population of a country crosses particular limits, then different challenges and
hurdles come in the way of administration to run the government affairs.
The different challenges and hurdles have a terrible impact on the life of common
people. The people of that country or region face social, economic, and political problems.
Moreover, they feel a sense of deprivation due to the lack of development, justice,
education, health, and employment in the region or territory. When they look at the
development and prosperity of the other territories, regions, provinces, and even the other
countries, then they intensively feel the sense of deprivation. In this situation, proponents
argue that the formation of new provinces is very necessary for the advancement of the
people and good governance in the state. Another side, opponents argue that the formation
5
Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999. 486.
6
Moonis Ahmar, Conflict Prevention and the New Provincial Map of Pakistan: A Case Study of Hazara
Province, Journal of Political Study, Vol.20, Lahore Issue-2, 2013, p. 1-19.
3
of new provinces is totally against the integration of the country and the development of
the State. This is a great burden on the country and its institutions.
The present study is an evaluation of the new administrative units in the country
and seeks the answer to those issues and problems on which basis the people of Pakistan
demand the new provinces in Pakistan. In this research, the federal system of Pakistan has
been discussed in detail. This study also presents the models of other countries in the world
to explain the issue in-depth. The study also covers all the aspects related to the issue with
patent argues.
1.1 Problem statement
The population of Pakistan has been increasing fast since 1947. Pakistan consisted
of four Provinces in 1947. That time population of Pakistan was lesser than today. Now the
population of Pakistan has crossed the limit of two hundred million while the administrative
units/provinces are still the same. In this situation, new provinces should be the need or not.
The title of this dissertation is very clear about the formation of new provinces in Pakistan.
In this dissertation, the statement problem is to analyze the formation of new provinces in
Pakistan and is to investigate the demand, needs, challenges, and prospects. Moreover, it is
to examine the role of new provinces or small units in the development of the major
countries of the world compared to Pakistan. It has been described in question form as:
1. Why do the separate provinces’ movements and the people of Pakistan demand
new provinces in the country?
2. What are the challenges and prospects of the formation of new provinces in
Pakistan?
3. What is the role of new provinces/units in the development of the major countries
of the world compared to Pakistan?
It is very necessary to highlight all the aspects of new provinces in Pakistan
1.2 Scope of the study
The proposed study provides basic information regarding the issue of new
provinces in Pakistan. It discusses in detail the nature, historical background, demand, need,
challenges, prospects, culture, and politics of the new provinces in Pakistan. This study
covers all aspects related to the issue in Pakistan and other countries of the world. It presents
and discusses the comparison between Pakistan and other countries of the world with
4
special reference to new provinces. It also analyzes the role of federalism in Pakistan.
Moreover, it highlights the development process of the backward areas of Pakistan in detail.
The present study focuses on the socio-economic effects of the development on the lives
of the people of Pakistan.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The core objectives of the study are:
1. To analyze the demand and need for the formation of new administrative units
in Pakistan.
2. To analyze the challenges and prospects of the formation of new provinces in
Pakistan.
3. To find out the expectations/hopes of new provinces in Pakistan.
4. To determine the suggestions and recommendations upon the new provinces in
Pakistan.
5. To discuss and examine the role of federalism in Pakistan and analyze the role
of new provinces to integrate the federation.
6. To compare the role of new provinces in development between Pakistan and
other countries of the world
1.4 Research Questions
The research questions of this study are:
1. Why do the separate provinces’ movements and people of Pakistan demand new
provinces in the country?
2. On which grounds (ethnic and Lingual or administrative) these movements are
demanding the new provinces in Pakistan?
3. What are the basic issues and problems of the common people on which basis
they demand the new provinces in Pakistan?
4. What is the role of new provinces in the development of different countries of
the world compared to Pakistan?
5. What are the challenges and prospects of the formation of new provinces in
Pakistan?
6. What has been the status of federalism in Pakistan since 1947?
5
1.5 Significance of the Study
Now a day, the issue of new provinces in Pakistan has become very hot. This is the
national level issue of Pakistan. The proponents and opponents have their arguments in
favor and opposite the new provinces in Pakistan, respectively. But here raises a very
important question that what are the advantages and disadvantages of the new provinces
for the development of Pakistan and its People? This study presents the solution to this
issue, whether the new provinces are better or not for Pakistan. Before it, no research work
has been done on the issue of new administrative units/provinces on the national level.
This study discusses all the aspects related to the federation and their provinces. It
is an analytical study about new provinces and discusses all the problems and challenges
in depth that come in the way of new provinces in Pakistan. This study also discusses the
public demand for new provinces in detail. This study concludes that what will be the socio-
economic impacts of it on the lives of people of Pakistan. The present study is innovative
because it brings together an analysis of national discourse about the new provinces in
Pakistan.
1.6 Theoretical Concepts of the Study
The concept of decentralization is prevailing in most countries of the world to run

government affairs. By which, these cities and states/countries have become very civilized
and developed in the world, and they are sharing their experiences, ideas, modern
technologies, cultures with each other. Countries that have adopted the model of
decentralization have not only made life easier for their people but have come a long way
in the race for development such as Switzerland, France, Germany, Japan, China, Turkey,
the United States of America (USA), etc.
History communicates and proves that the concept of decentralization in the deep
past is very popular and well mature. This concept was in good physical shape applied by
former civilization. In 200 BC, the Greeks established city-states as per more by majority
vote manageable and administratively operational. In recent times, to make or divide a
country into different administrative units such as provinces, divisions, districts, tehsils,
6
union councils, and villages and to empower them is a form of decentralization.7 “The word
“decentralization,” by contrast, would not enter the vocabulary until the 1820s.”8 Viscount
de Tocqueville was a political scientist, and was an advocate of decentralization as
“decentralization has not only an administrative value but also a civic dimension since it
increases the opportunities for citizens to take an interest in public affairs.”9
Decentralization has an extensive past. Political philosophers from Montesquieu to
Madison propose that decentralized rule can be paid self-governing participation, better
representation, answerability and rule, and governmental efficiency. According to Paul
Smoke, “Decentralization is a theme discussed with a wide range of related subjects like
public sector reform, democracy, political reform, participation, empowerment, rural
development, fiscal and economic development, accountability, and capacity building.”10
Moreover, a working report was published by the joint UNDP and Government of Germany
in which the role of decentralization is explained as; “Decentralization has kept its promise
as far as the strengthening of democracy at the national level…. Decentralization has also
reduced poverty.”11
The concept of devolution which accepts that power should be handed over to the
lower levels of the top. In Pakistani case, the sense of deprivation and exploitation is at the
peak in the different parts of Pakistan, particularly in southern Punjab, Southern Sindh,
FATA, Balochistan, and KPK. Scholars and intellectuals believe decentralization stands
the soul solution for the stability, sovereignty, and sustainability of the country.12
According to Mawhood and Friedman “Service provision and maintenance can often be
improved by devolving responsibilities to local governments or administrative units.”13
7
Malik M Hafeez, "Constitutional Framework for Formation of New Provinces in Pakistan." International
Journal of Business, Economics and Law, Vol. 4, Issue 3 (June) 2014, ISSN 2289-1552, 2014: 4-10.
8
Vivien A. Schmidt, Democratizing France: The Political and Administrative History of Decentralization
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 22
9
Jean Bonnal, A History of Decentralization. n.d.
10
John S. Moolakkattu and Jos Chathukulam, Theoretical Perspective of Decentralisation. May 25, 2007.
11
Joint UNDP-Government of Germany, Decentralization: A Sampling of Definition. Working paper about
the "evaluation of the UNDP role in decentralization and local governance, Joint UNDP-Government of
Germany, 1999
12
Dawn News Editorial, Saraiki Province dated 2009/07/06.
13
Akhter Hussain, Ph.D, M. Mafizur Rahman and Farhana Razzaque. Inclusive Governance at the Local
Level in Bangladesh: Prospects and Challenges. Working Paper, Dhaka: Institute of Governance Studies,
BRAC University, 2013.
7
1.7 Research Methodology
The research method adopted in this study is qualitative and descriptive. Descriptive
research is to understand the current status of the subject of the study. In this type of
research, the researcher can use both qualitative and quantitative research methods. For an
in-depth analysis of the issue, qualitative and quantitative methods have been used. These
methods have explored the hidden factors which became the causes of the demand for new
provinces in Pakistan. The study highlighted the need and importance of new federating
units in Pakistan to strengthening democracy, federalism, and efficiency in governance,
and to promote national unity in the country. For authentication and justification of present
research, all primary and secondary sources available on the study has been used. Data have
been collected from different secondary sources, i.e., libraries, comments, opinions, and
analyses published in different newspapers, research on new provinces movements in
Pakistan, causes, prospects and challenges, magazines, and other sources from the internet,
which were relevant and important for this research. All the data have been collected
manually from the concerned resources and arranged accordingly. For the analysis and
interpretation of data, the thematic analysis technique has been used. This technique is
commonly used by the researchers of social sciences in the qualitative, case study, and
descriptive research. During this process, it was also explored that all radical parties and
their leadership used the slogan of new provinces at the time of election to get maximum
votes. Moreover, speeches and interviews of political leaders published in the newspapers
have also been analyzed after the data collection. Data has been analyzed to conclude.
1.8 Structure of the thesis

The dissertation consists of six chapters.
1.8.1 Chapter 1
1.8.1.1 Introduction
The first chapter consists of the historical background of the present study. It has
been examined the historical background of the creation of new provinces in the Mughal
Era, British period, and existing Pakistan. The manifesto of different political parties of
Pakistan will be considered because it is important to know about the actual behavior of
the political parties.
8
1.8.2 Chapter 2
1.8.2.1 Federalism in Pakistan
In this chapter, the nature, meanings, origin, concept, and impotence of federalism
have been discussed in detail. This part of the study examines the centralized nature of the
British in the Subcontinent and existing Pakistan. This chapter describes the status of
federalism in the country from 1947 to till date. Relations between federation and provinces
have been examined with special reference to Pakistan.
1.8.3 Chapter 3
1.8.3.1 Demand for the Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan
Chapter three investigate the answer to this question: Why do the separate
provinces’ movements and the people of Pakistan demand new provinces in the country?
In this way, different movements are working for the separate provinces in the country. In
this chapter also has been discussed about the movements for the formation of new
provinces in Pakistan. It has been analyzed that what are the grievances of these movements
in-depth, and why are they demanding the new province?
1.8.4 Chapter 4
1.8.4.1 Challenges and Prospects of New Provinces in Pakistan
Chapter four seeks the answer to the research questions and also investigates the
following challenges and prospects for the new provinces. The research question is: What
are the challenges and prospects of the formation of new provinces in Pakistan?
1.8.5 Chapter 5
1.8.5.1 Comparison between Pakistan and the Major Countries of the world
In this chapter, the comparison between Pakistan and the Major Countries of the
world with special reference of new provinces has been discussed about the economy,
population, development, number of provinces, area, GDP per capita of different countries,
etc. A comparison of the population of provinces between Pakistan and the other countries
of the world also has been discussed. In this way, the research question “What is the role
of new provinces in the development of different countries of the world compared to
9
Pakistan?” has been examined deeply. The list of some major countries of the world is
given.
1.8.6 Chapter 6
1.8.6.1 Conclusion
This chapter consists of findings and the results of the present study. It has been examined
and concluded the realities of the new provinces. Recommendations, suggestions, and
conclusions have been given in this chapter.
1.9 Literature Review
There exists considerable literature on new provinces but in context to Pakistan if

it is not rare, also not abundantly available. The following literature is readily available on
the topic.
Saman Zulfiqar has written in her article “Politics of Provinces in Pakistan:

Prospects and Challenges” about the formation of new provinces in Pakistan. She has
declared that the issue of new provinces is very complex and difficult. She describes that
the creation of new provinces is impossible without national consensus and constitutional
worth. Though proponents and opponent of the creation of new provinces in the country
have their valid arguments, they are giving a new direction to the challenges already tackled
by the center. Although Pakistan is a federal State, she has not a complete essence of the
federation. There are many issues between the central government and provinces, but
provincial autonomy and distribution of national resources are the great issues.
The book of Dr. Muhammad Akbar Malik “Bahawalpur Mein Bahali-e- Soobah ki
Tehreek” has been written about the rehabilitation movement of Bahawalpur province. This
book gives all information about the region of Bahawalpur State, like its cultural, social,
economic, historical, religious, and moral values. In this book, the author stressed that new
provinces should be created bases on cultural, ethnic, and language differences as well as
on the bases of administration. He quoted the different examples of Mughals and British
Indian periods for the explanation of the new provinces. He also explained the role of new
provinces for better administration in the Sub-Continent. He more stated that the new
10
administrative units are essential to eradicate the sense of deprivation in the backward areas
of the country.
Dr. Umbreen Javid has written in her article “Movement for Bahawalpur Province”
about the desire of the people of Bahawalpur region that what they want. They want
rehabilitation of Bahawalpur province. In this article, the author told that the people of the
region always sported those politicians who fought elections in favor of a separate province
of Bahawalpur. The people of the region feel that their basic problems can be solved
through a separate province. Moreover, the author warns that if the solemn steps are not
taken for the development and prosperity of the region, then regional prejudice can become
a very stern issue.
An article “Regional Identities in Quest of Separate Provinces: a new challenge for

the Pakistani federation” has been written by Muhammad Mushtaq. This study throws light
on the problems of the federation of Pakistan. Federation is already facing many internal
and external problems, so she cannot open the new Pandora box to fulfill the demands of
regional identities and distribution problems that would be unbearable for its turmoil. The
author states that many demands are problematic to show up for the federation, but the
claim for a new province in the Sothern region of Punjab may be acceptable, and it has
popular support. Moreover, the author tells that the idea of Punjabi dominance in the
politics of Pakistan would be weak due to the division of Punjab. It is more likely that the
smaller groups will be further relaxed in the time off of dominant majority groups.
An article by Moonis Ahmar, “Conflict Prevention and the New Provincial Map of
Pakistan: A Case Study of Hazara Province,” describes that the possible threat of the
outburst of skirmish exists between the different ethnic and lingual gropes if the new
administrative units are made without consensus into account the interest of the key
interested party. This article particularly focuses on the movement of separation of Hazara
Province. The author suggests that it is the right time for Pakistan’s Parliament to form a
new commission to give a thought about the creation of new administrative units in
Pakistan. A commission was already made in Punjab that was failed due to a lack of
legitimacy and consensus between the stakeholders. Moreover, the parliamentary
committee failed to complete his work. He more suggests that present divisions should be
11
declared as Provinces or should be made such a restructuring that is acceptable for

everyone.
Muhammad Usman Asghar wrote an article “demand for new provinces in

Pakistan,” in which he concluded that the great interest of the country new provinces should
be made on the bases of administrative rather than religious, linguistic, and ethnic bases.
He told that State is fully accountable for the justifiable distribution of resources to develop
all the constituencies of the nation-state. He described the criteria for new provinces and
presented his legal and administrative perspectives. He also explained the present federal
structure of Pakistan.
“Report of the Commission for Creation of New Province(s) in the Province of the
Punjab” has been published by the Government of Pakistan on twenty-eighth January 2013.
Senator Mr. Farhat Ullah Babar was the Chairman of this Commission, and eleven other
Parliamentarians were the members of this commission. This commission examined in
depth the grievances of southern Punjab. This commission declared that the people of this
region always felt depressed in terms of unbalanced division of resources.
Rizwan Ahmed Zahid, “Pakistan A Descriptive Atlas,” provides an in-depth and

objective study of the geography of the country and its internal situation and foreign
relations. It contains comments and analysis throughout. It also discusses Pakistan’s foreign
policy and the geo-strategic importance of Pakistan. The great work gives us more and
sufficient information about the internal and external situation of Pakistan.
An article “Justification for More Provinces” has been written by Khalid Chandio
in IPRI Review. This article provides great information about new provinces in the country.
The writer says that the formation of new provinces a political issue because most political
parties have become provincial-based, e.g., PPP in Sindh, MQM in Karachi and Hyderabad,
Muslim League Nawaz (MLN) in Punjab, Pakistan Tehreek- e- Insaaf (PTI) in KPK and
Awami National Party (ANP) in KPK. So, in this situation, the formation of new provinces
is a serious threat to the federation of the country. The writer suggests that new units should
be established on an administrative ground rather than an ethnic, cultural, lingual, and
regional basis.
12
1.10 Historical Background
At the beginning of human history, the man did not give attention to the way of his
life. But the passage of time, he learned from his observations and experiences and started
to collect these observations and experiences in a manageable shape as knowledge. After a
long time, this knowledge gradually adopted booklet shape and presently in the form of
information technology. Now, Man has learned from his past and history that how he led
his life and managed it. He is using these historical assets for his progress, prosperity, and
development. History tells us how we can make our lives peaceful, powerful, and
prosperous.14
Consequently, very early, the man started to live in caves and forests, and after this,
he made himself better than the past, and he began to make houses to live, and as he
associated with agriculture, he started to live the bank of rivers and canals. All the first-
born nations of the world are found on the bank of rivers like Ancient Egyptians civilization
in Egypt, Ancient Roman Civilization in Italy, Ancient Chinese Civilization in China,
Mesopotamia civilization in Iraq, Indus civilization in Pakistan, etc.15 The study of these
old civilizations tells us about the settlements and cultures of the man of that time.
Moreover, this study tells us the internal and external relations of the old civilizations. In
Indus civilization, the two main cities Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa, also occurred on the
bank of river Indus and river Ravi, respectively. These two cities were very civilized and
planed. Figure 1-1 shows the map of the two main cities Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa, of
Indus civilization.16 Man improved himself with time; he learned his past and utilized it for
his future life.17
Gradually man made the small and big houses and later converted his settlements
into the tribes, cities, states, etc. And he also made rules and regulations to run government
affairs. Raja, Maharaja, Sardar, Sarpanch (leader of the nations) ruled over the tribes, cities,
and states. They also kept the army for defense and tax collection. Over time, this old
14
Mikhail Rostovtzeff, translated by J. D. Duff. A History of the Ancient World: The Orient and Greece,
Volume 1 (New York: Biblo & Tannen Publishers, 1926), 1-7
15
History Lists, 10 of the World’s Oldest Known Civilizations. n.d.
16
Joanne Shelby, 15 Oldest Ancient Civilizations on Earth. March 30, 2016.
17
Joanne Shelby, 15 Oldest Ancient Civilizations on Earth. March 30, 2016.
13
system of governance or supremacy changed into the modern concept of governance of

tribes, cities, states.
Figure 1-1: Indus civilization, the two main cities Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa
Today, one hundred and ninety-three18members countries and two observer states of
the United Nations19and some other countries/states are present on the map of the world.20
In which, each country is divide into different regions, administrative units/provinces, and
cities. Every country has its constitutions and the system of governance. Through the
constitution, powers are given to the administration to run the government affairs in right
away. To give the powers from a higher level to grass root level is called decentralization.
Administrative units or provinces come into being by the division of a region or a
country that has its government. These provinces are made for the welfare of the people to
facilitate them and good governance in the country as well as concerned administrative unit
or province. According to Oxford Dictionary, “Province: one of the areas that some
countries are divided into with its local government: the provinces of Canada”21 and the
term “Provinces” defined as “all the parts of a country except the capital city.”22 According
18
Countries of the World, Alphabetical list of countries of the world. n.d.
19
Countries in the World: 195.
20
Worldview, How Many Countries Are There in the World in 2018? February 15, 2018.
21
A S Hornby, Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (New York: Oxford Universities
Press, 2010). p.1181
22
Hornby, Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English, 1181
14
to Merriam Webster Dictionary, the definition of a province or administrative unit is: “a

country or region brought under the control of the ancient Roman government” and
explained it more: “an administrative district or division of a country.”23 The process of
dividing a country into a province is to give the political responsibilities and administrative
powers to the low tier on the administrative grounds.
1.10.1 Formation of New Provinces Under the Mughal’s Rule
The term Subah was used for a province in the Mughal’s Rule in the subcontinent. A
Subahdar (Governor) was the head of the Subah (Province) in the Mughal Era. During the
administrative reforms (1572-1580), the Mughal Empire was divided into twelve Subahs24
by Badshah (emperor) Akbar the Great for the better administration in the country and
when expanded the empire of Mughal at the end of Akbar period, the number of Subahs
(provinces) was fifteen.25 In the reign of Jahangir (emperor), the numbers of Subahs
Provinces) were seventeen, and during the reign of Shah Jahan(emperor), it26 increased to
twenty-two.27
Moreover, these Subahs were divided into different Sarkars/districts, and further,
these Sarkar or districts were divided into Parganas. The number of Sarkars (Division of
Province) was consist of one hundred and five (105), and these Sarkars were subdivided
into two thousand seven hundred and thirty-seven townships.28 This was the great
administration system that was given by the Mughals Rulers to run Government affairs for
the welfare of the people of the Subcontinent. Akbar the great decentralized the powers
through the administrative reforms during his reign. Although in the emperor’s system, all
the powers are centralized to the King, Akbar the great adopted the principle of
decentralization for the first time in Mughal’s history, and for this purpose, he did
23
Merriam-Webster, Province. January 1, 1828.
24
These Subahs (provinces) were Agra, Ajmer, Audh, Bengal, Bihar, Delhi, Gujarat, Kabul, Lahore,
Malwa, Multan and Allahabad.
25
George Clifford Whitworth, An Anglo-Indian Dictionary: A Glossary of Indian Terms Used in English,
and of Such English Or Other Non-Indian Terms as Have Obtained Special Meanings in India, (London:
Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. 1885), p. 301.
26
Mahajan, V.D, History of Medieval India, Part II (New Delhi: S. Chand, ISBN 81-219-0364-5, 1991,
reprint 2007), 236
27
Sonali, Provincial Administration of the Mughal Rulers. n.d. (Accessed date September 28, 2017)
28
Abul Fazl Allami, translated by Colonel H.S. Jarrett. The Ain I Akbari Vol 2nd, (Calcutta: Asiatic Society
of Bengal (The Baptist Mission Press), 1891), 115.
15
administrative reforms (1572-80) during his reign. The following Table 1-1 is showing the
number of provinces in Akbar’s reign.29
Table 1-1
Numbers of Subahs (provinces) of the Mughal Empire
Sr. No Subahs’ Name Capital’s Name Year of Emperor’s
(Province’ Name) Formation Reign
1. Agra Agra
2. Ajmer Ajmer
3. Audh (Oudh) Faiza bad (later Lucknow)
4. Bengal Tanda (1574-95)

5. Bihar Patna
6. Delhi Delhi
1572-1580 Akbar the
7. Gujarat Ahmedabad Great
8. Kabul Kabul
9. Lahore Lahore
10. Malwa Ujjain
11. Multan Multan
12. Allahabad Allahabad
13. Berar Ellichpur 1596
14. Khandesh (Dande Burhanpur 1601
sh)
15. Ahmednagar Ahmednagar 1601
Source: Whitworth, An Anglo-Indian Dictionary: A Glossary of Indian Terms Used in

English, and of Such English Or Other Non-Indian Terms as Have Obtained Special
Meanings in India. 301.
When the reign of Aurangzeb ended in 1707, the numbers of Subahs/Administrative
Units were twenty-one. In which fourteen Subahs (Provinces) occurred in Northern India,
one in Afghanistan, and six in Deccan (Southern India). In the reign of Akbar, the emperor
appointed a Governor, a Diwan, and several Officers in Subahs who were responsible for
their administrative affairs and revenue collection in their concerned Subah.
Administration of land revenue of the Mughal Empire collected amount to about

thirty-three crores and eighty-five lakhs (338500000 rupees) of rupees. And other
29
Whitworth, An Anglo-Indian Dictionary: A Glossary of Indian Terms Used in English, and of Such
English Or Other Non-Indian Terms as Have Obtained Special Meanings in India. 301.
16
significant sources of Mughal’s Empire income were “zakat (realized from Muslims), jizya
(poll tax from Hindus), salt tax, customs duty, mint and spoils from war.”30 Table 1-2
shows the administration of the Mughal Empire in the provinces.31
Table 1-2
Administration of the Mughal Empire in Provinces
Mughal’s Empire Current Title Office
Title
Subahdar Governor Head of Subah (Province)
Diwan Finance Minister Provincial Finance Minister
Bakhshi Paymaster Disbursement the wages
Faujdar Deputy Commissioner Head of Sarkar (District)
Shiqdar Assistant Head of Pargana (Group of Villages or Tehsil or Union
Commissioner Council)
Muqaddam Lumber Dar (Sarpanch) Head of Village
Source: Jagran Josh, Mughal Administration: Key Features & Structure. n.d.
1.10.2 Formation of New Provinces Under the British
The British India company came into the subcontinent in Mughal’s reign in 16oo and
deviated from its original purposes, began interfering in the politics of the subcontinent. It
ruled over the subcontinent from 1773 to 1858 with the support of the British government.
But, after the war of independence of 1857, the British government took over the
subcontinent itself. The British introduced the modern concept of administration in the
subcontinent to strengthen its hold and prolong the rule.
1.10.2.1 Modern Concept of Administrative System
After the Mughals, the British came in Subcontinent as a trader and gradually
occupied on the whole Subcontinent. The British followed the administrative system of
Mughals. First, the administrative system in Subcontinent was given by the Mughals, but
the modern concept of the administrative system was introduced by the British in the
subcontinent. The British brought many acts to maintain good governance and
administration in the Subcontinent from 1773 to 1947. They administered the whole
30
Jagran Josh, Mughal Administration: Key Features & Structure. October 21, 2015.
31
Jagran Josh, Mughal Administration: Key Features & Structure. October 21, 2015, India.
17
country through bureaucracy from a higher level to the grassroots level. The governors
were made head of the provinces like the Mughal precedent. In British India, Provinces
were divided into divisions, districts, tehsils, and villages. The main reason behind this
administrative division was to manage the vast territory of British India in Subcontinent.
Figure 1-2 shows the Administrative Structure of British India.32 Figure 1-3 shows the
administrative division of the country in British India.33
Figure 1-2: Administrative Structure of British India under the British
32
Munawar Ibne Sadiq, et., all. History 8th Class. (Lahore: Punjab Curriculum and Text Book Board
Lahore, 2017), 3.
33
Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1909, p. 46-56
18
Figure 1-3: Administrative division of the country in British India

There were three historical periods of British Governance concerning an
administrative division. First (1612-1757), East India company made factories on the
different parts of India for trading purposes with the consent of Mughal Emperors. These
trading posts were called presidency towns like Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta. These
presidency towns had grown in the mid of eighteenth century. Second (1757-1858), East
India Company increasingly attained the control of a vast territory of India, now these
Presidencies Town were converted into “Presidencies.” Third (1858-1947), after the
mutiny of 1857, all powers of East India Company were transferred to the British Crown.
The United Kingdom set up her Rule in the subcontinent on regular bases, and then these
Presidencies were broken up into “Provinces.”34 “The eight major Provinces are the old
34
Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1908, p. 5
19
Presidencies of Madras and Bombay.”35 Figure 1-4 is showing the map of Provinces and
Princely States of British India under the British Rule. 36
Figure 1-4: A map of the British Indian Empire in 1909 during the partition of Bengal
(1905–1911), showing British India in two shades of pink (coral and pale) and
the princely states in yellow.
The territory of British India under the control of the Governor-General was divided
into eight major provinces and five minor or lesser administrative units. The term Local
Government was used for each of them.37 Governors or Lieutenant-Governors controlled
these administrative units. “The princely states were governed by the native Rulers. The
total population of these provinces was approximately 228 million, while the territory area
was nine hundred and forty-three in thousands of square miles of that time. The number of
35
The authority of His Majesty's Secretary of State for India in Council, The Imperial Gazetteer of India:
The Indian Empire Vol. IV Administrative (London: Clarendon Press, 1909), 29
36
J. G. Bartholomew & Sons, "Map of the British Indian Empire from Imperial Gazetteer of India."
(London: Oxford University Press, 1909).
37
Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1909, 29
20
provinces, areas, and populations under British India at the beginning of the twentieth
century is shown in Table 1-3.38
Table 1-3
List of Provinces Under British India at the beginning of the twentieth
Century
Provinces of British Area (in thousands of Population (in millions Chief Administrative
India square miles) of inhabitants) Officer
Assam 49 6 Chief Commissioner
Bengal 151 75 Lieutenant-Governor
Bombay 123 19 Governor-in-Council
Burma 170 9 Lieutenant-Governor
Central Provinces and

Berar 104 13 Chief Commissioner
Madras 142 38 Governor-in-Council
Punjab 97 20 Lieutenant-Governor
United Provinces 107 48 Lieutenant-Governor
Source: Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1909, p. 46
Moreover, there were some small provinces of British India that were administered
by the Chief Commissioner.39 The list of small provinces is shown in Table 1-4.40 These
administrative units had a minor population and area. And these minor provinces had not a
complete status of the province.
Table 1-4
List of minor provinces under British India of that time
Minor/Small Provinces Area (in thousands of The population of Chief Administrative
square miles) inhabitants (in thousands) Officer
Ajmer-Merwara 2.7 477 British Political Agent
in Rajputana served as
38
Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1909, p. 46 (For more detail see Appendix-1)
39
Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1909, p. 56 (For more detail see Appendix-2)
40
Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1908, p. 56
21
ex officio Chief
Commissioner
Andaman and Nicobar
3 25 Chief Commissioner
Islands
British Political Agent
in Baluchistan served as
British Baluchistan 46 308
ex officio Chief
Commissioner
British Resident in
Mysore served as ex
Coorg 1.6 181
officio Chief
Commissioner
North-West Frontier
16 2,125 Chief Commissioner
Province
Source: Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1909, p. 56

In British rule, provinces were divided into subdivisions like Division, Districts,
Tehsils, and villages. In which a Division generally consisted of four or six Districts. A
Commissioner was the head of the Division. The district was the most important
administrative unit in British India that was administered by the Deputy Commissioner.
British Government established a good system of administration in the sub-continent.
According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India of 1909, the details of Districts British India
are given as “…. British India contains more than 250 Districts. The average area of a
District is 4,430 square miles, and the average population 931,000.”41
1.10.2.2 Division of Bengal in 1905: A Great Example of New Provinces
From the historic viewpoint of provinces and their partition, the study of the Bengal’s
partition is very important to know the political, social, religious, economic, and
administratively changing aspects of that era. It is defined that the Bengal’s division in
1905 was managerial creativity to promote the governance in the province for the
betterment and welfare of the public and the state of Bengal. Bengal’s Partition and its
cancelation is also a boundless advancement in the olden times of the sub-continent for the
appreciation of public mandate and the consequences in the region.42 It is a great example
that tells about the formation of new provinces and leads the world that why do the people
need new provinces in the country.
41
Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1909, p.48-49 (For more detail see Appendix-3)
42
Muhammad Usman Asghar, "Demand for New Provinces in Pakistan." Institute for Strategic Studies,
Research and Analysis (National Defence University; Pakistan), 2012: 59-78.
22
The population of Bengal was approximately seventy-five (75) million, while its
territory area was 151 thousand square miles. And another place area of Bengal was
extending over 189ooo square miles with a population of eighty million.43 This province
was very large in area and population-wise in the sub-continent. It was very difficult for
the British Indian government to control and governance on the vast area and population
of that province. The partition of Bengal happened in the Lord Curzon era in 1905. Lord
Curzon was a good administrator. “He pressed the doctrine of administrative efficiency
hard.”44 He intensively felt the division of Bengal to maintain good governance.
The division of Bengal occurred on the administrative and geographical ground

purely rather than language, religious, ethnic, etc. The division of Bengal is a great example
of a new administrative unit by which the way of prosperity, development, progress opened
in the life of the people of the East Bengal. Through this division, Bengal was divided into
two provinces “Eastern Bengal and Assam” and West Bengal. There were many reasons
behind this division but the vastness of the province, limited sources of communication,
language difference, administration and poor governance, big size of the province,
deprivation of the east part, and need of time were the main causes.45
The lieutenant governor administered the province of Bengal. This province was so
large and vast that the Governor could not make a single visit to the whole province in his
tenure. The law and order situation was bad due to unsatisfactory supervision by the
administration. The communication sources of Bengal province were very limited due to
streams, rivers, canals, and woodland. All the energy of Government was used for the
development of Calcutta and the near regions in the west part of the province, and the
condition of the east part of Bengal was very worst due to mismanagement, absence of
development, bad governance, lack of education and health, etc.46It was pointed out that
this division was so indispensable that “if it had not attempted by Curzon. It could not have
been delayed much longer after him.”47
43
Sheikh Muhammad Rafique, Tarikh-e- Pakistan 1707-1947 (Lahore: Haidari Press, 2013), 176
44
Abdul Hamid, Muslim Separatism in India: A Brief Survey, 1858-1947 (Lahore: Oxford University Press,
1967), 48
45
Anshul Aashish, why was Bengal of British India partitioned in 1905? November 30, 2015.
https://www.quora.com/Why-was-Bengal-of-British-India-partitioned-in-1905 (accessed August 24, 2020).
46
Historypak. Partition of Bengal (1905-1911). n.d. https://historypak.com/partition-of-bengal-1905-1911/
(accessed August 24, 2020).
47
Dr. Abdul Hamid, Muslim Separatism in India. 47
23
Proposals of the division of Bengal in the shape of new Provinces had been giving
for many years. But the first time, proposals were considered in 1903. In January 1904, the
Government’s suggestions were officially issued in book form. So, in this situation, Lord
Curzon made an official visit to eastern Bengal to know the public opinion in February
1904. He consulted from different chief personalities of different Districts of eastern
Bengal and presented the government’s stances on the partition of Bengal. With the assent
of the Government of Assam and Bengal, a great scheme was received. Then the Province
of Bengal was divided into two new provinces. The partition of Bengal was the utmost
significant incident all through the rule of Lord Curzon. It was carried out mainly for the
convenience of administration. The government wanted to reduce the burden of
administration, to make an efficient administration, to make development in backward
areas through this division.48
After the annulment of Bengal, the direction of the All India Muslim League’s
politics had become very aggressive and antagonistic. It had changed her principles of
defensive politics. Because after the partition, Eastern Bengal Province was doing progress
rapidly. But the Hindus had to oppose the partition of Bengal since 1905, and at last the
king George fifth declared the annulment of Bengal on December 12, 1911. But the Behar,
Arisa, and Assam were made as separate provinces. Hindus welcomed the decision.49
Hindus had their own political, social, and economic interests in the united Bengal. They
did not want to divide the Bengal into two parts.
According to Dr. Ambedkar, Bengali Hindus had made their meadows to all the
Bengal, Arisa, Assam even the United Provinces, so the meaning of the division of Bengal
was to reduce the area of grazing land of Bengali Hindus. They did not want to give the
right status to Muslims of Bengal. According to Frazer, the Bar Council and owner of
newspapers of Calcutta were opposing the creation of the new province because they knew
that the new province would have her High Court, and the people of the new province will
set up their printing press for newspapers. Therefore, they felt the threats for their business
and interests in the formation of a new province.50
48
http://www.indhistory.com/first-partition-bengal.html (access date January 13, 2018)
49
Rafique, Tarikh-e- Pakistan 1707-1947, 183
50
24
1.10.2.3 Major Political Parties and Leader’s Stance about the Formation of New
Provinces in British India
The division of big units and the formation of new provinces always felt in every era
to run government affairs in a better way in the sub-continent. For this purpose, the British
government divided the Bengal in 1905, but due to the agitation of Hindus against the
division, she declared the annulment of Bengal in 1911. Although Hindus had opposed the
Bengal division, in later, they assisted the formation of new provinces on the lingual bases.
The example of this can be presented from the sessions of Congress of 1908 and 1917.
From which the proof of demand for the formation of new provinces meets from Bihar,
Sindh, and Assam. In the session of Nagpur in 1920, with the assist of Quaid-e-Azzam,
Indian National Congress had adopted this point of view absolutely that the formation of
new provinces should be on lingual bases.51
In this way, a common session of Congress and the Muslim League was called in
Lucknow in 1916 that was presided by Quaid-e-Azzam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in which
Quaid-e-Azzam and Muslim League demanded that Sind should be made a separate
province on the cultural and lingual bases. On Delhi Proposal in 1927, Quaid-e-Azzam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanded to give the equal and same reforms as the other provinces
for complete provincial status to NWFP and Baluchistan. Quaid-e-Azam stepped down
from the demand of a separate electorate on the issue of reforms in NWFP and Baluchistan.
Due to this issue, All India Muslim League Divided into two parts Jinnah League and
Shafee League.52
In the Nehru Report, the formation of the new provinces was proposed on lingual
bases. Infect, Hindus wanted to change the Muslim majority into a minority through this
proposal so that, after this scheme, Muslims could not claim of majority in any province of
India. The Muslim League demands that Sindh should be a separate province and to give
the complete provincial status to NWFP and Baluchistan were included in this report. In
his fourteen points, Quaid-e-Azam also demanded that Sind should be made a separate
51
Muhammad Akbar Malik, Bahawalpur Mein Bahali-e-Soobah Ki Tehreek (Multan: Bazam-e-Skafat
Multan, 2011), 274
52
Malik, Bahawalpur Mein Bahali-e-Soobah Ki Tehreek, 274
25
province from Bombay, and reforms should be imposed in NWFP and Baluchistan like
other provinces of British India.53
The point of view of Sir Agha Khan about the formation of new provinces and the
division of big units had matched with the other Muslim leaders. On January 1, 1919, Sir
Agha Khan presided the session of the Muslim Conference in which was discussed about
the British Indian Constitution. In this conference, it was demanded that Sind should be
made a separate province from Bombay on the administrative, geographic, ethnic, and
lingual basis. Sir Allama (scholar) Muhammad Iqbal also described it in his Allahabad
address in 1930 that Muslims of India would be no objection to the formation of electoral
territory on a purely regional basis. In December 1932, Dr. Allama Muhammad Iqbal, in
his newspaper statement, repeated the demand for a new boundary line of the provinces on
the cultural, historical, and religious bases.54
1.10.2.4 The action of the British Government about the formation of new provinces
and reforms in provinces
At last, public demand and opinion, and the stance of political parties of reforms in
NWFP was accepted by the British Government in the constitution of 1935. British
Government introduced the political and constitutional reforms in the province like the
other provinces of British India. But the people of tribal areas deprived of these reforms.
The demand for Sindh separation from Bombay was also accepted, and after the few
months of Communal Award, Sindh province separated from Bombay practically.55
In the Government India Act of 1935, the federal system was introduced by the
British in the sub-continent first time. In which provincial autonomy was vested to the
provinces on a large scale so that the local governments could exercise the powers in their
provinces.56 Provincial elections were held in 1937 under the Government India Act of
1935. The number of provinces in 1937 was eleven.57 At the time of the partition of the
subcontinent into two newly born states, Pakistan and India, in 1947, the number of
53
Rafique, Tarikh-e- Pakistan 1707-1947, 287-292
54
Muhammad Hashim Kidwai, Jadeed Hindustan Ke Siyasi Aur Samaji Afkar (New Delhi: Taraqqi Urdu
Bureau, 1985), 265
55
56
Muhammad Usman Asghar, "Demand for New Provinces in Pakistan." ISSRA, 2012: 59-78.
57
These provinces were Madras, Central Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, United Provinces, Bombay Presidency,
Assam, NWFP, Bengal, Punjab and Sindh
26
provinces was seventeen.58 In which some major provinces and some small provinces were
known.
1.10.3 Pakistan and Formation of New Provinces
Pakistan adopted the same system and structure of provinces59and administration

inheritance from the British to run the government affairs for better administration and
governance in the country. Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947.60 Pakistan
consisted of four provinces61, a commissionaire of Baluchistan, some Princely States, one
Federal Capital Territory, two Autonomous territories, and one federally administered
tribal Area. The territory area of Pakistan was approximately 365029 square miles, and its
total population was 70.6 million.62
1.10.3.1 Initial problems
There were many problems and issues like political, social, administrative, economic,
and provincial, linked with this newly born State. In the initial stage, Quaid-e-Azam tried
his best to overcome these problems and took many steps to resolve the issues. On October
11, 1947, in his address to government servants, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
talked about the great challenges and issues and said that “This is a challenge to our very
existence, and if we are to survive as a nation and are to translate our dream about Pakistan
into reality, we shall have to grapple with the problems facing us with redoubled zeal and
energy.”63
Language issues, division of power between the West and East wings, constitutional
matters, issue of parity, etc. were the provincial issues of that time. Due to these provincial
issues, the formation of the new constitution of Pakistan was very problematic. India has
made her constitution within two years, but Pakistan made her constitution after nine
years.64 This was the great loss for the newly borne state of Pakistan.
58
Ajmer-Merwara, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Assam, Baluchistan, Bengal, Bihar, Bombay, Central
Provinces and Berar, Coorg, Delhi, Madras, North-West Frontier, Orissa, Panth-Piploda, Punjab, Sind,
United Provinces
59
Asghar, "Demand for New Provinces in Pakistan." ISSRA, 2012: 59-78.
60
Sheikh Muhammad Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999 (Lahore: Bazam-e-Skafat Publishers, 2013),
33.
61
West Punjab, East Bengal, Sindh and NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa)
62
Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999, 44
63
Gulam Allana, Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah: The Story of a Nation (Lahore: Feroz Sons, 1967), 611
64
Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999, 471-472
27
1.10.3.2 Issue of Language
Language issues raised in East Pakistan, although in the western wing, different
languages were spoken but in East Pakistan, adopted it as a national level issue. Hindu
lobby promoted this issue for destabilized Pakistan. The people of East Pakistan wanted to
make the Bengali as the national language of Pakistan. They thanked that the population of
East Bengal was 56% of the total. So, on the majority basis, the status of Bengali should
be equal to the Urdu language and declared it the national language of Pakistan like Urdu.65
On the language issue, Quaid-e-Azam said in his speech at Dhaka on March 21, 1948: “….
But let me make it very clear to you that the State language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu
and no other language. Anyone who tries to mislead you is the enemy of Pakistan.”.66
For a while, the language issue had stopped due to the timely interference of Quaid-
e-Azam. But later, this issue raised, and at last, in the constitution of 1956, both languages
Urdu and Bengali were declared as the national language of Pakistan.
1.10.3.3 Division of power
The division of power was another hurdle in the way of the formation of the
constitution of Pakistan. In this way, the real problem was the limitation of provincial
autonomy. The politicians of East Pakistan wanted to make confederacy in the shape of
provincial autonomy. They wanted to give only Foreign Affairs, Currency, and Defence
Affairs to the center, and all residuary powers wanted to keep for provinces. They had
centrifugal trends that were not better for the federation of Pakistan. But the politicians of
West Pakistan, particularly Punjab, had not such centrifugal trends because these trends
were dangerous for the federation. But later, these trends proved true in the shape of the
division of Pakistan in two separate parts, Pakistan and Bangladesh, in 1971.67
1.10.3.4 Proportional Representation
Another provincial issue was the proportional representation between East and
West wings of Pakistan. Because the population of East Pakistan was 56% while the
population of all the provinces of West Pakistan was 44%, this was the huge difference in
population between both wings of Pakistan in which East Pakistan had the permanent
65
66
M. A. Jinnah, National Consolidation, Dhaka, March 1948.
67
28
majority in the legislative assembly while the other provinces of West Pakistan were
unsatisfied with the permanent majority in the legislative assembly of East Pakistan. If the
proportional representation was given on an equal basis in the upper or lower house, then
East Pakistan was unhappy. Because her population was higher than West Pakistan, the
issue of proportional representation between both wings was a great hurdle in the way of
the formation of the new constitution of Pakistan. In this situation, a solution was presented
in the shape of parity.68
Bogra Formula presented a solution to the problem by accepting the principle of

parity of both wings. For this purpose, all the administrative units of West Wing were
merged in a single province named West Pakistan that was called One Unit on October 14,
1955. In this way, the federation of Pakistan consisted of two provinces named West
Pakistan and East Pakistan. So, the issue of proportional representation between both wings
was solved based on parity.
1.10.3.5 One-Unit Scheme
It was claimed that the one-unit scheme had some benefits. Like; it would be the
cause of eradication of provincial prejudices, development of backward areas, reduce
administrative expenses, the formation of a new constitution, maximum provincial
autonomy, etc. The one-unit scheme again created an immense issue.69 This scheme was
passed by each provincial assembly in West Wing by force by the center Government. This
was entirely against the concept of decentralization70 in which powers are devolved to local
government from the central government71 , but here, powers were snatched from provinces
and were given to a new province. The one-unit scheme could not deliver the above-
mentioned benefits and fail.
Different political parties and politicians started to compete against this scheme
because they had no share in local and center politics. The local politicians were deprived
of their ministries. A sense of deprivation was raised in former provinces against Punjab
68
Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999,472
69
Iram Khalid. "Politics of Federalism in Pakistan: Problems and Prospects." South Asian Studies (A
Research Journal of South Asian Studies), 2013: 199-212.
70
Decentralization -- the transfer of authority and responsibility for public functions from the central
government to intermediate and local governments or quasi-independent government organizations and/or
the private sector -- is a complex multifaceted concept.
71
http://www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/decentralization/what.htm (accessed date July 12, 2018)
29
and provincial prejudices raised among the former administrative units in West Pakistan.
Some administrative issues were also created due to the one- unit scheme. The government
promised that Administrative powers would be transferred to the divisional level, but she
could not do so by which public problems raised fast.
The traveling issue was another problem; peoples had to come from Balochistan,
Sindh, and other far-flung areas to Lahore72for their work. No bench of High Court was
established in other cities of West Pakistan except Lahore by which people were in trouble
due to lack of courts and immediate justice. Due to the large size of the province, no
attention was given on development works. The promise of provincial autonomy had not
been made by the Government, and a strong reaction came against the strong center.73
1.10.3.6 Declaration Against the One-Unit
In 1957, a declaration was passed with a big majority by the provincial assembly of
West Pakistan against the one unit. In this declaration was said that four or more than four
provinces should be formed in West Pakistan. But, in 1958, Iskandar Mirza declared the
Martial Law in the country by which this declaration had lost her status.74 At last, On March
30, 1970, General Muhammad Yahya Khan dissolved the one-unit,75 and West Pakistan
was divided into four new provinces.76 In which, Balochistan got the status of a province
for the first time.
1.10.3.7 Separation of East Pakistan in 1971
On December 16, 1971, Pakistan was divided into two separate states West Pakistan
(existing Pakistan) and East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). This incident was a great mishap
in the history of Pakistan. There were many reasons behind this separation like Bengali
nationalism, sense of deprivation of the people of East Pakistan, the role of political parties
and politicians, role of bureaucracy, geographical and cultural problems, language issues,
provincial prejudice, economic deprivation, negligence of the Muslim League’s leadership,
six points of Sheikh Mujib-ur- Rahman,77 the role of India, international lobbies, etc.78 If
72
Lahore was the capital of West Pakistan in 1955-1970.
73
74
75
76
New Provinces of West Pakistan in 1970 were Balochistan, NWFP (Now KPK), Punjab and Sindh
77
Syed Badrul Ahsan. thedailystar.net. June 7, 2013.
78
Rafique, Tarikh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999, 275-282
30
the Government takes necessary steps in time, then this incident was impossible, but she
failed to do something.
1.10.3.8 Pakistan’s State Failed to Take Necessary Steps
In this regard, in 1955, the federal government, provincial governments of the

western part, political parties, and politicians imposed the decision of one-unit scheme that
was a centralized policy in which all the provinces and units of the western part declared a
province named West Pakistan for making the constitution of Pakistan and for resolving
the other related issues. General Muhammad Ayub Khan himself said that he contributed
to merge the provinces in one unit. According to General Muhammad Ayub Khan, he said,
“I pressed very hard for it and initiated the process of merger of the provinces.”79 This was
the wrong decision, if here instead of it, the policy of decentralization adopted, and all kinds
of powers distributed from a higher level to low level, it was better for the integration of
Pakistan.
1.10.3.9 East Bengal and Need of New Provinces
Moreover, instead of a big province of East Pakistan, the formation of new small
provinces was very suitable for the strong federation of Pakistan. The population of East
Pakistan was more than fifty percent of the total population of Pakistan, so in this situation,
the division of a single large province of East Pakistan in two or more provinces was
indispensable. Today, the same case is present in the form of Punjab province in Pakistan
because the population of this province is more than fifty percent of the total population of
Pakistan. So, this is the worst condition because small provinces feel the sense of
deprivation, and they feel that the big province, Punjab, is snatching their assets.
1.10.3.10 Current Pakistan
After the separation of East Pakistan from West Pakistan, now present Pakistan
consists of four provinces Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan, one
capital territory (Islamabad), Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), and two
autonomous territories with a total area 796096 sq. Km and the total population are
approximately 20.7 million. In Pakistan, the President is the head of the state (country)
79
Mohammad Ayub Khan, Friends Not Masters A Political Autobiography (London: Oxford University
Press, 1967), 192.
31
while Governor is the head of the province. These administrative units are administered by
their respective provincial assemblies, chief ministers, and their cabinets and governors.
1.10.3.11 Eighteenth Amendment and New Provinces
The constitution of 1973 is the present constitution of Pakistan, and this constitution
was unanimously passed by the parliament under the leadership of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in
1973. Some amendments have done by the Parliaments of Pakistan with the consent of the
president of Pakistan. In which the legislative assembly of Pakistan in April 2010 has
passed the 18th amendment. Through this amendment, provincial autonomy was given on
a large scale to the provinces, and the name of NWFP (a province of Pakistan) was replaced
by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Because replacing the name of NWFP to KPK province is an
ethnic and linguistic-based change. Now, due to replacing the name, the ethnic and
linguistic-based movements in the country have started their work in favor of new
provinces.
1.10.3.12 A resolution passed by the National Assembly in 2012 regarding New

Province
In 2012, during the Government of Pakistan People’s Party in the center, a

resolution was passed by the national assembly in May 2012 in which it was declared that:
This house hereby resolves that to address the grievances and to secure the
political, administrative, and economic interests of the people of the Southern
Region of the Province of Punjab and to empower them in this regard, it is
expedient that a new province to be known a Province of Janoobi (South)
Punjab be created from the present Province of Punjab.80
Moreover, this house called upon the Provincial Assembly of Punjab to present a Bill
in Punjab Assembly to amend the constitution under article 239(4) of the constitution of
Pakistan for the creating of a new province named the Province of Janoobi Punjab.
1.10.3.13 Establishment a Parliamentary Commission for Formation of New Province
The mandate of this parliamentary commission was limited to create only one
province in existing Punjab, and the main work of this commission was drafting the rules
80
Government of Pakistan. "Report of the Commission for Creation of New Province (s) in the Province of
the Punjab." 28th January 2013, Islamabad, National Assembly of Pakistan.
32
and regulations about the new province under the constitution of Pakistan. This commission
presented their recommendation about the new province in southern Punjab. Another issue
raised during the proceedings, a resolution about the restoration of Bahawalpur province
that was already passed by the Punjab Assembly. The commission investigated the issue
and declared that no evidence was found about the status and the existence of the
Bahawalpur Province in history. Bahawalpur was only a princely state like other states in
West Pakistan.81
1.10.3.14 Movements for the Formation of New Provinces
Today in Pakistan, the issue of the formation of new provinces has become a very
hot and serious matter. The momentum of this issue was raised in April 2010 after the
eighteenth amendment in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan.82 After this, the demand for
new provinces in the country has picked up the fast momentum. This issue is debated on
different TV channels and print media. Pakistani media has made it a popular and famous
issue. Now the voices of the demand of new provinces are arising in the different regions
of Pakistan. In this way, the Restoration Movement of Bahawalpur Province, Saraiki Subah
(province) Movement in Punjab, Karachi Province in Sindh, Hazara Province Movement
in KPK, and Pashtun in Baluchistan are very popular movements in Pakistan.
1.10.3.15 Manifestos of Different Political Parties regarding New Province
Different political parties announced in their manifestos 2013 and 2018 about the
creation of new provinces in Pakistan. In this way, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) declared
in her manifesto of 2018 that:
We will develop a national consensus on the creation of a South Punjab

Province on the administrative grounds to lift 35 million people out of poverty
as well as to create an administrative balance between Pakistan’s federating
units.83
81
Government of Pakistan, "Report of the Commission for Creation of New Province (s) in the Province of
the Punjab." 2013. (For more detail see Appendix-13)
82
Moonis Ahmar, Conflict Prevention and the New Provincial Map of Pakistan: A Case Study of Hazara
Political Study, Journal of Political Studies Vol.20, Issue-2, 2013, p. 1-19.
83
Government of Pakistan, Prime Minister’s Office Islamic Republic of Pakistan. January 1, 1999. (For more
detail see Appendix-5)
33
PTI wants to create a new province on administrative lines and to make sense of
administrative balance among the provinces so that the poverty level of the people can be
deescalated in Pakistan, especially in South Punjab.
Muttahida Qaumi Movement Pakistan (MQM Pakistan) also declared in her

manifesto 2018 that “MQM proposes an increase in the number of provinces in Pakistan to
improve administration and governance. It proposes that all new provinces should be
created from within the boundaries of existing provinces to preserve cultural identity.”84
Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN) announced her manifesto of 2013 that:
A high-powered commission will be set up to make new provinces. This

commission will pave the way for the formation of new provinces by setting
rules- regulations, and details by consensus. Pakistan Muslim League-N stands
firm on its promise to create three provinces named Hazara, Bahawalpur, and
South Punjab.85
Pakistan People’s Party also announced in her elections manifesto 2013 and 2018
about the creation of a new province in southern Punjab. Pakistan People’s Party described
the formation of a new province in southern Punjab in the election manifesto 2018 as:
There is an emphasis on continuing the devolution process as marked by the

18th Amendment along with the careful implementation of the FATA merger
as per the 25th Amendment. The party pledges to make the new province of
Junoobi Punjab a reality whilst increasing the development budgets of Gilgit
Baltistan and Azad Kashmir.86
Consequently, some political parties have their stance about the creation of new
provinces in Pakistan, but behind the scene seemed like they are doing just political point
scoring to get the benefits in every election. In this way, whenever all the political parties
and stakes holders do not come on the one point collectively about the issue of new
provinces in Pakistan, it is a very difficult task.
84
http://www.cpsd.org.pk/manifestos.php (accessed date June 15, 2019)
85
Pakistan Muslim League-N, "PML-N_Manifesto_Urdu_2013." Centre for Peace and Development
Initiatives. 2013. (For more detail see Appendix-4)
86
http://www.cpsd.org.pk/manifestos.php (accessed date June 15, 2019) (For more detail see Appendix-6)
34
1.11 Summary
The study of the history of the subcontinent tells the importance of the formation of
new provinces. Because of population growth and expansion of the area, the establishment
of new provinces in the Indian subcontinent has always been necessary. In this regard,
Mughals and the British carried out administrative reforms during their respective reigns
for good governance in the country, and new provinces were created. Both made the
creation of new provinces for administrative purposes and good governance. The two major
political parties in the subcontinent, the Congress and the Muslim League, also favored the
creating new provinces. Also, other political leaders of the subcontinent, including Quaid-
e-Azam and Allama Iqbal, emphasized the importance of creating new provinces to
alleviate the backwardness (such as Bombay’s secession from Sindh, and implementing the
reforms in the province Balochistan and NWFP on par with other provinces). After the
formation of Pakistan, the problems of the reorganization of provinces arose because
Pakistan needed units with sustainable political and administrative parity for which the
reorganization of the provinces was essential. West Pakistan faced several administrative
problems, including the areas of provincial status, semi-autonomous states, and
independent Tribal Areas. The plan of one-unit was presented in 1955 to solve all these
problems, the implementation of the one-unit scheme in the country was a very wrong
decision as it focused on the centralized system instead of a decentralized structure.
Because all other units were abolished to make West Pakistan a province, the political,
economic, social, and other problems in the western part of Pakistan added to the suffering
of the people. In this way, a hundred problems were created to solve one problem. In the
Yahiya Khan regime, four provinces were made in West Pakistan. No serious try was made
to create new provinces in the country after it. In the eighteenth amendment of the 1973
Constitution, the name of NWFP (a province of Pakistan) was replaced by Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa. Because replacing the name of NWFP to KPK province is an ethnic and
linguistic-based change. Due to replacing the name, the ethnic and linguistic-based
movements in the country have started their work in favor of new provinces. In this way,
during the Government of Pakistan People’s Party in the center, a resolution was passed by
the national assembly in May 2012. After that, a Parliamentary Commission for the creation
of a new province in South Punjab was made. Consequently, today in Pakistan, the issue
35
of the formation of new provinces has become very hot and serious. After this, the demand
for new provinces in the country has picked up the fast momentum. Pakistani media has
made it a popular and famous issue. Now the voices of the demand of new provinces are
arising in the different regions of Pakistan. In this way, movement for the restoration of
Bahawalpur province, Saraiki Subah (province) movement in Punjab, Karachi province in
Sindh, Hazara province movement in KPK, and Pashtun in Baluchistan are very popular
movements in Pakistan. Major political parties of Pakistan have included this issue in their
manifestos
36
CHAPTER 2
Federalism in Pakistan
The part of the study covers the nature, concept, and role of federalism. This part of
the study also examines the centralized nature of the British in the subcontinent and existing
Pakistan. This chapter describes the status of federalism in the country from 1947 to till
date. Relations between federation and provinces have been examined with special
reference to Pakistan.
2.1 Concept of Federalism

Rodden states that federalism is entrenched in the Latin word foedus, which means
agreement. Foedus used to define the cooperative and contractual agreement between states
generally for defense determinations. It means maturity under which the parties had to
fulfill obligations to one another.1 Political scientists, researchers, and scholars have
different views about federalism and define it in many ways. A. H. Birch expresses it as
“Federalism … is a concept which has no fixed meaning; its meaning in any particular
study is defined by the student in a manner which is determined by the approach which he
wishes to make to his material.”2 R. L. Watts who used the concept of federal political
system first time, he defined the federal concept as:
a compromise is achieved between concurrent demands for union and

territorial diversity within a society, by the establishment of a single political
system, within which general and regional governments are assigned co-
ordinate authority such that neither level of government is legally or politically
sub-ordinate to the other3
K. C. Wheare has been accepted as the chief powers that be on federalism, he

explains “federal principle as the method of divided powers so that the general and regional
1
Jonathan Rodden, "Comparative Federalism and Decentralization: On Meaning and Measurement."
Comparative Politics, Vol. 36, No. 4, 2004: 481-500.
2
A. H. Birch, “Approaches to the Study of Federalism." Political Studies, London, Vol. XIV, No. 1, (1966)
p, 15.
3
R. L. Watts, New Federations: Experiments in the Commonwealth (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966),
13
37
governments are each, within a sphere, co-ordinate and independent.”4 D. J. Elazar asserts
on the “cooperative federalism” instead of “dual federalism”, he states federalism as:
the mode of political organization that unites smaller polities within an

overarching political system by distributing power among general and
constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and
authority of both national and sub-national political systems, enabling all to
share in the overall systems’ decision-making and execution processes.5
A. H. Birch vetoed K.C. Wheare’s view of the autonomous presence of general and
provincial governments and defined the federal system as:
as one in which there is a division of powers between one general and several
regional authorities, each of which in its sphere is co-ordinated with the others,
and each of which acts directly on the people through its administrative
agencies.6
Livingston emphasizes that “the key to the nature of federation is in the division of
power …. federation implies the existence of two co-ordinate sets of government, operating
at two different levels in two different spheres … the line between the two spheres is drawn
by the constitution.”7 In the Report of the Royal Commission on the Australian Constitution
(1929), Sir Robert Garran defined federalism as “a form of government in which
sovereignty or political power is divided between the central and the local governments so
that each of them, within its sphere, is independent of the other.”8 A federation may be
considered as an indivisible and composite unit.9 According to the Merriam Webster
Dictionary, federalism defined as “the distribution of power in an organization (such as a
government) between a central authority and the constituent units.”10
4
Mehrunnisa Ali, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1996), 2-3
5
D. J. Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States (New York: Crowell 1966), p, 2
6
A. H. Birch, Federalism, Finance and Social Legislation in Canada, Australia, and the United States (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1955), 306
7
W. S. Livingston, Federalism in the Commonwealth: A Bibliographical Commentary (London: Cassel, for
the Hansard Society, 1963), 10
8
V. K. N. Menon, Subhash C. Kashyap and N. K. N. Iyengar, The Framing of India's Constitution: Select
documents, Volume 2 (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Public Administration, 1967), 798
9
I. D. Duchacek, Comparative Federalism: The Territorial Dimension of Politics (New York: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1970), 190
10
Merriam-Webster. Merriam-Webster. com. January 1, 1828. https://www.merriam
webster.com/dictionary/federalism#h1 (accessed June 24, 2019).
38
Different political scientists and scholars have a different point of view about
federalism, but they have a consensus on the principle of division of powers between
central and regional governments. Livingston says irrespective of how one defines
"federalism", its core component is the division of powers and functions between different
levels of political authority.11 A. V. Dicey declares that “The distribution of power is an
essential feature of federalism.”12 Although researchers on federalism agree that the
distribution of powers between federal and provinces is the main element of federalism,
they disagree on the nature of the relationship between them. Someone asserts on dual
federalism while others emphasize co-operative federalism. In this way, K.C. Wheare
advocates of dual federalism and he says that co-ordinate status and independent existence
of both levels governments in their sphere is an essence of federalism.13
But, advocators of co-operative federalism reject this principle of dual federalism.

In this regard, M. J. C. Vile says that “… the essence of federalism is that neither level of
government shall be wholly dependent on the other but that this spirit is not incompatible
with the development of a high degree of mutual interdependence”14 Moreover, Vile
describes that maintaining the balance between central and regional governments is very
necessary so that no one level of government could dominant to the other.15 Co-operative
federalism is a system by which both level governments mutually perform a variety of
functions. “The difference between classic and cooperative federalism is that the former
views the two levels of government as equal rivals, while the latter sees them as equal
partners.”16 The elementary key for the fruitful working of the system is a cooperation
between both level governments. Without cooperation between the center and regional
governments, the federation cannot survive.
11
Ali, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, 3-4
12
A. V. Dicey, An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (London: English Language Book
Society and Macmillan, 1973), 151
13
Ali, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, 4
14
M. J. C. Vile, The Structure of American Federalism (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 197
15
M. J. C. Vile, The Structure of American Federalism, 199
16
Syed Mujawar Hussain Shah, Federalism in Pakistan: Theory and Practice (Islamabad: The Chair on
Quaid-i-Azam & Freedom Movement, NIPS, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad- Pakistan, 1994), 24-25
39
Now a day, the Federalism system is prevailing in the different countries of the
world. Almost twenty-eight countries17 of the world are generally considered to be federal
with to over forty percent population of the world. In which, nearly all the democracies of
the world that have large areas or big populations are federal. Federations have a different
form in different states concerning their social and financial side arrangements and their
organizations. They consist of very big and very small countries, poor and rich states, states
that have very homogenous and heterogeneous populations. Federations have different
structures in their internal institutional composition. In this way, some federations consist
of very few provinces while others have a great number of provinces. Some federations
have a very centralized form of government while others have a decentralized form of
government. Some federations consist of the president’s governments and others consist of
parliamentary governments. Some have undoubtedly separation of powers between the
center and provincial government while others have not the same thing. Some federations
have two political parties while others more. Some federations are stable and harmonious,
while others are unbalanced and on bad terms. All factors that are mentioned above affect
the working of different federal governments.18
Regardless of many varieties in the federal system, some shared characteristics are
also found. The federal system consists of at least two orders of government in which one
for the entire state and the other for provinces. Central and provincial governments have a
separately straight electoral relationship with its citizen. For the required amendments in
some parts of the written constitution, the consent of both governments is necessary. The
constitution gives powers like legislative, fiscal, and some others to both governments to
ensure some genuine autonomy for each order. For the provincial contribution in the central
decision making, some special arrangements (like upper houses) are done in the
constitution.
Representation of constituent units in the upper house is kept equal regardless of

their population. A set of provisions and institutions is made by the constitution for
resolving the disputes between both orders. Moreover, “Federalism is a system of
17
These countries are Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belau, Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Brazil, Comoros,
Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Germany, India, Iraq, Malaysia, Mexico, Micronesia, Nigeria,
Pakistan. Russia, St. Kitts and Nevis, South Africa, Spain, Sudan, Switzerland, United Arab Emirates, United
States of America, Venezuela
18
George Anderson, Federalism: An Introduction (Toronto: Oxford University press, 2008). 1-2
40
government in which there are two layers of power and authority, and both central
government and federating units work in balanced manners. Both layers of governments
have their sphere of autonomy.”19 Usually, federalism needs democracy and rule of law
because without it constituent units cannot exercise real autonomy.
The USA is the oldest federation in the world. In the starting, the USA adopted the
confederation system but after a short period, she accepted the federal system. Now, she
has a mature and developed form of federalism in the world. The USA has an almost two
hundred years old constitution. In the beginning, thirteen states made a confederation to
save themselves from the British Empire in 1776 by a unanimous independence
declaration. After a short period, on September 17, 1787, the 39 out of 55 delegates
approved and signed a unanimous federal constitution with balanced powers among the
states, and national government.20 Therefore, the year of 1787 marks a milestone in the
history of federalism, when the USA appeared as a federal state.21 Powers were
constitutionally divided between the central government and state governments. The
Center States relationship was set up through this written document.
The first wave, from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century, the federal
form of government came in the different countries of the world while the second wave
came after the collapse of communism. In this way, the USA practically adopted the federal
form of government in March 1789, before it she had a confederal form from 1781 to 1789.
Switzerland remained in the confederation form for more than five centuries, but after a
short civil skirmish, she accepted the federal system in 1848. Germany came into the
federal system with its first federal constitution in1871. Canada originally accepted this
form in 1867. The six colonies in Australia adopted this form of government as a federation
in 1901. Four federations of Latin America appeared in the 19th and early 20th centuries.
“India, Pakistan, Malaysia, and Nigeria have endured as federal systems.”22 Russia
emerged as a post-communist federation.
19
Dr. Manzoor Ahmad, Naveeda Yousaf and Zahir Shah. "Federalism in United States and Pakistan: A
Juxtaposition." Transylvanian Review, 2017: 3707-3714.
20
Robert Longle, Federalism and the United States Constitution. April 20, 2018.
21
Carl. J. Friedrich, Trends of Federalism in Theory and Practice, (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 193
22
George Anderson, Federalism: An Introduction, 3-4
41
Belgium officially adopted the federal constitution in 1993. Many countries are
trying their best to find the federal system so that they could get rid of the continuous
conflict in their countries like Sri Lanka, Cyprus, and Nepal. One thing is very clear the
federal system government is the best option for those countries that consist of different
ethnicities, cultures, and languages, as well as conflicts between different tribes, languages,
and ethnic groups. “Federalism is better for a heterogeneous society with a huge area
because it ensures a great deal of sovereignty of the federating units. Thus, ethnic and
cultural identities get safeguard and prosperity through self-government.”23 According to
G.W. Choudhury:
A federation comes into existence to overcome differences; it, therefore, has

to work out a compromise between the desire for union and anxiety to
safeguard the interests of the federating units. If a federation has homogeneity
of population, its difficulties are lessened.24
2.2 Legacy of Federalism in Pakistan
British Indian Government adopted the same arrangements of the government of

Mughals to run the government affairs in the subcontinent. During the British period, a
centralization form of government prevailed in the subcontinent. After independence,
Pakistan inherited the centralized form of government from the British in the form of the
Indian Act of 1935 with minor changes. Different Indian Acts were introduced in the
subcontinent by the British in which almost powers bestowed to the Governor-General and
Provincial Governors. According to India Act 1861, The Governor-General was given the
authority to divide the departments into members of the council, it was also empowered to
change boundaries in subordinate provinces, create new provinces and appoint lieutenant
governors in all provinces.
The Governor-General had the right to repeal any law concerning the legislature. It
also had the right to issue an ordinance in an emergency. But under the India Act 1861,
providing provinces with some legislative powers, the first step was taken on a road whose
23
UZMA KHAN, et., all. "History of Federalism in Pakistan (1947 to 2010): From Centralization towards
Provincial Autonomy." The Discourse, 2016: 63-73.
24
G. W. Choudhury, Constitutional Development in Pakistan. 2nd. (London: Lowe & Brydon (Printers) Ltd,
1969), 103
42
destination was provincial internal autonomy.25The constitution of India 1892 was

important in that it started the indirect elections on a limited scale. Under this Law, the
central authority’s grip was kept strong.26 In Indian Act 1909 that is known as Monto-
Marley Reforms, effective control of the center over the provincial government was intact
and dictatorship was dominant to the extent that autonomy was inadequate.
The British controlled all government affairs through the bureaucracy. Bureaucracy
enjoyed a lot of powers to run government affairs. The Indian Civil Service (ICS) perhaps
enjoyed the most confidence in its ability to rule India during the Nineteenth Century. They
were appointed under Section XXXII (32) of the Government of India Act 1858,27 enacted
by the Parliament of the United Kingdom (UK). The selection of civil bureaucracy was
done by competitive exams so that high-caliber people could handle the affairs of India. At
the political level, the main concern of the colonial government was to continue ruling the
country and to maintain law and order.28 British colonial rule was authoritarian. There was
a great social, cultural, and psychological gap between the administrators and the public.
The public looked upon the British officers as “Ma-Baap” (mother-father). However, the
efficiency of the ICS has been admired by many intellectuals and the ruling classes on civic
government. In the view of Appleby, the Indian administration was one of the top
governments of the world.29
In 1915, Gopal Krishna Gokhale demanded that “the provincial autonomy be an

appropriate donation to the people of India at the end of the war.” In 1916, a unanimous
memorandum was presented by 19 elected members of the Imperial Legislative Council in
which demanded that “a federal-style government should be established in the country.”30
In 1916, Mrs. Besant started demanding internal sovereignty through the Home Rule
League (HRL). The league spread home rule slogans through newspapers (New India and
New Age) and pamphlets in the subcontinent. The voices for self-rule in the subcontinent
had started to arise at the beginning of the twentieth century. Because a huge proportion of
25
Sheikh Muhammad Rafique, Tarikh-e- Pakistan 1707-1947 (Lahore: Haidari Press, 2013), 42-43.
26
Rafique, Tarikh-e- Pakistan 1707-1947, 164.
27
Ann Ewing, Modern Asian Studies, The Indian Civil Service. Published By: Cambridge University Press,
Vol. 18, No. 1 (1984), pp. 33-53.
28
G.K. Prasad, Bureaucracy in India (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1974), 109-110.
29
Paul H. Appleby, Public Administration in India: Report of a Survey (Delhi: Cabinet Secretariat,
Government of India, 1953), 8.
30
Rafique, Tarikh-e- Pakistan 1707-1947, 235-236.
43
educated people had come in practical life to gain their rights. They could talk with the
British in her tongue. So, On August 20, 1917, Montagu stated in the parliament “the policy
of His Majesty's Government.… is that of the.… gradual development of self-governing of
institutions and responsible government in India”31
The Dyarchy system was introduced the first time in which two types (Executive
councilors and ministers) government were brought in the provinces. The chief executive
of the province was the Governor. The ministers were made in charge of transferred
subjects32 while the governor with his executive councilors was the in-charge of reserved
subjects, i.e., land revenue, irrigation, law and order, finance, etc. The members of the
executive council were not in authority to the legislature while the ministers were
responsible. The proportions of the provincial constitutional assemblies were enlarged.
Now about 70% of the members were elected. In the center, the bicameral system was
introduced with two houses, i.e., Council of State and Legislative Assembly, and the
Governor-General was the chief executive of the British Indian Government. The number
of elected members of both houses was increased in which the Legislative Assembly had
104 out of 145 seats while the Council of State had 33 seats out of 60.33 Figure 2-1 shows
the division of the seats of the Council of State and Figure 2-2 shows the division of the
seat Members of the Legislative Assembly.
31
Richard Danzig, “The Announcement of August 20th, 1917." The Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 1, 1968:
19-37.
32
The subjects included were education, local government, health, excise, industry, public works, religious
endowments, etc.
33
Dr. Hrushikesh Senapaty. NCERT Notes: The Government of India Act 1919. n.d.
44
Figure 2-1: Government India Act 1919: Member of the Council of the State
45
Figure 2-2: Government India Act 1919, Central Government of British India: Members
of the Legislative
Under the Government India Act of 1919, the source of powers was the Governor-
General of British India. He had all the powers. The Government of India Act 1919 had
bestowed all the executive and legislative powers to the Governor-General. This act
presented the idea of the federal structure with a unitary basis. The same condition was
found in the provinces many of the powers were transferred to the local ministers but, the
governor’s powers were so high that the elected members of parliament and the ministers
were helpless. Thirty percent of members in the legislature was already nominated, and
they only supported the ministers who were fully loyal to Governor. It is also worth
mentioning here that the Provincial Governor exercised all his powers under the advice and
instructions of the Governor-General, consequently, Governor-General was a shadow
overpowers all over the country.
46
At the time of the implementation of the Montego Chelmsford Reforms 1919, it

was promised that steps would be taken to establish a responsive government until India
got Dominion Status. In this regard, a commission had been appointed to propose new
reforms, commonly known as the Simon Commission. So, the commission was boycotted
on the basis that its members had no Indian and the country’s political parties began to
formulate consensus recommendations on their own. The Nehru Report proposed the
linguistic reorganization of provinces and provided nominal provincial autonomy to new
provinces. A federal parliamentary government was proposed in the country with a strong
center. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah said in his famous fourteen points in 1929
that “the future constitution should be federal in nature and the remaining powers should
be delegated to the provinces”. Moreover, he said that “all provinces should be given the
same type of sovereignty.” The consultation at the round table conference resulted in the
Government of India Act 1935 under which the establishment of a federal India comprising
provinces and states were implicated.34
According to India Act 1935, the central government was given a form of the
federation in which included all provinces and interested states of the British government.
it was decided that all the indigenous rulers who would like their state to be included in the
federal government could do so through a treaty "Instrument of Accession". In this case,
they had to make clear what areas of their state and what powers they were handing over
to the federation. They could not be withdrawn after the transfer, however, if the ruler
wanted, he could transfer more powers to the federation.
According to the Government Act of India 1935, the central legislature consisted of
the king (which was to be represented by the Governor-General) and two houses (Council
of State and Federal Assembly). The total number of members of the Council of State was
260, of which 156 were representatives of provinces of the British Government and 104 of
the indigenous states. All the members of the council were elected for three years. The total
number of members of the Federal Assembly was 375, of which 250 were elected from the
provinces of British India and 125 from the Federally Administered States. They were
elected for five years and the Federal Assembly dissolved itself exactly five years after its
34
Rafique, Tarikh-e- Pakistan 1707-1947, 282-292.
47
first meeting, although the Governor-General could have fired him five years earlier.35
Moreover, If the Governor-General felt that it was not possible to run the federation
government under this Act, he could have obtained more powers through a declaration and
he also could have the powers assigned to any federal body, he had the option to partially
or completely suspended this one for the exercise of his special powers.
The same powers were bestowed to the provincial Governor in the Government
India Act 1935. The Provincial Governor owned all the administrative powers in the
province which he had the right to exercise directly or through his officers, and his
administrative powers overlapped all matters conferred upon the jurisdiction of the
provincial legislature. The Provincial Governor appointed provincial ministers from the
legislature, convened their meetings, and he also had the right to dismiss them. If the
Provincial Governor at any time felt that a law was needed to fulfill his duties, he could
issue an ordinance. The bill passed by the provincial legislature could become law only
with the approval of the Provincial Governor. Due to the special powers and special
responsibilities of the Governor, the independence of the provincial ministers if the
Governor wanted.36
In Act 1935, the provinces were given sovereignty on a large scale than the
Government India Act 1919. Some departments were handed over to the provinces, which
were administered by the ministers who were responsible to the provincial parliament.
Despite all this, this internal sovereignty, however, was not complete. Because the
Provincial Governor also had the authority to dismiss the ministry, there were nominees in
the upper house of parliament of the 6 provinces, 40 percent of the budget was excluded
from the jurisdiction of the provincial parliament. The Governor also had the power to
break the Parliament. He could reject the rules passed by Parliament. Some matters were
under the jurisdiction of the Governor. Therefore, this provincial sovereignty was
incomplete.37
In the act 1935, the original powers remained with the Provincial Governors and
the Governor-General, which is why Hindu leader Madan Mohan Maloya said that “it is
35
36
37
48
seemingly democratic, but hollow from the inside.” Pundit Jawahar Lal Nehru said about
this constitution that “a machine with strong brakes and no engine” Quaid-e-Azam declared
it as “thoroughly rotten fundamentally bad and unacceptable.” Maulvi Fazal-ul-Haq Prime
Minister of Bengal of that time ridiculed the dictatorship of the constitution that “there will
be neither Hindu rule nor Muslim rule, but British rule will be established.”38 Two major
political parties rejected the Constitution of 1935 due to its centralized form in which
powers were given to the Governor-General:
The federal provisions relating to the central government could not be enforced
mainly because of two reasons. First, the Indian princes were not willing to
accede to the federation. Second, the Congress and the Muslim League
rejected the federal provisions due to the extraordinary powers of the
Governor-General.39
All the Government Indian acts like 1858, 1861, 1892, 1909, 1919, and 1935 had the
centralized form of government instead of a decentralized form in which authorities were
bestowed to the center.
2.2.1 Quaid-e-Azam's view about the Federalism
In Lahore Resolution in 1940, “the terms of "autonomous" and "sovereign" were
used to indicate that the future constitution of these states would be a federal character.”40
Quaid-e-Azzam Muhammad Ali Jinnah stated during an interview with Duncan Hooper,
on December 7, 1945, about the future constitution of Pakistan:
Our Pakistan government will probably be a federal government, modeled on
the lines of autonomous provinces with the key power in matters of defense
and foreign affairs, etc., at the center. But that will be for the constitution-
making body, our constitutional making body, to decide.41
Moreover, he said about the federal system of Pakistan on November 8, 1945, during
another interview with the Associated Press of America in Bombay:
The theory of Pakistan ensures that the federal units of the national government
will have all the independence they will find in the Constitution of the United
States of America, Canada, and Australia. But some vital forces will remain in
38
39
40
Syed Mujawar Hussain Shah, Federalism in Pakistan: Theory and Practice, 42
41
Shah, Federalism in Pakistan: Theory and Practice, 42
49
the central government such as the monetary system, national defense, and
federal responsibilities. Each federated state or province would have its
legislative executive and judicial systems, each of the three branches of
Government being constitutionally separate. (Quid-e-Azzam, Interview to a
representative of the Associated Press of America, clarifying various aspects
of Pakistan, Bombay, November 8, 1945)42
Quaid-e-Azzam was very clear about the future constitution of Pakistan. “Father of
the nation considered federalism as a useful device for a separate homeland of the
Muslims.”43 He guided the nation that the future constitution of Pakistan would have the
true spirit of federalism. But after becoming Pakistan, the dream of federalism in the
country could not be realized in its true spirit.44
2.3 Federalism from 1947 to 1958
Pakistan came into being as a federation state. The interim constitution was
temporarily enacted through some amendments to the India Act,1935. But Pakistan failed
to draft its constitution until nine years after its inception due to which newly born state
faced many difficulties. After becoming Pakistan, federalism in the country could not be
flourished like the other federation of the world. Because Pakistan inherited the centralized
form of government from the British, therefore the rulers of Pakistan also used the same
system practically for their benefits in the country instead of a decentralized system.
2.3.1 Federalism under the Interim Constitution of Pakistan
Further down section 8 of the Indian Independence Act 1947, the act of 1935 was
implemented by Pakistan with certain modifications. It is also called the first provisional
constitution of Pakistan. Consequently, Pakistan inherited a centralized system in the form
of the constitution of 1935. Because “By introducing a highly centralized federation under
the Act of 1935 Britain sought to maintain its imperial hold over India.”45 According to
this Act, the central government had the hold on all powers like legislative, administrative,
financial, and political. Provinces were also given powers in this constitution, but the
original powers were near the center. Province was granted only limited authorities. And it
42
Sadna Gupta, Speeches and statements by Jinnah 1943-1945. n.d.
43
Syed Mujawar Hussain Shah, Federalism in Pakistan: Theory and Practice, 42
44
Muntzra Nazir, “The Problems and Issues of Federalism in Pakistan." Pakistan Vision, n.d.: 109-128.
45
50
was hoped that this constitution would be a short period, but it took about a decade to form
a new constitution.46
“Federation of Pakistan” was established on 14th August 1947 by the Pakistan
Provision Constitution Order 1947 which be made up of four provinces, Balochistan, areas
that might be included therein with the consent of the federation and “Karachi” as a Capital
of Pakistan.47 At the time of formation of Pakistan, the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
consisted of 69 members who were elected in 1946 from the areas joining Pakistan, but
soon after the states of Bahawalpur, Khairpur, states of Balochistan and the states of
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa announced their participation in Pakistan then four seats were
increased to represent them. Moreover, the population of Punjab and Sindh increased due
to the influx of migrant population then six more seats were added in 1949. Table 2-1 shows
the number of seats of the first constituent Assembly. Thus, the seats of the constituent
Assembly increased to 79.48
Table 2-1
Formation of the First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and the total
number of seats.
Provinces and States in 1947 with addition in 1949 Total
East Bengal 44 44
Punjab 17 5 22
Sindh 4 1 5
KPK 3 3
Balochistan 1 1
States of Balochistan 1 1
State of Bahawalpur 1 1
State of Khairpur 1 1
States of KPK 1 1
Total 69+4 +6 79
Source: Sheikh Muhammad Rafique, Tareekh-e- Pakistan 1947-1999,432
46
Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001),
884-89
47
48
Sheikh Muhammad Rafique, Tareekh-e- Pakistan 1947-1999 (Lahore: Bazam-e- Skafat Lahore, 2013), 432
51
On 7th March 1949, Prime Minister (PM) Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan moved a resolution in
the constituent assembly which passed this Objectives Resolution on 12th March 1949.
Objectives resolution is the most significant document in the legitimate history of Pakistan
in which the true spirit of federalism is found categorically. This document declares
Pakistan as a federation and bestows autonomous status to the federating units in which the
limitations and boundaries of powers between the central government and provincial
governments are specified for the future constitution. This document talks about the basic
rights of the people of Pakistan like status and opportunities, equality before the law, social,
economic, creed, religion, etc. The text about the federation in the document is as follow:
WHEREBY the territories now included in or in accession with Pakistan and

such other territories as may hereafter be included in or accede to Pakistan
shall form a Federation wherein the units will be autonomous with such
boundaries and limitations on their powers and authority as may be
prescribed.49
The Constituent Assembly passed a resolution and formed a twenty-four-member

committee to formulate the basic principles of the constitution in the light of the resolution
objectives on March 12, 1949. The first Basic Principles Committee (BPC) presented its
interim report on September 7, 1950, in the Constituent Assembly.50 In which, the head of
the administration was the President, who at his discretion could appoint any member or
legislature as Prime Minister, was authorized to appoint the governor of the provinces. He
also had an emergency option. From a democratic point of view, the overwhelming powers
that were given to the president were purely authoritarian. According to this report, the
president didn't need to be a Muslim. Moreover, in the report, strong Center was supported,
that is, residual powers were handed over to the center, and the laws of the province and
the center were the principles of giving priority to the central law in case of a collision.
There was a reaction in East Pakistan against the idea of a strong center, and on
November 4-5, 1950, the national convention in Dacca, East Pakistan politicians presented
an alternative constitution structure in which they demanded that only three powers namely
defense, foreign affairs, and currency should be given to the center, while the rest should
49
Government of Pakistan, "National Assembly Debates." National Assembly of Pakistan.
50
G. W. Choudhury, Constitutional Development in Pakistan. 2nd. (London: Lowe & Brydon (Printers) Ltd,
1969), 30
52
be vested to the provinces.51 The final interim report of BPC submitted in the assembly in
the Khawaja Nazim Uddin’s Ministry On December 22, 1952, in which the central
government was kept as strong as before and residual powers were given to the center. In
the first report of BPC, East Bengal objected, while in the second report West Pakistan
especially politicians of Punjab protested regarding the distribution of legislative seats. East
Bengal, Punjab, and Ulema (religious scholars) did not satisfy with the report of the Basic
Principles Committee (BPC).52
Muhammad Ali Bogra made Prime Minister in 1953 and presented his famous
formula in the Constituent Assembly on October 7, 1953, and the assembly accepted it.
According to this formula, Federal Legislature consisted of two houses; (1) Upper House
(Senate), (2) National Assembly in which fifty seats were proposed for the upper house,
and three hundred seats were proposed for the lower house. The principle of parity was
adopted by this formula between East Pakistan and West Pakistan. East Pakistan had the
seats in both houses 10+165=175, while West Pakistan had 40+135=175.
Nearly equal powers were given to both houses, the proposal to convene a joint
meeting of the two houses for the election of the President and for throwing away of votes
of confidence. In the case of disagreement between the two Houses, the decision was to be
taken at a joint meeting, although in this case a simple majority was required for the
decision, support for such a decision was essential to support at least 30% separately from
East and West Pakistan. This formula brought some developments compared with the both
draft of the BPC.53The Constituent Assembly began drafting of the future constitution in
light of this formula and Muhammad Ali Bogra announced that the new constitution would
be approved by December 25, 1954.54
But, unfortunately, Governor-General Malik Ghulam Muhammad issued a

statement on 24th October 1954, dismantling the First Constituent Assembly. The
statement was:
Due to this political crisis which the country is currently facing, the Governor
is very sorry to announce that the country has lost its signature machinery and
51
Pakistan Observer, Dacca, 6th November 1950.
52
Rafique, Tareekh-e- Pakistan 1947-1999, 451-454
53
Choudhury, Constitutional Development in Pakistan, 111-114
54
Choudhury, Constitutional Development in Pakistan, 137
53
therefore it has decided to impose an emergency all over the country. The
current assembly has lost the trust of the people and therefore is no longer able
to continue its work.55
In fact, behind the Governor General’s declaration were the rules passed by the
Constitution through which the powers of the Governor-General were limited. “This and
other restrictions on the power of the Ghulam Mohammad took the wind out of the
governor general’s sails”.56 On 20th September 1954, Constituent Assembly repealed the
Public and Representative Office Disqualification Act (PRODA).57 The law passed by the
parliament snatched the whip from the Governor-General, who that political figures were
obliged to obey him. Malik Ghulam Muhammad was very angry at it. On September 21,
1948, the first Constituent Assembly passed another legislation overnight,58 restricting all
powers of the Governor-General that he could use to break the ministry or dismiss a
minister, using these same powers, Khawaja Nazim Uddin’s ministry was dismissed.
Meanwhile, Malik Ghulam Muhammad strengthened his grip on Punjab and Sindh by
lifting sanctions on Muhammad Ayub Khodro and abandoning expected action against
Mumtaz Dultana. In all this scenario, Governor-General Malik Ghulam Muhammad did
not want to reduce his supremacies.59
2.3.2 Federalism and One-Unit Scheme
The most important of the difficulties in making the constitution in Pakistan was
the issue of the distribution of assembly seats between both Wings Pakistan. Although
because of the Muhammad Ali Bogra formula, the principle of parity between East and
West Pakistan was accepted Malik Ghulam Muhammad Governor-General Pakistan
believed that the ideal way to eliminate the differences in the distribution of seats between
different provinces of West Pakistan was to make these provinces a united province. For
this purpose, he smoothed the politicians and under his pressure, the assemblies of all the
provinces passed the resolutions in the favor of one unit.
55
Dawn, Karachi, 27th October 1954 (Editorial).
56
Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed, Special report: Parliament in Chaos 1951-1958 (Enter the invisible oligarchy).
57
In 1949 the Public and Representative Office Disqualification Act (PRODA) allowed the government to
disqualify persons found guilty of "misconduct," a term that acquired a broad definition.
58
Articles 9, 10, 10a, 10b and section13 of the Government of India act was repealed.
59
Rafique, Tareekh-e- Pakistan 1947-1999, 457
54
General Muhammad Ayub Khan described in his autobiography that “the

establishment of one-unit in West Pakistan is possible if the largest province of this wing
is willing to show its generous for the benefit of all and be willing to sacrifice.” He more
said that “Punjab is the largest and important province in West Pakistan with more than
half the population of West Pakistan. If Punjab insists on representation in proportion to its
population, other provinces will be left behind immediately.” If a party has a dominant
position in a cosmopolitan society, it cannot run. “Therefore, for its survival and greatness
of Pakistan, Punjab should be requested to approve 40% representation in the Legislative
Assembly of West Pakistan, but the other provinces should be represented according to
their population.” Moreover, he said that “But before such a unit can be set up, the existing
provincial and central legislative assemblies and ministries must be broken down so that
they can neither interfere with the work of the new organization nor stop it.”60
President Muhammad Ayub Khan himself explained that I put a lot of pressure on
my plan to make it work. He said that “I wanted to work for two clear objectives: to save
the armed forces from the interference of the politicians, and to unify the provinces of West
Pakistan into one unit, I pressed very hard for it and initiated the process of merger of the
provinces,”61 This scheme was passed by each provincial assembly in West Wing by force
by the center Government. This was entirely against the concept of decentralization in
which powers are devolved to local government from the central government but here
powers were snatched from provinces and were given to a new province.
It was claimed that the one-unit scheme had some benefits. like; it would because
of eradication of provincial prejudices, development of backward areas, reduce
administrative expenses, the formation of a new constitution, maximum provincial
autonomy, etc. The one-unit scheme again created an immense issue.62 The one-unit
scheme could not deliver the above-mentioned benefits and fail. Due to the large size of
the province, no attention was given on development works. The promise of provincial
60
Muhammad Ayub Khan, Jis Rizq Se Aati Ho Parwaz Mein Kotahi: Siyasi Sawaneh Hayat. Translated by
Ghulam Abbas (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2015), 310
61
Mohammad Ayub Khan, Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography (London: Oxford University
Press, 1967), 192
62
Iram Khalid. "Politics of Federalism in Pakistan: Problems and Prospects." South Asian Studies (A Research
Journal of South Asian Studies), 2013: 199-212.
55
autonomy had not been done by Government and a strong reaction came against the strong
center.63
2.3.3 Federalism under the Constitution of 1956
The second Constituent Assembly meeting was held in Murree on July 7, 1955. The
Muslim League got 26 seats in the assembly, it was the largest party but did not get even a
simple majority in the house. From East Pakistan, the United Front got 16 seats and Awami
League got 12 seats while the Muslim League had gotten only one seat in East Pakistan, it
was Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra. Muhammad Ali Bogra failed to gain majority
support in the house and former Finance Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali was elected
as the new PM of Pakistan. An important task during the Chaudhry Muhammad Ali’s
ministry was that the country’s first constitution was ready. He worked hard day and night
and declared that until the constitution was completed, the constituent assembly will not be
allowed to function as a legislature. Finally, on March 23, 1956, the constitution was
enforced, and Pakistan became an independent state instead of the British dominion.
The 1956 constitution was written in the same manner as the American
Constitution, which included 234 articles, thirteen parts, and six schedules. This brief
constitution provided the basis for the management of both the federal and the provincial
governments. According to the 1956 constitution, the provinces of the country were linked
to each other in the form of federal.64 There were three lists of subjects for the legislature
in which Central, Provincial and Concurrent. The central list of subjects was completely
subject to the center and provincial legislature could legislate to the provincial subjects
while both the center and province could legislate on the concurrent list but if the central
and provincial laws conflicted with each other, then the central law had the edge. The
Constitution sought to minimize the central effects of the Government of India Act of 1935.
As under Article 6 (1), the federal list was previously reduced by 31items and 61 items,
and there were 94 items in the list of provinces. While the list was also reduced to 19 items
simultaneously, there were ideas to centralize the system of administrative and economic
development through the Central Government.65
63
64
65
Uzma Khan, Saima Khan, Saqib Shahzad, Shahzad Khan. "History of Federalism in Pakistan (1947 to
2010): From Centralization towards Provincial Autonomy." The Discourse, 2016: 63-73.
56
The residual powers that were not mentioned in any of the lists were assigned to the
provinces. Under this constitution, provincial boundaries could not alter without the
consent of provincial assemblies. The provisions relating to the distribution of legislative
and administrative powers or in matters related to it could be amended only with the
consent of the provinces.66 The fact was, however, that the National Assembly had the
power to amend Article 109 of the residual powers without the approval of the Provincial
Assemblies, which showed that the central principle of the Constitution was included in
the Constitution to an unlimited extent. Under the Constitution of 1956, that federal
Structure was set up, it had the same soul of the Act 1935. The division of powers was
made on the same footing as provided in the Government of India Act 1935. In this
Constitution, the provincial powers were expanded, but, the federal government retained
its grip on legislative and administrative matters, which in turn led to interference in the
provincial affairs.67
Generally, the legislature in the federal constitution consists of two houses, but
under the 1956 Constitution, the legislature of Pakistan consisted of only one house. The
deficiency of the Second House was met with the powers of President, that is, if the law
remained illness in a hurry or emotionally, the President could reconsider it and propose
amendments to it and send it back to the legislature as if the President was entrusted with
the responsibility of the House of Revision. Generally, in the parliamentary system, the
head of the state is the only symbolic head. According to the 1956 constitution, the
President had the status of titular head of state under normal circumstances, but he was also
given emergency powers that made the President’s position very important.
For example, he could impose “President Raj” in any province for six months,
during which he would have real authority over the province. On the eve of holding
elections, the President would hold his office till the completion of the new elections. In
that time, his powers would have been special and in the circumstances of Pakistan, he
could have influenced the outcome of the elections. The National Assembly and both
66
The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, (Karachi: Government of Pakistan Press, 1956). See
Article 216.
67
57
Provincial assemblies used to elect the President under the Constitution of 1956, but
President, under his authority, had the right to sack all three assemblies.
There was a special mechanism for separating the president himself, but this was not
so easy because of the president’s emergency powers, because if the President knew of any
such movement in the first place, he could fire the National Assembly. The powers that are
delegated to the Head of State in the Constitution he is bound to exercise these powers in
the consultation with the Prime Minister, but President Sikandar Mirza considered these
powers as his original powers, but also considered them inadequate, and for this reason, he
termed Constitution as inactive.68
Under the Constitution of 1956, in three cases, Federal Legislature could make laws
for the provinces. First, under article 107, the central legislature could legislate on the
provincial list if the provincial legislature empowered it by a resolution. Second, Article
108 authorized the central government to make laws for executing any treaty, pact, etc.
Under section 191, the emergency declaration, the House was authorized to make laws for
the province on any matter not included in the federal or concurrent lists. Moreover, in the
section of 191, the provinces could have been deprived of the little autonomy they were
given in the 1956 Constitution. No certain time limit was demarcated in the Constitution
for the end of the emergency. Hence, the democratic process could be put off for an
unspecified period. Under Articles 191, 193, and 194, the announcement of emergency
could not be challenged in any court of law.69
Under this Constitution, the financial provisions were parallel to the interim
government except for estate and succession duties on the agricultural land and stamp duty,
which were returned to the provinces. The central government was powerful in financial
affairs, development, state safety, and inter-provincial management.70 Table 2-2 shows the
budgetary position of the central government. Mehrunnisa Ali discussed it in her book
“Politics of Federalism in Pakistan”71 and Table 2-3 shows the budgetary position of the
Provincial Government.
68
69
Ali, Politics of Federalism in Pakistan, 97,98,102
70
Kundi, M. A. & Jahangir, A. M. "Federalism in Pakistan: Issues and Adjustment." Asian Affairs [Online],
2002: 23-36.
71
58
Table 2-2
Budgetary Position of the Central Government from1956 to 1958.
Revenue Rupees in Million
Principal Heads of Revenue 1955-56 1956-57 1957-58
Customs 509 470.8 420.9
Central Excise Duties 125.8 144.9 171.3
Income Tax & Corporation Tax 197.7 207.8 230.0
Sales Tax 96.3 117.8 130.3
Salt 23.7 22.6 23.4
Other Heads 44.9 43.0 45.1
Total Principal Heads 997.4 1006.9 1021
Revenue Rupees in Million
Principal Heads of Revenue 1955-56 1956-57 1957-58
Railways (net) 76.9 76.8 96.0
Post & Telegraphs (net) 15.2 14.5 19.4
Debt services 87.0 88.5 129.7
Civil Administration 22.3 25.2 26.7
Currency and Mint 19.6 27.1 36.0
Miscellaneous 20.6 17.7 23.8
Defence Services 55.3 37.1 39.5
Extra Ordinary Items 1.1 1.1 71.2
Other Heads 3.8 3.4 4.4
Total Revenue Receipts 1299.2 1298.3 1467.7
Total Expenditure met from 1297.1 1294.1 1473.6

Revenue
Surplus/ Deficit 2.1 4.2 -5.9
Source: Figures from Pakistan, 1957-1958, Karachi, Pakistan Publication, 1958, 33-35.
59
Table 2-3
BudgetaryPosition of the Provincial Government (Rupees in Million)
Financial Year East Pakistan West Pakistan
Revenue Expenditure Surplus/ Revenue Expenditure Surplus/
Deficit Deficit
1955-56 246.0 289.0 -43 460.2 456.3 4.9
1956-57 255.1 334.7 -79.6 608.8 561.4 47.4
1957-58 348.7 406.5 -57.8 628.6 601.7 26.9
Total 849.8 1030.2 -180.4 1697.6 1618.4 79.2
Source: Figures from Pakistan, 1957-1958, Karachi, Pakistan Publication, 1958, 36-38.
Table 2-3 and Table 2-5 show an examination of federal expenditures (less Defence
Services and contributions to the provinces) for 1955-1958 was 15588.8 million rupees,
whereas provincial expenditure for the same period was 2648.6 million rupees. 72
2.4 Federalism under the Constitution of 1962
The Constitution of 1956 had some flaws that benefited those who wanted to seize
power. The constitution did not have the upper house and the authority to review any law
was given to the President instead of the Senate. This greatly increased the powers of the
President. The President had the authority to enforce the ordinance, from which Sikandar
Mirza took full advantage. The President was also given many emergency powers. In this
way, the President was in total power until the second election after the assembly was
broken. These extraordinary powers provided Sikandar Mirza with the opportunity to wrap
up his undesirable constitution of 1956. Sikandar Mirza, who was convinced to lead
democracy as well, was worried about his future.73
On the other hand, a study by President Ayoub’s book “Friends Not Masters”
reveals that Ayub Khan had been interested in political affairs for a long time,74 he said
himself that “I had a premonition that Ghulam Muhammad might draw me into politics
which I wanted, above all things, to avoid.”75 And he already thought that politicians would
have to deal with me and the army in case of further chaos. Under these circumstances,
72
73
74
Khan, Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography, 186-192
75
Khan, Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography, 186
60
Sikandar Mirza imposed the Martial Law on 7th October 1958 and appointed General
Muhammad Ayub Khan as a Chief Martial Law Administrator and place all the Armed
Forces under his command.76 On 27th October 1958, General Muhammad Ayub Khan made
the second President of Pakistan.77
After the implementation of Martial Law in the country, the Ayub Government was
trying to formulate a public opinion in favor of its view on constitution-drafting, eventually,
a constitution commission headed by Justice Shahab-ud-din was commissioned. In
response to which the public had to express their opinion about the new constitution. The
commission submitted its report to the government on the 29th April 1961,78 Ayub Khan
ignored the recommendations of the Constitution Committee established in 1960.79 Mr.
Manzoor Qadir drafted a new constitution that was executed by Ayub Khan on 1st March
1962. Election held under it on 28th March 1962 and on June 8, 1962, General Muhammad
Ayub Khan took an oath of office.80 The constitution of 1962 was enforced in Pakistan
from 1962 to 1969.
The 1962 constitution was in written form which consisted of 250 provisions,
twelve parts, and three schedules. This document was not passed by any parliament, nor
was it adopted by any public institution, but it was enforced by Field Marshal Muhammad
Ayub Khan, who came to power under the imposition of Martial Law and he got the vote
from the members of the basic democracy in a state of martial law in February 1960 and
was the sole representative of the nation on that basis. The undemocratic creation of this
constitution was its special feature. The Constitution of 1962 proposed a federal system81
between the Eastern and Western Provinces in which only a list of 49 central departments
was given and all the other departments were transferred to the provinces, apparently the
scope of provincial sovereignty was greatly enhanced in this way, but the central
government for the sake of the integrity and economic development of Pakistan could
76
Khan, Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography, 246
77
http://www.cabinet.gov.pk/cabinet/userfiles1/file/Info%20serveces/governors-generals-presidents-
1947.pdf
78
Government of Pakistan, Parliamentary History. n.d. http://www.na.gov.pk/en/content.php?id=75
(accessed February 6, 2020).
79
K. B. Sayeed, Politics in Pakistan: The Nature and Direction of Change (New York: Praeger
Publishers,1980).
80
Government of Pakistan, Parliamentary History. n.d.
81
Government of Pakistan, Parliamentary History. n.d.
61
interfere with the provincial departments. Also, with extensive powers of provincial
governors, the center could keep the provinces' legislation subject to his custom, but the
President had such vast powers that poor provincial governments could not against it and
the provincial sovereignty had also become paralyzed. Panch Rishi Dev Sharma said in his
article that:
The Constitution was an attack on federalism as it made the president

appointed Governors the heads of provincial governments and provided
provisions such as Art. 131(2) by which the central government may as per the
national interest in respect of the security of Pakistan have overruling power
to make and execute laws.82
Moreover, under article 74, the Constitution of 1962 gave extensive powers to the
Provincial Governors to dissolve the provincial Assembly. The difference in matters
between the Provincial Governor and the Assembly could also have taken place, for which
approval was required only with the national conference and the consensus of the President.
The emergency proclamation was widened under article 30 of the Constitution of 1962. In
this way, with the combined effect of Article 30 and 74, if there was a dispute between the
Governor and the Provincial Legislative Assembly, the provincial Assembly could have
been dissolved.83
The Constitution of 1962 was the presidential-style constitution, but the presidential
system was completely different from the American system in that the president had all the
administrative powers. The president himself appointed ministers of state and had
responsibilities before him. They were not members of the legislature; however, they could
attend the Parliament meeting. The president had effective control over the legislation. He
was the head of the army and by certain laws, he was also given the power of the judiciary.
After analyzing the practice, it was said that the President had the status of an hour house
in Lyallpur (Faisalabad). The presidential system always imposes certain restrictions on
the president to prevent him from exercising public authority, such as the USA's President
who is bound by the decisions of the Senate and its committees. It must approve of the
82
Panch Rishi Dev Sharma, "Comparative Federalism with Reference to Constitutional Machinery Failure
(Emergency) in India and Pakistan." Brics Law Journal Volume IV (2017) Issue 2, 2017: 71-94.
83
Panch Rishi Dev Sharma, "Comparative Federalism with Reference to Constitutional Machinery Failure
(Emergency) in India and Pakistan." BRICS LAW JOURNAL Volume IV (2017) Issue 2, 2017: 71-94.
62
Senate concerning the appointment of officers and the Senate effectively controls the
powers of the President. There were no such restrictions in Pakistan’s presidential system.84
The Constitution of 1962 did not have two chambers like the general federation,
and especially the presidential democracy. There was only one house of parliament and all
other duties were delegated to the president namely to abolish the hasty legislation of the
lower house. It was within the powers of the President, not the House, to propose
amendments to the draft law and to reject it if necessary. A careful study of the method of
the amendment makes it very clear that if the President wanted to get the amendment, the
amendment in the Constitution was very easy. If he opposed the amendment, the
amendment was very difficult. This procedure was as difficult as in the United States, but
the US President did not get the importance of amending the Constitution that President
Pakistan had received under the 1962 Constitution. The President of Pakistan could wrap
up all the constitutional institutions using emergency powers. He could break the ministries
and assemblies, but also the constitution itself was at its mercy. Due to the above facts,
politically conscious people have never recognized this constitution.85
The president’s powers were very broad in the Constitution of 1962 and he was
practically a dictator. In October 1962, a group of East Pakistanis made National
Democratic Front (NDF) for the restoration of democracy in the country. After that, during
the Presidential election in 1964-65, Combined Opposition Parties (COP) moved but failed
due to the inner differences. In April 1967, after pass away, the ban on the Elected Bodies
Disqualification Order (EBDO) Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) came into being
by the group of five parties.86 On January 9, 1968, Democratic Action Committee (DAC)
started big agitation against the Ayub Khan government.87 This nationwide public
movement began on large scale against the dictatorial government of Field Martial
Muhammad Ayub Khan.
84
85
86
Five parties were; (1) Council ML (2) Nizam-i-Islam Party (3) Jamaat-e-Islami (iv) Awami League (Nasar
Ullah Group) (5) NDF.
87
Admin. Causes of Ayoub’s Decline. n.d. https://historypak.com/ayubs-decline/ (accessed February 6,
2020).
63
2.5 Federalism under the Legal Framework Order (LFO)

On 25th March 1969, General Muhammad Ayub Khan resigned his office, and
General Muhammad Yahiya Khan abolished the Constitution of 1962 and imposed Martial
Law again in the country. He issued a Legal Framework Order (LFO) for the formation of
the new Constitution of Pakistan. The main principles were stated in the LFO for the
formation of a new constitution. According to this document, the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan would be a federation and national unity would be protected at all costs. The basic
principles of democracy and fundamental rights would be protected. Freedom of the
judiciary would be guaranteed. Provinces would be given more sovereignty in legislation
and other matters, but the center would have all the necessary powers to protect the
country’s independence and integrity. The economic disparity between different parts of
the country would be removed. There was never time to implement the LFO because the
general election held in 1970 succeeded parties had the centrifugal tendencies.
In East Pakistan, the Awami League was successful, which wanted to persuade its
six points at all costs but recognizing those six points meant weakening the center so that
a province could split whenever it wanted. Similarly, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) had
won in Punjab and Sindh, while NAP and Jamiat-ulma-Islam had won in NWFP (now
KPK) and Baluchistan. The root of all these parties was regional. Mutual conflicts over the
issue of transit power were destined to arouse volatile tendencies. In the early in 1971s, the
Awami League in East Pakistan revolted practically that was suppressed by the
Government of Pakistan. But in December 1971, India intervened with military
intervention to cut East Pakistan from the rest of Pakistan and make it Bangladesh. When
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the chairman of Pakistan People’s Party, returned from the United
States, General Yahya handed over the rest of Pakistan to him on December 20, 1971. He
was made Chief Martial Law Administrator and President of the State.88
2.6 Federalism under the Constitution of 1973

The 1973 Constitution was unanimously passed by the National Assembly on April
10, 1973, under the agreement with the opposition. On April 12, 1973, the approval of it
was given by the President of Pakistan and implanted from August 14, 1973, in the country.
88
Government of Pakistan, Presidents. n.d. http://www.na.gov.pk/en/presidents.php (accessed F
64
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was an intelligent politician who not only started the building of the
rest of Pakistan after gaining power but also gave the country a unanimous constitution.
Seven amendments were made to the constitution during the rule of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
The eighth and ninth amendments took place in Zia-ul-Haq’s time, while Nawaz Sharif
also made amendments in his time particularly the 13th, 14th, and 16th, and General Pervaiz
Musharraf molded the constitution of 1973 through the seventeenth amendment.
An important 18th amendment was made by the PPP government on April 10, 2010.
The 1973 Constitution came into being more democratically than the former Constitutions.
Pakistan’s 1973 Constitution is in written form like the other democracy of the world.
Pakistan is a federation that consists of four provinces Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,
Sindh, Balochistan, and federal Capital Islamabad, Gilgit Baltistan, and Azad Kashmir.
Federal units are characterized in the Federal Legislatures and the four provinces are given
equal representation in the Senate. Total seats in Senate and National Assembly are 104
and 342 respectively.89 Table 2-4 shows the representation of federal units in the Senate:
Table 2-4
Representation of Federal Units in Senate
Province General Ulma and Women Minorities Total
Seats Technocrats
Punjab 14 04 04 01 23
Sindh 14 04 04 01 23
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 14 04 04 01 23
Balochistan 14 04 04 01 23
Islamabad 02 01 01 --- 04
Fata (Now integrated 08 --- --- --- 08
into KPK)
Total 66 17 17 04 104
Source: National Assembly of Pakistan, "documents." National Assembly of Pakistan.

February 28, 2012. http://na.gov.pk/uploads/documents, ( accessed date June 25, 2019).
The second House of the Legislation is the National Assembly, which currently
consists of 342 members. The seats are divided based on population. Table 2-5 shows the
details:
89
National Assembly of Pakistan, "documents." National Assembly of Pakistan. February 28, 2012.
65
Table 2-5
Division of Seats of National Assembly of Pakistan
Province General Seats Women Total
Punjab 135 35 183
Sindh 61 14 75
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 35 08 43
Balochistan 14 03 17
Islamabad 02 02
Fata (Now integrated 12 12
into KPK)
Minorities 10
Total 272 60 342
Source: National Assembly of Pakistan, "Documents." National Assembly of Pakistan.

February 28, 2012. http://na.gov.pk/uploads/documents/1333523681_951.pdf (accessed
June 25, 2019). (For detail see the Appendix-7)
Initially, there were three lists in the Constitution for legislation; (1) Federal list (2)
Provincial list (3) and Concurrent list, in which government subjects were divided between
the center and the provinces such as that only the center could legislate on the federal list,
in the concurrent list both the province and the center could legislate, but in the event of a
collision, the law of the center was considered superior. All the remaining subjects were
considered in the custody of the provinces in which the center could not intervene. Now
the current list has been abolished by the 18th Amendment and its powers have been
transferred to the provinces and another demand for the federation has been fulfilled by
giving equal representation to all the provinces in the upper house (Senate).
Giving equal representation to all provinces in the Senate keeps the confidence of
the smaller provinces alive because any law requires the approval of both houses. The
boundaries of a province or its jurisdiction cannot be altered unless the legislature of that
province passes a resolution with a two-thirds majority. In the Upper House, requirements
of the federation have been fulfilled by giving equal representation to all the provinces.90
Pakistan has a parliamentary system where the real powers are with the Prime Minister,
who is accountable to the parliament, he holds on to his position if he has the confidence
of a majority in Parliament. There is less chance of a person becoming a dictator in this
90
66
system. In this system, the president usually the titular head and makes decisions according
to the prime minister’s advice.91
After becoming Pakistan, the Interim Constitution was made by making appropriate
changes in the Act of 1935, which had the Governor-General having wide powers, but the
British Government transferred the powers to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, not
the Governor-General. Unfortunately, the heads of state of Pakistan (Governor Generals
and Presidents) tried to seize the original powers, trampling the spirit of parliamentary
democracy. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto compromised with the opposition and gave the nation a
unanimous Constitution. The Constitution had a balance between the powers of the
President and Prime Minister.
The dictators in Pakistan have always supported the presidential system and the
people have long struggled for the parliamentary system as there is no possibility of a single
person becoming a dictator in the parliamentary system, however, Bhutto made seven
amendments to his regime and gained so much power that the president was merely a
rubber stamp. Members of parliament were so helpless that the Prime Minister could take
any action against them by resorting to an emergency, they could be closed, and
membership of parliamentarians could also end. In this way, the parliament in which the
Prime Minister was answerable also became helpless. Judiciary powers were also limited,
and these Prime Minister’s steps blocked the Constitutional path to change of government,
so Martial Law came.92
General Zia took the advantage of the political confrontation between Pakistan
People’s Party (PPP) and Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and imposed the Martial Law
in the country on July 5, 1977.93 He suspended the Constitution of 1973 and made the Chief
Martial Law Administrator of Pakistan. On September 9, 1978, he also took the oath as a
President of Pakistan. He mentioned in his first speech to the nation, “I genuinely feel that
the survival of this country lies in democracy and democracy alone”, He added that
“Martial Law had been imposed throughout the country. He said more.94 Some portions of
the constitution were repealed.95
91
92
93
The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, Pakistan Additional Information. n.d.
94
General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’s first address to the Nation on 5th July 1977.
95
Zahid Yaseen, Muhammad Abrar Ahmad and Tahir Mahmood Butt. "Hypothetical Political System of
Martial Laws: A Case Study General Zia-ul-Haq." JPUHS, Vol.29, No.1, 2016: 122-132.
67
2.6.1 Federalism under the Eighth Amendment in 1973 Constitution
When President General Zia-ul-Haq restored democracy in 1985, the president's

powers by 58(2b) to dissolve the National Assembly were again increased. Amendment of
Article 58 of the Constitution of 1973 tells about that “(b) for clause (2) the following shall
be substituted, namely: "(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in clause (2) of Article
48, the President may also dissolve the National Assembly in his discretion where, in his
opinion”.96 With the eighth amendment, the president could appoint the PM and end the
PM government, which could break the assembly. The appointment of Chiefs of armed
forces and the Chief Election Commission was also at its discretion.
After passing the Article 58(2) b, on four occasions the National Assemblies were
dissolved by the heads of the State using his discretion powers. In this way, President Zia
in 1988, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan in 1990 and 1993, and President Farooq Leghari in
1996 dissolved the National Assemblies respectively.97 Thus, these Presidents of Pakistan,
by exercising their powers to dissolve the assemblies repeatedly by using Article 58(2b)
under the Eighth Amendment,98 demonstrated great centralization rather than federalism in
the country. The dictators have repeatedly blocked the democracy in the country. In
Pakistan, Martial Law dictators and Civil dictators are responsible for the inadequacy of
democracy equally. Political Governments were also removed by military cream of the
crop or president applying article 58-2 (B) to depose them.99
2.6.2 Federalism and Thirteenth and Seventeenth Amendments
In 1997, PML(N) got a heavy mandate in the parliament under the leadership of
Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif. Mian Nawaz Sharif restored the self-respect of parliament
during his second tenure. Thus, the Eight Amendment was swapped by the thirteenth
Amendment.100 In which, abolished the part of the eighth amendment under which the
President had arbitrary powers to dissolve the assembly and elect military leadership and
96
Senate of Pakistan, The Constitution (Eighth Amendment) Act, 1985 (Act No. XVIII of 1985). November
11,1985
97
Wasim Shah, 8 amendments in 1973 constitution. January 14, 2018.
98
Mohammad Waseem, "Federalism in Pakistan." LUMS, 2010: 1-26.
99
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the 20th Century: A Political History (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
1997), 55-68
100
Sheikh Nadeem Ahmed and Sajida Begum, "Historical Perspective of Political and Constitutional
Development in Pakistan." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 20, Issue
2, Ver. II, 2015: 77-89.
68
the President was obliged by advice the Prime Minister in all these matters. The
Seventeenth Amendment was passed on 31st December 2003,101 repealing almost all
amendments to the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan.
The president got all powers in the 17th Amendment that were eradicated in the
thirteenth Amendment. So, “The pendulum of powers swung back to the President who
could dissolve the parliament under unfavorable circumstances.”102 “The worth mentioning
fact is that such centralized amendments kept on affecting the federal character of the
constitution. Parliament suffered a lot as it was made subservient to the executive.”103 This
change of ignoring the national representation extremely weakened the unique view of
federalism contained in the constitution.104 Moreover, President Pervez Musharraf could
hold the office of Chief of Army Staff and President until 31st December 2004. He promised
that he would retire from the military one year later December 31, 2004, but did not fulfill
that promise.
The balance of power in Pakistan has always been deteriorating, which did not
allow federalism and democracy to flourish according to its original spirit. The powers
have been exercised not in the essence of democracy but the benefits of their interests. Due
to which, in Pakistan from 1947 to 2010, there has always been trying for a centralization
form to flourish rather than federalism. Federalism has never been allowed to stand on its
own feet in the country. If federalism had the chance to embellishment in the country in its
original form, then Pakistan would have set the pace of development fast. Backward areas
can be developed only through a fair distribution of power and resources. For this purpose,
federalism, democracy, and decentralization systems are very necessary instead of
centralization systems in the country. But in Pakistan, the central government has always
been interfering in the matters of provinces since 1947. There are many examples of central
101
Pakistan, National Assembly of. "documents." National Assembly of Pakistan. February 28, 2012.
http://na.gov.pk/uploads/documents/1333523681_951.pdf (accessed June 25, 2019).
102
Sheikh Nadeem Ahmed and Sajida Begum, "Historical Perspective of Political and Constitutional
Development in Pakistan." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 20, Issue
2, Ver. II, 2015: 77-89.
103
Iram Khalid, "Politics of Federalism in Pakistan: Problems and Prospects." South Asian Studies (A
Research Journal of South Asian Studies), 2013: 199-212.
104
Charls H. Kennedy, Political Issues in 2004. (2006). In Charls H. Kennedy and Cynthia A.
Botteron. (Eds.), Pakistan 2005 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005).
69
government interference in provincial affairs. Table 2-6 shows a history of involvement of

the center in provincial affairs.105
Table 2-6
Federal Government’s Involvement in Provincial affairs and some other
affairs
Year Description
1947 Congress Ministry in NWFP had ‘the support of 33 members out of 50’. But it was
replaced by a Muslim League Ministry. Dismissal of Dr. Khan Sahib Ministry Govt.
of NWFP on 22 August 1947 under section 51(5) of interim constitution Govt. of
India Act 1935.
1948 Sindh Assembly opposed the decision of the Central Government to take Karachi out
of the control of Sindh and passed a resolution unanimously. The Chief Minister of
Sindh had to pay for this resolution and he was dismissed soon.
1948 Dismissal of M.A. Khuhro Ministry Govt. of Sindh in April 1948 (under section
51(5)) of interim constitution Govt. of India Act 1935.
1948 Inclusion of Kalat state into Pakistan.
1949 Dismissal of Mr. Mamdoth Govt. of Punjab on Jan 25, 1949 (under section 92-A) of
the interim constitution and Governor rule proclaimed.
1954 First Constituent Assembly was dissolved by Governor-General without any
Constitutional mandate leading to instability in the political system.
1954 Again, dismissal of Mr. Fazal-ul-Haq in 1954 in East Pakistan (under section 92-A).
1955 One-unit Scheme (an amalgamation of provinces and states into the province of West
Pakistan).
1962-69 Ayoub’s Presidential period (Federal system operated like the British Viceregal
system of the 1930s).
1970-71 Military action in East Pakistan and its separation.
1972-73 End of tripartite accord and dissolution of the Balochistan government. NWFP
government resigned
1977-88 Constitutional amendments by the Military Regime undermined the parliamentary
and Federal nature of the constitution.
1988-93 Dissolution of provincial assemblies (1988, 1990, 1993).
1994 Governor Rule in NWFP and installation of favorable government.
1995 Governor rule in Punjab and installation of a new government.
2002 17th Amendment has undermined the federal character of the state.
2007 President General Pervez Musharraf declared Emergency Plus in the country.
Source: Zubair Faisal Abbasi, Federalism, Provincial Autonomy, and Conflicts. Research
Report, Islamabad: Centre for Peace and Development Initiatives (CPDI), 2010, 55, p, 30
2.6.3 Eighteenth Amendment and Federalism in Pakistan
Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Sharif held a joint meeting in London and was
signed an accord on 14th May 2006 and laid down important points for running the country
after a joint struggle for restorative democracy and ending the dictatorship, this is called
105
Zubair Faisal Abbasi, Federalism, Provincial Autonomy, and Conflicts. Research Report, Islamabad:
Centre for Peace and Development Initiatives (CPDI), 2010, 55, p, 30
70
the Charter of Democracy (COD).106 Benazir Bhutto was martyred on December 27, 2007,
however, in the elections of 2008, the PPP appeared as a big party in the parliament and
PML(N) was the second-largest party. MQM and ANP were able to gain a prominent
position in their provinces. Mr. Yousaf Raza Gilani became Prime Minister and he formed
the Constitution Committee to review the Constitution under his reconciliation policy. Its
head was Senator Mian Raza Rabbani.
All the parliamentary parties were represented in this committee. In April 2010, the
committee unanimously submitted its recommendations, based on which the two Houses
unanimously passed the eighteenth amendment, which became part of the Constitution by
President Asif Ali Zardari’s signature on April 19, 2010. This Act may be called the
Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010.107 This amendment has great importance
in the constitutional history of Pakistan by which rehabilitation of federalism in the country
may be possible. “It is the beginning of the democratic era in the country,” said Senator
Rabbani who piloted it.108 In the 18th Amendment, many steps are taken for the dignity of
parliament and provincial autonomy. This amendment eliminates the effects of Zia-ul-Haq
and Pervez Musharraf’s dictatorial amendments.109 Moreover, Breaking or suspending the
Constitution has been declared a traitor to protect the country’s democracy and federal
constitution and it has been decided that severe punishment should be committed for the
crime.110
There have also been some significant additions to the basic rights already given in
the constitution. For example, it will be the government’s responsibility to provide free
education to children aged five to sixteen. According to this amendment, the article 25a is
about the ‘right to education’. The public should have immediate and impartial justice and
the people will have the right to access the information. In the Constitution, a new article
"19A. The right to information is inserted instead of article 19.111
106
Government of Pakistan, Report (constitutional_18th_amend_bill2010). Constitutional Reforms
(constitution-18th-amend-bill 2010), Islamabad: National Assembly of Pakistan, 2010.
107
Government of Pakistan, Publications (Inter Provincial Coordination Division Government of Pakistan).
June 30, 2011.
108
http://geo.tv/urdu.htm
109
The Gazette of Pakistan, Islamabad, April 20, 2010.
110
Shehzaad Nakhoda and Zartash Uzmi, Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010.
111
71
Besides, the Eighteenth Amendment has reduced the President’s extraordinary

powers and given to parliament a lead. Legislation that was done by Presidential Ordinance
has been restricted. The President would not be able to issue any ordinance during the
National Assembly or Senate meetings and no ordinance can be issued a second time. That
is, the ordinance will become law or terminate in Parliament. The President’s power to
dissolve Parliament and the Ministry by using Article 58 (2b) has been abolished.112
The President can dissolve the National Assembly only on the advice of the Prime
Minister. In the event of disbandment of the Assembly and the Ministry, the caretaker
Prime Minister and caretaker cabinet will be appointed on the advice of the Prime Minister
and the Leader of Opposition. The President shall issue an order to dissolve the Assembly
in any province or terminate the Ministry on the resolution of the Provincial Assembly, and
if such a situation arises that the orders to break the Ministry or Assembly of a Province on
his behalf, he will have to get his approval from the joint session of the National Assembly
and Senate. the Opposition. The caretaker cabinet will hold new elections and perform
duties until the new cabinet is formed.113
Moreover, the condition of the president’s approval before the legislation has been
abolished. Appointments to the top civil and military positions that were under the
jurisdiction of the President will now be on the Prime Minister's advice and the President
will be obliged to follow this recommendation. In this way, in the constitution, in article
243 clause 3, states the powers and limitations of the President.114
Some important step ladder has been recommended to make Provincial Autonomy
more real. In the Constitution, in Article 154, the Council of Common Interest has been
made more efficient and its scope has been extended and its Chairman is the PM. Chief
Ministers of four provinces and the three central ministers are the members of it. The
Council of Common Interest meetings will be held once in 90 days and will have a separate
secretariat to carry out its decisions. According to the article of 160 of the constitution, the
share of NFC Awards to a province will not be reduced.115
112
113
Rafique, Tareekh-e-Pakistan 1947-1999, 502
114
Shehzaad Nakhoda and Zartash Uzmi, Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010. n.d.
115
72
The concurrent list of Legislation has been eliminated and all its subjects have been
transferred to the provinces. The Provincial Governor must be a resident of the province in
which he will be appointed Governor. Oil gas and other minerals will now be considered
joint ownership of the center and the province in which it is found. Provinces can take
foreign loans, but provinces will be bound by the National and Financial Committee’s
boundaries in this regard. Water Reservoirs and Hydropower Projects will be initiated with
the confidence of the province concerned and the central government will subject to the
advice of the provincial government.116
Moreover, one of the major changes made in the Eighteenth Amendment is that the
NWFP is renamed as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan, hereinafter referred to as the Constitution, “in Article 246, in paragraph (a), in
sub-paragraph(i), for the word "Baluchistan" the word "Balochistan", and the words
"North-West Frontier" the words "Khyber Pakhtunkhwa", shall be substituted and the word
"and" at the end shall be omitted;”117 Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has been named to identify
Pashtuns on Awami National Party’s (ANP) wish. However, this new name was not
accepted by the people of Hazara, Haripur, Mansehra, and Abbottabad Districts.
This change in the Eighteenth Amendment has led to the emergence of new
provinces across Pakistan on an ethnic and lingual basis. Now, the voices and demands of
the new province are arising in the different regions of the country on an ethnic and lingual
basis. in this way, Saraiki in Southern Punjab, Hazara Province in KPK, Pashtun in
Balochistan, Urdu speaking in Sindh are demanding the creation of new provinces while
the public of Bahawalpur want to the rehabilitation of Bahawalpur Province in the Southern
part of Punjab. In this regard, great progress has been made about South Punjab Province
in the Saraiki belt and a new Secretariat is being established in the region.118
Furthermore, the number of central and provincial cabinet members has been fixed,
that is, eleven percent or 15 of the number of parliamentarians. The number of advisers in
any cabinet shall not exceed five.”119 But no government has yet implemented this formula
in which PML(N) and PTI government’s cabinets in 2013 and 2018 respectively. Because
116
117
The Gazette of Pakistan, Islamabad, April 20, 2010. (For more detail see Appendix-9)
118
Daily Khabrain, Multan, March 14, 2020.
119
73
of this amendment, the numbers of the Senate, members have been improved from 100 to
104. Representation of minorities in the Senate from each province has been made through
this. In the Constitution, for Article 59, “the Senate shall consist of one-hundred and four
members.”
To improve the efficiency of the Senate for the legislation, it has been increased
from at least 110 days. The days of provincial assemblies have also been increased from
70 to 100. In case of disagreement between the two Houses in the Legislature, the bill will
be presented at a joint meeting of the two Houses instead of sending it to the Reconciliation
Committee. General Pervez Musharraf’s ban on becoming the Prime Minister or Chief
Minister for the third time has been lifted in this amendment. The right to a group is also
included in the fundamental rights. However, the condition of the election within political
parties has been abolished.120
Besides, a new system of appointment of judges has been made in the Eighteenth
Amendment. The appointment of new judges will be made by the Parliament Committee
on the recommendation of the judicial commission headed by the Chief Justice of Pakistan,
besides the Chief Justice of the judicial Commission and two senior Judges of the Supreme
Court on the recommendation of the Chief Justice. Retired Chief Justice or Judge, Law
Minister, Attorney General, and a representative of the Supreme Court Bar who is a senior
lawyer. 121
In the Constitution, in Article 175, in clause (1), the 18th Amendment also decided
to set up the Islamabad High Court, which would include the Chief Justice of the Judicial
Commission besides the Chief Justices of all four High Courts for the selection of judges.
And among the names proposed by the Judicial Commission, the eight-member
Parliamentary Committee will make the final choice, four of those members will be from
the opposition and half the National Assembly and half from the opposition.122
2.6.4 Nineteenth Amendment and Federalism
The powers conferred on the Parliamentary Committee on the appointment of the

Judges in the Eighteenth Amendment were challenged in the Supreme Court, declaring it
120
121
122
74
in the interest of the independence of the judiciary and the interference of Parliament in the
judiciary. Instead of passing an order of this unwarranted interference, the Supreme Court
directed the legislation to rectify the error, so Parliament passed the 19th Amendment.
According to this amendment, the number of Supreme Court Judges in the Judicial
Commission has been increased from two to four. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
will submit the names for the appointment of new judges to the Judicial Commission. The
Judicial Commission will consider these names and send its suggestions to the
Parliamentary Committee.
The Parliamentary Committee will discuss these proposals in the camera and will
approve them. In Article 175A clause (15) “The meetings of the Committee shall be held
in camera and the record of its proceedings shall be maintained.”123 In case of rejection,
give reasonable reasons which should be different from their arguments which have been
considered in the Judicial Commission. The process did not end with this amendment. The
position of the Parliamentary Committee is that the decision of the Committee is final while
the Supreme Court has the power to review every decision and this decision should also be
the Supreme Court whether the reasons given by the Parliamentary Committee are
reasonable or not.124
2.7 Summary
No doubt that the 18th Amendment has changed the structure of the constitution of
Pakistan in which provincial sovereignty is granted to the provinces on large scale and this
Amendment has taken important steps towards restoring federalism in the country. The
Council of Common Interest (CCI) has been made more efficient. The share of NFC
Awards to a province will not be reduced through this amendment. The concurrent list of
Legislation has been eliminated and all its subjects have been transferred to the provinces.
Oil and Gas and other minerals will now be considered joint ownership of the center and
the province in which it is found. But overall, from 1947 to 2010, a long period, federalism
has not been implemented in its true spirit in Pakistan. The Center always has been
dominating the country. The main reason for this was that the system inherited by Pakistan
from the British had a strong center due to which country’s elite tried their best to make a
123
The Gazette of Pakistan, Islamabad, January 4, 2011.
124
75
centralized system after the formation of Pakistan. Democracy and Federalism were not
allowed to flourish in the country. If federalism had the chance to embellishment in the
country in its original form, then Pakistan would have set the pace of development fast.
Backward areas can be developed only through a fair distribution of power and resources.
For this purpose, federalism, democracy, and decentralization systems are very necessary
instead of centralization systems in the country. Due to imbalance in power-sharing and
injustice in the distribution of resources, poverty and backwardness escalate in the country.
That is why the voices for the new provinces in the country are arising in backward areas
of Pakistan so that they can get their due rights. The biggest reason behind this all is the
lack of a Federalism system in the country.
76
CHAPTER 3
Demand for the Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan
Pakistan is the most populous country. She has 5th ranked amongst the world
concerning population. The population of Pakistan has been increasing since 1947
continuously. According to the 1951 census, the population of Pakistan was about 33.779
million but now is 207.774 million according to the 2017 census. Table 3-1 shows the area
and population of Pakistan. Today, the population growth rate is 2.4%.1 But, her natural
resources are becoming a very less concerning population. For this purpose, Pakistan needs
to overcome her problems, issues, and hurdles.
These main problems are; the issue of good governance, economic problems,
enhance natural resources, control overpopulation, improvement in education, health issue,
to overcome poverty, political issues, corruption, etc. In which, most issues are linked with
good governance and better management in the country. If Pakistan wants to overcome all
these problems and wants to develop on large scale in the country, then she should be taken
necessary steps for good governance and better management in the country. Area and
population of provinces of Pakistan,2 and population of 1998 and 20173
Table 3-1
Area and population of provinces of Pakistan
Province/ Area 1951 Pop. 1961 Pop. 1972 Pop. 1981 Pop. 1998 Pop. 2017 Pop.
Million
Region Sq. Km Million Million Million Million Million
Pakistan 796095 33.779 42.88 65.309 84.254 132.352 207.774
Punjab 206250 (a) 20.651 (a) 25.58 (a) 37.845 (a) 47.633 (a) 73.621 110.012
Sindh 140914 6.054 8.367 14.156 19.029 30.439 47.886
KPK 74521 5.900 5.731 8.389 11.061 17.743 30.523
Balochistan 347190 1.174 1.353 2.429 4.332 6.565 12.344
Fata 27220 … 1.847 2.491 2.199 3.176 5.001
Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Statistics. Provisional Summary Result 6th

Population and Housing Census-2017. Census of 2017, Islamabad: Pakistan Bureau of
Statistics, 2017. http://www.pbs.gov.pk/content/provisional-summary-esults-6th-
population-and-housing-census-2017(accessed date December 31, 2018). Territory,
1
Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Statistics. Provisional Summary Result 6th Population and Housing
Census-2017. Census of 2017, Islamabad: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017.
2
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics Division, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, June 1998.
3
Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Statistics. Provisional Summary Result 6th Population and Housing
Census-2017. Retrieved from “Census of 2017, Islamabad: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017.
77
Islamabad, and ... = Population is Included in KPK.

In the beginning, Pakistan consisted of four provinces and her population was very
less but today Pakistan still has four provinces and her population is about 207.774 million.
That means the population of Pakistan has been increasing fast since 1947. Now the
population of Pakistan has crossed the limit of two hundred million while the provinces are
still the same. When the population of the country crosses the limit then many problems
create due to mismanagement, and in this situation to manage the country is a very difficult
task. In this situation, new provinces should be a need or not. The Prime Minister of
Pakistan has stated in 2018 about the new provinces; “I believe that it is very difficult to
administer big units.”4
Making new units is also not a difficult task. New provinces are created for the
welfare of the people and to facilities administration. Over the few decades, many countries
around the world have increased the number of their provinces to resolves administration
and other linked issues. The number of provinces in Nigeria has increased from 4 to 17.
Similarly, the number of provinces in India besides the states has increased to 29, whereas
it had 14 provinces in 1947. There are about 34 states in Afghanistan.5 In Turkey, today
the number of provinces is 81, while her population and area are less than Pakistan.
Until 1950, Iran had twelve provinces which have now grown to 26 and are nine
dependencies. China has thirty-four administrative units, and it has been emerging well
economically and politically. The US is a developed country in the world with 50
administrative units. While it can be argued that India, China, and the USA are very large,
and it makes sense to divide them into smaller units, it is not just a matter of size even
countries that are much smaller than Pakistan they have more provinces than Pakistan.
Austria, with a population of eight million, has 9 provinces while its area almost is equal
to Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.6
The four provinces of current Pakistan were created by the British on the
administrative ground. But the impression is that Punjab belongs to the Punjabis, from
Sindh to Sindh, from Balochistan to Balochi and now from KPK to Pashtun. In these
4
Shakir Lakhani, Imran Khan is right, Pakistan should have more than four provinces. The Express Tribune,
May 21, 2018. (For more detail see Appendix-10).
5
Abdul Samad Khan Samad, The New Provinces Conundrum, March 16, 2020.
6
Mohammad Munir, Realities of a Separate Hazara Province. May 18, 2017.
78
provinces, second-language speakers are being pressured into their territory as minorities.
By creating provinces on an administrative basis, their sense of inferiority can be overcome.
In 1905, Lord Curzon divided Bengal into two administrative divisions so that such a large
province could be properly managed. This marked the beginning of a new era of prosperity
and development in East Bengal. With the formation of the new province of East Bengal,
the backward, deprived and oppressed class there got a chance to rise.
After the formation of Pakistan, East Bengal was a province of Pakistan, but its
population was more than the total population of all the provinces of West Pakistan. If East
Bengal had been divided by more provinces than its population, the federation of Pakistan
would have been stronger. But Pakistan could not do so which led East Bengal to secede
from Pakistan in 1971 based on ethnic and lingual. In present Pakistan, the situation of the
province of Punjab has on the same footing as East Pakistan.
Lessons must be learned from history, it is imperative to increase the number of

provinces in present-day Pakistan on an administrative basis instead of ethnicity and lingual
so that backwardness and deprivation of the marginalized can be overcome and federation
can be strengthened. “It is a well-established fact that the smaller the provinces, the stronger
the federation will be”. The smaller provinces will not be able to demand secession from
Pakistan. But in comparison, the larger provinces can be a threat to the federation of
Pakistan. With the formation of new provinces on the administrative ground, the country
will develop significantly economically and politically.7
With a growing population in the coming decades, it will be necessary for the
government to make more provinces for better governance and development.8Hanif
Goraiya the personal secretary of Air Martial Asghar Khan said in an interview to the local
newspaper that “on the gravity of the situation in the country, Asghar Khan once said that
making four provinces twelve would bring the benefits that Indian government had
achieved by dividing East Punjab, otherwise the Bhandrawala movement would have
drowned India.”9
7
Mohammad Munir, Realities of a Separate Hazara Province. May 18, 2017.
8
Muhammad Mehran Latif, "Demand for New Provinces in Pakistan." Pakistan Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences, 2017: 104-114.
9
Daily Khabrain, Multan, January 9, 2018.
79
The demand for the establishment of new provinces has been raised from time to
time, occasionally on an ethnic basis, based on the distribution of funds and every so often
on socio-economic backwardness of the areas.10 In this regard, many movements are
working for the formation of new provinces in the country. this chapter will be focused on
the analysis on which grounds, these movements are demanding for the new province. Here
a question raises that “Should the new provinces are established on an administrative or
ethnic basis?” and the research question of the present study will be analyzed that "Why
are the people of Pakistan and these movements demanding new provinces in the country?”
3.1 Movements for Separate Provinces in Pakistan
In 2010, after the Eighteenth Amendment in the Constitution of 1973, different

movements for the separate provinces in the country began work on an emergency basis.
The movements, mostly are working on linguistic and ethnic-based. The existing four
provinces of Pakistan have linked with an ethnolinguistic group like Punjab with Punjabis,
Balochistan with Balochis, Sindh with Sindhi, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with Pashtuns.
And the movements of new provinces are the minority group within the respective
province. The arrangement of the ethnolinguistic group in each province proves a
considerable minority group in Pakistan. Table 3-2 shows the ethnolinguistic structure of
Pakistan. 11
Table 3-2
Ethnolinguistic Structure of Pakistan (In percent)
Language Punjab Sindh Khyber Balochistan Pakistan
Pakhtunkhwa
Urdu 4.51 21.05 0.78 0.97 7.57
Punjabi 75.23 6.99 0.97 2.52 44.15
Sindhi 0.13 59.73 0.04 5.58 14.1
Pashto 1.16 4.19 73.9 29.64 15.42
Balochi 0.66 2.11 0.01 54.76 3.57
Saraiki 17.36 1.00 3.86 2.42 10.53
Others 0.95 4.93 20.43 4.11 4.66
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Source: http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files//tables/Population%20,
10
Saman Zulfqar, “Politics of New Provinces in Pakistan: Prospects and Challenges." Islamabad Policy
Research Institute (IPRI Journal), 2012: 146-152.
11
80
by%20Mother%20Tongue.pdf accessed date November 27, 2018)

Current provinces are comprising of various languages, different ethnicities, cultural
divers, different social rules and mores, different spiritual sects, and lifestyles. The level of
development and prosperity is different in each province where some regions are more
developed, and some are backward. Equal distribution of resources to develop the
backward areas and regions in the country is the key responsibility of the state. The state is
also responsible for the welfare of the people of its administrative units so that they can get
their basic rights and grow them prosper.12 If present-day Pakistan is divided on an ethnic-
linguistic based region then existing regions are shown in Figure 3-1.13
Figure 3-1: Different ethnic, linguistic, religious, cultural, etc. based region are shown in
present Pakistan. These are Balochis, Sandhi’s, Seraiki’s, Punjabis, Pashtuns,
Hindkowans, Chitralis, Baltis, Potoharis, Shina, Brahuts, etc.
3.1.1 Saraiki Province Movement
The Saraiki region exists in the southern part of the Punjab Province in Pakistan
and the east of Balochistan and Sindh Province. This territory is situated in the Indus Valley
Civilization which is one of the most ancient places in the world. Saraiki strap is also
12
Muhammad Usman Asghar, "Demand for New Provinces in Pakistan." ISSRA, 2012: 60.
13
https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/saraikistan-province-the-naya-punjab.569717/ (accessed date November 25,
2018)
81
happening between Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa in existing Pakistan. The area is very
fertile because the Indus river and its associated rivers irrigate the region. The irrigation
system of Pakistan is one of the most superb in the world. The land is usually considered
warm and hot. The area and population of the Siraiki belt are more than the rest of Punjab.14
But, it could not be defined as the exact area and decisive borderline of southern Punjab
based on ethnic, linguistic, cultural, religious, etc. Generally, four-division in which
Bahawalpur, Deraa Ghazi Khan, Multan, Sargodha, including two districts Dera Ismael
Khan and Jhang are proposed by the Saraiki Ethnic nationalists.15 Figure 3-2 shows the
proposed Saraikistan map.
Figure 3-2: Proposed Saraikistan map consists 0f the districts Bahawalpur, Bahawalnagar,
Bhakkar, Dera Ghazi Khan, Dera Ismael Khan, Jhang, Khanewa1, Khushab, Layyah,
Lodhran, Mianwali, Multan, Muzaffargarh, Pakpattan, Rajanpur, Rahimyar Khan,
Sahiwal, Sargodha, Vehari, etc.
Now, the Sahiwal division is working as a separate division that consists of three
districts like Sahiwal, Pakpattan, and Okara. Before it, Sahiwal and Pakpattan districts were
the part of Multan division. So, the proposed Saraiki province map also includes these two
districts. But mostly, it is acknowledged that southern Punjab consists of three divisions
like Multan, Bahawalpur, and Dera Ghazi Khan. Moreover, these three divisions consist of
14
Hussain Ahmad Khan, RE-THINKING PUNJAB the Construction of Siraiki Identity (Lahore: Research
and Publication Centre (RPC) National College of Arts, 2004)
15
M Afzel Masood Khan, Manshur.o.Programme: Pakistan Siraiki Party (Manifesto of Pakistan Siraiki
Part) (Multan: Jhoke Publishers. 1993), 8.
82
eleven districts of Punjab province.16 Table 3-3 shows detail of these districts which is
given with area and population according to the different census.17
Table 3-3
The population of the Seraiki Region (In thousands)
Districts Area Sq. Km. 1951 1961 1972 1981 1998 2017
Bahwa1nagar 8878 631 823 1074 1374 2061 2982
Bahawalpur 24830 528 736 1071 1453 2433 3668
Bhakkar 8153 234 333 500 666 1051 1650
Dera Ghazi Khan 11922 380 473 686 944 1643 2872
Dera Ismael Khan 7326 223 272 380 494 853 1,627
Jhang 8809 864 1065 1555 1971 2835 2744
Khanewa1 4349 635 775 1068 1370 2068 2922
Khushab 6511 268 360 543 641 906 1281
Layyah 6291 162 273 496 667 1121 1824
Lodhran 2778 289 364 559 740 1172 1701
Mianwali 5840 316 414 595 714 1057 1546
Multan 3720 725 984 1506 1970 3117 4745
Muzaffargarh 8249 589 717 1069 1498 2636 4325
Pakpattan 2724 381 440 616 844 1287 1824
Rahim Yar Khan 11880 664 1016 1399 1841 3141 4814
Rajanpur 12318 247 304 456 639 1104 1996
Sahiwal 3201 604 744 945 1282 1843 2518
Sargodha 5854 893 1107 1558 1912 2666 3704
Vehari 4364 559 703 1027 1329 2090 2897
Source: http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/population_census/Administrative,
%20Units.pdf (accessed date November 25, 2018)
Saraiki movement came on track in the 1960s, primarily it was a cultural and
linguistic movement but latterly made a political movement.18 “For the first time in the
I960s, the word "Siraiki" was employed by the linguists and literary figures of southern
Punjab.”19 Riaz Hashmi, a Siraiki nationalist has pursued to gain a separate status at the
beginning of 1960.20 This effort led to wished-for separate Saraikistan Province in the
southern part of Punjab. Saraiki has been standardized for the determination of writing
from 1960. The main objective to coin the term Saraiki was to give a separate identity to
16
Eleven districts: in Bahawalpur division (Bahawalpur, Bahawalnagar, Rahimyar khan), in Multan division
(Multan, Lodhran, Khanewal and Vehari), in Dera Ghazi Khan division (Dera Ghazi Khan, Rajanpur,
Muzaffargarh, Layyah), For more detail see, Muhammad Fayyaz, Demand for Saraiki Province (Islamabad:
PILDAT, 2011), 9-16
17
18
Muhammad Fayyaz, Demand for Saraiki Province, 9-16
19
Hussain Ahmad Khan, RE-THINKING PUNJAB the Construction of Siraiki Identity (Lahore: Research
and Publication Centre (RPC) National College of Arts, 2004), 49
20
Gohar Zaman, Report on Southern Punjab (Special Committee on Demarcation of Provinces)
(Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency-PILDAT, 2012). 1-21
83
the people of southern Punjab instead of the other regional names like Multani, Derewali,
Riastai, Muzajjargarhi, Uchi, Thalchari, laghadali, Lahnda, latki, Balochki, etc. These
words were often spoken for native languages in southern areas and replace them with the
single word “Siraiki”.21
On 14-16 March 1975, twenty-three Siraiki organizations22 held a Siraiki Literary

Conference in Multan. On the face of it, this was an effort to share literary opinions and
knowledge of Siraiki academics and experts. On the behalf of this organization, it was also
requested the participants avoid expressing ethnic-nationalist views,23 but in this
conference, Siraiki and Sindhi nationalists were invited to expressing their views and
opinions. In this conference, different political issues discussed during the proceeding, and
Siraiki complaints were also debated in detail. It was provided a new stage for the
discussion of Siraiki grievances by this literary conference.
Seth Ubaid a nationalist defined the conference as the rational consequence of the
failure of the Bahawalpur Province Movement (BPM). Moreover, he claimed that the
Seraiki Movement started due to the Bahawalpur Province Movement, which was intended
to be making a new Seraiki province24 where Seraiki was declared as a native language and
the Siraiki Literary conference maintained the movement, up till now no indication of
ethnicity was observable. Some notable leaders like Saeed ur Rasheed, Makhdoom Noor
Muhammad, Main Nizamuddin Haider, and Chaudhry Farzand Ali firmly condemned the
use of racial slogans in the movement.25
In the Conference, Haji Saifullah, Member of Punjab Assembly (MPA) demanded

the formation of a Seraiki province. He held responsible for northern Punjab for ignoring
and take advantage of the Siraiki areas.26A resolution was passed in this Conference, in
which it was settled that accusing the allotment of lands in the Cholistan to non-Seraiki
people, emphasizing the financial dissatisfaction dominant amongst the inhabitants,
sharing in government gobs on the quota system, etc.27 So, the first time in this conference
21
Khan, RE-THINKING PUNJAB (The Construction of Siraiki Identity), 87
22
Alyssa Ayres, Speaking Like a State: Language and Nationalism in Pakistan (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2009), 58
23
Umer Kamal Khan, Paheli kul Pakistan Siraiki Adabi Conference (Mullan: 1975), 15-16.
24
Umer Kamal Khan, Paheli kul Pakistan Siraiki Adabi Conference (Mullan: 1975), 15-16
25
Kaynat (Goli Number) (Bahawalpur: 3 July 1972) p. 9-10, 13, 16
26
Khan, Paheli kul Pakistan Siraiki Adabi Conference, 15
27
Khan, Paheli kul Pakistan Siraiki Adabi Conference, 20-21
84
politicized the "Saraiki cause”. Due to this literary conference, several Saraiki nationalist
parties were born which were less popular, short, separate than the other national political
parties.28
In 1978, a Siraiki Lawyers Forum came into being to find the political rights for a
separate province in Southern Punjab. Its first meeting was held in Lahore in which Taj
Muhammad Langha was elected as its first President. It was claimed that the
decentralization of Lahore High Court (LHC) in the form of Lahore High Court Multan
Bench and Lahore High Court Bahawalpur Bench was made by the struggling of this
forum.29 In the late 1970’s Siraiki Qaumi Mahaz came into being under the chairmanship
of Muhammad Hayat Bhutta. Expect some meetings and press statements, no noteworthy
role was played by this party.30 A party named “Siraiki Conference” was made by the Main
Sajid Pervaiz in 1979 but soon died out.31
In the 1981 Census, Siraiki was included as a separate language and this was made
a strapline by the government of Pakistan. Due to it, at least raised its physique:
The Census of 1981 gave Siraiki activists a statistical arsenal with which to
reinvigorate claims for their separate Siraiki Province, “a Siraikistan”, to be
carved out of the center of Pakistan, for they were able to demonstrate that
several key districts had a preponderance of Siraiki speakers. The map of this
Siraikistan indeed covers more than half of what is present-day of Punjab.32
In 1983, Taj Muhammad Langha said in a media talk that the formation of Seraiki
province had turned out to be indispensable. During this press meeting, a Charter of
Demands was also circulated. On March 5, 1984, one more meeting was organized in
Lahore by Bulging cream of the crop33 of Siraiki Lawyers Forum and declared the
formation of the Seraiki Suba Mahaz (SSM).34 After that Riaz Hashmi who was chief of a
party “Bahalia Bahawalpur Suba (BBS)” was approached by Siraiki Suba Mahaz and
28
29
M Afzel Masood Khan, Manshur-o-Program Pakistan Siraiki Party (Mullan: 1993), 3
30
Tariq Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 186.
31
32
Alyssa Ayres, Speaking Like a State: Language and Nationalism in Pakistan, 58
33
These leaders were Qari Nurul Haq Qureshi, Asadullah Khan Langha, Shafi Muhammad Akhler, Ghulam
Abbas.
34
85
signed an agreement between both parties by which a merger came into being of BBS into
SSM.
On April 8, 1984, place of work was selected for Siraiki Soba Mahaz in Multan and
Qari Nur-ul-Haq Qureshi was chosen its foremost convener. Activists of Siraiki Sooba
Mahaz worked very hard for the betterment of the movement and started to meet with local
movements in the region. Subsequently, Jam Taj M Berda's party “Siraiki Qaumi Tehrik”
amalgamated into the SSM. In the Martial Law regime of Zia-ul-Haq, was stressed the
local parties and group badly, but in 1986-87 when Martial Law was abolished, and civil
government came into action in the form of Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo then
the ethnic-nationalist movements and groups got fast momentum and started their activities
on large scale.35 One more party, Siraiki Qaumi Movement (SQM) which appeared
simultaneously was grounded on the model of the Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM).
There were three hubs of Siraiki Qaumi Movement “Khanpur Katora” and “Ahmadpur
Sharqia” in Punjab and Karachi in Sindh.36 It raised productive voice in terms of printing
provocative booklets on the violation of Siraiki privileges.
In 1988, Another party named “Socialist Saraikistan National Front” was formed
by the Comrade Manzoor Ahmad Bohar. In the general election 1988, Siraiki parties did
not participate in the General election with their candidates but supported the Pakistan
People Party. After making the government, Benazir Bhutto did not give attention to the
Siraiki grievances and entirely be unable to remember them. Subsequently, Taj Muhammad
Langha detached his political group Siraiki Sooba Mahaz (SSM) from the PPP and shaped
a new political party named Pakistan Siraiki Party (PSP).37 In the general election 1990,
Siraiki political Parties could not achieve the goals and performed badly. The main cause
of this poor performance in the general election of 1990 was the absence of unification
among the different Siraiki political Parties. In 1993, a group of Siraiki Sooba Mahaz
belongs to Bahawalpur made another party named Siraiki National Party and Abdul Majeed
Kanju was made head of this party.
35
Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan, 186.
36
The organization was headed by many people like Hameed Asghar Shaheen, Azam
Saeedi, Shahid Kareem, and Shahida Naz. Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan,187
37
86
In 1998, an alliance38 was established named Pakistan Oppressed Nations

Movement (PONM)39 by the ethnic nationalists like Sardar Ataullah Mengal, Mehmood
Khan Achakzai, Rasool Bux Palijo, Dr. Qadir Magsi, Syed Jalal Mehmood Shah, and other
Sindhi, Baluch, Pashtun, and Seraiki of all over Pakistan. The first meeting was held in
Islamabad during the 1-2 November 1998. On November 2, 1998, a declaration was
announced in which the following demands40 were geared up:
1. All federating units including Saraikistan should be autonomous and sovereign

and referred to as states in the terms and spirit of the 1940 resolution.
2. All federating units including Saraikistan should be autonomous and sovereign
and referred to as states in the terms and spirit of the 1940 resolution.
3. These states should be the fountainheads of all power including finance, and the
federation should be vested with only those powers which the states confer on
it by mutual agreement and consent.
4. The Pashtun federal unit shall be known as Pakhtunkhwa and the Siraiki federal
unit as Saraikistan.
5. Pushto. Siraiki, Balochi, Sindhi, and Punjabi languages should be declared
national languages and the cultures of the federating nations should be given an
equal opportunity to develop and prosper.
6. Each federating unit should have proper and adequate representation in the
defense forces roughly commensurate with its population.
7. The principle of parity and equal representation should be made applicable to
the people of all the federating nations in the federal bodies, services, and other
institutions with full force in the new order.
8. Matters requiring settlement among the above nation (including Baloch and
Pashtun), should be amicably settled by mutual negotiations under the
38
Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONM) is an alliance of several nationalist parties in Pakistan:
Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party, Awami Tehreek, Balochistan National Movement, Pakhtun-khwa Milli Awami
Party, Seraiki movement, etc.
39
https://www.greenleft.org.au/content/pakistan-oppressed-national-groups-struggle-autonomy(accessed
date November 17, 2018)
40
87
principles of justice, fair play, and historical background in the interest of the
concerned oppressed nations.41
These demands were very close to the demands of Sheik Mujeeb Rehman’s six-point
in 1966. But core benefit was got through this forum by the Siraiki political stakeholders
that were the proper acknowledgment of the separate identity by the additional countrywide
political movements.
In the general election of 2002, Saraiki political parties and their supported groups
performed very poorly and could not give an extraordinary performance in the region. PSP
completely failed to get the support of the native people. Taj Muhammad Langha Chairman
of Pakistan Siraiki Party contested the election from many constituencies but failed to do
something better. So, the performance of PSP in the general election was:
…. Taj Muhammad Langha, the chief of the Pakistan Siraiki Part (PSP),
contested from NA-149 (Multan II), NA-154, and NA-155 (Lodhran-I&II),
and NA-183 (Bahawalpur-I), two of which were from the platform of the
National Alliance and two from his party. In Multan-II, he got 107 votes, in
Lodhran-I, he could poll I 18 votes, in Lodhran-II, he scored 2322, and in
Bahawalpur-I, he could get 988 votes. His security was confiscated from all
these constituencies.42
Advocate Malik Mumtaz Hussain another nationalist and the chief of Saraiki Sooba
Movement provided the same result, he contested the election from Multan-II and could
get only 348 votes. The same situation was also found in other provinces of Pakistan where
ethnic nationalists parties could not give good performance in the election. All these parties
made a multiparty display place named Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONAM),
blamed on government for holding a plotted election. Mehmood Khan Achakzai president
of PONAM blamed on the army, he said, “interference of the army in civilian affairs was
the main problem faced by the country.”43
The performance of ethnic nationalists’ parties in the election was the worst, for
this, to give blame to the government or other institutions of government like the army was
41
Declaration of Oppressed Nations Movement, Adopted on 2 November 1998 at
Islamabad Hotel, Islamabad.
42
43
88
not fair. If a candidate gets one, two, three hundred or thousand votes and claims the rigging
in the election that is not possible. Here a question raises that “Is the government or army
halts the common people to poll the vote for a particular candidate? Any institute of
government can't interfere in the election.
Sardar Akhtar Mangal, head of the Balochistan National Party (BNP) said that since
the government did not grant the rights of our people, therefore, we did not agree to take
Pakistan’s constitution. Taj Muhammad Langha also protested the rigging in the election.
All the ethnic nationalists’ parties and their leadership had not sufficient favor of the public.
Because in the election results, people rejected them badly. While they claimed themselves
as guardians the rights of the people and the region.
In the general elections 2008, 2013, and 2018, all Saraiki’s parties gave the same
results as the general election 2002. In the general election 2013, Saraikistan Qaumi Ittehad
got only 1890 votes on the national assembly seats and 2655 votes on Punjab provincial
seats. Seraiki Sooba Movement secured only 1797 votes for national level seats and 1928
votes for the provincial level.44 In the general election 2018, Pakistan Siraiki Party (T) got
only 6523 total votes for the national assembly. Saraikistan Democratic Party (SDP)
secured 724 votes for the national assembly in the general election 2018 and saved only
675 votes for the Punjab assembly.45
Currently, more than a few Saraiki movements are working for a separate province
in southern Punjab and doing utmost struggling for their identity on the national level in
the shape of a separate province. The key regional political parties46 are:
1. Saraiki Qaumi Movement (SQM)

2. Pakistan Saraiki Party (T)
3. Saraiki National Party (SNP)
4. Saraikistan Qaumi Movement (SQM)
5. Saraikistan Qaumi Ithad (SQI)
6. Saraiki Sooba Movement (SSM)
44
https://web.archive.org/web/20160803183930/http://ecp.gov.pk/Misc2013/voteBank.pdf (accessed date,
November 23, 2018)
45
Election Commision of Pakistan, Party vote bank. (accessed date, November 23, 2018)
46
Muhammad Fayyaz, Demand for Saraiki Province, 9-16
89
7. Saraikistan Democratic Party (SDP)
Amongst these parties, Saraiki Sooba Mahaz (front), Pakistan Saraiki Party (T),
Saraikistan Qaumi Ittihad, Saraikistan Democratic Party, etc., are the registered parties by
the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP).47 Pakistan Saraiki Party participated in the
general election 2002 under the headship of Taj Muhammad Langha. Saraikistan Qaumi
Ittihad and Seraiki Sooba Movement took part in the general election 2013, and Saraikistan
Democratic Party and Pakistan Siraiki Party (T) participated in the general election 201848
with the symbol of “deer” and “Spade” respectively.49
The Saraiki parties have been acting upon the theory of identity, ethnic, lingual,
cultural, race, etc. since their origin. Since the 1970s, the people of the region recognize
themselves using a Saraiki and texture extra arrogance for Saraiki language, values, and
distinctiveness. They claim that the number of Saraiki speaking people are more than the
Punjabi or other ethnic groups in southern Punjab, but the proposed Saraikistan map areas
situation is quite different in nine (9) districts like Bahawalnagar, Khanewal, Sahiwal,
Pakpattan, Vehari, Jhang, Khushab, Mianwali, Sargodha, etc. In the three divisions
(Multan, Bahawalpur, and Bahawalnagar) their claim is nearly appropriate. These divisions
have just about 48.5% terrain of the total Punjab land and have 28.23% inhabitants of the
total Punjab province population.50 where Saraiki speaking are in majority in the region,
there the Punjabi speaking are also present in significant numbers. A noteworthy populace
of Urdu speaking lives in the urban areas of southern Punjab.51 Tabe 3-4 shows the
ethnolinguistics composition of Southern Punjab according to census 1998.
47
Election Commission of Pakistan, Islamabad, November 23, 2018.
48
Election Commission of Pakistan, Islamabad, November 23, 2018
49
Kriti M. Shah and Sushan Sareen, Pakistan General Election, Analysis of Results and Implicatons,
Observer Research Foundation, Specil Report No. 78, December 2018.
50
Muhammad Mushtaq, "Regional Identities in Quest of Separate Provinces: A New Challenge for the
Pakistani Federation." Journal of Political Studies, 2016: 289-307.
51
Mushtaq, "Regional Identities in Quest of Separate Provinces: A New Challenge for the Pakistani
Federation." 289-307.
90
Table 3-4
Ethnolinguistics composition of Southern Punjab according to census 1998
Southern Punjab Urdu Punjabi Sindhi Pashto Balochi Siraiki Others
Bahwa1nagar 3.7 94.6 * 0.3 * 1.2 0.1
Bahawalpur 5.5 28.4 0.1 0.6 0.1 64.3 1.1
Bhakkar 7.2 17.5 * 1.3 * 73.0 1.0
Dera Ghazi Khan 3.2 1.3 0.1 0.7 14.3 80.3 0.1
Dera Ismael Khan 3.26 0.91 0.06 22.02 0.05 72.47 1.23
Jhang 3.3 95.9 * 0.4 * 0.1 0.2
Khanewa1 7.8 81.2 0.1 1.1 * 5.8 4.0
Khushab 1.5 96.8 0.1 0.7 * 0.6 0.3
Layyah 3.1 32.6 0.1 1.5 * 62.3 0.4
Lodhran 9.1 18.6 0.1 0.2 * 69.6 2.4
Mianwali 3.5 74.2 0.1 10.0 * 12.0 0.2
Multan 15.86 21.64 0.07 0.62 0.10 60.67 1.04
Muzaffargarh 4.9 7.4 0.1 0.9 0.1 86.3 0.3
Pakpattan 3.7 95.9 * 0.3 * * *
Rahim Yar Khan 2.9 27.3 2.0 0.7 1.1 62.6 3.3
Rajanpur 3.2 3.3 0.1 0.5 17.0 75.8 0.1
Sahiwal 1.4 98.1 * 0.4 * 0.1 *
Sargodha 5.8 93.3 * 0.7 * 0.1 0.1
Vehari 5.2 82.9 * 0.2 * 11.4 0.3
Source: 1998 District Census Reports of Dera Ismael Khan, Sargodha, Jhang, Khushab,
Mianwali, Sahiwal, Pakpattan, Lodhran, Multan, Rajanpur, Layyah, Bahawalpur,
Bahawalnagar, Vehari, Muzaffargarh, Khanewal, Rahimyar Khan, Dera Ghazi Khan, etc.
Note: * Refers to a very small proportion.
On April 9, 2018, the eight lawmakers52 held a conference in Lahore in which a
group of six MNAs (Members National Assembly) and two MPAs (Members Punjab
Assembly) detached from the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz Sharif (PML-N) and allied.
Figure 3-3 shows the detail of this conference in Lahore. This alliance came into being in
favor of a separate province in South Punjab namely Janoobi Punjab Sooba Mahaz (South
Punjab Province Front). Balkh Sher Mazari ex-caretaker Prime Minister of Pakistan made
the chairman of Janoobi Punjab Sooba Mahaz (JPSM) and Nasrullah Dreshik made co-
52
Daily Dawn, Karachi, 10th April 2018.
91
chairman while the Makhdoom khusro Bakhtiar and Tahir Bashir Cheema formed the
president and general secretary respectively. Basit Bukhari would be the senior co-
president while Tahir Iqbal Chaudhary, Rana Qassim Noon, and Sami Ullah would be co-
president of this Mahaz.53 Due to this front, the voice of the new province raised and picked
up fast momentum again.
Figure 3-3: A conference held in Lahore on April 9, 2018. in which, PML-N MNA
Makhdoom Khusro Bakhtiar announced the resignation along with MNAs Tahir Iqbal
Chaudhary, Tahir Bashir Cheema, Rana Qassim Noon, Basit Bukhari and MPA Nasrullah
Dreshak, and Balakh Sher Mizari the ex-caretaker PM was also seen.
In the conference, Balakh Sher Mizari, the chairman of the Janoobi Punjab Suba
Mahaz (South Punjab Province Front) explained that the development of the region had not
been done for many decades and he also said that “Punjab should be divided
administratively into three federating units. That will be good for Pakistan.”54 Makhdoom
Bakhtiar Khusro said it was “our lawful demand as the creation of new federating units
will also strengthen the federation and introduce a new system.”55 Mr. Bakhtiar also said
that JPSM had only a one-point agenda- the formation of a separate province of South
Punjab for the people of the region.56 So that they could get their basic human rights for
53
Daily Khabrain, Multan, 10th April 2018.
54
Dawn, Karachi, 10th April 2018.
55
56
Daily Khabrain, Multan, 10th April 2018
92
their prosperity. This alliance wanted to make a new province in the southern region of
Punjab on a purely administrative basis rather than ethnic, linguistic, race, religious, etc.
On May 11, 2018, Janoobi Punjab Suba Mahaz merged into Pakistan Tehreeke
Insaaf and a written agreement was signed between PTI and JPSM in which JPSM
demanded that if the PTI made government after the general election 2018 then PTI would
be bound to form the new province (South Punjab) in the interior first hundred days of its
administration. Main political parties57 wanted to cover the region for the next election
because eleven districts58 of South Punjab had 46 constituencies and started from NA-150-
Khanewal-I to NA-195-Rajanpur-III. Similarly, ninety-five (95) Punjab Assembly seats
were existing that started from PP-203 Khanewal-I to PP-297 Rajanpur-V.
On the other hand, the Saraikistan Suba Mahaz (SSM) came into being as a reply
to the blend of JPSM with PTI. This united alliance consisted of eleven (11) Seraiki
nationalist political parties. Khawaja Ghulam Farid Koreja was elected as chairman. SSM
rejected the projected name the South Punjab province that was consisted of thirteen
districts. The spokesman of SSM Mr. Malik Mumtaz Jai said that “We demand a province
that includes 24 districts.” SSM demanded the new province of Saraikistan based on
culture, linguistic, identity, and history rather than an administrative basis.59
According to the Saraiki political parties and groups, there are numerous grievances
like settlement of other people in the region, economically oppressed, the quota of
employment for Saraiki people, distance issues (as from Rajanpur to Lahore), scarcity of
infrastructure in the region, lack of educational and health facilities than upper Punjab,
shortage of funds for south Punjab like only five billion rupees were given to south Punjab
out of 490 billion rupees in the 2009-10 budget of Punjab. They claim that the income of
South Punjab is spent on the rest Punjab, in this way, 43% of the population of south Punjab
is breathing beneath the poverty line while the 27% of the populace of Punjab which is
underneath the poverty mark.60
Indication exposes that there are dissimilar perceptions about the designation and
boundaries of the future province. The nationalists want to establish a new province based
57
Pakistan Muslim League N (PML-N), Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf etc.
58
Multan, Bahawalpur and Dera Ghazi Khan Divisions
59
Nadeem Shah, Politics of a Province. n.d.
60
Muhammad Feyyaz, Demand for Saraiki Province (Islamabad, PILDAT, 2011), 9-16
93
on Seraiki uniqueness called Saraikistan, but others want to form a separate province on
administrative grounds, called South Punjab. Furthermore, the public of Bahawalpur
division wants to make a separate province outside the proposed Saraikistan Province in
the region. The Saraiki nationalist’s parties have no plea for the Saraiki people entitled to
vote. But, despite all, the Saraiki subject is a significant issue in the politics of Southern
Punjab.61
3.1.2 Bahawalpur Province Movement
Bahawalpur is a part of Punjab province and exists on the southern side of the
province. Area wise is the largest division out of nine divisions62 of Punjab. It consists of
three districts like Bahawalpur, Bahawalnagar and Rahimyar Khan, and fifteen (15)
tehsils.63 It lies between latitudes 27.42 north and 30.25 north and longitudes 69.31 and
74.1 east.64 Its length East to West is nearly 450 km and its width North to South is just
about 175 km. Figure 3-4 shows the map of Pakistan, in which the Bahawalpur Division
has been shown in red color.
Figure 3-4: A map of Pakistan, in which the Bahawalpur Division has been shown in red
61
Federation." 289-307.
62
These nine division are Bahawalpur, Multan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Sahiwal, Faisalabad, Lahore, Gujranwala,
Sargodha, Rawalpindi.
63
These tehsils are Hasilpur, Khairpur Tamewali, Yazman, Ahmadpur East, Bahawalpur City, Bahawalpur
Saddar (District Bahawalpur), Bahawalnagar, Chishtian, Haroon Abad, Fort Abbas, Minchin Abad
(District Bahawalnagar), Rahimyar Khan, Sadiq Abad, Liaquatpur, Khanpur (District Rahimyar Khan).
64
Umbreen Javaid, "Bahawalpur State: Effective Indirect Participation in Pakistan Movement." Journal of
the Research Society of Pakistan (JRSP), 2009: 191-201.
94
color.
Its width in mid is large.65 In the south, its long boundary meets with Rajasthan and
eastern Punjab (India). The land of Bahawalpur Division is very fertile,66 and most people
have been linked with agriculture, but the southern part of Bahawalpur division consists of
a desert called the Cholistan. It is the second-largest desert of Pakistan.67 The total area of
Bahawalpur Division is 45588 Sq. km and population are 11464031 according to the census
2017.68 Table 3-5 displays the area and population of the Bahawalpur division.69
“Bahawalpur is the size of Denmark lying between the Punjab and Sindh.”70 The
population of the Bahawalpur division has been increasing since 1947 continuously.
Table 3-5
Area and Population of Bahawalpur Division
(Population in Thousands)
Districts Area Sq. km 1951 1961 1972 1981 1998 2017
Bahawalpur 24830 528 736 1071 1453 2433 3668
Bahawalnagar 8878 631 823 1074 1374 2061 2982
Rahimyar Khan 11880 664 1016 1399 1841 3141 4814
Total 45588 1823 2575 3544 4668 7635 11464
Source: http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/population_census/Administrative,
%20Units.pdf (accessed date December 16, 2018)
The oldest name of the Bahawalpur’s language is “Srailly” which meaning language
of Sardars (Heads of tribes or nations). Now, its name is Saraiki that is spoken in the region
vastly. In writing, first, Dr. Trump declared the Saraiki as a standardized language of Sindh.
After it, George Garrison used the word Saraiki in the meaning of language in his book
“Linguistic Survey of India”.71 Present-day, the Saraiki language has become very popular
in Pakistan. The people of the Bahawalpur region speak and understand this language
clearly.
65
66
Ateeq Ur Rehman, Anjum Shaheen and Dr. Muhammad Khursheed. "Geographical survey of Bahawalpur
regime." International Journal of Academic Research and Development, 2017: 449-452.
67
68
69
70
Penderel Moon, Divide and Quit (London: Chatto and Windus, 1964), 97
71
Malik, Bahawalpur Mein Bahali-e-Soobah Ki Tehreek, 45-47
95
In the Bahawalpur division, Saraikis are in majority, but Punjabis have a significant
population in the area. Urdu and other linguistic groups have also their important presence
in the region. According to the census districts reports of 1998, Saraiki speakers have a
sufficient majority in the two districts like Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan 64.3% and
62.6% respectively but in Bahawalnagar, the Punjabis have 94.6% population. Table 3-6
shows the population ratio by the mother tongue of Bahawalpur division.72
Table 3-6
Population ratio by the mother tongue of Bahawalpur Division
Administrative Saraiki Punjabi Urdu Others Total
Units
Bahawalpur 64.3 28.4 5.5 1.8 100
Bahawalnagar 1.2 94.6 3.7 0.5 100
Rahimyar Khan 62.6 27.3 2.9 7.2 100
Source: http://www.irispunjab.gov.pk/StatisticalReport/Population%20Census/1998/Cen
sus%201998%20Punjab%20Hand%20Book%20Population%20and%20Housing%20Cen
sus.pdf (accessed date November 30, 2018).
3.1.2.1 Historical View of Bahawalpur Princely State
The Bahadur Khan 2nd founded the state of Bahawalpur in 1690.73 On an

administrative basis, the formation of the state was done in 1727 in the Mughal period74
and Sadiq Muhammad Khan 1st made the first Ameer (Head) of the state in 1727 and
Allahabad formed the first capital of the state in 1728.75 Bahawal Khan 1st laid the
foundation of Bahawalpur city in 174876 on the bank of river Sutlej and later this city made
the capital of the Bahawalpur State. On 24 February 1833,77 Nawab Muhammad Bahawal
Khan 3rd signed the states’ first agreement with the British in which assured Nawab the
states’ independence. Another written agreement was signed with the British on October
5, 1838,78 that consisted of seven provisions in which the British completely controlled the
72
Government of Pakistan, Statistical Division, Population Census Organization, Punjab Hand Book,
Population and Housing Census, September 2003.
73
http://www.chiefacoins.com/Database/Countries/Bahawalpur.htm (accessed date December 11, 2018)
74
75
76
Government of Punjab, Punjab States Gazetteers -Vol:36 A, Bahawalpur State. With Map. Lahore: The "
Civil and military Gazette” Press, 1904, 54
77
78
96
foreign affairs of the state. A friendship between Honorable East India Company and His
Highness Nawab Bahawal Khan, the ruler of Bahawalpur state was also announced in this
document. According to this agreement, Nawab would be completely independent of the
internal affairs of the state. The British accepted the responsibility of the defense of the
state.79
3.1.2.2 The annexation of Bahawalpur State to Pakistan
On 3rd October 1947, the Ameer of Bahawalpur declared to accede to Pakistan80

and amalgamated into one unit (Province West Pakistan) on October 14, 1955.81 India tried
her best to consent to the Bahawalpur state but failed. In this way, two political ladies
(Vijay Lakshmi Pundit and Maharani Amrit Kore) that belonged to congress met with the
Ameer of Bahawalpur and presented to him more autonomy and powers compared to other
states. But Ameer of Bahawalpur gave a short answer to the ladies and said; “Bahawalpur
is a Muslim State I will accede to Pakistan.”82 On October 3, 1947, Sadiq Muhammad
Abbasi (Ameer of Bahawalpur State) acceded his state to the Dominion of Pakistan, and
Quaid-e-Azam the Governor-General of Pakistan accepted this instrument of accession on
October 5, 1947.83
After the death of Quaid-e-Azam, another Supplementary Instrument of Accession

was signed between the Government of Pakistan and Ameer of Bahawalpur Nawab Sadiq
Muhammad Abbasi 5th in October 1948. Ameer of Bahawalpur signed the agreement on
October 1, 1948, while Khawaja Nazim-ud-Din the Governor-General of Pakistan accepted
it on October 4, 1948. According to this agreement, powers of legislation about the states’
defense, foreign affairs, and communication were transferred to the government of
Pakistan. On 2nd September 1949, one another agreement was signed between both about
the reforms in the Bahawalpur State. In this accord, it was settled that Ameer of Bahawalpur
would be the legal head of the state in the future.84
79
Muhammad Ashraf Gurgani, Din Muhammad, Sadiq-ul-Tawarikh (Bahawalpur: Urdu Hand Written
1899), 215-16.
80
Javaid, "Bahawalpur State: Effective Indirect Participation in Pakistan Movement." Journal of the
Research Society of Pakistan (JRSP), 2009: 191-201.
81
http://www.chiefacoins.com/Database/Countries/Bahawalpur.htm (accessed date December 11, 2018)
82
83
84
97
3.1.2.3 Provincial Status of Bahawalpur State
On 29th April 1951, the Government of Pakistan and Ameer of Bahawalpur state
made 2nd Supplementary Instrument of Accession. According to this agreement, the State
of Bahawalpur got the same status concerning legislation and administration that was given
to the provinces in the India Act 1935. According to this, the Government of Pakistan got
the right to make the legislation about all federal subjects of the state, but the provincial
legislation affairs remained the responsibility of the Bahawalpur State. According to this
agreement, a separate status of an administrative unit or province was given to the
Bahawalpur state. Ameer of Bahawalpur had gained the same powers that had been given
to the Governors of the Provinces of united India.85 Dr. Mehmood Hussain the Minister of
States Affairs of Pakistan of that time explained the agreement of 1951 in detail and said,
“Provincial status has been given to the Bahawalpur State”, and further said that the
application of this agreement and strategy would be only on the Bahawalpur State.86
When Bahawalpur state got the provincial status in 1951 by the Government of
Pakistan, then all national and international newspapers published this news. Civil and
Military gazette Lahore published this news with the heading, “Status of Province for
Bahawalpur Ruler Signs Supplementary Instrument.”87 The Pakistan Times published it as
“Pakistan Govt’s Pact with Bahawalpur, State put on the provincial footing.”88 The
Pakistan Times, Dawn, The States Man, etc. Dawn Newspaper gave the heading of the
provincial status of Bahawalpur State as “Bahawalpur on par with provinces, Amir Signs
new agreement federal laws apply.” In this way, a foreigner daily newspaper, “The States
Man” Calcutta and Delhi also published this news as “Provincial status for Bahawalpur.”89
In short, according to this Agreement, which was done between Ameer of Bahawalpur and
the Government of Pakistan, Bahawalpur State had gotten the provincial status.
Under the Bahawalpur Government interim constitution act 1952, in May 1952, the
first elections for provincial assembly held in the state. According to this act, the number
of constituencies was 49 and total voters were 863217. Muslim League secured 35 seats
85
86
Daily Jang, Karachi, 2nd May 1951.
87
The Civil & Military Gazette, Lahore, Tuesday, 1st May 1951.
88
The Pakistan Times, Lahore, 1st May 1951.
89
The States Man, Delhi, 2nd May 1951.
98
and Hassan Mehmood took the oath the first Chief Minister (CM) of Bahawalpur Province.
Muhammad Afzal Laghari and Rao Hafeez-u-Rehman also took oath as finance minister
and education minister respectively. The event was held in Sadiq Garh Palace Ahmadpur
East under the presidency of Ameer of Bahawalpur Sadiq Muhammad Abbasi fifth.90
3.1.2.4 One-Unit Scheme and Eradication of Bahawalpur State
On the one side, the new democratic government of Bahawalpur had started the
development activities in the state, but on the other hand issue of legislations in Pakistan
had adopted a serious problem. Many governments are eliminated due to this serious issue.
Pakistan could not make her constitution in the first nine years, but India had made her
constitution in the first two years. On 24th October 1954, Malik Ghulam Muhammad the
Governor-General of Pakistan dissolved the first legislative assembly, and an emergency
was imposed in the country by him and declared that this step was taken due to the political
instability in Pakistan. After one week of this step, Ameer of Bahawalpur also announced
the termination of the provincial assembly and ministries of Bahawalpur state. And all
authorities assigned to his senior advisor. Ameer of Bahawalpur used article 47 of interim
act 1952 of Bahawalpur State and gained all powers of the State himself.91 Thus, the
process of development in the state had stopped due to the eradication of this public
ministry.
For resolving the constitutional issue in the country, the parity system was brought
in Pakistan in which all the administrative units of western Pakistan amalgamated in one
unit. Thus, Pakistan consisted of two parts like West Pakistan and East Pakistan, and the
constitution of 1956 came into being under the leadership of Choudhary Muhammad Ali
the Prime Minister of Pakistan through this new system. For this purpose, when all the
provinces and administrative units announced the favor of the creation of one-unit then
Ghulam Muhammad the Governor-General of Pakistan formed an administrative council
for unitary Government in the western part. In the light of the decisions of this
administrative council, it was decided to make a separate commissioner of Bahawalpur
state.
90
91
Kianaat, (Goli Number), Bahawalpur, 3rd July 1972.
99
On 14th April 1955, Mr. Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was made the first Governor of
Western Pakistan and Mr. Dr. Khan Sahib was made first Chief Minister. On 14th October
1955, the formation of one unit namely West Pakistan came into being. The separate status
of Bahawalpur State removed with this official announcement of one-unit and Bahawalpur
State became the part of Western Pakistan as a division. And thus, the rule of the Abbasi
dynasty (1727-1955) had eradicated in Bahawalpur State.92
3.1.2.5 Implications of One-Unit on Pakistan and Especially on Bahawalpur State
The one-Unit scheme was not successful for Bahawalpur as well as Pakistan. Due
to the one-unit scheme, the concept of a separate nation on linguistic-based was raised in
Pakistan. In this regard, this scheme made the Multi-Purpose Society to Pakistan. The
public of Pakistan is divided into different nations like Punjabi, Sindhi, Balochi, Pushto,
and Muhajir instead of the Muslim nation. In this way, according to this progressive theory,
the new concept was raised on the name of the language, culture, and civilization. So, in
the formation of Pakistan, the concept of a Muslim nation was eradicated, and the new
concept of Multi-Purpose society was raised.93
When this scheme was brought then it was said by the proponent of this scheme
that the formation of one Government rather than many, to save the national assets,
eradication of regional prejudice, to unite the different linguistics groups, equal chances of
development, eradication the problem of division of rivers water, easy in the completion of
the legislative process, division of the resources on an equal basis, integrity in both wings,
discouragement of Pakistan against elements, etc. But, for the formation of one-unit, the
federal government did not do any comprehensive planning.94
Bahawalpur accepted to be including in one-unit herself like other provinces, but

after the formation of one-unit, Bahawalpur loosed very much. Bahawalpur state was kept
deprive in every field of life like politically, religiously, socially, economically, and
administratively during the one -unit. Before the formation of one-unit, the budget of
Bahawalpur State was about more than 70 million, and 25 million were kept for the
development works of Bahawalpur State but after the formation of one-unit, the
92
93
94
100
development fund of Bahawalpur State had become very low than half. 95 Already started
development plans remained incomplete.96
It is a notable detail that Bahawalpur merged into one-unit with provincial status97
but when one unit was wrecked on 30th March 1970 it was made the part of Punjab as a
division. But at the time of the merger, a sympathetic was given to the Ameer of
Bahawalpur that whenever one-unit will be dissolved then Bahawalpur State will be re-
established as a province.98 In March 1970, General Muhammad Yahiya Khan announced
to break the one-unit and curved out new four provinces99 in West Pakistan. But,
Bahawalpur State was not restored as a separate province and welcomed it into Punjab
Province.100
On 16th January 1956, Riaz Hashmi joined the “Anti One Unit Front” for the
privileges of Bahawalpur. This front was set up under the leadership of GM Sayed in
Karachi.101 In the manifesto of this front, it was demanded that “West Pakistan be divided
into five provinces namely Punjab, Sindh, Baluchistan, Northwest Frontier, and
Bahawalpur.”102 After the few months of the formation of one-unit, an anti-one-unit
movement started in the country. In this way, in September 1957, the provincial assembly
of West Pakistan passed a declaration against the one-unit and demanded four or more than
four provinces in West Pakistan. Members of the Provincial Assembly of Bahawalpur
region Mr. Sardar Mehmood Khan, Mr. Allama Arshad, and Mr. Muhammad Qassim
supported the declaration.
Politicians of the Bahawalpur region also opposed this scheme and twelve members
of the assembly of the region unanimously gave a press statement that the “public of
Bahawalpur will not accept the amalgamation of the state into another province. We are
ready for fighting in every field for the restoration of our constitutional rights.”103
Moreover, Sardar Mehmood Khan met with Prime Minister of Pakistan Mr. Hussain
95
Masood Hassan Shahab, Bahawalpur Ki Siyasi Tareekh (Bahawalpur: Hand Written, 1977), 377.
96
97
Sahib Zada Muhammad Qamar Abbasi, Quaid-e-Azam Aur Riasat Bahawalpur (Bahawalpur: Sahib Zada
Muhammad Qamar Abbasi, 1999), 188.
98
Abbasi, Quaid-e-Azam Aur Riasat Bahawalpur, 204.
99
Punjab, Baluchistan, NWFP and Sindh
100
Umbreen Javid, "Movement for Bahawalpur Province." Journal of Political Studies, 2009: 41-57.
101
Riaz Hashmi, Brief for Bahawalpur Province (Karachi: 1972), 125
102
Hashmi, Brief for Bahawalpur Province, 126
103
Kianaat, Sehroza (tertian), Bahawalpur, 4th October 1957.
101
Shaheed Soharwardi and discussed the Bahawalpur issue. PM of Pakistan ensured to Sardar
Mehmood Khan that “if one-unit broke then Bahawalpur will be restored.”104
After imposing the constitution of 1962, when a new assembly of West Pakistan
came into being then the members belonged to the Bahawalpur region were Mr. Choudhary
Farzand Ali, Mr. Sardar Mehmood Khan, Mr. Sardar Ayub Khan, Allama Arshad, Mian
Qasim Awaisi, etc. These members raised their voices in the assembly about the
deprivation of the region. The first voice about deprivation of the Bahawalpur was raised
by the Sardar Muhammad Ayub Khan in the provincial assembly of West Pakistan. He said
that Bahawalpur was a more affected region by one unit. Before the one unit, the total
budget of Bahawalpur was more than 70 million rupees and 25 million rupees were
consumed for the development works of the Bahawalpur State. But after the one unit, the
development fund of the state was also less than half. After the one unit, mostly
development plans for Bahawalpur State had stopped and a few were completed. In July
1964, Allama Arshad said that if the government did not change her behavior then our
slogan would be that “Break the One unit and return Bahawalpur to us”105
So, it all historical perspective, describes that Bahawalpur State has a separate
provincial status in the past on which grounds the political leadership and the public of the
Bahawalpur State want to the rehabilitation of Bahawalpur province instead of a new
province. Many movements are working for separate or new provinces in Pakistan, but the
Bahawalpur province movement is working for the restoration of Bahawalpur province. In
this manner, they claim that Quaid-e- Azam as Governor-General of Pakistan had given
the guarantee into the instrument of accession that was signed between Quaid-e- Azam and
Ameer of Bahawalpur that the status of Bahawalpur State would be as a separate unit in
the federation of Pakistan. Moreover, the first legislative assembly of Pakistan passed the
Objective Resolution on 12th March 1949 in which this principle was accepted that the
present provinces and states of Pakistan will be kept in hold.106
104
Kianaat, Sehroza, Bahawalpur, 16th October 1957.
105
106
102
3.1.2.6 Movement for the Restoration of Bahawalpur Province
The year 1969 was a very important and revolutionary year for Pakistan. Ayub
Khan’s ten-year rule ended that year. In the same year, it was decided to break the One-
Unit and implement the Legal Framework Order (LFO) under which one man one vote and
to integrate Bahawalpur into Punjab. “The Bahawalpur Province Movement (BPM) began
to take shape when General Yahya Khan's regime decided against dissolving One-Unit.”107
On November 22, 1969, the different newspapers started open-handed material that the
government would dismiss the demand of One Unit soon and the previous structure of
provinces would be evoked. It was considered that Bahawalpur would not be granted a
separate identity.108
Therefore, when it was decided in principle that One-Unit would be disbanded, the
politician of Bahawalpur, including Allama Rehmat Ullah Arshad, formed the All-Party
Action Committee (APAC), at Azad Manzil Bahawalpur on November 22, 1969. This
meeting was attended by leaders of various parties including Chaudhary Farzand Ali
(Council Muslim League), Raja Mukhtar (President Bar Association of Bahawalpur), Seth
Obaid-ur-Rehman (Convention Muslim League), Sayyed Chirag Shah (Independent),
Sayyed Merahban Shah (National Awami Party), Chaudhary Bashir Ahmad Cheema (Ex.
Deputy Speaker of Bahawalpur Assembly) Molvi Abdul Hameed (Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-
Islam), Mian Nizamuddin Haider (Council Muslim League), Munshi Muhammad Hassan
Chughtai ( Majlis Ahrar Islam), Altaf Qureshi (Convention Muslim League), Meer Anwar-
ul-Hassan (Council Muslim League), Chaudhary Hashmat Ali (Pakistan Democratic
Party), Chaudhary Rehmatullah (Pakistan Democratic Party), Maulana Ghulam Mustafa
(Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam), Allama Arshad (Independent), Chaudhary Masood Ahmad
(Pakistan Democratic Party), Moulvi Khair Muhammad (Pakistan People’s Party),
Chaudhary Barkat Ullah (President Chamber of Commerce).109 A ten-point unanimous
resolution was passed by the leaders of all these parties at the meeting in which an attempt
was made to convince the government, citing the provincial status of Bahawalpur that:
107
108
Umbreen Javaid, "Federation of Pakistan and Creation of New Provinces: A Case of Bahawalpur
Province." Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, 2018: 15-36.
109
103
…. before the formation of One-Unit, Bahawalpur was a separate province. It

had its elected assembly and her own High Court. Therefore, in principle, after
the dissolution of One-Unit, the old status of Bahawalpur should be restored110
and if it is not restored, the people of Bahawalpur will start a movement for
their rights.111
The first meeting in connection with the rehabilitation province movement in

Bahawalpur was held on January 2, 1970, by Tehrik -e-tahafuz-e- hakok -e- Bahawalpur,
a youth organization headed by Mahmood-ul-Hassan Qureshi and general Secretary Shahid
Siddiqui. This was the first regular meeting of the restoration province movement in which
local political leaders also participated and in this public meeting, a demand was made to
restore the provincial status of Bahawalpur.112 The second meeting regarding the
restoration of the province in Bahawalpur was held under the chairmanship of Pirzada
Mahmood Aslam, the curator of “Anjuman-e-Ishaat Sirat-un-Nabi”. The rally, which was
held before the meeting, chanted slogans against Makhdoom Hassan Mahmood and
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.113 In this regard, the third major seminar was held in Bahawalpur under
the chairmanship of Maulana Abdul Majeed, Nazim of Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam. In all
these meetings, the provincial restoration of Bahawalpur was demanded.114
Apart from Bahawalpur, a meeting was also held on January 1, 1970, in Jinpur, a
town in Liaquatpur Tehsil of Rahimyar Khan District in which all the communities of the
area presented and unanimously presented a resolution for the restoration of the province.
On January 2, 1970, a procession was taken in Khanpur under the leadership of Maulana
Siraj Ahmad Din Puri, followed by a meeting in which Makhdoom Shahab Uddin and Mian
Muhammad Islam addressed. The provincial restoration of Bahawalpur was also demanded
in this meeting.115 Similarly, on January 3, 1970, District Rahimyar khan’s students
marched and demanded the restoration of Bahawalpur province.116 On January 5, 1970,
110
Nazeer Ali Shah, The History of the Bahawalpur State (Lahore: Maktaba Jadeed, 1959).
111
Daily Mashriq, November 24, 1969.
112
113
Daily West Pakistan, Bahawalpur, Lahore, Sukkur, 3rd January 1970.
114
Daily Dastoor, Bahawalpur, 17th January 1970.
115
Daily Dastoor, Bahawalpur, 3rd January 1970.
116
Daily West Pakistan, Bahawalpur, Lahore, Sukkur, 4th January 1970.
104
three Lac refugees from Bahawalnagar District announced the formation of an All-Party
Majlis-e-Amal and vowed to do everything possible to support a separate province.117
On 11 January 1970, the Lawyers Convention was held in Bahawalpur with the
participation of representatives of the Bar Association of the entire division. Raja Mukhtar
Ali presided over the meeting while Chaudhry Farzand Ali acted as secretary. The
resolution demanded that:
Constitutionally, historically and geographically, the former Bahawalpur had

never been a part of Punjab.…. Bahawalpur is a self-sufficient unit in terms of
population and resources and can run its administrative affairs without any
difficulty…. On this basis, all Bahawalpur Lawyers Convention urges the
President of Pakistan to restore Bahawalpur as a province with its former
boundaries if One-Unit is broken.118
Fifteen key members of the convention expressed their views on the issue, with
twelve members supporting the restoration of the province while three members opposed
it. In the end, the house unanimously passed the resolution.
A peaceful procession of Bahawalpur Muttahida Mahaz was also taken out on

February 21 led by Chaudhry Farzand Ali, Allama Arshad, Mian Nizamuddin Haider, and
Seth Obaid-ur-Rehman. The people in the procession carried placards “make Bahawalpur
a separate province”. A booklet was published by the people of Bahawalpur entitled
“Bahawalpur Soobe Ka Muqadma” (the Case of Bahawalpur Province). Pakistan Leaguer
Group also published a pamphlet entitled “Bahawalpur Ka Elehdah Sooba Kiun Nehi”
(Why not a Separate Province of Bahawalpur). In the light of data in this pamphlet, it was
made clear that Bahawalpur has the potential to be established as a separate province.119
The pamphlets “Bahawalpur Ka Sooba Kiun Aour Kis Liye” (Why and for what
Province of Bahawalpur) and “Bahawalpur kae tees lakh insan’uan ki awaz”120 (The Voice
of Three Million People of Bahawalpur) were published by Wali Ullah Ahad and Seth
Obaid-ur-Rehman respectively. In which the demand of Bahawalpur Province was very
117
118
Daily West Pakistan, Bahawalpur, Lahore, Sukkur, 12th January 1970.
119
Muhammad Akbar Malik, interview by Amjad Qureshi. Rehabilitation Province Movement in
Bahawalpur (May 31, 2000).
120
105
effectively advocated. Chaudhry Farzand Ali, the president of BMM, also published a
pamphlet entitled “The Choice of Bahawalpur”. This pamphlet also gave arguments in
support of Bahawalpur province. Riaz Hashmi in his book “Brief for Bahawalpur Province”
made similar demands. This written front of the movement for the restoration of the
province was well received by the local newspapers.121
Prince Mamun-ur-Rasheed Abbasi, a prominent figure in the Abbasi family of

Bahawalpur State, took to the field to take part in the province’s restoration movement. He
formed a separate semi-political organization called Anjuman Dadputragan. The
organization announced a collective movement for provincial restoration. Addressing a
press conference in Multan outside Bahawalpur Division to resolve the issue of province
rehabilitation, Mamun-ur-Rasheed said that “referendum should be held under the
supervision of the army on the issue of making Bahawalpur a separate province and if our
demand is not accepted, the general elections will be boycotted.”122 In short, hundreds of
people participated in these processions and demanded the provincial restoration of
Bahawalpur. These processions were very important in that they were attended by many
people in addition to the leading members of the Abbasi family.123
From January 2, 1970, to March 28, 1970, the movement for the restoration of
Bahawalpur province continued in various ways. Numerous political and social activists
also continued to demand through their statements that the provincial status of Bahawalpur
is restored. On February 22, 1970, many members of the United Front, led by Chaudhry
Farzand Ali, met with West Pakistan Governor-General Atiq-ur-Rehman and briefed him
on the sentiments and feelings of the people of Bahawalpur. Earlier, on February 20, 1970,
Air Marshal Asghar Khan had spoken in favor of the restoration of a separate province
Bahawalpur.124 On March 3, 1970, Allama Arshad made it clear through a press conference
in Lahore that if Bahawalpur was forcibly included in Punjab, there would be an element
of distinction between local and non-local. He said that if Balochistan can become a
121
122
Daily Mashriq, Peshawar, 15th April 1970.
123
124
Daily Mashriq, Peshawar, 21st February 1970.
106
province then why Bahawalpur cannot become a separate province. He further clarified
that Bahawalpur had been declared a separate province in 1954 recommendations.125
Meanwhile, on March 28, President Yahya Khan in his broadcast speech announced
the inclusion of Bahawalpur in Punjab, which caused a wave of unrest in Bahawalpur. The
United Front decided that from March 30, 1970, there would be continuous precessions in
violation of Martial Law and arrests would be made. Violations of Martial Law continued
in Bahawalpur from March 31 to April 24, 1970, with various political leaders and activists
presenting themselves for arrest. Meanwhile, the Ameer of Bahawalpur declared that “he
is in favor of the movement for the people and not for his power and will talk to President
Yahya Khan soon in this regard.”126
By March 23, 1970, thirty-two United Front leaders and political activists had been
arrested. When the majority and workers of the central leadership of the Bahawalpur United
Front were arrested, the movement was intensified by the Anjuman Dadputra Gan, another
group in the Restoration Province Movement. Moreover, on the behalf of the women of
Bahawalpur, Begum Tahira Masood, daughter of Mian Nizamuddin Haider, announced a
movement and regular processions of women wearing burqas began to take place. All this
continued from April 15 to 23, 1970. In the meantime, on April 17, the refugees from
Bahawalpur also marched in favor of a separate province. According to newspapers, about
forty-thousand people participated in it.127
April 24, 1970, is considered the most important day of the Bahawalpur Province
Restoration Movement, the police unbolted fire on a march of the BMM and resultantly
assassinated two people and injured more than a few others. The heartless tactic of the
government added additional fuel to the fire.128 Mamun Rasheed had a heated argument
with a police officer, so Mamun Rasheed slapped an ASI, which made the situation very
tense. Suddenly, the police started moving, first charging batons and then throw gas shells.
This caused a stampede among the people at Farid Gate and people started taking shelter
in nearby buildings.
125
Daily Mashriq, Peshawar, 4th March 1970.
126
Daily Mashriq, Peshawar, 15th April 1970.
127
128
107
After that regular firing started and worker Hafiz Shafiq standing the loudspeaker
was shot. Some people picked up Hafiz Shafiq in an injured condition, but he died on the
way.129 The women’s processions did not reach Farid Gate, as it was completely under
police control at the time, and that night police launched a series of arrests, and deportation
orders were issued for Begum Tahira Masood. About sixty people were arrested in three or
four days. On 25th April, a curfew was imposed in the city and handed over to the army.130
The leaders were sentenced by the military court to various terms ranging from a maximum
of one year to a minimum of three months.131
Mamun Rasheed, who was punished for ten years in prison but was released after
the December 1970 elections. After his release, he reached Bahawalpur on December 27,
1970, where he was received by a great welcome. Addressing on the occasion, he said that
the constitutional responsibilities of Tehreek-e-Bahawalpur (Bahawalpur Movement)
should be fulfilled. People, test your elected representatives, the people will find me
steadfast in every affliction. The cold-blooded expression of Muttahida Mahaz leaders on
the release of Mamun Rasheed reflects the fact that there was a lack of coordination among
rival organizations in the province and there was an element of competition among them.132
The PPP won 81 out of 138 seats in the National Assembly from West Pakistan and
113 out of 181 seats in the Provincial Assembly while PPP could get only three seats from
Bahawalpur State. PPP was the most opposition party of the movement for the restoration
province in the former State. In the Bahawalpur division, out of eight seats of the National
Assembly, the BMM got four out of eight seats.Table 3-7 shows the party position of the
Bahawalpur division in elections 1970133 and Table 3-8 shows Bahawalpur United Front
BMM’s party position134after gaining support from other parties.
129
130
131
132
133
National Assembly of Pakistan, History (Former Members). n.d.
134
108
Table 3-7
Party Position of Bahawalpur Division in Elections 1970
Name Total Seats Bahawalpur PPP Qayyum Convention
Legislatures United Front League League
Institute (BMM)
National 8 4 3 1 -
Assembly
Provincial 18 8 6 2 2
Assembly
Source: National Assembly of Pakistan

Table 3-8
Bahawalpur United Front-BMM’s Party Position after Gaining Support
from other Parties
Name Total Seats Bahawalpur PPP Qayyum Convention
Legislatures United Front League League
Institute (BMM)
National 8 6 2 --- ---

Assembly
Provincial 18 10 6 1 1
Assembly
Source: National Assembly of Pakista
Consequently, it was the biggest success of BMM in the 1970 elections and the public
of the Bahawalpur division supported their representatives for the restoration of
Bahawalpur province. The movement for restoration Bahawalpur Province was its peak at
the time of the general elections of 1970. The candidates who contested the elections on
the behalf of the separate province of Bahawalpur got almost 80 percent votes. The total
number of votes cast in this election was 1037699 out of which 714400 votes were cast for
the supporters of Bahawalpur province.135 This was proof that most of the people of
Bahawalpur were in favor of the province.136
Chaudhry Farzand Ali, who was the convener of the front and was chosen MNA in
the 1970 elections on the platform of BMM, wrote to General Yahya Khan and Zulfiqar
135
Kaynaat, Bahawalpur, 5th January 1971.
136
109
Ali Bhutto in support of the separate Bahawalpur province, but he stopped at that. The core
motive behind the loss of strength by the BMM seems to be the emergency created by East
Pakistan. On December 16, 1971, Pakistan had broken into two separate parts in which one
was Bangladesh while second rest Pakistan. Even after suffering in 1971, the BMM did not
consider it appropriate to run the movement on the same level. The United Front felt that
it was not suitable to put pressure on the government for a separate province at that time
and at the same time, the front lost its unity and effectiveness.137 Many creams of the crop
of the BMM claimed that the prolongation of this fight would threaten Pakistan which was
going through a difficult period in its history.138
During the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Martial Law government, an interim constitution
was issued according to which he was declared the president of Pakistan and then he started
the work of drafting the constitution. At this stage, the Bahawalpur Front sent a
memorandum in the service of President Z. A. Bhutto. The memorandum was signed by
five elected members of the National Assembly and ten elected members of the Provincial
Assembly. In this memorandum, a request was made to the President of Pakistan that:
The election results have proved that most of the people here want the
restoration of the former provincial status while the pre-accession candidates
could not get a single seat…. The integration of Bahawalpur is a dark chapter
in the present history which completely ignored our 300-year-old
individuality, self-sufficiency, and ability to carry provincial affairs…. We
appeal to our democratic President of Pakistan and the leaders of all political
parties to make Bahawalpur the fifth province of West Pakistan.139
During the rule of Z.A. Bhutto and General Zia-ul-Haq, strict action was taken
against these nationalist organization due to which they did not get a chance to emerge. But
after the era of General Zia-ul-Haq, when the democratic era came in the country, these
organizations got a momentum to re-emerge.
The movement for restoration of Bahawalpur province lost its plea over time.
However, the movement for Bahawalpur province has once more got impetus after the
137
Umbreen Javid, “Movement for Bahawalpur Province," Journal of Political Studies, 2009: 41-57.
138
139
Kaynaat, (Goli Number), Bahawalpur, July 3, 1972.
110
demands of new provinces by convinced local groups of Pakistan.140 The movement for
the restoration of Bahawalpur as a province, led by Muhammad Ali Durrani, gained
momentum in 2009 again. On the 18th Amendment in the constitution of 1973 of Pakistan
at the beginning of April 2010, Muhammad Ali Durrani took the view that when Parliament
was repealing all the illegal actions of the military rulers, so the same illegal LFO of Yahya
Khan should also be erased from the Constitution under which Bahawalpur was declared a
part of the province of Punjab.141
The local political parties in Bahawalpur supported the rehabilitation of Bahawalpur

province. The political leadership of Bahawalpur in 2009 and 2010 not only awakened the
people of the region but also presented the issue of restoration of Bahawalpur as a province
in all forums in the country. They raised their voice for the privileges of the people of
Bahawalpur. Talking to Ishtiaq Baig, Nawab Salahuddin Abbasi said that he would never
give up the legal and historical facts of restoration of Bahawalpur province. He further said
that they have their own identity and never want to divide Punjab based on language. There
is a need for only one executive order to compensate for the disparity of the people of the
region.142 Ex. MNA, Farooq Azam Malik said that “In my meeting with Shaheed Benazir
Bhutto, when she was in exile, she promised that she would restore the status of
Bahawalpur as a separate province.”143
Bahawalpur Awami Party has been prearranged to put forward the case of
Bahawalpur province.144 On May 3, 2018, Chief of Bahawalpur National Awami Party and
Ameer of Bahawalpur, Nawab Salahuddin Abbasi gave a deadline for the restoration of the
former province of Bahawalpur. He demanded that the province be restored before the
expiration of the term of the Pakistan Muslim League (N)’s government otherwise a
resistance movement would be launched. He was addressing a joint press conference with
former Federal Minister Senator Muhammad Ali Durrani, Pakistan Muslim League (Q)’s
Secretary-General Tariq Bashir Cheema MNA, Jamaat-e-Islami leader and Punjab
140
141
R. Qyadat, Bahawalpur, April 18, 2010.
142
Ishtiaq Baig, "Aaj ki Dunia." Media Talk. Lahore: Jang, May 9, 2012.
143
Babar Ayaz, The simmering Bahawalpur province movement. Lahore: Daily Times, February 7, 2011.
144
111
Assembly Member Dr. Waseem Akhtar, Pakistan Muslim League (Functional) Punjab
President Makhdoom Ashraf Iqbal and Prince Bahawal Abbas Abbasi.145
He said, “the movement for this purpose will be launched after May 30, 2018.” “if
the resolution about the restoration of Bahawalpur province is not implemented then the
full movement will be launched.”146 He said more “the province restoration is possible in
just three days, ‘rulers have not fulfilled promises made with us, people of Bahawalpur
want to see their separate province, former State of Bahawalpur and our elders on every
step had supported Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, whenever budget of Pakistan
fell short then Bahawalpur helped.”147 Figure 3-5 shows about the conference of Nawab
Salahuddin Abbasi and some other eminent leaders of Bahawalpur.148
Figure 3-5: Dunia News Live on May 3, 2018, “Nawab Salahuddin warns of movement if
Bahawalpur province not restored” and Jang, Lahore, May 3, 2018.
He more said that:
Unfortunately, recognition of this region was snatched away by Yahya Khan.

Our demand is that promise and decision of the Quaid-e-Azam be
implemented and people of Bahawalpur region be returned their recognition,
this is a constitutional, legal and historical right of this region, this is also a
question of respecting the promise of the Quaid-e-Azam, it is the responsibility
145
Daily Jang, Lahore, May 3, 2018.
146
The News, Lahore, May 3, 2018.
147
148
Jang, Lahore, May 3,2018.
112
of all of us that these promises be honored, and their implementation

ensured.149
Tariq Bashir Cheema, Member of National Assembly, supported the demand and
announced his full support for the province restoration movement. He said that:
An impression is being given in Bahawalpur Division that the entire

Bahawalpur is demanding South Punjab province, ‘we differ from this, our
demand is for Bahawalpur province, South Punjab be made a separate
province, we invite South Punjab province people to launch movement jointly
with us, Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif card is not acceptable now, during
the tenure of Ch Pervaiz Elahi local bodies representatives were powerful due
to which sense of deprivation was reduced.150
Muhammad Ali Durrani said that “people are not ready to accept any new fraud of
those who have ruled for five years after winning election in the name of the province, they
will go to any limit for their right, for their identity and implementation of the promise
made by the Quaid-i-Azam.” He more said that “if Mian Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif
did not restore the province before the expiry of their government then people of
Bahawalpur will not allow Muslim League (N) candidates to contest the election and get
their securities forfeited.” Dr. Waseem Akhtar said: “We demand of the government to
accept the restoration of Bahawalpur province constitutional, legal, moral and historical
right within 30 days under the law and said people of Bahawalpur will no longer accept
further exploitation, injustice, oppression and denial of the province.”151 PML(F) Punjab
President Makhdoom Ashraf Iqbal said that “patience of people of Bahawalpur should not
be tested anymore.”152
On April 12, 2018, addressing a news conference, MRBP leaders153 vetoed the idea
of including the Bahawalpur area in the planned new southern Punjab province. They said
that “We reject the idea furnished by the leaders of the recently-formed South Punjab
Province Front.” They articulated about the agreement between Nawab and Quaid-e-Azam
149
150
151
Jang, Lahore, May 3, 2018.
152
153
The leaders of the Movement for Restoration of Bahawalpur Province (MRBP) were Ajmal Malik, Allama
Shafqatur Rehman, Nazir Sonchi, Muhammad Nazar Hussain Kamboh, Jam Muhammad Irshad, Akram
Ansari, Raja Shafqat Mahmood, Nawaz Naji, Maj (retd) Shabbir, Imran Lodhi and Abdul Qadeer Qureshi,
113
that Bahawalpur would enjoy the status of a province in the new country. They said that
the restoration of Bahawalpur province and the formation of new provinces would
strengthen the federation.154
In short, the political and economic deficiencies became the key sources that led
towards the Bahawalpur Soba Movement.155 Consequently, the people of this region are
facing similar problems that have made them economically and politically backward. The
people feel that they are being badly exploited. These common issues have brought the
people of Bahawalpur closer to each other, which led them to demand a separate province.
The demand for the formation of new provinces not only in the Bahawalpur region but in
the whole Pakistan is being raised by different regional movements based on identity,
poverty, injustice, inequitable distribution of national resources, inadequate education and
health facilities, lack of development, and socio-economic backwardness.
3.1.3 Hazara Province Movement
Hazara Division is located in the northeastern part of Pakistan’s KPK province. it

consists of seven districts.156 The area of the Hazara Division is 18013 Sq. km while its
total population is about 5,325,121.157 Hazara is the rainiest fragment of Pakistan. The
average rainfall in Abbottabad is around 1200 millimeters. Because of the high altitude,
the temperature of this region is very low. The Karakoram Highway starts at the town of
Hevellian and goes north through the division towards China via the Northern Areas.
“Language is Hindko which means mountain of India and 94% speak Hindko while 6%
speak others Barohi, Saraiki, and Pashto.” The ethnolinguistic arrangement of the area is
specified in the next Table 3-9.158
154
The News, Lahore, April 13, 2018.
155
Umbreen Javaid, "Federation of Pakistan and Creation of New Provinces: A Case of Bahawalpur
Province." Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, 2018: 15-36.
156
These districts are: Abbottabad, Battagram, Haripur, Mansehra, Upper Kohistan, Lower Kohistan, and
Torgha.
157
Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Statistics, Provisional Summary Result 6th Population and Housing
Census-2017, Census of 2017, (Islamabad: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017)
158
114
Table 3-9
Ethnolinguistic compositions of the Hazara Region
Linguistic Linguistic Mansehra Abbottabad Haripur Batgram
Group Name Group
Hindko- 95.98 72.9 94.26 88.5 18

speaking
Pashto- 3.86 26.6 2.22 8.9 81.65

speaking
Others 0.5 3.52 2.6 0.35
Source: Population Census Organization, 2001.

Production of green and lemongrass tea is 70%. the world’s 5th largest and
Pakistan’s 1st largest dam produces 33.5% electricity which is situated in the Hazara
division. The production of Tabaco is 100%.
A distinct Hazara province movement was on track in 1957 by an early advocate

Mufti Idrees, but this movement could not get energy because of the starter of a one-unit
scheme by the Ayub Khan.159 The first major activity on the Hazara nation came to light in
the first 1980s at what time Qazi Azhar160 with some supporters, started the Hazara
Students Federation in Karachi, but their actions were suppressed by other influential
groups.161 The late Malik Asif Advocate started a movement called "Hazara Qaumi
Mahaz" (HQM) (Hazara National Front) in 1987 in which he demanded a separate province
of Hazara.162 He died in 2008 but he infused a new spirit into the party. Figure 3-6 shows
the map of the proposed Hazara province in KPK.163
159
Mohammad Munir, Realities of a Separate Hazara Province, May 18, 2017.
160
Qazi Azhar is among the pioneers to raise the voice for a separate identity.
161
Kalbe Ali, Hazara movement: divided we fall, The Dawn, December 2, 2012.
162
Hazara Qaumi Mahaz, Hazara Qaumi Mahaz. n.d.
163
https://newpakhistorian.wordpress.com/2018/04/17/languages-religion-tribes-and-castes-of-the-hazara-
region/.
115
Figure 3-6: Proposed Map of Hazara Province in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Pakistan)

Qazi Azhar could not win the backing of their public on ethnic ranks, after the
formation of HQM in 1987, and Hazara people voted totally in favor of the Pakistan
Muslim League. Qazi Azhar advocate, the chairman of Hazara Quami Mahaz (HQM) said
that “We are not into politics with the hope to win elections – but to raise awareness among
the masses for our cause.”164
164
Kalbe Ali, Hazara movement: divided we fall, The Dawn, December 2, 2012.
116
Baba Haider Zaman laid the foundation of Tehreek Sooba Hazara (TSH) (Hazara
Province Movement) in 2010 after the renaming the province from NWFP to KPK under
the Eighteenth Amendment in the Constitution of 1973. Baba Haider Zaman who not only
brought the Hazara Movement to its peak but also breathed new life into the movement.
Although he has not been able to achieve his goal of a separate province, the campaign for
that purpose has been given a new lease of life. He passed away on 24 October 2018 at the
age of 84 years. He gained a political advantage over other politicians from the region
simply by assistance and leading the Hazara Province Movement, which he carried on till
his death. He was an icon of the Hazara province movement.165
In April 2010, through the 18th Amendment, it was declared that NWFP would
rename Khyber Pakhtunkhwa of Pakistan, which led to protests by the Hazara region
commanded by Baba Haider.166 After the proclamation of the new name of the province, a
separate province was demanded from the Hazara Division. In April 2010, ten people were
killed and nearly 200 injured during demonstrations and rallies across the Hazara region
against the new name of NWFP and the formation of a new Hazara province. The silk road
was fastened for all traffic for a week and violent protests damaged property worth
billions.167
On May 2, 2010, in support of this demand, there was made another wheel-jam and
shutter down strike in the Hazara region. In this regard, along with large rallies, the protests
of the public movement were regularly organized under the auspices of the HQM and
Tehreek-e-Sooba Hazara (TSH).168 But NWFP’s name was permanently changed to
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. However, the management of the Hazara movement sworn to
continue its fight to achieve its goals through peaceful and constitutional means.
The ruling Awami National Party (ANP) celebrated the new name of NWFP but the
people of Hazara Division burnt tires and raised their voices against this move by putting
obstacles on Karakoram Highway. Interestingly, apart from former MPAs and MNAs,
lawyers, civil society members, journalists, and shopkeepers also joined hands in this
165
Said Alam Khan, Baba Haider Zaman: An icon of Hazara province movement. October 26, 2018.
166
Associated Press of Pakistan, Protest in Hazara continues over renaming of NWFP. Associated Press of
Pakistan, April 5, 2010.
167
Noor-ul-Huda Shaheen, Haider Zaman Khan’s journey from Sardar to Baba, October 24, 2018.
168
Mohammad Munir, Realities of a Separate Hazara Province, May 18, 2017.
117
mission and demanded from the Constitutional Reforms Committee headed by Raza
Rabbani that Hazara should be declared a province in the interest of the people of this
region. Meanwhile, Tahir Faraz Abbasi, Shad Muhammad Khan president HCBBA, Fazal
Haq Abbasi, and Iftikhar Khan Jadoon Advocate passed a unanimous resolution against
the change of name of the province. They said more “we are protesting on a large scale in
the public interest”.169 Figure 3-7 shows the protest of the Hazara province movement that
is demanding the new province in the region.170
Figure 3-7: A recent rally of Tehrik-e-Hazara (Hazara Movement) held in Abbottabad,

demanding a separate province for the natives of the Hazara area. SAMAA TV on April
13, 2011, was reported by Atif Qayyum.
On January 3, 2012, Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) succumbed to a
constitutional amendment bill to the National Assembly Secretariat for the formation of
new provinces in Punjab and KPK. The bill exactly mentioned that Hazara province would
169
Associated Press of Pakistan, Protest in Hazara continues over renaming of NWFP. Associated Press of
Pakistan, April 5, 2010.
170
Samaa TV, April 13, 2011, reported by Atif Qayyum.
118
consist of six districts of KPK. The bill also suggested that the people of twenty-one
districts of South Punjab should choose by plebiscite if they want Seraiki province or more
than one province. MQM leaders called for the formation of new provinces and warned
that if new provinces were not formed in KPK and Punjab, a Balochistan-like situation
could arise here.171 In August 2012, the PPP set up a parliamentary commission headed by
Senator Farhat-Ullah Babar to create new provinces in Punjab. PML-N Leader Senator
Pervez Rashid said “new provinces should be created wherever they were required all over
Pakistan, but this issue must be resolved permanently”172 Figure 3-8 Shows the protest of
the Hazara province movement under the command by Baba Haider Zaman.173
Figure 3-8: Baba Haider Zaman leading a rally for a provincial status of Hazara
Addressing a rally in Karachi on May 6, 2012, Baba Haider Zaman said that “the
people of Hazara demand rights, if the country is to be saved, new provinces will have to
be created”. He said that for the survival of Pakistan, it was important that the demands of
171
Moonis Ahmar, “Conflict Prevention and the New Provincial Map of Pakistan: A Case Study of Hazara
Province." Journal of Political Studies, Vol.20, Issue - 2, 2013: 01-19.
172
The News, Karachi, August 19, 2012.
173
https://web.facebook.com/photo?fbid=151310525032303&set=a.105808272915862
119
the people of the region be met. He added “Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) has
proved to be a federal party by raising the voice of Hazarewal’s rights. MQM and Altaf
Hussain have done us a favor by raising their voice in our favor and Hazarewal does not
forget his benefactors. If not, we can take any route of protest.” Baba Haider Zaman said
that “we have registered the Tehrik-e- Sooba Hazara (Hazara Province Movement) as a
political party in the Elections Commission.” He added more that:
…. government eyes should be opened to see Hazarewal’s gathering in Quaid

Garden and the government should know what Hazarewal wants. Today, the
deprived people of Balochistan, the Hari, and Saraiki of Sindh, the people of
Bahawalpur, and the deprived sections of Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab are
demanding that their rights be given to them. Don’t’ talk about Saraiki
province because he is not only the prime minister of the Saraiki region but
also the Prime Minister of the whole country.174
In March 2014, the KPK Assembly voted for a resolution by the ruling PTI to make
a separate Hazara province by the majority votes. In this way, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
Assembly session was chaired by Speaker Assad Qaiser in which Sardar Idrees of PTI
presented a resolution that was later approved by the Assembly. The resolution called on
the provincial Assembly to request the federal government to pass a bill in the parliament
to make new provinces, together with Hazara, to facilitate administrative matters. While
opposition parties like PPP, ANP, and “Qaumi Watan Party” (QWP) opposed this
resolution.
Sardar Hussain Babak of ANP said that “Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is like a bouquet and
his party opposes any attempt to divide it.” Given the difficulties facing the province, it is
time to talk about unity instead of fragmentation. Mushtaq Khan, Wajiuz Zaman, and
Qalandar Lodhi, the PTI Members of the Provincial Assembly of KPK said that Hazara
province demanded to improve the administration affairs instead of linguistic identity as
the people of Hazara faced great difficulty in reaching Peshawar.175
MPAs of the Hazara region, including Mushtaq Ghani, moved a resolution in March
2014 calling for the formation of Hazara province. The resolution was passed by a majority
174
Tehreek-e-Sooba Hazara, Tehreek-e-Sooba Hazara (Official). May 6, 2012.
175
Dawn, Karachi, March 21, 2014.
120
but failed to get a two-thirds majority of the total members of the House. Because, in the
2013 elections, the PTI had formed a coalition government with Jamaat-e-Islami in KPK.
In this election, PTI could not get a simple majority. Constitutionally, such resolution
requires a two-thirds majority to be implemented by the government. The governing party
is adoring a two-third majority in the provincial assembly and can easily pass a resolution
in this regard.176
But PTI has not the two-thirds majority in National Assembly and Senate, so if PTI
passes a resolution regarding Hazara province in Provincial Assembly with a two-thirds
majority but she cannot pass a resolution in the Lower and Upper House with the same
ratio without the help of opposition. Presently, any political party has not sufficient position
in any house to pass the resolution with a two-thirds majority. It is impossible to create new
provinces in the country unless all the political parties have not a consensus on the
formation of new administrative units in Pakistan. Mushtaq Ghani said that “Making new
administrative units is essential and people of Hazara voted for PTI to create Hazara
province”.177
On 16 November 2014, the Hazara Province Movement (TSH) decided to revive

the movement for a separate province by contacting political parties and civil society
groups. For this purpose, a five-member team was formed under the chairmanship of TSH
convener Mushtaq Khan. Speaking on the occasion, Mushtaq Khan said that the members
of the committee would soon start liaising with political parties and civil society
organizations to force the government to accept the demand of the people of the Hazara
Division for a separate province. He added that a grand gathering of elders and political
parties would also be convened to announce the schedule of rallied and procession across
the region. He said more “We would also take traders, lawyers, transporters and other
segments of society on board while taking forward the separate province movement,”178
In August 2016, a decision was taken under the chairmanship of Sardar Muhammad
Yousaf, Minister for Religious Affairs and interfaith harmony that Parliamentarians from
Hazara District of KPK would meet heads of the country’s national political parties to reach
176
Dawn, Karachi, November 19, 2018.
177
178
121
a consensus on forming a new province. Sardar Muhammad Yousaf said that members of
the Hazara movement would meet National Assembly, Senate, and Parliamentary Leaders
and give a briefing on the formation of Hazara province. He demanded that Hazara
Parliamentarians and people are convinced to make Hazara province. Deputy Speaker of
National Assembly Murtaza Javaid Abbasi vowed to use his energies to make Hazara
province. He said the more creating province was need of the hour.179 Figure 3-9 shows the
Hazara parliamentarians meeting with political leaders for the evolving consensus of
Hazara province. 180
Figure 3-9: Hazara parliamentarians to meet political leadership for the evolving
consensus of Hazara province.
This movement has not sufficient popularity in the region. Its popularity, limited
with the print media and social media but it failed in the elections 2018 to get any seat for
National Assembly. In elections 2018, Tehreek-e-Suba Hazara Pakistan got only 545 votes
for the National Assembly. The performance of this movement was not healthier in the
179
Associated Press of Pakistan, Hazara parliamentarians to meet political leadership for evolving consensus
of Hazara province. August 10, 2016.
180
Associate Press of Pakistan, Islamabad, 2016.
122
provincial elections in 2018. It got only 1637 votes for the Provincial Assembly of KPK.181
It reveals that the Hazara province movement has not deep roots in the public. Tehreek-e-
Suba Hazara Pakistan performed very poorly in both Assemblies (KPK Provincial
Assembly and National Assembly) like the Seraiki Province Movement in south Punjab.
The same results were given by this movement in the elections 2013. Here some
questions arise that why did this movement failed in both elections? How legitimate is the
movement for Hazara province? And why did not she get support in the 2013 and 2018
general elections? One most important problem that has not reinforced the Hazara
movement is the division among the Hindko-speaking population. Many groups are
fighting for a goal that requires unity and harmony. For example, the following prominent
groups are following the demands of Hazara province:
1. Hazara Tehrik (movement) with Baba Haider Zaman as its chief coordinator
(now Sardar Gohar Zaman is working as Chairman after the death of Baba
Haider zaman On October 24, 2018)
2. Hazara Province Tehrik with Sardar M. Yousuf as Chairman.
3. Tehreek-i-Huquq-e-Hazara led by Ali Asghar Khan.
4. Hazara Qaumi Mahaz with Khursheed Ali Hazarvi as its President. It is claimed
by his party that he was the first to raise the issue of the creation of a separate
Hazara province.
The main reason for the failure of the 2013 and 2018 general elections was that they
were unable to contest polls under a single platform.182 Overall this movement is successful
because it has conveyed its message of separate Hazara province to the government circles
and the public through the electronic, social, and print media and practically meetings,
processions, and rallies. For this cause, on April 12, 2010, there were many people killed
and injured by the government. This day now is celebrated as Martyrs of Hazara. The
struggle of all groups, especially Baba Haider Zaman for the separate province played a
vital role to flourish this cause. Baba Haider Zaman was the icon of this movement. He not
only practically participated in meetings, processions, and rallies but also devoted his entire
181
Election Commission of Pakistan, Statistical Reports (Party Wise Vote Bank - National Assembly), July
25, 2018.
182
Moonis Ahmar, “Conflict Prevention and the New Provincial Map of Pakistan: A Case Study of Hazara
123
life to it after the formation of this movement. He worked day and night to make the Hazara
movement success and in a short period, he has made this movement equal to major
separate province movements in Pakistan like Saraiki Province Movement and Bahawalpur
Province Movement.
The main objective of this movement is to make a separate province for the Hazara
region so that the region could get flourish socially, politically, economically. This
movement advocates for the disenfranchised class against the privileged class. The
movement is fighting against the mindset that supports and encourages such a class system.
According to this movement, the silence of the exploited and backward classes has allowed
these tyrants to continue to exploit the people unabated under various disguises like
feudalism and braveries, linguistic and ethnic demagoguery, religious and sectarian splits.
3.1.4 Mohajir/Karachi Province Movement in Sindh
Karachi is not only the biggest city of Pakistan but also the hub of the economic
activities of the country. This city occurs in the south-west of Pakistan on the bank of the
Arabian sea. It is the provincial capital of Sindh. “Karachi is among the world’s largest
megacities, and the site of significant sectarian, ethnic, and political violence. Covering
more than 54,000 square miles of southeastern Pakistan (about the size of Florida)”.183
Along with the refugees, numerous Baloch, Pashtuns, and Punjabis have also settled in
Karachi. Because of its diversity, Karachi is called “Mini Pakistan”.184 Table 3-10 shows
the ethnolinguistic composition of Karachi.185
Table 3-10
Ethno-linguistic Composition of Karachi
District Urdu Sindhi Pashto Balochi Punjabi Siraiki Others
Karachi Central 73.57 1.59 4.56 0.77 8.63 2.3 8.58
Karachi East 60.75 3.8 5.95 1.64 14.72 2.11 11.02
Karachi West 39.64 6 24.55 5.29 12.95 2.05 9.52
183
K. Alan Kronstadt, Pakistan’s Sindh Province. October 29, 2015.
184
185
Federation." Journal of Political Studies, 2016: 289-307
124
Karachi South 25.65 11.37 7.95 9.77 18.84 1.82 24.6
Malir 15.87 25.08 20.67 8.51 17.46 2.36 10.06
Source: Population Census Organization, 2001
The Muhajir people are Muslim immigrants, of multi-ethnic origin, and their
descendants, who migrated from various regions of India after the Partition of India to settle
in the newly created state of Pakistan. Most people settled in Punjab and the urban area of
Sindh like Karachi, Hyderabad, Khairpur, and Other cities.186 Table 3-11 shows the
proportion of Mohajirs in the population. 187
Table 3-11
The proportion of Muhajirs in Population
Population of Pakistan East W. Pakistan Punjab Sindh (ex Karachi
Refugees Bengal K)
Number of 7.22 million 0.7 million 6.52 million 5.3 million 0.55 million 0.61
Refugees million
Share of 100 9.67% 90.3% 73% 7.6% 8.53%
Refugees
Ratio in Total 9.8% 1.7% 20% 25.6% 11.7% 55%
Population
Source: Government of Pakistan, Census of Pakistan 1951 Population According to

Economic Status.
Large numbers of these migrants settled in Punjab and Sindh, which increased the
population of both provinces. All through the first five years after the partition of India, the
Sindhi population in Sindh fell from 87 to 60 percent. Muhajir (Immigrants) emerged as
the majority in Karachi and became a minority in Sindh, which meaningfully upset the old
balance of power. In these refugees who traveled from Uttar Pradesh (UP), they were
highly qualified, consequently, they were easily selected to high government positions.
Because of the prevailing colonial culture in the bureaucracy, the relationships between the
186
Nadeem Farooq Paracha, Making the Mohajir. October 5, 2018.
187
Government of Pakistan, Census of Pakistan 1951 Population According to Economic Status.pdf. March
1951.
125
bureaucracy and the citizens were like a King and his subjects. This attitude had widened
the gulf between the locals and high officials.188
Inwardly, Karachi always has a role to play against the political tide. In 1965, Ayub
Khan easily won against Fatima Jinnah in the presidential election, but the public of Dhaka
as well as Karachi that raised in contradiction of Ayub Khan and fully helped Fatima
Jinnah. During the region of Ayub Khan, large-scale industrialization was promoted
throughout the country. Pashtun laborers from KPK and laborers from tribal areas migrated
to Karachi and settled near the site area. The migration was seen by the Urdu-speaking
community against them through Ayub Khan’s military rule. When General Yahya Khan
announced the holding of Pakistan’s first parliamentary elections, the Muhajir community
felt even more insecure. This was the first time that Amir Haider Kazmi, a Muhajir leader
of the then powerful left-wing National Student Federation (NSF), had at the same time
broadcast the idea of turning Karachi into a Muhajir majority province.189
In general elections 1970, maintain its hereditary spirit, Karachi voted against the
political tide. The public of Karachi supported religious parties. JI and JUP won two seats
each.190 According to political observers, behind the JI and JUP was the ethnic core concept
of support because both JI and JUP were led by refugees.
The tragedy of East Pakistan took place in 1971 and Pakistan lost the East Wing.
Now that East Pakistan had become an independent state of Bangladesh, Karachi had once
again seen the flood of migrants from East Pakistan. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto took over the
charge as a Civil Martial Law Administrator of the rest of Pakistan. He formulated three
policies chosen by the Bhutto government as a catalyst for the city of Karachi to turn to
politics based on ethnicity. These three policies implemented by Bhutto were the seed of
ethnicity in Sindh. This was the starting point of racism or nationalism between Sindhis
and Muhajir in Sindh province.191
Bhutto’s first policy was the introduction quota system in Sindh. In 1972, he
introduced a quota system in government posts and university jobs for ten years. Because,
Bhutto had won with majority votes from rural Sindh, therefore Bhutto wanted to give
188
Bilal Ahmed, Karachi and Ethnic Politics; A Historical Perspective. April 23, 2018.
189
Nadeem Farooq Paracha, Making the Mohajir. October 5, 2018.
190
National Assembly of Pakistan, History (Former Members). n.d.
191
126
relief to the rural Sindh instead of urban areas. Bhutto assigned 60% of jobs for the rural
Sindh to encourage the backward rural population by mainstreaming them into the
provincial bureaucracy and all kinds of provincial jobs, and only 40% of jobs allocated for
the urban Sindh.192 While, “Muhajirs favored an open system of recruitment to educational
institutions, jobs, and businesses through a competition based on merit. Sindhis wanted
protection through a fixed quota for jobs and services.”193
Bhutto's second policy move was an attempt to pass a bill in the Sindh Assembly
on which Sindhi-speaking PPP members had officially controlled the Sindhi language.
There were several protests against the bill in Karachi’s Muhajir-majority areas. Police
opened the fire on the rally of protestors, and as a result, civilians were killed under state
auspices. The third policy measure was to nationalize the industries in the country which
was against the capitalists of that time. This policy was adopted against popular twenty-
two families, most of whom belonged to the Urdu-speaking community. Therefore, the
Urdu-speaking community considered it against them.194
Therefore, in the 1977 elections, the people of Karachi once again supported the
Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) movement against Bhutto. There was a total of eleven
National Assembly seats from Karachi and PNA won nine of those seats. The PPP had won
a landslide victory in all of Pakistan, but only two seats from Karachi.195 The All Pakistan
Muhajir Students Organization was founded in 1978 with the escalating ethnic conflict
which was a prelude to the promotion of ethnic politics in Karachi. In 1984, Altaf Hussain
organized a political party naming Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM), later changed its
name and now the new name is Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM).
Both organizations were set up for protecting the identity and rights of the Urdu-
speaking community. The reasons for the formation of such ethnic groups by Karachi’s
middle-class were the events that took place under the Ayub and Bhutto. According to
some political observers, General Zia-ul-Haq was a popular political figure in Karachi to
192
Voice of Karachi, Unjust Quota System in Pakistan’s Sindh Province- Few Facts. n.d.
https://www.voiceofkarachi.org/unjust-quota-system-in-pakistans-sindh-province/ (accessed July 25, 2020).
193
Mohammad Waseem, "Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan: The Case of MQM." The Pakistan Development
Review 35: 4 Part II, 1996: 617-629.
194
195
National Assembly of Pakistan, History (Former Members). March 28, 1977.
127
counter the PPP’s popularity.196 In fact, in the urban areas of Sindh, especially in Karachi,
various ethnic groups were formed, including Pashtun, Balochi, Sindhi, Muhajirs, and
religious. All these groups had turned Karachi politics into the carnage to save their identity
and interests. Due to which a lot of blood was spilled in Karachi and innocent people were
killed.
According to the historical perspective of the refugees, they were aggressive in

Karachi to end the deprivation of their political, economic, and identity rights, and to
compete with other ethnic groups. The MQM’s political frustration became a major factor
in the demand for a separate province in Sindh. Immigrants are barred from participating
in government employment or policy-making. Most of the refugee's areas have been
neglected for any kind of infrastructural development. “Muhajir Province is a political
movement that seeks to represent the Muhajir people of Sindh.” The idea emerged as a
political bartering chip for MQM front-runner Altaf Hussain to establish a Mohajir-
majority province for the refugees-majority ranges, which would be sovereign of the Sindh
Government. Altaf Hussain has suggested several other names to mention to projected new
provinces such as Sindh 1 and Sindh 2.
Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)’s MPA Kamran Akhtar while addressing in

Sindh Assembly’s House, said that a separate Muhajir province should be established in
Sindh to alleviate the sense of deprivation among the residents of urban areas of Sindh
province. He was of the view that the provincial government was not properly revising the
system of urban yogurt quota, which was causing a sense of deprivation among the urban
youth of Sindh due to a lack of proper employment opportunities.197
Dr. Khalid Maqbool Siddiqui the convener of MQM Pakistan said “We are not
talking about a Muhajir or Karachi province...We are demanding more and more
administrative units in the country for its prosperity and progress,”. Mentioning to the
current statement of the Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan’s that his party was not in
favor of creating a new province in Sindh, Dr. Siddiqui said: “Give us even one reason that
more provinces can be carved out of Punjab and other federating units and not in Sindh.”
196
197
Dawn, Karachi, October 25, 2014.
128
He stated on behalf of the MQM-P that more administrative units be made keeping in view
the growing population of the country. “Not making new provinces is a treasonous act,”.198
Dr. Saleem Haider the chairman of Muhajir Ittihad Tehreek (Muhajir Unity
Movement) said that “the province of Sindh has been divided, the only official
announcement is pending” he said more “no single refugee is ready to trust any Sindhi,
…Muhajir province is reality.” He added that “if anyone is to be arrested for demanding
the province, then Prime Minister Gillani should be arrested first.”199 Muhajir Province
Movement’s demonstration in Hyderabad included a large majority of women, children,
and the elderly. Slogans in favor of the Muhajir province were raised. During the
demonstration, local leaders and participants of the Muhajir province movement said that
after the establishment of Pakistan, the refugees who sacrificed their lives and property for
Pakistan began to be persecuted on economic and political grounds. What is going on till
today, now is the time for Muhajir to unite for their rights and play their role in the peaceful
struggle for the establishment of Muhajir province.200
On May 25, 2012, Afaq Ahmad the Chairman of Muhajir Qaumi Movement, while
addressing a conference at his new residence in Defence Housing Authority phase-5 in
Karachi said that “the demand for a Muhajir province is a democratic right of the people,”
He further said that the formation of the new province was not possible through force but
through writing, speech and arguments. He more added that the attitude of the nationalists
was not right, and it was not a crime to demand the province. We felt the emotions of the
people.
He further added that “the credit for awakening the desire for the formation of a
Muhajir province goes to Asif Ali Zardari, therefore Sindhi nationalists should protest
against the President instead of protesting against the Muhajir people and making
provocative statements.” Afaq Ahmad said that when Asif Ali Zardari was supporting the
Seraiki province, we had said that he was laying the groundwork for the partition of Sindh
by supporting the demand for the Seraiki province on an ethnic and lingual basis. He said
more “he fully supports every constitutional step for the establishment of new provinces in
198
Azfar-ul-Ashfaque, MQM-P wants more administrative units, not Mohajir or Karachi province. May
2019.
199
Qaumi Akhbar, Karachi, April 23, 2012.
200
129
the country.”201 Figure 3-10 shows many ladies’ rally at Karachi Press Club in favor of
their demands. 202
Figure 3-10: Karachi May 16- A large number of ladies’ rally at Karachi Press Club in
favor of their demands. APP photo by Syed Abbas Mehdi
On May 16, 2012, many ladies held a rally at Karachi Press Club in favor of their
demands. These women picked up many posters cards in their hands and they were
demanding in the favor of new muhajir province. Different slogans were written by the
women on these cards for Muhajir province. These slogans were; “pass the resolution of
Muhajir province”, “give the refugees their right”, the Muhajir province is the only solution
to the problems, etc.
So, according to the MQM, Muhajir province is the single solution to their problems
so that they can save their political, economic, and identity rights. Their rights have been
robbed since 1947, to prevent this, it is necessary to create a separate province for them in
Sindh so that they can give their descendants a better future and a prosperous life. Help
them to become a dignified citizens of Pakistan so that they can contribute to the
201
Mohajir Qaumi Movement, Pakistan, Facebook (Mohajir Qaumi Movement (Pakistan)). May 26, 2012.
202
Karachi Sooba (Province), Facebook (Karachi Sooba). May 17, 2012.
130
development of the country and the people of Sindh. MQM says that they are demanding
the separate province on only administrative grounds to make people’s lives easier instead
of ethnic or lingual basis. The MQM in its manifesto for the 2018 elections has also stressed
the need to make separate provinces in the country on the administrative grounds.
3.1.5 Pashtun Province Movement in Balochistan
Area wise, Balochistan is the biggest province of Pakistan. its total area is 340190
Sq. km while population-wise smallest province. The Pashtuns living in the northern
portion of Balochistan are the second largest set in the province in terms of population.
According to the census of 2017, population-wise Pashtuns are 33 percent while the Baloch
are 61 percent in Balochistan province.203 They are the widely held group in the northern
part of the province. Figure 3-11 shows the map of Balochistan with area and population.204
They want either the Pashtuns belt of Balochistan to be made a separate province or to be
merged with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) wanted
a new province for Balochistan’s Pashtuns called Afghania.205
Historically, both Baloch and Pashtuns had lost their separate identities with the
creation of the one-unit in West Pakistan. In the days before the termination the one-unit,
Pashtuns nationalists, directed by Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai, intensified their hard work
to integrate the then-northwestern Pashtuns areas of the former British Balochistan into a
cohesive Pashtuns province. Moreover, the Muslim League in Balochistan, led by Qazi Isa
and Nawab Jogezai, wanted to reorganize of earlier British Balochistan and the Kalat state
as detached provinces. But, the leadership of the then National Awami Party was in favor
of including the two into one province, so in March 1970 the boundaries of current
Balochistan were declared. Pashtuns nationalists were angry with the result because the
new arrangements depressed them of their identity and barred them as a minority.206
203
Adnan Aamir, No Major Change in Ethnic Balance of Balochistan: Census Data Analysis Proves.
September 2, 2017.
204
Arkansas, University of Central. 20. Pakistan/Balochistan (1947-present), n.d.
205
206
Rafiullah Kakar, Understanding the Pakhtun Question in Balochistan. June 4, 2015.
131
Figure 3-11: Map of Balochistan with the partition of Pashtuns (Blue part) and Baloch
(Red part) areas.
The Baloch-Pashtun division has been a hallmark of Balochistan politics since
1970. The Pashtun query has both a distinctiveness factor and a power-sharing aspect. Also,
under the current administration, Pashtuns want a detached province or equivalent share in
the distribution of funds and powers. And arguing that they are a separate state unit and
should hence be treated on an equal footing regardless of population. They have repeatedly
made various demands:
…. One demand is to merge their areas with their brethren of Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa (KP). The second demand is to establish a separate province by
the name of Southern Pakhtunkhwa and the third demand is for an equal share
in the distribution of resources in Balochistan.207
Naseer Nangial, Provincial Deputy Secretary of Pakhtunkhwa Student’s

Organization (PSO) Said Pashtuns make up half of Balochistan’s population. We have not
207
Jeeyand Kashif Sajidi, Analyzing Baloch-Pashtun Relationship in Balochistan. August 3, 2015.
132
been able to get due yet. We will only agree to take equality in Baloch-Pashtun province.
The master-slave bond is not suitable for us. The matter has been exacerbated through the
arrival of Afghan immigrants into Balochistan over the past three decades. Pashtun
nationalists believe that there were minor differences between both populations, but they
increased over time. on the matter of Afghan immigrants, Pashtun nationalists claim that
Afghans have repositioned to their mother country if they settle in the Pashtun area and the
Baloch should have no unruly with this.208 Although Pashtun-Baloch political variations
have escalated over time, they have not often heightened into fierce conflicts.
On the other hand, Baloch nationalists claim that a scheme is being shaded to turn
the Baloch majority into an underground. BNP’s General Secretary said that the claim of
the Pashtuns about equal population is not correct and the demand for the equal share in
the distribution of funds is not realistic. Baloch live in 22 out of 32 districts of Balochistan.
BNP-Mengal said that if the Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) came up with a
proposal to separate the Pashtun region from Balochistan, then they would care about it
enthusiastically. Baloch has matured in their statements and this is an outstanding way to
resolve the skirmish.209
In fact, like the other movements for a separate province in Pakistan, the Pashtun
province movement is fighting for her rights such as power-sharing in administration, equal
share in the distribution of resources, and identity, etc. According to Pashtuns, all their
rights can be protected, and their grievances can be resolved only in the case of a separate
province. So, if Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party approves a resolution for a detached
province and puts an end to accusations and Baloch political parties stick to their word and
support it. Then, this is the only way to maintain a happy and harmonious relationship
between them both.
3.2 Grievances of All the Movements for Separate Provinces

All these movements have almost the same grievances such as a sense of
deprivation in these regions, imbalance in power-sharing, poverty issues, distance issue
(distance from the provincial capital to the far-flung areas), the backwardness of the region,
political, economic, and identity rights, to oppress the exploited and backward classes
208
Rafiullah Kakar, Understanding the Pakhtun Question in Balochistan. June 4, 2015.
209
Jeeyand Kashif Sajidi, Analyzing Baloch-Pashtun Relationship in Balochistan. August 3, 2015.
133
through privileged classes, injustice, inequitable distribution of national resources,

inadequate education and health facilities, lack of development and socio-economic
backwardness, unemployment, improper behavior of government administration due to the
high workload, etc. According to the people and movements of these regions, all these
grievances can be redressed only by making the separate provinces in the country.
3.2.1 Economic Inequality in Pakistan
Historically, Pakistan has more poverty, economic inequality, and the
unemployment rate in rural areas than in urban areas. In terms of the Human Development
Index (HDI), GDP per capita, job loss percentage, etc., financial inequality is very high in
different geographical locations in Pakistan. The following table shows the signs of
economic growth that Balochistan is the deprived province of the country. Compared to
the healthier performance of urban Sindh and central Punjab, the shadow of the poor
performance of yogurt Sindh and south Punjab has disappeared. Table 3-12 shows the
economic inequality in Pakistan. 210
Table 3-12
Economic Inequality in Pakistan
Name Pakistan Punjab Sindh KPK Balochistan Islamabad
HDI 0.541 0.557 0.540 0.510 0.499 0.612
Real GDP per capita 1715 1770 1804 1364 1677 1743
(PPP$) 1998
Adjusted GDP per capita 0.272 0.281 0.287 0.213 0.265 0.277
(PPP$) Index
Unemployment rate 19.68 19.10 14.43 26.83 33.48
Source: Pakistan National Human Development Report 2003

3.2.2 Poverty and Unemployment
Today, the number of people living below the poverty line in Pakistan is 29
percent.211 It has a relatively less number of people living below the poverty line in
Pakistan’s neighboring countries. The main cause of poverty in Pakistan is poor
governance. Historically, Pakistan has more poverty in rural areas than in urban areas.
According to the fiscal years 1993, 1994, 1997, and 1999, the poverty level in the different
210
Muhammad Mushtaq, Syed Khawaja Alqama. "Poverty Alleviation Through Power-Sharing in Pakistan."
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 8, Number 3, 2009: 459-468.
211
Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook. June 29, 2020.
134
regions of Punjab has been shown in Table 3-13 in which the overall poverty trend is very
high in the Sothern Punjab region compare to Northern and Central Punjab. 212
Table 3-13
Poverty Trends in Punjab by Region (percent)
Region FY93 FY94 FY97 FY99
Urban Areas
Northern Punjab 10.0 9.7 13.3 12.8
Central Punjab 25.6 23.7 15.9 24.5
Southern Punjab 28.0 17.8 21.7 35.3
Rural Areas
Central Punjab 27.9 31.6 26.2 34.5
Overall
Central Punjab 27.5 29.9 22.6 31.0
Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics, Labor Force Survey 1999-2000. 2001.

http://www.pbs.gov.pk/content/labour-force-survey-1999-2000 (accessed July 30, 2020).
The unemployed persons ‘volume in 2014-15 is 3.62 million while in 2017-18
increases to 3.79 million. Area and sex-wise outlines recommend that fluctuations are
additionally important in rural areas.Table 3-14 shows unemployment in Pakistan and
provinces, 213 and Table 3-15 displays the labor force participation rate and unemployment
rate by sex (percent). 214
Table 3-14
Unemployed – Pakistan and Provinces (Million)
Province/Area Unemployed
2014-15 2017-18
Total Male Female Total Male Female
Pakistan 3.62 2.31 1.31 3.79 2.57 1.22
212
Federal Bureau of Statistics, Labor Force Survey 1999-2000. 2001.
213
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, Labor Force Survey. December 2018.
214
United Nations, Statistical Yearbook (Sixty-second issue). n.d.
135
Rural 2.10 1.28 0.82 2.15 1.47 0.68

Urban 1.52 1.03 0.49 1.64 1.10 0.54
KPK 0.51 0.31 0.20 0.55 0.44 0.11
Rural 0.39 0.23 0.16 0.43 0.35 0.08
Urban 0.12 0.08 0.04 0.12 0.09 0.03
Punjab 2.32 1.49 0.83 2.39 1.55 0.84
Rural 1.43 0.89 0.54 1.45 0.93 0.52
Urban 0.89 0.60 0.29 0.94 0.62 0.32
Sindh 0.66 0.43 0.23 0.75 0.52 0.23
Rural 0.20 0.11 0.09 0.21 0.15 0.06
Urban 0.46 0.32 0.14 0.54 0.37 0.17
Balochistan 0.13 0.08 0.05 0.11 0.07 0.04
Rural 0.08 0.05 0.03 0.07 0.05 0.02
Urban 0.05 0.03 0.02 0.04 0.02 0.02
Source: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, Labor Force Survey. December 2018.

Table 3-15
Labor Force (LF) participation rate and unemployment rate by sex (percent)
Male and Female Male Female
year LF Unemploymen LF Unemploymen LF Unemploymen
participati t rate participatio t rate participatio t rate
on rate n rate n rate
2005 51.2 7.7 82.3 6.5 18.4 13.0
2010 51.6 0.7 80.1 0.7 21.7 0.7
2015 53.2 3.6 81.2 2.8 23.9 6.2
2019 53.4 4.3 81.5 3.4 24.1 7.5
Source: United Nations, Statistical Yearbook (Sixty-second issue). n.d.

https://unstats.un.org/unsd/publications/statistical-
yearbook/files/syb62/T17_Unemployme.pdf (accessed July 29, 2020).
3.2.3 Literacy rate trends
Pakistan’s literacy rate in 2017-18 (62.3%) is higher than in 2014-15 (60.7%)

literacy rates have also increased in terms of area and sex. But if Pakistan is compared tothe
world, Pakistan is still far behind the world. Table 3-16 shows the literacy rates of Pakistan
and provinces. 215
215
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, Labor Force Survey. December 2018.
136
Table 3-16
Literacy Rates - Pakistan and Provinces
Province/Area Literacy Rates
2014-15 2017-18
Total Male Female Total Male Female
Pakistan 60.7 71.6 49.6 62.3 72.5 51.8
Rural 51.9 65.3 38.4 53.3 66.3 40.5
Urban 76.0 82.4 69.3 76.6 82.2 70.6
KPK 54.1 72.1 36.8 55.3 73.3 38.5
Rural 51.3 70.2 33.1 52.7 71.6 35.3
Urban 66.3 80.0 52.4 66.8 80.4 53.3
Punjab 61.9 70.4 53.6 64.7 72.2 57.4
Rural 54.6 65.0 44.6 56.9 66.5 47.8
Urban 75.6 80.1 71.0 77.2 80.9 73.3
Sindh 63.0 73.9 50.7 62.2 72.8 49.9
Rural 45.0 61.2 26.2 44.1 60.1 25.7
Urban 79.6 86.0 72.7 78.4 84.3 71.7
Balochistan 54.3 72.0 33.0 55.5 73.0 33.5
Rural 49.5 67.7 27.7 50.5 68.9 26.8
Urban 67.0 83.4 47.1 68.5 84.2 50.1
Source: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, Labor Force Survey. December 2018.

http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files//Labour%20Force/publications/lfs2017_18/Ann
ual%20Report%20of%20LFS%202017-18.pdf (accessed July 30, 2020).
3.2.4 Ranking of Pakistan by the UNDP Report 2019
The latest report released by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP)
states that Pakistan's rank is 152 the lowest of all South Asian countries in the Human
Development Index 2019. Out of the total 189 countries under consideration for the survey,
Pakistan has dropped one mark compared to the 2018 report. The neighboring countries
India and Bangladesh are at 129 and 135 positions respectively. Sri Lanka has a high
137
position in the region with 71 and China has 85 positions in the ranking. The interesting
thing that Myanmar has 145 positions while Nepal has 147 in Human Development Index
report 2019. Bhutan is also at 134 positions.216
3.2.5 Distance Issue
Due to the long journey from the provincial capital to other far-flung areas, the
people there have great difficulty in solving their problems. As far as Punjab is concerned,
Rajanpur, Rahimyar Khan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Bhakkar, Mianwali, and Attock all these
Districts are so far from their provincial capital that people must travel long distances to
reach the Lahore to solve their problems. If we talk about Sindh province, the distance from
Sukkur district to Karachi the provincial capital is about 362 km217 , and Jacobabad District
is also counted in remote areas from Karachi. In Balochistan province, the distance from
the provincial capital Quetta to Gawadar and Jawani city is 729 and 772 respectively. And
the distance from Peshawar (Capital of KPK) to Dera Ismail Khan is about 249 km.218 So,
it is annoying for the people to reach provincial capitals from these remote areas to solving
their issues.
3.2.6 Inequality in Political Positions in Pakistan
Scrutiny for the dated from 1972 to 2007 indicates the backwardness of the Baloch.
Table 3-17219 shows that only one Baloch leader, Mir Zafar Ullah Jamali, became the PM
after the 2002 elections and was shortly changed by the same party’s PM from Punjab. In
the meantime, Seraiki remained under-representation in main departments, Sindhis were
able to achieve extra than their percentage.
Table 3-17
Ethnic Origins of Political Positions (1972-2007)
Incumbent Punjabi Siraiki Muhajir Sindhi Pashtun Baloch Total
(Urdu)
President 3 1 1 1 1 - 7
216
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report 2019, Beyond income,
beyond averages, beyond today: Inequalities in human development in the 21st century (New York: United
Nations Development Programme, 2019), 334-336
217
Time and Date, Distance from Karachi to Locations Worldwide. n.d.
218
Distance from To, Distance from Peshawar to Dera Ismail Khan. n.d.
219
Muhammad Mushtaq, Syed Khawaja Alqama. "Poverty Alleviation Through Power-Sharing in Pakistan."
European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 8, Number 3, 2009: 459-468.
138
Prime 5 1 - 5 - 1 12
Minister
Foreign 3 - 2 1 1 - 7
Minister
Defence 4 - - 7 1 - 12
Minister
Finance 7 1 - 1 2 - 11
Minister
Interior 5 - - 2 4 - 11
Minister
Total 27 3 3 17 9 1 60
%Share in 45 5 5 28.4 15 1.6 100
positions
%Share in 44.15 10.53 7.57 14.1 15.42 3.57 *95.34
population
Source: Borrowed data from Mehtab Ali Shah, The Foreign Policy of Pakistan: Ethnic
Impacts on Diplomacy, 1971-1994, pp 222-226, then calculated and tabulated self. Note:
* Remaining 4.66% of the population speaks other languages.
Most of the movements for the separate provinces in Pakistan are demanding a new
province on a lingual and ethnicity basis while the Bahawalpur province movement wants
to the restoration of Bahawalpur as a province. For example, in South Punjab Seraiki-
speaking want to create a province based on language and ethnicity. Hindko-speaking in
KPK wants to make new Hazara province to maintain their identity. Similarly, in Sindh
province, although Muhajirs talk of creating a separate province on an administrative basis,
in reality, they also want to create a Muhajir province on a lingual and ethnicity basis to
reserve their rights. In Balochistan, Pashtuns are also demanding a separate province on
the ethnicity and language basis.
But those who want to create new provinces in the country based on language and
ethnicity, forget that if today they are demanding separate province based on ethnic and
language, then tomorrow when it becomes separate provinces, there will be minorities
living them, as they are in the present province today. On the same basis, minorities will
demand more provinces and launch movements to get their demands met, which will be
detrimental not only to them but also to the integrity of the federation of Pakistan.
139
3.3 Summary
Consequently, instead of ethnicity, language, and identity, new provinces should be

formed on an administrative basis only. As for the deprivation and backwardness of the
areas are concerned, what almost every movement is saying is quite legitimate. The
backwardness of these deprived sections can be removed by making new provinces on the
administrative ground. A study of all these movements reveals that there are real problems
in these areas based on which the people of these deprived regions of Pakistan are
demanding a separate province.
140
CHAPTER 4
CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS OF NEW
PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN
Population, area, expansion of the area, demographic characteristics in the country,

all these factors justify the creation of a new province. Leadership, services, facilities, and
all the arguments for the lowering of the rule of law support the creation of new provinces.
But, Pakistan’s constitution is unnecessarily limiting. This constitution makes four
provinces possible by name. Perhaps it should only mention federal units without
mentioning their names. As stated in the constitutions of India and the USA. This will
reduce the impression that the number of provinces is final. While Pakistan’s Constitution
is giving the impression that the number of provinces is final. The subject matter must be
amended in the Constitution.1
Unfortunately, the two major political parties2 have been deriving their strength
from their respective provinces for many years. But in the elections of 2018, the first time,
Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) came into the power not only in Punjab but also in the center
as a third party. Despite it, PML-N has also deep roots in Punjab and apart from its ability
to form a government in Punjab, its numerical superiority also benefits it at the national
level. The PPP gets the government in Sindh because of its numerical superiority, but it
does not have many benefits at the center. Not surprisingly, both parties have refused to
listen to the division of power. Both parties feel that their constituency in their province
will be divided. What if they support the issue, it just means they can form governments in
more provinces in the future instead of just one.3
The world’s population is growing rapidly. To cope with this growing population
storm, many countries around the world have implemented economic, political, and social
reforms in their respective countries. These countries are also increasing the number of
constituent units from time to time to accelerate good governance and better development
1
Daily Dunya, "Special Publication." Creation of New Provinces: There should be a Review Commission.
(Multan: Daily Dunya, April 20, 2018), 15
2
Pakistan Muslim League-Nawazshrif (PML-N) in Punjab and Pakistan People Party (PPP) in Sindh
3
Daily Dunya, Multan, April 20, 2018, 15
141
in the country. But the population of Pakistan was about 75 million in 1947 and it had four
provinces and after seventy-two years the number of provinces in the country is still the
same while its population has crossed the limit of 200 million. This means that unlike other
countries in the world, no attention has been paid to the formation of new provinces in
Pakistan. Due to which Pakistan lags behind other nations of the world in the field of
development in the world.
The reason why the number of new provinces in the country has not increased is
because of Pakistan’s elite and centripetal forces. The 1973 Constitution of Pakistan has
made the procedure of creating new provinces extremely difficult and even impossible.
Besides, there are many challenges in the way of making new provinces in the country,
including politics of political parties on the name of new provinces, economic implications,
ethnic and linguistic identities, demand on ethnic grounds by movements of new provinces
in the country, centralization, major regional political groups and parties (such as Sindhi,
Pashtun, Baloch, Punjabi).
Where there are big challenges in creating new provinces, there is also the
possibility and prospects of making new constituent units. If the above-mentioned
challenges and obstacles that stand in the way of creating new provinces are removed or
resolved, the chances and hopes of making new provinces will increase. Besides, the
possibilities and prospects of creating new provinces, these are; establishment of the
constitutional commission, the number of the provinces, raising the voices for the
grievances in backward regions and areas, size of provinces, inequitable distribution of
resources, etc.
4.1 Amendment of Constitutional Provisions

The formation of new provinces is as well stopped through the nature of Pakistan's
constitution, which sets out a very strict process for the creation of new provinces in the
country.4 Under the current constitution of Pakistan, the formation of new provinces is not
an easy mission. Because it is very difficult to change the boundaries of the existing
provinces without amending the constitution. Under the article of 239 of the constitution,
the constitutional procedure for the formation of new provinces requires an amendment bill
4
Umbreen Javaid, "Federation of Pakistan and Creation of New Provinces: A Case of Bahawalpur Province."
Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, 2018: 15-36.
142
to be formed in both the Houses of the parliament which must be approved by a two-thirds
majority of both the Houses. The consent of the Provincial Assembly is also essential for a
change in the boundaries of any province. According to clause (4) of Article 239, “A bill
to amend the constitution which would have the effect of altering the limits of a province
shall not be presented to the president for assent unless it has been passed by Provincial
Assembly of that province by the votes of not less than two-thirds of its total membership.”5
This article requires the consent of the Provincial Assembly for any delimitation of
provincial boundaries. It will be hard to meet these legal requirements in an alliance
government.6
Interpreting the constitution of Pakistan concerning the new provinces in the
country particularly South Punjab Province, a Senior Lawyer and Former High Court Judge
Mr. Habib Ullah Shakir said in an interview to the Abdul Sattar Qamar in Multan on 28
August 2018, that South Punjab must be made a province to end poverty, unemployment,
hunger, dearth, political and economic exploitation. He said that sub-section four of Article
239 of the Constitution should be amended to remove the condition of approval of the
resolution for the change in the province by a two-thirds majority. He said that to create a
new province, Article 1 of the Constitution, which identities four federal units, would have
to be amended. Gilgit-Baltistan is a province created under an executive order. Similarly,
Articles 2, 3, and 9 of the Constitution will also have to be amended, requiring a two-thirds
majority for any amendment.7
He more said that Article 51 of the Constitution, seats are given to the National
Assembly and the Provincial Assembly. This article must be amended to determine the
seats of the South Punjab Assembly. Under Article 59 of the Constitution, the four
provinces have 25 seats the Senate. If two provinces of Multan and Bahawalpur are formed,
then there will be an increase of 50 seats in the Senate. If one province is formed, then the
25 seats will have to be increased. This situation is not acceptable for Balochistan, Sindh,
and KPK as the senators of Punjab and South Punjab together could pose a threat to their
5
Government of Pakistan, National Assembly of Pakistan. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan. April 20, 2010. (For detail see the Appendix-11).
6
Saman Zulfqar, "Politics of New Provinces in Pakistan: Prospects and Challenges, “Islamabad Policy
Research Institute (IPRI Journal)”, 2012: 146-152.
7
Shakir, Habib Ullah, interview by Abdul Sattar Qamar. South Punjab Should be Made a Separate Province
to End Political and Economic Exploitation (August 28, 2018).
143
interests. Moreover, Article 101 of the constitution wants to be amended to provide for the
appointment of a governor who is the constitutional head of the province from the center
who is bound to follow the Chief Minister’s advice. Thus, by the amending Article 6 of the
Constitution, the seats for South Punjab Assembly are to be fixed. Habib Ullah added that
PTI wants to create 10 provinces in the country that brings the total number of seats in the
Senate to 250.8
4.2 Politics of Political Parties

Political Parties are a big hurdle to make the new provinces in the country. Major
national political parties are playing with the feelings of the people of backward and
deprived areas. When elections come near, they announce the favor the cause of new
provinces to get votes of that region who are demanding the creation of a new province.
But, after taking political advantage, they forget the issue of new provinces. In this regard,
different political parties favor the issue to get political advantages such as PML-N in the
Hazara region in KPK, Pakistan people Party (PPP) in the Seraiki belt in Punjab. PTI in the
Hazara region in KPK and South Punjab region. Interestingly, PPP wants to make province
in South Punjab, but she does not want the division of Sindh for more provinces. Table 4-1
shows the major political parties of the national level in Pakistan.9
8
Daily Khabrain, Multan, August 29, 2018.
9
Shaista Taj and Zia Ur Rehman. "Role of Political Parties in Pakistan and Perverted Form of Democracy."
The Dialogue X, no. 4 (2015): 352-365.
144
Table 4-1
Major Political Parties of National Level in Pakistan
Sr. No. Name of Political Parties on National Level in Pakistan
1. Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI)
2. Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz Shrif) (PML-N)
3. Pakistan People Party (PPP)
4. Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-e-Azam)
5. Mutthida Qaumi Movement (MQM)
6. Awami National Party (ANP)
7. Jamiyat-e-Ulma-e-Islam (JUI)
8. Jama’at Islami
9. Muttahida Majlis e Amal (MMA)
10. Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP)
Source: Shaista Taj and Zia Ur Rehman. "Role of Political Parties in Pakistan and
Perverted Form of Democracy." The Dialogue X, no. 4 (2015): 352-365.
For example, here discuss the politics of political parties on the Seraiki Province
Movement that is the biggest movement of Pakistan. All the major and minor political
parties of Pakistan have their difference or consensus regarding the proposed Seraiki
province. Pakistan People Party (PPP) has agreed with the decision to create a new province
with the Seraiki identity and the name of Seraiki province, but the same time proposes the
name of South Punjab province. PML-N has been afraid of a new-linguistic and
administrative identity in Punjab and that is why it raised the slogan of the Bahawalpur
Province movement.
The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI), after two decades of interaction, is ready to

create a limited but administrative province. The centralist establishment is not at all
willing to name the proposed province Seraiki. Therefore, the PPP, in a conciliatory
manner, had given a solid legal justification to the demand to pass a bill in the Senate in
the name of South Punjab Province in 2012. The PML-N approved a resolution in the
Punjab Assembly in 2013 to form a province called “Bahawalpur South Punjab”. On the
other hand, in 2013, the PML-N continued to exchange north Punjab Officials in
government offices during the previous regime, weakening the Seraiki identity and
strengthening the position of “one Punjab”.10
When the PPP introduced a constitutional amendment bill in the Punjab Assembly
which was necessary for the creation of a new province, the PML-N rejected it. According
10
Mubarak, Malik. "Pervez Elahi was given the task of making South Punjab Province." Multan: Daily
Khabrain, August 11, 2018.
145
to Pakistan’s Constitution, the National Assembly cannot send a bill for any new province
to the Senate for approval and then to the President of Pakistan for final approval until the
relevant province from which the new province is to be formed is approved by a two-thirds
majority, or by amending Article 239 relating to a two-thirds majority in the National
Assembly and not extending this power to its jurisdiction. Contrary to apparent claims, the
PML-N had in January 2013 also rejected the report of a parliamentary commission set up
to create new provinces, saying that its representatives were not included in the commission
and that the commission was focusing on only one province while they also wanted to
create another province that was Hazara in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.11
PTI has also achieved success in South Punjab. The faction of Seraiki intellectuals
and nationalists believe that the creation of a province without the word Seraiki would be
not only incomplete but meaningless, ineffective, incomplete, and weak, but would further
weaken Seraiki linguistic and cultural identity over time. The Seraiki province should also
include the two districts of KPK, namely Tank and Dera Ismail Khan, as these two districts
have always been historically unique and culturally Seraiki. The Awami National Party
(ANP) in its manifesto recognizes the definition of Seraiki identity and culture within KPK
but rejects the proposed merger of Tank and Dera Ismail Khan into South Punjab or Seraiki
province. On the other hand, Baloch nationalists and national parties, including the
National Party and the Balochistan National Party, do not recognize Dera Ghazi Khan and
Rajanpur as Seraiki districts.12
Some of PTI’s politicians, intellectuals, and political activists want to create a

separate province consisting of three divisions: Dera Ghazi Khan, Multan, and Bahawalpur.
The name of which is South Punjab Province. In all, it is a province of ten districts. The
proposal has received little support because it does not include purely Seraiki districts such
as Jhang and Mianwali. PML-N has been blowing the trumpet on the bill of South Punjab
province without adopting any concrete strategy and without any constitutional basis.
Going beyond the election slogans, it remains to be seen what role the PTI will play in the
creation of Seraiki province. The people of South Punjab say that we should not be dragged
into linguistic confusion. We only need a province in which we have jobs, employment,
11
12
Daily Khabrain, Multan, August 11, 2018
146
education, and health, and let the people of South Punjab develop in other matters. The
formation of the province will lead to fierce competition in the upcoming elections between
the PPP, PTI, PML-N, and new strong parties emerging in South Punjab.13
On December 20, 2018, the Opposition’s Leader in the National Assembly Shahbaz
Sharif announced the introduction of a constitutional amendment bill to create South
Punjab province and restore Bahawalpur province. The PPP supported it while the PTI
government opposed it saying that it cannot be done that Bahawalpur province consisting
of three districts while the South Punjab of two Division, became separate provinces.
Shahbaz Sharif more said that our government voted for a resolution in the Assembly for
the South Punjab province and the restoration of Bahawalpur province. So, the government
should come forward and support our bill. PTI’s MNA Aamir Dogar replied that the
resolution was passed in the last days of the government in the past and now they are trying
to make matter worse. PTI’s government will make South Punjab Province. Bilawal Bhutto
Zardari said that PPP has taken practical steps about South Punjab. PPP has brought the
issue of South Punjab into the mainstream. Former Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf said
that PPP did a lot for South Punjab.14
About the new provinces in the country, political parties and their leaders are doing
just political points scoring on the issue. If they take practical steps, there is a danger that
their interests will be harmed. The demand for the new provinces in the country should not
be based solely on political principles but should be aimed at improving social and
economic development.15 But, in Pakistan, major political parties are fighting the tug of
war of their interest not for the betterment of the country. Because if Sindh is divided into
more provinces then most of Sindh will be out of the hands of PPP which she will never
want. Similarly, the PML-N considers Punjab as her real political force, she knows that
Punjab win means whole Pakistan win, so she is against the partition of Punjab, while now
the PTI, which came to the force with the slogan of making South Punjab a province, sees
that if South Punjab becomes a separate province then the rest Punjab will get out of her
hands because PML-N will form the government again in the rest Punjab.
13
Daily Khabrain, Multan, August 11, 2018
14
Daily Jang, Multan, December 21, 2018.
15
147
For the prospects of new provinces in the country, all political parties and
stakeholders must be on the same page. For this, a commission should be formed
permanently to review ever ten or fifteen years weather new provinces are needed in the
country or not. If necessary, new provinces should be formed on an administrative basis
only.
4.3 Inequitable Distribution of Resources
In the existing structure of Pakistan, the revenue is collected through the center and
reallocated among the provinces. This redeployment has been a combative matter between
the center and the provinces.16 Federating units have at all times demanded additional
political sovereignty and a larger share in funds and income. That is why there has always
been disagreement in Pakistan over the NFC Awards and the distribution of river water.17
The core aim for the demand for new provinces is the unsatisfactory distribution of
development funds between big cities and far-flung areas of the provinces.18 To decide on
new provinces, the government must make comprehensive recommendations for overcome
technical, administrative, and procedural requirements.19 But on the other hand, the ruling
forces of Pakistan are making it difficult to take this decision so that new provinces cannot
be formed.
4.4 Economic Implications
The formation of new units will also affect the budget. Supporters of new
administrative units have faith in that new provincial administrations will take their
financial plan and will be able to mobilize additional funds for backward zones that have
been underprivileged of their due share. Incidentally, it will be necessary to see the sights
of the financial latent of these parts. For example, Southern Punjab may have large cotton
manufacturing textile units and KPK may advance hydropower plans with its water
resources. However, creating new smaller units will increase non-development expenditure
16
Iftikhar Ahmed, Usman Mustafa, Mahmood Khalid. National Finance Commission Awards in Pakistan: A
Historical Perspective. 2007.
17
Zulfqar, "Politics of New Provinces in Pakistan: Prospects and Challenges, 146-152.
18
Fatima Ahmed, "Economic Impact of the Creation of New Provinces,” Pakistan." Pakistan Today, August
30, 2011.
19
148
which will put an additional burden on the taxpayers and the already modest economy will
shrink further.20
Although the demand for new smaller units has been increasing in Pakistan from
time to time, political parties have formally stated their position on the idea of creating
more provinces. It is expected that many factors will work, and the formation of new
smaller units will have a huge influence on various aspects of the country, including the
economy. Given the already weak economic situation facing Pakistan, the economic
implications of a decision on new provinces are crucial. Therefore, for the equal
distribution of income and resources, some things will have to be compromised. while the
resources are already scarce in Pakistan that becomes a matter of concern.21
People backward areas of Pakistan have always complained that the very few
development funds are allocated for their areas, due to which their areas are deprived of
development. But there is also no denying that the big cities of any province get the most
funds while the small cities are ignored. this inequality in the distribution of resources is
becoming the main reason for the demand for the new provinces, especially in Punjab. if
more small units are established there, then there is a possibility that resources will be
available in more suitable amounts for other areas as well. For example, instead of spending
a lot of money in Lahore alone, some of it part should be allocated in Multan, Dera Ghazi
Khan, Bahawalpur, Mianwali, Bhakkar, and adjoining areas.22
Besides, the impact of increasing non-development spending needs to be

considered. If new provinces are created, it will be a significant increase in non-
development funds. This will put an additional burden on the treasury. Thus, it would be a
big issue to consider the management of such non-development funds before reaching any
decision on the creation of new provinces. Thus, it can be concluded that the formation of
smaller units will have the most important economic implications, both helpful and
harmful. The decision on new provinces in the country should be taken after considering
all these factors as Pakistan can no longer afford to make mistakes on the economic front.23
20
21
Fatima Ahmed, "Economic Impact of the Creation of New Provinces,” Pakistan." Pakistan Today, August
30, 2011.
22
Ahmed, "Economic Impact of the Creation of New Provinces,” August 30, 2011.
23
Ahmed, "Economic Impact of the Creation of New Provinces,” August 30, 2011.
149
4.5 Ethnic and Linguistic Identities
Like the other challenges, ethnic and linguistic movements are a big hurdle in the
way of new administrative units in the country. Each province has a substantial
geographically concentrated minority: Seraiki in South Punjab, Mohajirs in city Sindh,
Hazarewals in the Hazara region of KPK, and Pashtuns in north Balochistan. This diversity
has a great impact on the politics of Pakistan.24 Table 4-2 indicates the ethnic-regional
political parties of Pakistan.25 Because, movements that are working for the formation of a
new province in Pakistan want to make new units for their identity, culture, language, and
ethnicity basis. Such as Seraiki intellectuals and nationalists believe that the creation of a
province without the word Seraiki would be not only incomplete but meaningless,
ineffective, incomplete, and weak.
Consequently, the claim for the formation of detached provinces on an

ethnolinguistic basis is the main hurdle in its way of achievement. The Siraiki nationalists
do not agree to form of Seraiki province on administrative shapes26 as of Pakistan Seraiki
Party (PSP) President Taj Langah argued that “we want a new province comprising of 21
districts based on shared language, culture, and history. The proposed name of Janoobi
(South) Punjab is out of the question. We will not accept any name other than Siraiki
province.”27
But the other hand, the centralist establishment is not at all willing to name the
proposed province Seraiki. It was also reasoned that Pakistan’s existence would be put at
risk if ethnolinguistic characteristics were legalized in the form of new smaller units. Thus,
the cry for the making of new provinces is also being stopped by the opposition of the
establishment, which would only stand when it is only on the administrative grounds
instead of the ethnic and linguistic.28 Therefore, that is why these movements herself are a
big challenge for the formation of new provinces.
24
Muhammad Mushtaq, "Ethno-regional Political Party Success in Pakistan (1970 2013): An Analysis."
ISSRA Papers Volume-X, Issue-I, 2018: 97-116.
25
Amna Mahmood, "Regional Political Parties: Challenge to Political Stability of Pakistan." Pakistan Vision
15, no. 2 (2014): 1-39.
26
Muhammad Mushtaq, Misbah Shaheen. "The Siraiki Province Movement in Punjab, Pakistan: Prospects
and Challenges." Journal of the Punjab University Historical, Volume No. 27, Issue No. 2, 2017: 139-150.
27
Moonis Ahmar, "Conflict Prevention and the New Provincial Map of Pakistan: A Case Study of Hazara
28
Abdul Samad Khan Samad, The New Provinces Conundrum. March 16, 2020.
150
Movements that backing the boundaries of new provinces on ethnic and linguistic
grounds have the possible to escalate cultural conflict (such as the case of Muhajir province
in Sindh), which will finally deteriorate the country by encouraging sub-nationalism.29 If
provinces are formed based on ethnic or lingual in the country, then there is a risk of ethnic
violence. Instead of forming on ethnicity grounds, new smaller units should be created
along the administrative lines to avert the risk of racial viciousness. “The best solution to
the issue of the racial, lingual and ethnic assertion of identities is to upgrade Pakistan’s
divisions to provinces, with proper planning and management so that power is devolved to
the grassroots level.”30 According to the Election Commission of Pakistan, the list of
regional political parties is given the following table. 31
Table 4-2
Ethno-Regional Political Parties of Pakistan
Province Region Sub- National Ethno-Regional Political Parties
Pakistan Sariaki Party
South Punjab Sairkistan Qaumi Ittehad
Punjab Seraiki Sooba Movement Pakistan
Bahawalpur National Awami Party
Bahawalpur Awami Tehreek Bahali-e-Soba Bahawalpur Pakistan
Mohajir Qaumi Movement Pakistan
Urban Sindh Muttahida Qaumi Movement Pakistan
Mohajir Ittehad Tehrik
Sindh Democratic Alliance
Sindh Sindh Dost Ittehad
Rural Sindh Sindh National Front
Sindh Taraqi Passand Party (STP)
Sindh United Party
Awami National Party
Pashtun Region Awami National Party (Wali)
Hazara Awami Ittehad Pakistan
29
30
Moonis Ahmar, Conflict Over New Provinces. April 27, 2018. https://dailytimes.com.pk/232818/conflict-
over-new-provinces/ (accessed August 8, 2020).
31
Election Commission of Pakistan, List of Political Party. 2018.
https://www.ecp.gov.pk/documents/confidential%20wing/List%20of%20Political%20Party.pdf (accessed
August 12, 2020).
151
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Hazara Democratic Party

Hazara Region Hazara Qaumi Mahaz
Ittehad Milli Hazara
Tehreek-e-Suba Hazara
National Party
Jamhoori Wattan Party
Balochistan National Congress
Balochistan National Democratic Party
Balochistan National Movement
Baloch Region Balochistan National Party
Balochistan Balochistan National Party (Awami)
Mutahida Baloch Movement of Pakistan
All Muttahida Baloch Qaumi Movement
Pakistan Brohi Party
Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party
Pashtoon Quomi Tehreek
Pashtun Region Pakhtoonkhwa Qaumi Party
Kakar Jamhoori Party Pakistan
Jamote Qaumi Movement
Source: Election Commission of Pakistan. Note: South Punjab and Bahawalpur regions in
Punjab, Urban Sindh region in Sindh, Hazara Region in KPK, Pashtun Region in
Balochistan are demanding new provinces in Pakistan based on ethnic and linguistic
identities.
It is generally claimed that administrative units formed based on ethnicity and
language will not be harmed. Intellectuals say that ethnic identities are strong in the current
provinces. Pakistan got these provinces from the British as they were before independence.
Since then, only KPK has been given a new name on ethnic grounds and it has boosted the
awareness of the Hazara public. It has before now begun to respond in a series that
encourages other racial groups to claim new smaller units on ethnolinguistic grounds.
Counting these expansions, a movement for a Muhajir Province was launched in Karachi
and Hyderabad with wall chalking. It was made stronger by protests by the privileged of
the movement.32
32
Zulfiqar Shah, "Battle Takes a New Turn." The News International, June 3, 2012.
152
Then came more stresses for the partition of Sindh and the formation of a province
in South Sindh. In reply, a rally Sindh lover was held on 22nd May 2012, in contradiction
of the partition of Sindh which caught fire on a large scale, and more than a dozen persons
were murdered. Then, on 30th May 2012, the Sindh Solidarity Conference was called that
was joined by conventional and nationalist politically aware parties and accepted a united
resolution in contrast to the partition of Sindh.33 This shows that the movements supporting
the new provinces on an ethnic or linguistic basis can escalate ethnic conflicts that will
eventually deteriorate the country by serving sub-nationalism.34
4.6 Major Regional Political Groups and Parties
Regional groups are other steeplechases in the way of the creation of new provinces
in Pakistan. Each of its provinces is associated with a convinced ethnolinguistic group –
Punjab with Punjabis, Sindh Sindhis, KPK with Pashtuns, and Balochistan with Balochis.35
In this way, such as Sindhi nationalists in Sindh, Baloch regional political parties, and
groups in Balochistan and Awami National Party (ANP) in KPK are being opposed to the
division of Sindh Province, Balochistan Province, and KPK Province respectively. Sindhi
nationalists and other regional parties do not want the political division of Sindh. In January
2012, there was a wheel jam and Shutter down strike across Sindh at the request of
nationalist parties against the 20th constitutional amendment bill in the National Assembly
proposed by the MQM for the creation of new provinces. Protests in almost all cities36 of
Sindh were followed by the violent incident and aerial firing which resulted in many people
injured.
In Hyderabad, Awami Tehreek and Sindhyani Tehreek rallied from Haider Chowk
to SP Chowk all through which demonstrators conflicted with police. A strike call was
given by the Save Sindh Committee, which is a coalition of five Sindhi nationalist sets. Dr.
Safdar Sarki the Chairman Jeay Sindh Tehreek said “The bill tabled by the MQM discloses
its intention” The Sindhi nationalists passionately opposed the resolution, saying it would
33
Shah, "Battle Takes a New Turn." The News International, June 3, 2012.
34
Zulfqar, "Politics of New Provinces in Pakistan: Prospects and Challenges" 146-152.
35
Muhammad Mushtaq, "Ethno-regional Political Party Success in Pakistan (1970 2013): An Analysis."
ISSRA Papers Volume-X, Issue-I, 2018: 97-116.
36
Cities most affected by strike included Sukkur, Hyderabad, Nawab Shah, Sakrand, Dolat Pur, Umar Kot
Feroz, Dharki, Ghotki, Kashmore, Dadu, Khairpur, Jacobabad, Shikarpur, Badin, and Thatta.
153
give the central government the authority to change the boundaries of provinces deprived
of consulting any province in question.37 While the aims of MQM were the division of
Punjab “division will also set the principle of more divisions elsewhere which, in turn,
supports MQM’s plan to carve out something for itself in urban Sindh”38
The Awami National Party (ANP) opposed the proposed bill in the Assembly while
she was then the ruling party in KPK province. In response to the demand of Hazara
province, ANP’s Ghulam Ahmad Bilour objected and said that “I will never discuss the
division of Sindh or Punjab and will never allow anybody to discuss the division of my
province”39 Participating in the discussion on the floor of the National Assembly, Sheikh
Waqas Akram said, “Sir, this is a very important issue. There is nothing emotional about
it. We also think so and our party has a very strong position that new provinces should be
formed so that the capital hegemonies within different provinces like KPK is dominated by
the people of Peshawar and Punjab is dominated by the people of Lahore and for the better
governance of the people, they can be given the rights and the issues for which they have
been working for years.”40
4.7 The Number of Constituent Units
Modern federations have also changed the number of provinces. In history, the two
unit’s federations have tackled complications and, in many cases, have ended to exist. The
disintegration of the Malaysia-Singapore federation, the leave-taking of Eretria from
Ethiopia, the breakdown of Pakistan in 1971and the riven between the Czech Republic and
Slovakia give the impression to recommend that bilateral federalism “has been notoriously
unstable”41 The federation of Belgian consists of three regions, including the Flemish
Region, the Walloon Region, and the Brussels.
On the contrary, some federations make up many provinces. Through the formation
of new provinces, the number of provinces in the Indian federation has improved to 29
37
Staff Repoter The Nation, "Sindh shuts over 20th amendment bill." Karachi: The Nation, January 29, 2012.
38
Ayesha Siddiqa, Dividing Up Punjab. April 2, 2011.
39
National Assembly of Pakistan, House Debate. January 3, 2012. http://na.gov.pk/en/debates.php (accessed
August 10, 2020).
40
National Assembly of Pakistan, House Debate. January 3, 2012. http://na.gov.pk/en/debates.php (accessed
August 10, 2020).
41
U. M. Amoretti, &. Nancy Bermeo, Federalism and Territorial Cleavages (Baltimore and London: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 2004), 1-23
154
while the number of states in the USA has increased from 13 to 50. Switzerland consists of
26 cantons and half cantons. In the same way, Nigeria has formed new smaller states and
their figure has augmented to 36. Given the experiences of modern federations, it has been
argued that “a high number of differentiated regional units provide a more solid ground for
a federal state than a lower number”.42
In the Pakistani context, it has been reasoned that “the lower number of states within
Pakistan has contributed to the federal instability”. Pakistan has been living as a federation
with four provinces since 1971. This little figure of provinces has caused stiffnesses inside
the Federation.43 Pakistan can learn a lesson from those countries of the world that have
increased the number of provinces in their countries to strengthen federation and
integration. More constituent units are the basic key for good governance and strengthen
the federation in the country. So, Pakistan has been facing many problems and obstacles in
the way of development since its inception due to the less number of provinces in the
country. For good governance, the welfare of the people, and development in the country,
Pakistan should follow this formula. Moreover, this idea can increase the prospects of a
new province in the country.
4.8 Size of the Federating Units
In the case of Pakistan, Punjab is the biggest province of the country concerning
population. Its population is more than half. Due to this, the federation of Pakistan has been
always getting instability for many decades. Punjab has always dominant position in the
civil-military bureaucracy and central politics. The socio-economic condition is better than
in other provinces of Pakistan. This comparatively beneficial location of the Punjabis has
been supposed by the minor provinces as the “Punjabization” of Pakistan.44
According to a 2009 public opinion poll, the idea was substantiated in answer to the
query that “whether or not they think that the relative size of one province (Punjab) is an
obstacle in the smooth functioning of the Pakistani federation?” Most of the respondents
42
Josep M. Colomer, Political Institutions: Democracy and Social Choice (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2001), 186
43
Katharine Adeney, Federal formation and consociational stabilisation: the politics of national identity
articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan (London: Unpublished PhD Thesis.
Government Department University of London, London School of Economics, 2003), 237
44
Ian Talbot, "The Punjabization of Pakistan: myth or reality?" In Pakistan: Nationalism without a Nation,
by Christophe Jaffrelot, 51-63 (New Delhi: Manohar, 2002), 51-63
155
are in the right place to the smaller units agreed with the proportion: 92.5% Baloch, 80.7%
Pashtuns, and 68% Sindhi well-thought-out the comparative size of Punjab in authority for
the inability of the federation to put up diversity.45
Modern federations fluctuate in size, number, and nature of the formation of federal
units. The provinces of federations are always unequal in size, every so often surprisingly.
The irregular size of provinces is a challenging and these complications are further to be
expected to occur in small units such as Schneier says that “problems are more likely to
arise in smaller units”46 It has been consistently argued that the size of provinces affects
the success of federations in adjusting to diversity and raises the grievances of small units.
Watts explains that the sheer size of Punjab helped it gain a foothold in central politics,
which has led to politically aware unpredictability in Pakistan.47
Adeney says that “many of the tensions in the federation of Pakistan are related to
the fact that one province has most of the population. This tension would exist
independently of whether or not Punjabis dominated the army and the bureaucracy because
it is also related to the issues of representation and resource allocation” 48 The size of the
provinces of Pakistan should be almost equal so that small units of the country can get
equal opportunities for the development and prosperity. To minimize the size of big
provinces in Pakistan can be caused as a prospect of new provinces in the country.
4.9 Voices for the Grievances of Backward Regions and Areas
The voices raised by the people of the backward areas and the movements of the
separate provinces have also strengthened the hope to the prospects of a new province in
the country to end the backwardness, exploitation, injustice, and other grievances. When
problems and issues reach on its peaks then they convert into the challenges. The people
of the backward areas of Pakistan have big problems and issues that are related to their
development and prosperity. They think that these challenges and issues are the main
45
Muhammad Mushtaq, Consociationalism and Multi-Ethnic States: Post-1971 Pakistan—A Case Study
(Multan: Unpublished PhD Thesis. Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Pakistan, 2011),
46
Edward V. Schneier, Crafting Constitutional Democracies: The Politics of Institutional Design (Maryland:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 179
47
R. L. Watts, "Federalism in Asia: The potential and limits." In Rule of Law and Organization of the state
in Asia: The multicultural Challenge, by L. R. Fleiner, 1-4 (Geneva: Helbing, 2000), 1-4
48
Katharine Adeney, Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan (New York: Pal grave,
2007), 175
156
hurdles in the way of prosperity and development and can be removed these challenges
only to form the new provinces in the country. The ethnic factions and smaller provinces
claim that these grievances are due to the centrality of political supremacy in the country.49
In this regard, they have a lot of grievances such as a sense of deprivation,

imbalance in power-sharing, poverty issues, distance issue (distance from the provincial
capital to the far-flung areas), political and economic backwardness, and identity rights, to
oppress the exploited and backward classes through privileged classes, injustice,
inequitable distribution of national resources, inadequate education and health facilities,
lack of development and socio-economic backwardness, unemployment, improper
behavior of government administration due to the high workload, etc. “The demand for
creation of new provinces is stirred due to local socio-economic disparities in the
country.”50
4.10 Centripetal Forces and Centralization
The 1973 constitution makes it clear that Pakistan meets the needs of the federation.
Legislative, administrative, and financial powers have been distributed to the Center and
the provinces. However, compared to modern-day federations, the Pakistani federation is
relatively centralized.51 The centralized forces still want to make Pakistan a unitary/central
state in its place of a federal state.52 These forces are not in favor of a decentralized system
in the country because doing so will have to shift economic and political power to a low
level.
The formation of new provinces in the country is also a link in the same chain in
which power must be decentralized from the centralization system, but a centralized
mindset does not want to do so. Because their interests prevent them from doing so. So, the
centripetal forces and centralization are major challenges in establishing new provinces in
the country:
49
(Multan: Unpublished PhD Thesis. Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Pakistan, 2011), 249-250
50
51
(Multan: Unpublished PhD Thesis. Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Pakistan, 2011), 250
52
Moonis Ahmar, "The Dynamics of Pakistan’s Intra-National Security: The Role of the New Provinces."
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs, 2016: 16-29.
157
Three contradictory factors that influenced the issue of creating new provinces
in Pakistan were religion, nationalism, and centralization. The argument that
the identity of Pakistan rested with Islam as a major unifying force was
exploited by the bureaucratic-military establishment which wanted to suppress
nationalistic forces and establish a unitary instead of a federal state.53
It was also reasoned that Pakistan’s survival would be put at risk if ethnic and
linguistic characteristics were legalized in the form of new smaller units.54 Moreover, it
was claimed that even though the 1973 Constitution had proper federal structures, it largely
acted as a unitary system. As a result, “the political centralization caused a sense of
marginalization and alienation in the smaller provinces of Pakistan”55
4.11 Civil Bureaucracy
Another element that stands in the way of new provinces is the opposition to the
civil establishment. It despises the idea of creating new provinces because it is based on
ethnic linguistic goals, not administrative ones. The conception of a new province would
divide the powers of chief secretaries that would not keep water for bureaucrats.56 Zia
Shahid, a senior journalist, and columnist considers the civil bureaucracy to be the real
ruler of the country, he writes in his Urdu newspaper Daily Khabrain on August 8, 2020,
that “the bureaucracy is, in fact, the heir to the British crown that has left here”. “The real
decision-makers in the country are the bureaucrats.”57
He believes that all the political rulers who have gone from 1947 to the present,
whether he is the PM of the country or the Chief Minister (CM) of the province, MNA or
MPA, are all helpless in the face of this elite. He further added that “the real rulers in the
country are the Chief Secretary, Secretaries of different departments, Commissioners,
Deputy Commissioners (DC), Assistant Commissioners (AC) and Inspector-General of
Police (IG), Deputy Inspector-General of Police (DIGs), Superintendent of Police (SPs), in
front of whom the members of Legislature Assembly are helpless and walk around praying
53
Moonis Ahmar, "Challenge of new provinces." Karachi: Dawn, January 29, 2013.
54
Ahmar, Moonis. "Challenge of new provinces." Karachi: Dawn, January 29, 2013.
55
Muhammad Mushtaq, "Managing Ethnic Diversity and Federalism in Pakistan." European Journal of
Scientific Research, 2009: 279-294.
56
Abdul Samad Khan Samad, The New Provinces Conundrum. March 16, 2020.
57
Zia Shahid, the real rulers are the district kings: Poor people think that there is a government of such and
such a political party (Multan: Daily Khabrain Newspaper, August 8, 2020), 3
158
for the officers in a recommended tone.” The English left for his country but left here his
class.58
4.12 Constitutional Commission and New Provinces
The constitution should require a constitutional commission every ten or twenty

years to investigate the need for new provinces. Pakistan should take up the issue in such
a way that past disputes over the issue of new provinces do not raise. The creation of new
provinces needs to be debated for various reasons. These reasons should not be bothered
by the reasons that have been presented from time to time and have given a negative color
to the suggestions. These reasons for the new provinces should be neither political nor
ethnic nor linguistic. Rather, providing good governance to the citizens of Pakistan should
be the only reason for the new provinces. The Civil Division is the largest administrative
unit within the province, it has been suggested that every civil Division in Pakistan be made
a province. In this way, linguistic and ethnic problems can be avoided. Politics should be
excluded from this whole process. It cuts it off from the history of conflicts. Its traditional
opposition must be nullified.59
4.13 Summary
If the policy of most important stakeholders of power in the country is constructive,

and they want to serenely resolve problems that basis resistance, uncertainty,
pandemonium, ailment, and fierceness in different provinces for the reason that of social,
financial, and political discriminations, they must study suggestion to upgrade current
Divisions of Pakistan addicted to provinces. Intended for that issue, suitable come up with
by the disturbed stakeholders as well as civilian groups that need to be done with the aim
of compromise is got on the procedure to make smaller units in Pakistan. There are many
hurdles and obstacles in the way of creating new provinces in the country. If the formation
of new provinces accelerates Pakistan’s development journey, then all these hindrances to
the formation of new provinces must be removed with this mind. There is no better solution
to these areas as the creation of new provinces will also help alleviate the grievances of the
58
Zia Shahid, the real rulers are the district kings: Poor people think that there is a government of such and
such a political party (Multan: Daily Khabrain Newspaper, August 8, 2020), 3
59
Dunya, Daily. "Special Publication." Creation of New Provinces: There should be a Review Commission.
(Multan: Daily Dunya, April 20, 2018), 15
159
people of the backward areas. The purpose of creating new provinces in the country should
be to facilitate the people and bring prosperity to the underdeveloped areas of Pakistan.
160
CHAPTER 5
COMPARISON BETWEEN PAKISTAN AND THE
MAJOR COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD
In this part of the study, it is tried to examine the difference between Pakistan and
the major countries of the world particularly federal states in the sense of development,
population, area, GDP (PPP), GDP per capita income, and the number of provinces. It is
also compared to the provinces between Pakistan and major countries of the world in terms
of population and area. The results of the new provinces’ comparison are astonishing and
impressive. Moreover, it is tried to find the answer to the research question that "What is
the role of new provinces in the development of different countries of the world compared
to Pakistan?"
On administrative grounds, the division of a country into smaller provinces,

constituent units, regions, and states are its basic requirement for smooth and uninterrupted
development. This distribution should be based on meeting the needs of the people and its
output for the state. Concerns about its geography, history, language, race, etc. can be
helpful in this regard. Most of the countries of the world have formed new units to meet
the growing demands of their people and to advance their administrative structure.
Switzerland has 26 cantons (provinces) with only 8.4 million population while its
GDP per capita1 income is $62100 which shows prosperity in the country. Austria with 8.8
million people and are almost equal to the size of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) has 9
provinces while its GDP per capita income is $50000 (2017 est.). India has at present 28
states and 8 union territories whereas it had 14 provinces in 1947. Iran had 12 provinces
till 1950; it has now 31 provinces and 9 dependencies. Argentina has 45 million population
while its GDP per capita is $20,900 (2017 est.) The Philippines has 81 provinces with 109
million people and its area is 300000 Sq. Km. While its GDP per capita is $8400. Japan
1
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita is an important indicator of economic performance and a useful
unit to make cross-country comparisons of average living standards and economic wellbeing.
161
has 47 prefectures (provinces) with 125 million population and $5.443 trillion GDP (PPP),
while its GDP per capita is $42900.2
The United States of America (USA) with 50 states, Turkey with 81, and China
with 23 provinces plus some autonomous regions have been developing well economically
and politically. Even though it can be argued that these three countries are much bigger,
and it makes sense to divide them into smaller administrative units, however, It’s not just
a matter of size. Even countries that are much smaller in size than Pakistan have more
provinces than Pakistan.3 Such as Liechtenstein is a European country that has 11
communes (administrative units) with an area 160 sq. km and a population 39137, while
its GDP per capita is $139100. According to the estimate of 2009, the GDP per capita of
Liechtenstein is the largest in the world. Afghanistan with a weaker economy has 34
provinces.4
Many countries and nations in the world are developing very fast. There are many
factors involved in the development of these countries but one of the important factors is
the creation of new provinces on the administrative basis in the country. The creation of
new provinces cannot only bring good governance but also facilities the people to their
doorsteps. There are many motives for the formation of new provinces in the country, the
main of which is population. Because the population of a country or province exceeds a
certain threshold, economic, social, and other problems arise there. In this situation, the
establishment of new provinces becomes essential for good governance in the country, and
the elimination of these problems. When compared to the other countries of the world in
terms of development and new provinces, Pakistan lags far behind in both these respects.
No one disagrees that new provinces should be formed on the administrative ground. The
nations that developed in the world increased the number of provinces on an administrative
basis after their independence.5
In the case of Pakistan, the current population has crossed the limit of 200 million
and it has become the fifth largest country in the world in terms of population. Pakistan
2
Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook. August 2020.
3
Munir, Mohammad. Realities of a Separate Hazara Province. May 18, 2017.
4
5
Muhammad Shahnawaz Khan, the promise of Seraiki province will be fulfilled...? Multan: Daily Dunya,
May 5, 2019.
162
with 233 (July 2020 est.) million population and the area 796096 Sq. km has only 4
provinces, while its GDP per capita is $5,400. In this regard, Pakistan has 172nd number in
the list of GDPs per capita out of 229 countries in the world ranking (2017 est.). It shows
the average living standards and economic wellbeing of the people of Pakistan. Table 5-1
is showing the complete statistics of Pakistan. If Pakistan followed the model of major
countries of the world and established the new provinces in the country, the average life of
the people of Pakistan could have been further improved. But unfortunately, Pakistan could
not do anything that could make the lives of the common people of Pakistan easier.
The population of Punjab province has crossed the 110 million mark. Even worse
is the situation that the population of Punjab is 55% of the current population of Pakistan.
Figure 5-1 is showing the population of Pakistan’s provinces with percentages. There is no
such example in the world of a province with a population of 55% of the total population
of its country. Punjab population wise is the third largest province in the world. Table 5-2
shows province wise provisional results of the census – 2017. 6 Moreover, there are about
10 countries7 in the world whose population is more than the population of Punjab
province.8 There are about 44 countries in the world whose income or area is less than the
income and area of Punjab. While many developed countries are smaller than Punjab.9
Apart from Punjab, the other three provinces of Pakistan are also larger in
population than many countries and provinces of the world. Such as Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa’s population is 32.9 million that is almost equal to the population of Saudi
Arabia (32.2 M), Afghanistan (33.4 M), and Morocco (34.8 M). Sindh province of Pakistan
has an almost equal population to the countries of Tanzania (55.2 M) Myanmar (54.4 M)
and South Africa (55 M). Balochistan province is just about equal to the population of
Cambodia (15.8 M) and Senegal (15.6 M).10 Table 5-3 shows the above results.
6
Government of Pakistan, "Population." Province wise provisional results of census - 2017. Islamabad:
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017.
7
These countries are China, India, United States of America (USA), Indonesia, Brazil, Russia, Bangladesh,
Nigeria, Mexico and Japan.
8
9
Muhammad Shahnawaz Khan, the promise of Seraiki province will be fulfilled...? Multan: Daily Dunya,
May 5, 2019.
10
Syed Saqlain Ahmad Gilani, Country Presentation: Pakistan (Function & Competencies Challenges &
Opportunities), April 2017.
163
The following data that is taken from the other countries confirms that the system
was decentralized in these countries in the form of new provinces while the system was
centralized in Pakistan which created this gap and instead of developing in Pakistan,
poverty, backwardness, injustice and many other problems camped. The fact that Pakistan,
a country with such a large population, has only four provinces means that Pakistan has
been dominated by a centralized mindset instead of decentralized which is why the power
in Pakistan has not been transferred to the lower level in the shape of new provinces. In
this situation, the creation of more provinces is a basic need.
5.1 Pakistan’s comparison with other countries in terms of

development and new provinces
According to the statistics of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) world factbook,
mostly having a republic, democratic, and federal nature countries are more developed
compared to Pakistan. The main reason behind this is the division of big units and the
formation of new provinces in the respective countries timely. While Pakistan has still four
provinces, and it remained to fail to create new provinces in the country according to the
need and time. Therefore, Pakistan could not make development and prosperity like the
developed countries in the world. The following statistics tell that the GDP per capita of
Pakistan is very less than the developed countries. According to the 2017 estimate,
Pakistan's GDP per capita is $5400, which is very low and is ranked 172nd in the world.
GDP per capita indicates how high or low the standard of living of the people in the country.
So, Pakistan’s GDP per capita income makes it very clear that Pakistan is far behind most
countries in the world. According to the 2013 financial year, about 30% of the people in
Pakistan are forced to live below the poverty line while in the developed countries this ratio
is very less than Pakistan. 11
Table 5-1
Number of provinces in Pakistan, and Population, Area km2, GDP
explanation
Total Area GDP GDP GDP World Population No. No.
Population Sq. Km (PPP) real per ranked below Provinces Provinces
(2017 est.) growth Capita poverty (Previous) (Current)
11
Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook. June 29, 2020
164
(July 2020 rate (2017 by line

est.) (2017 est.) GDP (FY2013
est.) est.)
233,500,636 796095 $1.061 5.4% $5,400 25 29.5% 4 4
trillion
Source: Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook. June 29, 2020.
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-factbook/geos/pk.html
(accessed July 2020, 20).
Table 5-2
Provinces of Pakistan with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. Provinces/ Area Census share in total Ranking by Ranking by
No Regions Sq. Km 2017, Pop. country's population population
Million population in the in the world
(Percentage) country
1. Punjab 206250 (a) 110.012 55% 1st 3rd
2. Sindh 140914 47.886 24% 2nd
3. KPK 74521 30.523 15% 3rd
4. Balochistan 347190 12.344 06% 4th
Source: Government of Pakistan, "Population." Province wise provisional results of the

census - 2017. Islamabad: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017.
Table 5-3
Comparison of Provinces of Pakistan and Other Countries of the World
(Population-wise)
Province Population Comparable Countries
(Population-wise)
Punjab 110.6 M Philippines: 102.3 M
Ethiopia: 101.9 M
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 32.9 M Saudi Arabia: 32.2 M
Afghanistan: 33.4 M
Morocco: 34.8 M
Sindh 55.3 M Tanzania: 55.2 M
Myanmar: 54.4 M
South Africa: 55 M
Balochistan 14.2 M Cambodia: 15.8 M
Senegal: 15.6 M
Source: Syed Saqlain Ahmad Gilani, Country Presentation: Pakistan (Function &
Competencies Challenges Opportunities), April 2017.
165
Balochistan
12.344
Population of Provinces of Pakistan
6%
Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa
30.523
15%
Punjab
Sindh 110.012
55%
47.886
24%
Punjab Sindh Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Balochistan
Figure 5-1: Population of Pakistan’s provinces with percentage.
5.2 Turkey (81 Provinces) and Formation of New Provinces
The population of Turkey is 81 million and its area is just about equal to the area of
Pakistan, i.e. 769,630 Sq. km, while the number of provinces is 81 in this country. Turkey
is developing fast due to the smaller units, the evidence of this is the GDP (PPP) of turkey
$2.186 trillion and its GDP per capita is $14,868 according to the estimate of 2017. Table
5-4 shows all the statistics about Turkey. The GDP per capita of Turkey is increasing
continuously, the Figure 5-2 is showing the figures from 1995 to 2019. 12
12
Trading Economics, Turkey GDP per capita, 2020.
166
Figure 5-2: GDP per capita income of Turkey from 1995 to 2019.
The average population of each province in Turkey is just 1 million while the
average of each province in Pakistan is 58 Million. The highest population of a province
(Istanbul) in Turkey is 1.5 million that shows that any single province does not dominate
in the politics of the country, while the smallest province Tunceli in Turkey has only 84
660 population with an area 7774 Sq. km. Table 5-5 shows all statistics about Turkey’s
provinces. 13, 14 But in Pakistan, the province of Punjab has 110 million population and due
to which it is dominating in the center politics.
13
Statoids, Provinces of Turkey, September 30, 2013.
14
Turkish Statistical Institute, Population and Demography. 2019.
167
Table 5-4
Number of provinces in Turkey and Population, Area km2, GDP explanation
Total Total GDP GDP GDP per World Pop. No.
Population Area (purchasing real Capita ranked below Provinces
(July 2020 Km2 power parity) growth (2017 by GDP poverty (Current)
est) (2017 est.) rate est.) line
(2017 (2015
est.) est.)
82,017,514 783,562 $2.186 trillion 7.44% $14,868 17 21.9% 81
Source: Central Intelligence Agency, The World Fact Book. August 19, 2020.
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/tu.html (accessed
September 13, 2020).
Table 5-5
Provinces of Turkey with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions Area Population Ranking by Pop.
(Census 2017) in the country
Sq. Km
1. Adana 12,788 2 237 940
2. Adıyaman 7,614 626 465
3. Afyonkarahisar 14,230 729 483
4. Ağrı 11,376 536 199
5. Amasya 5,520 337 800
6. Ankara 25,706 5 639 076 2nd
7. Antalya 20,591 2 511 700
8. Artvin 7,436 170 875
9. Aydın 8,007 1 110 972
10. Balıkesir 14,292 1 228 620
11. Bilecik 4,307 219 427
12. Bingöl 8,125 279 812
13. Bitlis 6,707 348 115
14. Bolu 10,037 316 126
15. Burdur 6,887 270 796
16. Bursa 10,963 3 056 120
17. Çanakkale 9,737 542 157
18. Çankırı 7,388 195 789
19. Çorum 12,820 530 864
168
20. Denizli 11,868 1 037 208

21. Diyarbakır 15,355 1 756 353
22. Edirne 6,276 413 903
23. Elazığ 9,153 591 098
24. Erzincan 11,903 234 747
25. Erzurum 25,066 762 062
26. Eskişehir 13,652 887 475
27. Gaziantep 6,207 2 069 364
28. Giresun 6,934 448 400
29. Gümüşhane 6,575 164 521
30. Hakkari 7,121 280 991
31. Hatay 5,403 1 628 894
32. Isparta 8,933 444 914
33. Mersin 15,853 1 840 425
34. İstanbul 5,220 15519267 1st
35. İzmir 11,973 4 367 251 3rd
36. Kars 9,442 285 410
37. Kastamonu 13,108 379 405
38. Kayseri 16,917 1 407 409
39. Kırklareli 6,550 361 836
40. Kırşehir 6,570 242 938
41. Kocaeli 3,626 1 953 035
42. Konya 38,157 2 232 374
43. Kütahya 11,875 579 257
44. Malatya 12,313 800 165
45. Manisa 13,810 1 440 611
46. Kahramanmaraş 14,327 1 154 102
47. Mardin 8,891 838 778
48. Muğla 13,338 983 142
49. Muş 8,196 408 809
50. Nevşehir 5,467 303 010
51. Niğde 7,312 362 861
52. Ordu 6,001 754 198
53. Rize 3,920 343 212
54. Sakarya 4,817 1 029 650
55. Samsun 9,579 1 348 542
169
56. Siirt 5,406 330 280

57. Sinop 5,862 218 243
58. Sivas 28,488 638 956
59. Tekirdağ 6,218 1 055 412
60. Tokat 9,958 612 747
61. Trabzon 4,685 808 974
62. Tunceli 7,774 84 660 81st
63. Şanlıurfa 18,584 2 073 614
64. Uşak 5,341 370 509
65. Van 19,069 1 136 757
66. Yozgat 14,123 421 200
67. Zonguldak 3,481 596 053
68. Aksaray 7,626 416 367
69. Bayburt 3,652 84 843 80th
70. Karaman 9,163 253 279
71. Kırıkkale 4,365 283 017
72. Batman 4,694 608 659
73. Şırnak 4,694 529 615
74. Bartın 2,140 198 249
75. Ardahan 5,576 97 319 79th
76. Iğdır 3,539 199 442
77. Yalova 674 270 976
78. Karabük 4,074 248 458
79. Kilis 1,338 142 490
80. Osmaniye 3,320 538 759
81. Düzce 1,014 392 6
Source: Turkish Statistical Institute, Population, and Demography. 2019.

http://www.turkstat.gov.tr/UstMenu.do?metod=temelist (accessed July 17, 2020).
5.3 Switzerland and New Provinces
According to the data, the population of Switzerland is only 8.4 million and its area
is very small, i.e. 41,277 Sq. km, while the number of provinces is 26 in this small country.
The GDP (PPP) is $523.1 billion while its GDP per capita $62,100 (est. 2017). Table 5-6
shows the population, area km2, GDP explanation, and the number of provinces in
170
Switzerland. 15 The average population of each province in Switzerland is 0.323 million

while the average population of each province of Pakistan is 58 million. This is showing
the province/cantons of Switzerland with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population within the country. 16 These small Swiss political units, the 26 cantons
(regions) and 2,294 communes, are not only independent but also powerful, the importance
of the two lower echelons of the Swiss government is reflected in their tax revenue. The
Swiss government receives taxes equal to 9.6 of Swiss GDP. Cantons and Communes
combined collect more than that, i.e. 10.5%.17
Grounded on this evidence, it seems that Switzerland is a country that transfers a

lot of power to the lower level which is a great power of this country. This seems strange
in the Pakistani context because Pakistanis have been taught to trust in the large units. In
other words, this has been the real reason behind not creating more provinces in Pakistan.
In Pakistan, many Pakistani believe that the local government is a more incompetent and
useless part of the government. Moreover, central and provincial governments are hesitant
to give more to local governments.
While, why are Switzerland’s dissolved system a viable advantage? The main
reason for this is that when a province or region or city or village develops, their economy
and consequently their budgets automatically increase attractive.18 From the experience of
Switzerland, it can be concluded that the small provinces and small units in the country are
beneficial for the country, and through them, the country can be made strong and prosper.
Smaller provinces and units have played a key role in making Switzerland a more powerful
country. Figure 5-3 is showing the political map of Switzerland's 26 small Cantons. These
small cantons are very small in terms of population and area and playing an excellent role
in the development of Switzerland
15
16
Georges-Simon Ulrich, Statistical Data on Switzerland 2018. Statistical Data on Switzerland, Neuchâtel:
Federal Statistical Office Section Dissemination and Publications, 2018.
17
Arend Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 143
18
Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries, 46
171
Table 5-6
Number of provinces in Switzerland and Population, Area km2, GDP
explanation
Total Area GDP GDP GDP World Pop. No. No.
Population Km2 (purchasing real per ranked below Provinces Provinces
power growth Capita by poverty (Previous)/ (Current)
(July 2020
parity) rate (2017 GDP line or Units/
est.) cantons
(2017 est.) (2017 est.) (2014 cantons
Million)
est.) est.)
8.4 41,277 $523.1 1.7% $62,100 39 6.6% 3 26
billion
Table 5-7
Province/Cantons of Switzerland with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking
by Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions Area Population (2019 Ranking by
est.) in ’000’ population in the
Sq. Km
country
1. Zurich (ZH) 1,729 1488.0 1st
2. Bern (BE) 5,959 1026.5 2nd
3. Lucerne (LU) 1,494 403.4 3rd
4. Uri (UR) 1,077 36.1 4th
5. Schwyz (SZ) 908 155.9 5th
6. Obwalden (OW) 491 37.4 6th
7. Nidwalden (NW) 276 42.6 7th
8. Glarus (GL) 685 40.1 8th
9. Zug (ZG) 239 123.9 9th
10. Fribourg (FR) 1,671 311.9 10th
11. Solothurn (SO) 791 269.4 11th
12. Basel-Stadt (BS) 37 193.1 12th
13. Basel-Lands haft (BL) 518 285.6 13th
14. Schaffhausen (SH) 299 80.8
15. Appenzell A. Rh. (AR) 243 55.0
16. Appenzell I. Rh. (AI) 173 16.0
17. St. Gallen (SG) 2,026 502.6
172
18. Graubünden (GR) 7105 197.6

19. Aargau (AG) 1404 663.5
20. Thurgau (TG) 991 270.7
21. Ticino (TI) 2,813 354.4
22. Vaud (VD) 3,212 784.8
23. Valais (VS) 5,225 339.2
24. Neuchâtel (NE) 803 178.6
25. Geneva (GE) 282 489.5
26. Jura (JU) 839 73.1
Source: Markus G. Jud, Switzerland’s 26 Cantons (Federal States). n.d. http://swiss-

government-politics.all-about-switzerland.info/swiss-federal-states-cantons.html
Figure 5-3: Markus G. Jud, Switzerland’s 26 Cantons (Federal States). n.d. http://swiss-
government-politics.all-about-switzerland.info/swiss-federal-states-cantons.html
173

5.4 United States of America (USA) and New Provinces
The population of the USA is 332 million and its area is 9,833,517 Sq. km, while
the number of states is 50. The USA has become a developed country in the world due to
the smaller units in terms of population because the balance size of the states is fruitful for
the development. California has a big population, i.e. 39,937,500 with an 11.94% share in
total country's Population (Figure 5-5 shows the USA’s States population percentage), and
the state Wyoming is the smallest in the USA with an area 253,335 Sq. Km and population
are 567,025. Table 5-9 shows the status of the USA’s States.19 GDP (PPP) of the USA
$19.49 trillion and its GDP per capita is $59,800 according to the estimate of 2017. United
States GDP per capita, from 2010 to 2019. Table 5-8 shows population, area km2, GDP
explanation. 20 This figure shows the progress of the country and the living standard of the
people of the USA. The GDP per capita of the USA is increasing continuously, Figure 5-4
is showing figures from 2010 to 2019.21
Figure 5-4 United States GDP per capita, from 2010 to 2019.
19
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, State Area Measurements, and Internal Point Coordinates. August 9, 2018.
https://www.census.gov/geographies/reference-files/2010/geo/state-area.html (accessed August 17, 2020).
And, World Population Review, US States - Ranked by Population 2020. 2020.
https://worldpopulationreview.com/states (accessed August 17, 2020).
20
21
Trading Economics, United States GDP per capita. 2020.
174
Table 5-8
Number of States in USA and Population, Area km2, GDP explanation
Total Area Sq. GDP GDP GDP World Population No. No.
Population Km (PPP) real per ranked below Provinces Provinces
(July 2020 (2017 growth capita by poverty (Previous) (Current)
est.) est.) rate (2017 GDP line (2010
(2017 est.) est.)
est.)
332,639,102 9,833,517 $19.49 2.2% $59,800 02 15.1% 13 50
trillion
Table 5-9
The states of USA with Name, Area Population, and Ranking by Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Area Population share in total country's Ranking by Pop.
Regions/States (2020 est.) Pop. (Percentage) in the country
Sq. Km
1. California 423,967 39,937,500 11.94% 1st
2. Texas 695,662 29,472,300 8.81% 2nd
3. Florida 170,312 21,993,000 6.58% 3rd
4. New York 141,297 19,440,500 5.81% 4th
5. Pennsylvania 119,280 12,820,900 3.83% 5th
6. Illinois 149,995 12,659,700 3.79%
7. Ohio 116,098 11,747,700 3.51%
8. Georgia 153,910 10,736,100 3.21%
9. North Carolina 139,391 10,611,900 3.17%
10. Michigan 250,487 10,045,000 3.00%
11. New Jersey 22,591 8,936,570 2.67%
12. Virginia 110,787 8,626,210 2.58%
13. Washington 184,661 7,797,100 2.33%
14. Arizona 295,234 7,378,490 2.21%
15. Massachusetts 27,336 6,976,600 2.09%
16. Tennessee 109,153 6,897,580 2.06%
17. Indiana 94,326 6,745,350 2.02%
18. Missouri 180,540 6,169,270 1.85%
19. Maryland 32,131 6,083,120 1.82%
20. Wisconsin 169,635 5,851,750 1.75%
175
21. Colorado 269,601 5,845,530 1.75%

22. Minnesota 225,163 5,700,670 1.70%
23. South Carolina 82,933 5,210,100 1.56%
24. Alabama 135,767 4,908,620 1.47%
25. Louisiana 135,659 4,645,180 1.39%
26. Kentucky 104,656 4,499,690 1.35%
27. Oregon 254,799 4,301,090 1.29%
28. Oklahoma 181,037 3,954,820 1.18%
29. Connecticut 14,357 3,563,080 1.07%
30. Utah 219,882 3,282,120 0.98%
31. Iowa 145,746 3,179,850 0.95%
32. Nevada 286,380 3,139,660 0.94%
33. Arkansas 137,732 3,039,000 0.91%
34. Puerto Rico 13,791 3,032,160 0.91%
35. Mississippi 125,438 2,989,260 0.89%
36. Kansas 213,100 2,910,360 0.87%
37. New Mexico 314,917 2,096,640 0.63%
38. Nebraska 200,330 1,952,570 0.58%
39. Idaho 216,443 1,826,160 0.55%
40. West Virginia 62,756 1,778,070 0.53%
41. Hawaii 28,313 1,412,690 0.42%
42. New Hampshire 24,214 1,371,250 0.41%
43. Maine 91,633 1,345,790 0.40%
44. Montana 380,831 1,086,760 0.33%
45. Rhode Island 4,001 1,056,160 0.32%
46. Delaware 6,446 982,895 0.29%
47. South Dakota 199,729 903,027 0.27%
48. North Dakota 183,108 761,723 0.23% 48th
49. Alaska 1,723,337 734,002 0.22% 49th
50. District of 177 720,687 0.22% 50th
Columbia
51. Vermont 24,906 628,061 0.19% 51st
52. Wyoming 253,335 567,025 0.17% 52nd
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, State Area Measurements, and Internal Point Coordinates.
August 9, 2018. https://www.census.gov/geographies/reference-files/2010/geo/state-
area.html And, World Population Review, US States - Ranked by Population 2020. 2020.
176
Population of USA's States with percentage

Utah, Nevada, 3,139,660,
Wyoming,
3,282,120, 1%567,025, 0%
Iowa,
California
1%
Kentucky, 3,179,850, Puerto Rico,
1% 3,032,160, 1% Texas
4,499,690, 1%
Arkansas, Florida
Connecticut,
3,563,080, 1% 3,039,000, 1% New York
Wisconsin, Delaware,
Rhode
Vermont,
South
North
District
Island,
Dakota,
Dakota,
982,895,
628,061,
of California, Pennsylvania
NewNew
Maine,
Hawaii,
West
Idaho, Hampshire,
Montana,
1,345,790,
1,412,690,
Virginia,
1,826,160,
Nebraska,
Mexico,
5,851,750, Kansas, 2,910,360,
Mississippi, 39,937,500, 12%
Oklahom 2% Alaska,
Columbia,
1,371,250,734,002,
1,056,160,
903,027,
761,723,
0% 0%
1,086,760,
1% 0%
0%
1,778,070,
1,952,570, 1% 720,687,
0%0%
0%
1% 1%1%1%
2,096,640,
2,989,260, Illinois
a, 0%0%
Louisiana, Texas, Ohio
3,954,820
Oregon,
4,645,180 29,472,300,
, 1%
4,301,090, 1% Georgia
, 1%
Missouri, 9%
6,169,270, 2% North Carolina
Michigan
Florida,
New Jersey
21,993,000,
7% Virginia
Washington
Arizona
New York,Massachusetts
South Carolina, 19,440,500
Tennessee
5,210,100, 2% , 6%
Indiana
Maryland, Missouri
Illinois,
6,083,120, 2% Maryland
Virginia, 12,659,700, 4%
Alabama,
Indiana, 6,745,350, Georgia,
8,626,210, 3% Ohio, Wisconsin
4,908,620,
2%1% 10,736,100, 3%
New Jersey, 11,747,700, Colorado
Tennessee, 4%
8,936,570, 3% Minnesota
6,897,580, 2%
Michigan, South Carolina
Massachusetts,
Colorado, 10,045,000, 3% Pennsylvania,
6,976,600, 2%
5,845,530, Alabama
12,820,900, 4%
2%
Arizona, North Carolina, Louisiana
Washington,
7,378,490, 7,797,100, 2% 10,611,900, 3%
Minnesota,
2% 2%
5,700,670,
Figure 5-5: population of USA’s States with percentage.
5.5 Canada and New Provinces
The population of Canada is 37.6 million and its area is 9,984,670 Sq. km, while
the number of states is 10. Canada has become a developed country in the world due to the
smaller units in terms of population because the balance size of the states is fruitful for the
177
development. Table 5-11 shows the smaller units of Canada with area and population.22
Ontario has 14 million population, with a 38% share in the total country's population, and
the province Nunavut is the smallest in Canada with a population of 38787. Figure 5-6
shows the percentage of Canada’s provinces. GDP per capita is $48400 according to the
estimate of 2017. This figure shows the progress of the country and the living standard of
the people of Canada. Only 9.4% population of Canada is living below the poverty line
while in Pakistan, 29% of people are living below the poverty line. Table 5-10 indicates
the statistics of Canada. 23
Table 5-10
Number of Provinces in Canada and Population, Area km2, GDP
explanation
Total Area Sq. GDP GDP GDP per World Population No.
Population Km (purchasing real Capita ranked below Provinces
(July 2020 power parity) growth (2017 by poverty line (Current)
est.) (2017 est.) rate est.) GDP (2008 est.)
(2017
est.)
37,694,085 9,984,670 $1.774 3% $48,400 17 9.4% 10
trillion
Table 5-11
Provinces of Canada with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions Area Population (2019 Ranking by
est.) population in the
Sq. Km
country
1. Ontario 917,741 14,446,515 1st
2. Quebec 1,365,128 8,433,301 2nd
3. British Columbia 925,186 5,020,302 3rd
4. Alberta 642,317 4,345,737 4th
5. Manitoba 553,556 1,360,396 5th
6. Saskatchewan 591,670 1,168,423 6th
22
Joyce Chepkemoi, The Largest and Smallest Canadian Provinces/Territories by Area. August 8, 2019.
23
178
7. Nova Scotia 53,338 965,382 7th

8. New Brunswick 71,450 772,094 8th
9. Newfoundland 373,872 523,790 9th
10. Prince Edward Island 5,660 154,748 10th
11. Northwest Territory 1,183,085 44,598 11th
12. Yukon 474,391 40,369 12th
13. Nunavut 1,936,113 38,787 13th
Source: Joyce Chepkemoi, The Largest and Smallest Canadian Provinces/Territories by

Area. August 8, 2019. https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/the-largest-and-smallest-
canadian-provinces-territories-by-area.html (accessed August 19, 2020). And, World
Population Review, Canadian Provinces Population 2020. 2020.
https://worldpopulationreview.com/canadian-provinces (accessed August 18, 2020).
Nova New Prince Edward

Scotia, Brunswick, Population of Canada's Provinces
Northwest
Newfoundland, Island, 154,748,
Territory,
965,382, 772,094, 523,790, 1% 0% Yukon, 40,369, 0%
Nunavut,
44,598, 0% 38,787, 0%
3% 2%
Saskatchewan,
Manitoba, 1,168,423, 3%
1,360,396, 4% Ontario,
14,446,515, 39%
Alberta, 4,345,737,
12%
Quebec, 8,433,301,
23%
British Columbia,
5,020,302, 13%
Ontario Quebec British Columbia Alberta

Manitoba Saskatchewan Nova Scotia New Brunswick
Newfoundland Prince Edward Island Northwest Territory Yukon
Nunavut
Figure 5-6: Population of Canada’s Provinces with Percentage
5.6 France and New Provinces
According to the data, the population of France is only 67.8 million and its area is
lesser than Pakistan, i.e. 643,801 Sq. km, while the number of provinces is 22. Figure 5-7
shows the provinces of France with the name.24 The GDP (PPP) is $2.856 trillion and GDP
per capita of France is $44,100, this is the huge amount that tells about the development of
24
France, Map. Map of France Regions. January 1, 2016.
179
the country and the average living standard of the people of France. Table 5-12 shows the
statistics of provinces, areas, GDP of France.25 Population wise the biggest province of
France is Ile-de France that has a 10.09 population while the smallest province is Corsica
with 253,000 population. Thus, the average population of each province in France is only
3 million while the average population of each province of Pakistan is 58 million. Table
5-13 indicates the area, population, and ranking by the population of the provinces of
France.26
Table 5-12
Number of Provinces in France and Population, Area km2, GDP
explanation
Population Km (purchasing real Capita ranked below Provinces/
(July 2020 power parity) growth (2017 by poverty line Regions
est.) (2017 est.) rate est.) GDP (2015 est.) (Current)
(2017
est.)
67,848,156 643,801 $2.856 2.3% $44,100 10 14.2% 22
trillion
Table 5-13
Provinces of France with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions Area Population Ranking by Pop.
in the country
Sq. Km
1. Alsace 8,280 1,649,000
2. Aquitaine 41,309 2,842,000
3. Auvergne 26,013 1,317,000
4. Brittany 27,209 2,828,000
5. Burgundy 31,582 1,614,000
6. Centre-Val-de-Loire 39,151 2,403,000
7. Champagne-Ardenne 25,606 1,351,000
25
26
Discover France, Province of France. n.d. https://www.discoverfrance.net/ France/Provinces/prov_intro2,
shtml (accessed August 18, 2020).
180
8. Corsica 8,680 253,000 22nd

9. Franche-Comté 16,202 1,107,000
10. Ile-de-France 12,012 10,904,000 1st
11. Languedoc-Roussillon 23,376 2,183,000
12. Limousin 16,942 718,000 21st
13. Lorraine 23,547 2,295,000
14. Midi-Pyrénées 45,348 2,471,000
15. Nord-Pas-de-Calais 12,412 3,985,000
16. Lower Normandy 17,589 1,404,000
17. Upper Normandy 12,317 1,760,000
18. Pays de la Loire 32,082 3,112,000
19. Picardy 19,399 1,847,000
20. Poitou-Charentes 25,809 1,617,000
21. Provence-Alpes-Côte 31,400 4,375,000 3rd
d'Azur
22. Rhône-Alpes 43,698 5,645,407 2nd
Source: Discover France, Province of France. n.d.

https://www.discoverfrance.net/France/Provinces/prov_intro2.shtml (accessed August 18,
181
2020).
Figure 5-7: Map of France Regions
5.7 India (28 Provinces and 8 Union Territories)
The population of India is 1326 million and its area is 3,287,263Sq. km, while the
number of states is 28 and 8 union territories. Figure 5-9 shows the provinces and union
territories of India. 27 Population wise India is the second-largest country in the world. India
had a fewer number of provinces at the time of independence in 1947, but the passage of
time has increased the number of provinces. India’s GDP (PPP) is $9.474 trillion while its
GDP per capita $7,200 (2017 est.). Table 5-14 indicates the statistics of India in terms of
population, area, GDP. 28 Uttar Pradesh is the largest province not only in India but also in
27
Nations Online, Map of India. n.d. https://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/india_map.htm (accessed
August 18, 2020).
28
182
the world in term of population, despite this, the average population of each province in
India is just about 37 million while in Pakistan is 58 million. Table 5-15 shows the data of
provinces in India. 29 Uttar Pradesh has only a 16% share in total country's Population while
the province of Punjab in Pakistan has a 55% share. Figure 5-8 shows the share of provinces
in the country’s total population. The 21.9% population of India is living below the poverty
line while in Pakistan, 29% of people are living below in the poverty line. This comparison
between Pakistan and India shows that more provinces in India have played an important
role in the economy and development of India.
Table 5-14
Number of Provinces in India and Population, Area km2, GDP explanation
of India
Total Area Sq. GDP GDP GDP World Population No.
Population Km (purchasing real per ranked below Provinces/
(July 2020 est.) power growth Capita by poverty line Regions
parity) (2017 rate (2017 GDP (2011 est.) (Current)
est.) (2017 est.) and 8
est.) territories
1,326,093,247 3,287,263 $9.474 6.7% $7,200 3 21.9% 28 and 8
trillion
Table 5-15
Provinces of India with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Area Population Ranking by Ranking by
Regions/States (Census Pop. in the Pop. in the
Sq. Km
2011) country World
1. Rajasthan 342,239 68,548,437
2. Madhya Pradesh 308,245 72,626,809
3. Maharashtra 307,713 112,374,333 2nd 2nd
4. Uttar Pradesh 240,928 199,812,341 1st 1st
5. Gujarat 196,024 60,439,692
6. Karnataka 191,791 61,095,297
7. Andhra Pradesh 162,968 84,580,777 5th 9th
8. Odisha 155,707 41,974,218
29
Career Power, which is the largest state of India? n.d.
183
9. Chhattisgarh 135,191 25,545,198

10. Tamil Nadu 130,058 72,147,030
11. Telangana 112,077 35,286,757
12. Bihar 94,163 104,099,452 3rd 5th
13. West Bengal 88,752 91,276,115 4th 8th
14. Arunachal Pradesh 83,743 1,383,727
15. Jharkhand 79,714 32,988,134
16. Assam 78,438 31,205,576
17. Himachal Pradesh 55,673 6,864,602
18. Uttarakhand 53,483 10,086,292
19. Punjab 50,362 27,743,338
20. Haryana 44,212 25,351,462
21. Kerala 38,863 33,406,061
22. Meghalaya 22,429 2,966,889
23. Manipur 22,327 2,855,794
24. Mizoram 21,081 1,097,206
25. Nagaland 16,579 1,978,502
26. Tripura 10,486 3,673,917
27. Sikkim 7,096 610,577
28. Goa 3,702 1,458,545
Union Territories in India
29. Jammu and Kashmir 125,535
30. Ladakh 96,701 12,541,302
31. Andaman and Nicobar 8,249 380,581
Islands
32. Delhi 1,484 16,787,941
33. Dadra and Nagar 603 5,86,956
Haveli & Daman and
Diu
34. Puducherry 479 1,247,953
35. Chandigarh 114 1,055,450
36. Lakshadweep 32.62 64,473
Source: Career Power, which is the largest state of India? n.d.

https://www.careerpower.in/largest-state-india.html (accessed August 18, 2020).
184
The population of Indian Provinces/States
Population of Indian Provinces

610,577,
0%
1,978,502
2,855,794 , 0%
, 0% 1,097,206, 0% 1,458,545, 0%
27,743,338 2,966,889, 0%
, 2%
33,406,061, 3% 3,673,917, 0%
10,086,292, 1%
6,864,602, 1% 25,351,462, 2%
68,548,437, 6%
31,205,576, 3% 72,626,809, 6%
32,988,134, 3%
1,383,727, 0%
112,374,333, 9%
91,276,115, 8%
104,099,452, 9%
199,812,341, 16%
72,147,030, 6%
84,580,777, 7%
35,286,757, 3%
60,439,692, 5%
25,545,198, 2%
41,974,218, 3%
61,095,297, 5%
Rajasthan Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Uttar Pradesh Gujarat

Karnataka Andhra Pradesh Odisha Chhattisgarh Tamil Nadu
Telangana Bihar West Bengal Arunachal Pradesh Jharkhand
Assam Himachal Pradesh Uttarakhand Punjab Haryana
Kerala Meghalaya Manipur Mizoram Nagaland
Tripura Sikkim Goa
Figure 5-8: Population of Indian Provinces with Percentage

185
Figure 5-9: Administrative map of India showing India's States and Union Territories
with major cities and capitals
5.8 China and the Formation of New Provinces
The population of china is 1394 million and its area is 9,596,960 Sq. km, while the
number of states is 23 and territories. Population wise China is the largest country in the
world. China’s GDP (PPP) is $25.36 trillion while its GDP per capita $18200 (2017 est.).
Table 5-16 shows China’s population, area, GDP explanation, and the number of provinces.
186
30
The average population of each province in China is just about 42 million while in
Pakistan is 58 million. Guangdong the largest province in China has only an 8% share in
total country's Population while the province of Punjab in Pakistan has a 55% share. Table
5-17 shows the population and area statistics of China’s provinces. The only 3.3%
population of China is living below the poverty line while in Pakistan 29% of people are
living below the poverty line. This comparison between Pakistan and China shows that
more provinces in China have played an important role in the economy and development
of China. Figure 5-10 China’s provinces with percentages.
Table 5-16
China’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
Total Area Sq. GDP (PPP) GDP GDP per World Population No.
Population Km (2018 est.) real Capita ranked below Provinces/
(July 2020 growth (2018 by poverty line Regions
est.) rate est.) GDP (2016 est.) (Current)
(2017
est.)
1,394,015,977 9,596,960 $25.36 6.9% $18,200 1 3.3% 23
trillion
Table 5-17
Provinces of China with Name, Area31, Population, and Ranking by
Population32
Sr. No Provinces/ Area Population Ranking by Ranking by
Regions/States Pop. in the Pop. in the
Sq. Km
country World
1. Guangdong 180,000 104,303,132 1st 4th
2. Shandong 153,800 100,063,065 2nd 6th
3. Henan 167,000 94,023,567 3rd 7th
4. Sichuan 485,000 80,418,200 4th 10th
5. Jiangsu 102,600 78,659,903 5th
6. Hebei 187,700 71,854,202
30
31
Amanda Briney, Discover the 23 Provinces of China. July 29, 2019.
32
Victor Kiprop, Chinese Provinces by Population. May 9, 2019.
187
7. Hunan 210,000 65,683,722

8. Anhui 139,700 59,500,510
9. Hubei 185,900 57,237,740
10. Zhejiang 102,000 54,426,891
11. Guangxi 237,600 46,026,629
12. Yunnan 394,000 45,966,239
13. Jiangxi 167,000 44,567,475
14. Liaoning 145,900 43,746,323
15. Fujian 121,300 36,894,216
16. Shaanxi 205,600 37,327,378
17. Heilongjiang 454,000 38,312,224
18. Shanxi 156,300 37,022,111
19. Guizhou 176,000 35,806,468
20. Chongqing 82,400 28,846,170
21. Jilin 187,400 27,462,297
22. Gansu 454,300 25,575,254
23. Inner Mongolia 1,183,000 24,706,321
24. Xinjiang 1,664,900 21,813,334
25. Shanghai 6,340.5 23,019,148
26. Beijing 16,411 19,612,368
27. Tianjin 11,917 12,938,224
28. Hainan 34,000 9,261,518
29. Hong Kong 1,105.7 7,061,200
30. Ningxia 66,400 6,176,900
31. Qinghai 721,200 5,626,722
32. Tibet 1,228,400 3,002,166
33. Macau 30.5 552,503
Source: Amanda Briney, Discover the 23 Provinces of China. July 29, 2019.
https://www.thoughtco.com/china-provinces-4158617 (accessed August 18, 2020) and
Victor Kiprop, Chinese Provinces by Population. May 9, 2019.
https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/chinese-provinces-by-population.html (accessed
August 18, 2020).
188
POPULATION OF CHINA' PROVINCES
Hainan, Ningxia,
9,261,518,
Tianjin,
Beijing,
Shanghai, Hong
Qinghai,
Tibet,
Macau,
Kong,
6,176,900,
5,626,722,
3,002,166,
552,503, Guangdong,
Xinjiang, 1%
7,061,200,
12,938,224, 1% 0% 0%
1%0%
19,612,368,
Inner Mongolia,
23,019,148, 1% 104,303,132, 8%
21,813,334,
Gansu, 25,575,254, 2% 2% Shandong,
24,706,321,
Jilin, 27,462,297, 2%
2% 100,063,065, 7%
Chongqing,
2%
28,846,170,
Guizhou, 2%
35,806,468, Henan, 94,023,567,
Shanxi, 3% 7%
37,022,111, 3%
Heilongjiang,
38,312,224, 3%
Shaanxi, Sichuan,
37,327,378, 3% 80,418,200, 6%
Fujian, 36,894,216,
3% Jiangsu,
Liaoning,
43,746,323, 3% 78,659,903, 6%
Jiangxi,
44,567,475, 3% Hebei, 71,854,202,
Yunnan, 5%
45,966,239, 3%
Guangxi , Hunan,
46,026,629, 3%Zhejiang, 65,683,722, 5%
Hubei, 57,237,740, Anhui, 59,500,510,
54,426,891, 4% 4%
4%
Figure 5-10: China’s Provinces with Percentage
5.9 Bangladesh (8 Provinces) and New Provinces
Bangladesh’s population is 162 million and its area is just 148,460 Sq. km, while
the number of provinces is 8. Bangladesh’s GDP (PPP) is $690.3 billion while its GDP per
capita $4200 (2017 est.). Table 5-18 shows Bangladesh’s population, area, GDP
explanation, and the number of provinces.33 The average population of each province in
Bangladesh is just about 20 million in Pakistan is 58 million. Dhaka Division the largest
unit in Bangladesh has only a 24.6% share in total country's Population while the province
of Punjab in Pakistan has a 55% share. The only 24.3% population of Bangladesh is living
33
189
below the poverty line while in Pakistan 29% of people are living below in the poverty line.
Table 5-19 shows the provinces of Bangladesh with name, area,34population, and ranking
by population. This comparison between Pakistan and Bangladesh shows that more
provinces in Bangladesh have played an important role in the economy and development
of Bangladesh.
Table 5-18
Bangladesh’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of
Provinces
(2017
est.)
162,650,853 148,460 $690.3 7.4% $4,200 33 24.3% 8
billion
Table 5-19
Provinces of Bangladesh with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions/States Area Population Ranking by Pop.
in the country
Sq. Km
Barisal Division 13,225 9,145,000 8th
Chittagong Division 33,909 31,980,000 2nd
Dhaka Division 20,594 40,171,000 1st
Khulna Division 22,284 17,252,000 5th
Mymensingh Division 10,584 12,368,000 6th
Rajshahi Division 18,153 20,412,000 3rd
Rangpur Division 16,185 17,602,000 4th
Sylhet Division 12,635 11,291,000 7th
Source: Bangladesh National Portal, Divisions. August 5, 2020.

http://www.bangladesh.gov.bd/site/view/division-list/List-of-Divisions (accessed August
34
Bangladesh National Portal, Divisions. August 5, 2020. http://www.bangladesh.gov.bd/site/view/division-
list/List-of-Divisions (accessed August 18, 2020).
190
18, 2020).
5.10 Afghanistan (34 Provinces) and New Provinces
The population of Afghanistan is 36.6 million and its area is 652,230Sq. km, while
the number of provinces is 34. GDP per capita $2000 (2017 est.). The average population
of each province in Afghanistan is just about 1.07 million. Table 5-20 shows the statistics
of Afghanistan.35 Kabul the largest province in Afghanistan has only a 13.7% share in total
country's Population while the province of Punjab in Pakistan has a 55% share. Kabul’s
area is 4,524 Sq. km while its population is 5,029,850. Table 5-21 shows the provinces of
Afghanistan with name, area, population, and ranking by population.36
Table 5-20
Afghanistan’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of
Provinces
est.) (2017 est.) rate est.) GDP (2017 est.) (5)
(2017 (Current)
est.)
36,643,815 652,230 $69.45 2.7% $2,000 101 54.5% 34
billion
Table 5-21
Provinces of Afghanistan with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions/States Area Population Ranking by
(Projection, 2019 Pop. in the
Sq. Km
country
1. Badakhshan 44,836 1,035,658
2. Bādghīs 20,794 540,009
3. Baghlān 18,255 995,814
4. Balkh 16,186 1,475,649
35
36
City Population, Afghanistan: Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (Provinces). 2019.
191
5. Bāmiyān [Bamyan] 18,029 486,928

6. Dāykondi [Daykundi] 17,501 507,610
7. Farāh 49,339 553,058
8. Fāryāb 20,798 1,089,228
9. Ghaznī 22,460 1,338,597
10. Ghowr [Ghor] 36,657 751,254
11. Helmand 58,305 1,420,682
12. Herāt 55,868 2,095,117 2nd
13. Jowzjān 11,292 590,866
14. Kābol [Kabul] 4,524 5,029,850 1st
15. Kandahār 54,844 1,368,036
16. Kāpīsā 1,908 479,875
17. Khowst [Khost] 4,235 625,473
18. Konarhā [Kunar] 4,926 490,690
19. Konduz [Kunduz] 8,081 1,113,676
20. Laghmān 3,978 484,952
21. Lowgar [Logar] 4,568 426,821
22. Nangarhār 7,641 1,668,481
23. Nīmrūz 42,410 180,200 32nd
24. Nūrestān [Nuristan] 9,267 160,993 34th
25. Orūzgān [Urozgan] 11,474 428,466
26. Paktīkā 19,516 762,108
27. Paktiyā [Paktia] 5,583 601,230
28. Panjshīr 3,772 167,000 33rd
29. Parwān 5,715 724,561
30. Samangān 13,438 422,859
31. Sar-e Pol 16,386 609,986
32. Takhār 12,458 1,073,319
33. Wardak (Maydān) 10,348 648,866
34. Zābol [Zabul] 17,472 377,648
Source: City Population, Afghanistan: Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (Provinces).

2019. http://www.citypopulation.de/en/afghanistan/ (accessed August 19, 2020).
5.11 Iran (31-Provinces) and Formation of New Provinces
The population of Iran is 84.9 million and its area is 1,648,195 Sq. km, while the
number of provinces is 31. The GDP (PPP) is $1.64 trillion and its GDP per capita $20100
192
(2017 est.). The average population of each province in Iran is just about 2.7 million. Table
5-22 indicates Iran’s population, area, GDP explanation, and the number of provinces.37
Tehran the largest province in Afghanistan has only a 15.6% share in total country's
Population while the province of Punjab in Pakistan has a 55% share. Tehran’s area is
13,692 Sq. km while its population is 13,267,637. The population below the poverty line
in Iran is 18.7%. Table 5-23 shows the data about provinces of Iran.
Table 5-22
Iran’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (Current)
est.)
84,923,314 1,648,195 $1.64 trillion 3.7% $20,100 18 18.7% 31
(accessed August 18, 2020
Table 5-23
Provinces of Iran with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions/States Area Population (census Ranking by Pop.
2016) in the country
Sq. Km
1. Alborz 5,122 2,712,400
2. Ardabil 17,800 1,270,420
3. Azerbaijan-e-Gharbia 37,411 3,265,219
[West Azerbaijan]
4. Azerbaijan-e-Shariqi [East 45,651 3,909,652
Azerbaijan]
5. Bushehr 22,743 1,163,400
6. Chahārmahāl va Bakhtīārī 16,328 947,763
7. Esfahan [Isfahan] 107,018 5,120,850
8. Fars 122,608 4,851,274 3rd
9. Gīlān 14,042 2,530,696
10. Golestān (Gorgān) 20,367 1,868,819
11. Hamadān 19,368 1,738,234
37
193
12. Hormozgān 70,697 1,776,415

13. Īlām 20,133 580,158
14. Kermān 180,726 3,164,718
15. Kermānshāh (Bākhtarān) 25,009 1,952,434
16. Khorāsān-e Junoubi [South 151,193 768,898 29th
Khorasan]
17. Khorāsān-e Razavi [Razavi 118,851 6,434,501 2nd
Khorasan]
18. Khorāsān-e Shomali [North 28,434 863,092
Khorasan]
19. Khuzestan [Khoozestan] 64,055 4,710,509 4th
20. Kohkīlūyeh va Boyer 15,504 713,052 30th
Ahmadī [Kohgiluyeh and
Boyer-Ahmad]
21. Kurdistan 29,137 1,603,011
22. Lorestan 28,294 1,760,649
23. Markazi 29,127 1,429,475
24. Mazandaran 23,842 3,283,582
25. Qazvin 15,567 1,273,761
26. Qom 11,526 1,292,283
27. Semnan 97,491 702,360 31st
28. Sistan va Baluchistan 181,785 2,775,014
[Sistan & Baluchestan]
29. Tehran 13,692 13,267,637 1st
30. Yazd 73,477 1,138,533
31. Zanjān 21,773 1,057,461
Source: City Population, Iran: Islamic Republic of Iran (Provinces). 19.

https://www.citypopulation.de/en/iran/cities/ (accessed August 20, 2020).
5.12 Japan (47 Provinces/ prefectures) and Creation of New
Provinces
The population of Japan is 125.5 million and its area is 377,915Sq. km, while the
number of provinces/ prefectures is 47. Figure 5-11 shows the smaller units of Japan.38
Japan’s GDP (PPP) is $5.443 trillion while its GDP per capita $42,900 (2017 est.). The
average population of each province in Japan is just about 2.67 million while in Pakistan
is 58 million. Table 5-24 shows Japan’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number
38
https://www.digi-joho.com/japan-maps.html (Accessed Date August 19, 2020)
194
of Provinces.39 Tōkyō the largest unit in Japan has only an 11% share in total country's
Population while the province of Punjab in Pakistan has a 55% share. Table 5-25 indicates
the provinces of Japan in terms of population, area, and ranking by population in the
country.40The only 16.1% population of Japan is living below the poverty line while in
Pakistan 29% of people are living below the poverty line. This comparison between
Pakistan and Japan shows that more provinces in Japan have played an important role in
the economy and development of Japan.
Table 5-24
Japan’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
Total Area GDP GDP GDP per World Population No.
Population (purchasing real Capita ranked below Provinces/
Sq. Km
(July 2020 power parity) growth (2017 by poverty line prefectures
(2017
est.)
125,507,472 377,915 $5.443 1.7% $42,900 4 16.1% 47
trillion
Table 5-25
Provinces of Japan with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
in the country
Sq. Km
1. Aichi 5,172 7,539,185
2. Akita 11,638 980,684
3. Aomori 9,646 1,262,823
4. Chiba 5,158 6,268,585
5. Ehime 5,676 1,351,510
6. Fukui 4,190 773,731
7. Fukuoka 4,986 5,111,494
8. Fukushima 13,784 1,862,705
39
40
City Population, Japan: Prefectures and Major Cities. 2019.
195
9. Gifu 10,621 1,999,406

10. Gumma (Gunma) 6,362 1,949,440
11. Hiroshima 8,479 2,819,962
12. Hokkaidō 83,424 5,285,430
13. Hyōgo 8,401 5,483,450
14. Ibaraki 6,097 2,882,943
15. Ishikawa 4,186 1,142,965
16. Iwate 15,275 1,240,522
17. Kagawa 1,877 961,900
18. Kagoshima 9,187 1,613,969
19. Kanagawa 2,416 9,179,835 2nd
20. Kōchi 7,104 705,880
21. Kumamoto 7,409 1,756,442
22. Kyōto 4,612 2,591,779
23. Mie 5,774 1,790,376
24. Miyagi 7,282 2,313,215
25. Miyazaki 7,735 1,079,727
26. Nagano 13,562 2,063,865
27. Nagasaki 4,132 1,339,438
28. Nara 3,691 1,340,070
29. Niigata 12,584 2,245,057
30. Ōita 6,341 1,142,943
31. Okayama 7,114 1,899,739
32. Okinawa 2,281 1,448,101
33. Ōsaka 1,905 8,824,566 3rd
34. Saga 2,441 819,110
35. Saitama 3,798 7,322,645
36. Shiga 4,017 1,412,881
37. Shimane 6,708 679,626
38. Shizuoka 7,777 3,656,487
39. Tochigi 6,408 1,952,926
40. Tokushima 4,147 736,475
41. Tōkyō 2,191 13,843,403 1st
42. Tottori 3,507 560,517 47th
43. Toyama 4,248 1,050,246
44. Wakayama 4,725 934,051
196
45. Yamagata 9,323 1,089,806

46. Yamaguchi 6,112 1,368,495
47. Yamanashi 4,465 818,391
Source: City Population, Japan: Prefectures, and Major Cities. 2019.

http://www.citypopulation.de/Japan-Cities.html (accessed August 19, 2020).
Figure 5 11: Regions, Prefectures and their Capital Cities of Japan
5.13 Indonesia (31 Provinces) and New Provinces
The population of Indonesia is 267 million and its area is 1,904,569 Sq. km, while
the number of Provinces is 31. Indonesia’s GDP (PPP) is $3.25 trillion while its GDP per
197
capita $12,400 (2017 est.). Table 5-26 shows the statistics of Indonesia. 41 The average
population of each province in Indonesia is just about 8.61 million. Jawa Barat (West Java)
the largest province in Indonesia has only 18.35% share in total country's Population while
the province of Punjab in Pakistan has a 55% share. Table 5-27 shows the provinces of
Indonesia with name, area, population, and ranking by population. The only 10.9%
population of Indonesia is living below the poverty line while in Pakistan 29% of people
are living below the poverty line. This comparison between Pakistan and Indonesia shows
that more constituent units in Indonesia have played an important role in the economy and
development of Indonesia. Figure 5-12: Administrative maps of Indonesia.42
Table 5-26
Indonesia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017
est.)
267,026,366 1,904,569 $3.25 trillion 5.1% $12,400 7 10.9% 31
Table 5-27
Provinces of Indonesia with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions/States Area Population Ranking
Sq. Km (projection by Pop.
2019 est.) in the
country
1. Aceh 57,956 5,316,300
2. Bali 5,780 4,362,000
3. Banten 9,663 12,959,200 4th
4. Bengkulu 19,919 1,971,800
5. Gorontalo 11,257 1,176,400
6. Jakarta 664 10,504,100 5th
7. Jambi 50,058 3,566,200
8. Jawa Barat [West Java] 35,378 49,023,200 1st
9. Jawa Tengah [Central Java] 32,801 34,552,500 3rd
10. Jawa Timur [East Java] 47,800 39,744,800 2nd
41
42
https://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/map/indonesia_admin_map.htm (accessed August 19, 2020).
198
11. Kalimantan Barat [West Borneo] 147,307 5,045,700

12. Kalimantan Selatan [South Borneo] 38,744 4,216,300
13. Kalimantan Tengah [Central Borneo] 153,565 2,649,800
14. Kalimantan Timur [East Borneo] 129,067 3,619,700
15. Kalimantan Utara [North Borneo] 75,468 695,600 31st
16. Kepulauan Bangka Belitung [Bangka Belitung Islands] 16,424 1,451,100
17. Kepulauan Riau [Riau Islands] 8,202 2,241,600
18. Lampung 34,624 8,457,600
19. Maluku [Moluccas] 46,914 1,768,500
20. Maluku Utara [Northern Moluccas] 31,983 1,235,700
21. Nusa Tenggara Barat [Western Lesser Sunda Islands] 18,572 5,152,400
22. Nusa Tenggara Timur [Eastern Lesser Sunda Islands] 48,718 5,437,200
23. Papua (Irian Jaya) 319,036 3,347,100
24. Papua Barat (Irian Jaya Barat) [West Papua] 97,024 963,600 30th
25. Riau 87,024 6,835,100
26. Sulawesi Barat (Sulbar) [West Sulawesi] 16,787 1,359,200
27. Sulawesi Selatan [South Sulawesi] 46,717 8,819,500
28. Sulawesi Tengah [Central Sulawesi] 61,841 3,042,100
29. Sulawesi Tenggara [Southeast Sulawesi] 38,068 2,663,700
30. Sulawesi Utara [North Sulawesi] 13,852 2,512,900
31. Sumatera Barat [West Sumatra] 42,013 5,479,500
Source: City Population, Indonesia: Urban Population of Cities (Provinces). 2019.

https://www.citypopulation.de/Indonesia-MU.html (accessed August 21, 2020).
Figure 5-12: Administrative Map of Indonesia

199
5.14 Russia (46 oblasts, 21 republics, 10 autonomous okrugs, 6

krays, 2 federal cities, 1 autonomous oblast)
The population of Russia is 141.7 million and its area is 17,098,242 Sq. km, while
the number of states is 46. Figure 5-13 shows the map of Russia, States.43 Russia has
become a developed country in the world due to the smaller units in terms of population
because the balance size of the states is fruitful for the development. Masco has a big
population, i.e. 26.7 million with an 8.9% share in total country's Population. Table 5-29
provinces of Russia with name, area, population, and ranking by population. GDP (PPP)
of Russia $4.016 trillion and its GDP per capita is $27900 according to the estimate of
2017. Table 5-28 displays the data of the Republic of Russia.44 The figure shows the
progress of the country and the living standard of the people of Russia.
Table 5-28
Russia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (PPP) (Current)
est.)
141,722,205 17,098,242 $4.016 1.5% $27,900 6 13.3% 46
trillion
Table 5-29
Provinces of Russia with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
(January 2020 in the country
Sq. Km
est.)
1. Moscow 2,561 12,692,466 1st
2. Moscow Oblast 44,329 7,687,647 2nd
43
https://cdn.britannica.com/37/139937-050-7D3E4641/divisions-Russia.jpg (accessed August 19, 2020).
44
200
3. Krasnodar Krai 75,485 5,677,786 3rd

4. Saint Petersburg 1,403 5,392,992 4th
5. Sverdlovsk Oblast 194,307 4,310,861 5th
6. Rostov Oblast 100,967 4,195,327 6th
7. Bashkortostan 142,947 4,037,811 7th
8. Tatarstan 67,847 3,902,642 8th
9. Tyumen Oblast[b] 1,464,173 3,755,778 9th
10. Chelyabinsk Oblast 88,529 3,466,960 10th
11. Nizhny Novgorod Oblast 76,624 3,203,818
12. Samara Oblast 53,565 3,179,026
13. Dagestan 50,270 3,111,353
14. Krasnoyarsk Krai 2,366,797 2,867,875
15. Stavropol Krai 66,160 2,803,021
16. Novosibirsk Oblast 177,756 2,798,251
17. Kemerovo Oblast 95,725 2,657,758
18. Perm Krai 160,236 2,599,301
19. Volgograd Oblast 112,877 2,491,751
20. Saratov Oblast 101,240 2,421,785
21. Irkutsk Oblast 774,846 2,390,827
22. Voronezh Oblast 52,216 2,323,657
23. Altai Krai 167,996 2,317,052
24. Orenburg Oblast 123,702 1,956,256
25. Omsk Oblast 141,140 1,926,562
26. Crimea[a] 26,081 1,912,025
27. Primorsky Krai 164,673 1,895,305
28. Leningrad Oblast 83,908 1,876,392
29. Yugra 534,801 1,674,086
30. Belgorod Oblast 27,134 1,547,532
31. Udmurtia 42,061 1,501,005
32. Chechnya 16,165 1,476,752
33. Tula Oblast 25,679 1,466,025
34. Vladimir Oblast 29,084 1,358,538
35. Khabarovsk Krai 787,633 1,315,310
36. Penza Oblast 43,352 1,304,825
37. Kirov Oblast 120,374 1,262,549
38. Tver Oblast 84,201 1,260,345
201
39. Yaroslavl Oblast 36,177 1,253,189

40. Ulyanovsk Oblast 37,181 1,229,687
41. Chuvashia 18,343 1,217,820
42. Bryansk Oblast 34,857 1,192,570
43. Vologda Oblast 144,527 1,160,721
44. Lipetsk Oblast 24,047 1,139,492
45. Arkhangelsk Oblast[c] 589,913 1,136,387
46. Ryazan Oblast 39,605 1,108,924
47. Kursk Oblast 29,997 1,103,059
48. Tomsk Oblast 314,391 1,079,051
49. Zabaykalsky Krai 431,892 1,059,657
50. Kaliningrad Oblast 15,125 1,012,253
51. Tambov Oblast 34,462 1,006,962
52. Astrakhan Oblast 49,024 1,005,967
53. Kaluga Oblast 29,777 1,000,070
54. Ivanovo Oblast 21,437 997,196
55. Buryatia 351,334 986,109
56. Yakutia 3,083,523 970,105
57. Smolensk Oblast 49,779 934,747
58. Kabardino-Balkaria 12,470 868,174
59. Kurgan Oblast 71,488 826,941
60. Komi Republic 416,774 820,171
61. Mordovia 26,128 790,829
62. Amur Oblast 361,908 790,676
63. Murmansk Oblast 144,902 741,511
64. Oryol Oblast 24,652 733,682
65. North Ossetia–Alania 7,987 697,064
66. Mari El 23,375 679,094
67. Kostroma Oblast 60,211 633,392
68. Pskov Oblast 55,399 626,046
69. Karelia 180,520 614,628
70. Novgorod Oblast 54,501 596,173
71. YaNAO 769,250 544,008
72. Khakassia 61,569 534,186
73. Ingushetia 3,628 506,688
74. Sakhalin Oblast 87,101 488,453
202
75. Karachay-Cherkessia 14,277 465,669

76. Adygea 7,792 463,453
77. Sevastopol[a] 864 448,829
78. Tuva 168,604 327,388
79. Kamchatka Krai 464,275 312,438
80. Kalmykia 74,731 271,035
81. Altai Republic 92,903 220,140
82. Jewish Autonomous Oblast 36,271 158,381
83. Magadan Oblast 462,464 140,199
84. Chukotka 721,481 50,726
85. Nenets Autonomous Okrug 176,810 44,110
Source: http://thailand.mid.ru/en/about-russia/regions-of-russiaRussia: administrative

203
divisions.
Figure 5-13: Administrative Unit of Russia
5.15 Argentina (23 provinces and 1 autonomous city) and New

Provinces
The population of Argentina is 45.4 million and its area is 2,780,400 Sq. km, while
the number of provinces is 23. Argentina has become a developed country in the world due
to the smaller units in terms of population because the balance size of the states is fruitful
for the development. Buenos Aires has a big population, i.e. 17.5 million with a 38.5%
share in total country's Population. Table 5-31 shows the population of Argentina with a
204
percentage. GDP (PPP) of Argentina $922.1 billion and its GDP per capita is $20,900
according to the estimate of 2017. Table 5-30 shows Argentina’s population, area, GDP
explanation, and the number of provinces.45 The figures show the progress of the country
and the living standard of the people of Argentina. Figure 5-14 shows the population of the
provinces of Argentina.
Table 5-30
Argentina’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (Current)
est.)
45,479,118 2,780,400 $922.1 2.9% $20,900 28 25.7% 23
billion
Source: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-
factbook/geos/pk.html (accessed August 20, 2020).
Table 5-31
Provinces of Argentina with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions/States Area Sq. Km Population Ranking by Pop.
in the country
1. Buenos Aires 307,571 17,541,141 1st
2. Catamarca 102,602 415,438
3. Chaco 99,633 1,204,541
4. Chubut 224,686 618,994
5. Córdoba 165,321 3,760,450 2nd
6. Corrientes 88,199 1,120,801
7. Entre Ríos 78,781 1,385,961
8. Formosa 72,066 605,193
9. Jujuy 53,219 770,881
10. La Pampa 143,440 358,428
11. La Rioja 89,680 393,531
12. Mendoza 148,827 1,990,338
13. Misiones 29,801 1,261,294
14. Neuquén 94,078 664,057
15. Río Negro 203,013 747,610
16. Salta 155,488 1,424,397
17. San Juan 89,651 781,217
18. San Luis 76,748 508,328
19. Santa Cruz 243,943 365,698
20. Santa Fe 133,007 3,536,418 3rd
21. Santiago del Estero 136,351 978,313
45
205
22. Tierra del Fuego 21,571 173,432

23. Tucumán 22,524 1,694,656
Source: Europa world plus, area, and population (Argentina). 2020.

https://www.europaworld.com/pub/entry/ar.ss.2 (accessed August 19, 2020).
Figure 5-14: Population of the provinces of Argentina
5.16 Australia (6 states and 2 territories) and New Provinces
Australia’s population is 25.4 million and its area is 7,741,220 Sq. km, while the
number of provinces is 6. Australia has become a developed country in the world due to
the smaller units in terms of population because the balance size of the provinces is
productive for development. Buenos New South Wales is a big population unit of Australia,
i.e. 17.5 million with a 31.9% share in total country's Population. Table 5-33 shows the
provinces of Australia with name, area,46, population, and ranking by population.47 GDP
(PPP) of Australia $1.248 trillion and its GDP per capita is $50400 according to the
estimate of 2017. Table 5-32 shows Australia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and
Number of Provinces. 48 The figures show the progress of the country and the average living
46
Australian Government, Geoscience Australia. Area of Australia - States and Territories. n.d.
47
Australian Bureau of Statistics, States and territories. December 31, 2019.
48
Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook. August 5, 2020.
206
standard of the people of Australia. Figure 5-15 shows the states of Australia with a
population percentage.
Table 5-32
Australia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
Population Km (purchasing real Capita ranked below the Provinces/
(July 2020 power parity) growth (2017 by poverty line territories
est.) (2017 est.) rate est.) GDP (2)
(2017 (Current)
est.)
25,466,459 7,741,220 $1.248 2.2% $50,400 19 NA 6
trillion
Source: Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook. August 5, 2020.

Table 5-33
Provinces of Australia with Name, Area Population, and Ranking by
Population
December 2019 in the country
Sq. Km
(Thousands)
1. New South Wales 801150 8 129.0 1st
2. Victoria 227444 6 651.1 2nd
3. Queensland 1729742 5 130.0 3rd
4. South Australia 984321 1 759.2
5. Western Australia 2527013 2 639.1
6. Tasmania 68401 537.0
Source: Australian Government, Geoscience Australia. Area of Australia - States, and

Territories. n.d. http://www.ga.gov.au/scientific-topics/national-location-
information/dimensions/area-of-australia-states-and-territories (accessed August 20,
2020), and
Australian Bureau of Statistics, States, and territories. December 31, 2019.
https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/3101.0Main%20Features3
Dec%202019?opendocument&tabname=Summary&prodno=3101.0&issue=Dec%202019
&num=&view= (accessed August 20, 2020).
207
States of Australia
Population of Australian States

Western Australia, Tasmania, 573, 2%
2639.1, 10%
South Australia,
1759.2, 7% New South Wales,
8129, 33%
Queensland, 5130,
21%
Victoria, 6651.1, 27%
New South Wales Victoria Queensland South Australia Western Australia Tasmania
Figure 5-15: The states of Australia with a population percentage.
5.17 Austria (9 states) and Formation of New Provinces
Austria’s population is only 8.8 million and its area is very less, i.e. 83,871Sq. km
(Figure 5-16 shows area wise States of Austria), while the number of provinces is 9. Table
5-35 shows the number of states of Austria. Austria has become a developed country in the
world due to the smaller units in terms of population because the balance size of the
provinces is fruitful for the development. Wien [Vienna] is a big population unit of Austria,
i.e. 1.9 million with a 22% share in total country's Population. Figure 5-16: shows area
wise States of Austria and Figure 5 17 indicates population-wise Austria’s States. GDP
(PPP) of Austria $441 billion and its GDP per capita is $50000 according to the estimate
of 2017. Table 5-34 shows the statistics about Austria. 49 The figures show the development
of the country and the average living standard of the people of Austria.
Austria has only a 3% population below the poverty line. Burgenland is the smallest
province of Austria because its area is only 3,965 Sq. km and its population are just about
294,436. It will not be difficult to understand how easy it would be to run a province with
such a small population. there will be good governance in the province, the administrative
49
208
burden will be less, and this province will be developing so fast and how beneficial it will
be not only for itself but also for its country.
Table 5-34
Austria’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (Current)
est.)
8,859,449 83,871 $441 billion 3% $50,000 45 3% 9

Table 5-35
Provinces of Austria with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
in the country
Sq. Km
1. Burgenland 3,965 294,436 9th
2. Kärnten [Carinthia] 9,536 561,293 6th
3. Niederösterreich [Lower 19,178 1,684,287 2nd
Austria]
4. Oberösterreich [Upper 11,982 1,490,279 3rd
Austria]
5. Salzburg 7,154 558,410 7th
6. Steiermark [Styria] 16,392 1,246,395 4th
7. Tirol [Tyrol] 12,648 757,634 5th
8. Vorarlberg 2,601 397,139 8th
9. Wien [Vienna] 415 1,911,191 1st
Source: City Population, Austria: Administrative Division (the Federal States and
Districts). 2020. https://www.citypopulation.de/en/austria/admin/ (accessed August 20,
209
2020).
Area of Austria's States
Burgenland
2,601,
415,
3,965,
3%
0%5%
12,648, 15% 9,536, 11% Kärnten [Carinthia]
Niederösterreich [Lower Austria]
19,178, 23% Oberösterreich [Upper Austria]

16,392, 20%
Salzburg
7,154, 9%11,982, 14% Steiermark [Styria]

Tirol [Tyrol]
Vorarlberg
Wien [Vienna]
Figure 5-16: Area wise States of Austria
POPULATION OF AUSTRIA'SKärnten
STATES
Burgenland,[Carinthia],
Wien [Vienna], 294,436, 3%561,293, 6%
1,911,191, 22%
Niederösterreich
[Lower Austria],
Vorarlberg, 1,684,287, 19%
397,139, 4%
Tirol [Tyrol],
757,634, 9%
Oberösterreich
[Upper Austria],
Steiermark 1,490,279, 17%
[Styria], 1,246,395,
Salzburg, 558,410,
14%
6%
Figure 5-17: Area wise States of Austria

210
5.18 Brazil (26 states and 1 federal district)
Brazil’s population is 212 million and its area is very big, i.e. 8,515,770 Sq. km,
while the number of provinces is 26. São Paulo is a big population province of Brazil, i.e.
45.9 million with a 22% share in total country's Population. GDP (PPP) of Brazil $3.248
trillion and its GDP per capita is $15,600 according to the estimate of 2017. Table 5-36
shows the facts about Brazil. 50 The figures show the development of the country and the
average living standard of the people of Brazil. Brazil has only 4.2% population below the
poverty line. Roraima is the smallest province of Brazil because its area is 224,301 Sq. km
and its population are just about 0.6 million. Table 5-37 shows the Provinces of Brazil
with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by Population.51
Table 5-36
Brazil’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (Current)
est.)
211,715,973 8,515,770 $3.248 1% $15,600 8 4.2% 26
trillion

Table 5-37
Provinces of Brazil with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Area Population Ranking by
Regions/States Pop. in the
Sq. Km
country
1. Acre 164,122 881,935
2. Alagoas 27,779 3,337,357
3. Amapá 142,828 845,731
4. Amazonas 1,559,162 4,144,597
50
51
City Population, Brazil: States and Major Cities. 2020.
211
5. Bahia 564,831 14,873,064 3rd

6. Ceará 148,921 9,132,078
7. Distrito Federal 5,788 3,015,268
8. Espírito Santo 46,099 4,018,650
9. Goiás 340,103 7,018,354
10. Maranhão 331,936 7,075,181
11. Mato Grosso 903,330 3,484,466
12. Mato Grosso do Sul 357,146 2,778,986
13. Minas Gerais 586,520 21,168,791
14. Pará 1,247,950 8,602,865
15. Paraíba 56,469 4,018,127
16. Paraná 199,317 11,433,957
17. Pernambuco 98,146 9,557,071
18. Piauí 251,577 3,273,227
19. Rio de Janeiro 43,780 17,264,943 2nd
20. Rio Grande do Norte 52,811 3,506,853
21. Rio Grande do Sul 268,782 11,377,239
22. Rondônia 237,591 1,777,225
23. Roraima 224,301 605,761 27th
24. Santa Catarina 95,703 7,164,788
25. São Paulo 248,197 45,919,049 1st
26. Sergipe 21,918 2,298,696
27. Tocantins 277,622 1,572,866
Source: City Population, Brazil: States and Major Cities. 2020.

https://www.citypopulation.de/en/brazil/cities/ (accessed August 20, 2020).
5.19 Germany (16 states) and Creation of New Provinces
Germany’s population is only 80 million and its area is less, i.e. 357,022Sq. km,
while the number of states is 16. Figure 5-18 shows the population of Germany’s States
with percentages. Nordrhein-Westfalen [North Rhine-Westphalia] is a big population
province of Germany, i.e. 17.9 million with a 22% share in total country's Population. GDP
(PPP) of Germany $4.199 trillion and its GDP per capita is $50,800 according to the
estimate of 2017. Table 5-38 indicates Germany’s population, area, GDP explanation, and
the number of provinces. 52 The figures show the growth of the country and the average
52
212
living standard of the people of Germany. Germany has only 16.7% population below the
poverty line. Bremen is the smallest province of Germany because its area is 420 Sq. km
and its population are just about 0.7 million. Like the other countries, Germany has small
units that are playing a vital role to strengthen the country. Table 5-39 provinces of
Germany with name, area, population, and ranking by population.
Table 5-38
Germany’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(July 2020 power parity) growth (2017 by poverty line States
est.) (2017 est.) rate est.) GDP (2015 est.)
(Current)
(2017
est.)
80,159,662 357,022 $4.199 2.5% $50,800 5 16.7% 16
trillion

Table 5-39
Provinces of Germany with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Pop. in the
Sq. Km
country
1. Baden-Württemberg 35,677 11,100,394 3rd
2. Bayern [Bavaria] 70,550 13,124,737 2nd
3. Berlin 892 3,669,491
4. Brandenburg 29,654 2,521,893
5. Bremen 420 681,202 16th
6. Hamburg 755 1,847,253
7. Hessen [Hesse] 21,115 6,288,080
8. Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 23,213 1,608,138
[Mecklenburg-Western
Pomerania]
9. Niedersachsen [Lower Saxony] 47,616 7,993,608
10. Nordrhein-Westfalen [North 34,113 17,947,221 1st
Rhine-Westphalia]
213
11. Rheinland-Pfalz [Rhineland- 19,854 4,093,903

Palatinate]
12. Saarland 2,569 986,887 15th
13. Sachsen [Saxony] 18,449 4,071,971
14. Sachsen-Anhalt [Saxony- 20,452 2,194,782
Anhalt]
15. Schleswig-Holstein 15,803 2,903,773
16. Thüringen [Thuringia] 16,202 2,133,378
Source: City Population, Germany: States and Major Cities (Federal Republic of
Germany). 2019. http://citypopulation.de/en/germany/cities/ (accessed August 20, 2020).
Figure 5-18: Population of Germany’s States with Percentage
5.20 Malaysia (13 states and 3 federal territories) and New

Provinces
Malaysia’s population is only 32.6 million and its area is less, i.e. 329,847 Sq. km,
while the number of states is 13. GDP (PPP) of Malaysia is $933.3 billion and its GDP per
capita is $29,100 according to the estimate of 2017. Only 3.8% population of Malaysia is
214
living below the poverty line. Table 5-40 shows the statistics of Malaysia.53 Selangor is a
big population unit of Malaysia, i.e. 6.5 million with a 20% share in total country's
Population. Labuan is the smallest unit of Malaysia because its area is 92 Sq. km and its
population are just about 99600. Table 5-41 shows the provinces of Malaysia with name,
area, population, and ranking by population. 54 Comparable to the other countries, Malaysia
has also small units that are playing an energetic role in the development of the country.
The figures display the advancement of the country and the average living standard of the
people of Malaysia.
Table 5-40
Malaysia’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (Current)
est.)
32,652,083 329,847 $933.3 5.9% $29,100 26 3.8% 13
billion

Table 5-41
Provinces of Malaysia with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions/States Area Population (2020 Ranking by Pop.
est.) in the country
Sq. Km
1. Johor 19,102 3,781,100
2. Kedah 9,447 2,185,200
3. Kelantan 15,101 1,906,700
4. Kuala Lumpur 243 1,773,700
5. Labuan 92 99,600 16th
6. Melaka [Malacca] 1,652 932,700
7. Negeri Sembilan 6,686 1,128,800
53
54
City Population, Malaysia States & Federal Territories. July 1, 2020.
215
8. Pahang 35,840 1,678,600

9. Perak 21,038 2,510,300
10. Perlis 818 254,900
11. Pinang (Pulau Pinang) 1,032 1,773,600
[Penang]
12. Putrajaya 49 110,000
13. Sabah 73,904 3,908,500 2nd
14. Sarawak 124,451 2,816,500 3rd
15. Selangor 7,931 6,538,100 1st
16. Terengganu 12,959 1,259,200
Source: City Population, Malaysia States & Federal Territories. July 1, 2020.
https://www.citypopulation.de/en/malaysia/cities/ (accessed August 20, 2020).
5.21 Mexico (32 states and 1 federal district) and New Provinces
The population of Mexico is only 128.6 million and its area is large, i.e.
1,964,375Sq. km, while the number of states is 32. GDP (PPP) of Mexico is $2.463 trillion
and its GDP per capita is $19,900 according to the estimate of 2017. Table 5-42 shows
Mexico’s population, area, GDP explanation, and the number of provinces.55 According to
the est. 2014, a big population of Mexico, i.e. 46.2% are living below the poverty line.
México is a big population unit of Mexico, i.e. 17.2 million with a 13.4% share in total
country's Population. Colima is the smallest unit in Mexico because its area is 5,625 Sq.
km and its population are just about 772800. Table 5-43 shows the provinces of Mexico
with name, area, population, and ranking by population.56 Comparable to the other
countries, Mexico has also small provinces in terms of population that are playing an
energetic role in the development of the country. The statistics display the advancement of
the country and the average living standard of the people of Mexico.
Table 5-42
Mexico’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(Current)
55
56
City Population, Mexico: States and Major Cities (United Mexican States). July 1, 2020.
216
(2017
est.)
128,649,565 1,964,375 $2.463 2% $19,900 11 46.2% 32
trillion

Table 5-43
Provinces of Mexico with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
(Projection July 1, Pop. in the
Sq. Km 2019) country
1. Aguascalientes 5,618 1,415,400
2. Baja California 71,446 3,578,600
3. Baja California Sur 73,922 788,100
4. Campeche 57,924 984,000
5. Chiapas 73,289 5,647,500
6. Chihuahua 247,455 3,765,300
7. Ciudad de México (Distrito 1,485 9,031,200 2nd
Federal)
8. Coahuila de Zaragoza 151,563 3,175,600
9. Colima 5,625 772,800
10. Durango 123,451 1,853,000
11. Guanajuato 30,608 6,173,700
12. Guerrero 63,621 3,644,000
13. Hidalgo 20,846 3,050,700
14. Jalisco 78,599 8,325,800
15. México 22,357 17,245,600 1st
16. Michoacán de Ocampo 58,643 4,792,000
17. Morelos 4,893 2,022,600
18. Nayarit 27,815 1,270,600
19. Nuevo León 64,220 5,533,100
20. Oaxaca 93,793 4,120,700
21. Puebla 34,290 6,542,500
22. Querétaro de Arteaga 11,684 2,239,100
217
23. Quintana Roo 42,361 1,684,500

24. San Luis Potosí 60,983 2,846,000
25. Sinaloa 57,377 3,131,000
26. Sonora 179,503 3,037,800
27. Tabasco 24,738 2,544,400
28. Tamaulipas 80,175 3,620,900
29. Tlaxcala 3,991 1,364,100
30. Veracruz de Ignacio de la 71,820 8,488,400 3rd
Llave
31. Yucatán 39,612 2,233,900
32. Zacatecas 75,539 1,654,600
Source: City Population, Mexico: States and Major Cities (United Mexican States). July
1, 2020. http://www.citypopulation.de/Mexico-Cities.html (accessed August 20, 2020).
5.22 Nigeria (36 states) and Formation of New Provinces
The population of Nigeria is 214 million and its area is large, i.e. 923,768 Sq. km,
while the number of states is 36. GDP (PPP) of Nigeria is $1.121 trillion and its GDP per
capita is $5,900 according to the estimate of 2017. Table 5-44 shows Nigeria’s population,
area, GDP explanation, and the number of provinces. 57 Kano is a big population unit of
Nigeria, i.e. 13 million with a 6% share in total country's Population. Comparable to the
other countries, Nigeria has also small provinces in terms of population that are playing an
active role in the growth of the country. The information shows the development of the
country and the average living standard of the people of Nigeria. Table 5-45 shows the
provinces of Nigeria with name, area, population, and ranking by population. 58
Table 5-44
Nigeria’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(July 2020 power parity) growth (2017 by poverty Regions
est.) (2017 est.) rate est.) GDP line59 (2020 (5)
(2017 est.) (Current)
est.)
57
58
City Population, Nigeria: States & Cities (Federal Republic of Nigeria). n.d.
59
National Bureau of Statistics, 2019 Poverty and Inequality in Nigeria: Executive Summary. Poverty and
Inequality in Nigeria - 2019, Abuja: National Bureau of Statistics, 2020.
218
214,028,302 923,768 $1.121 0.8% $5,900 24 40.1% 36

trillion

Table 5-45
Provinces of Nigeria with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
in the country
Sq. Km
1. Abia 6,320 3,727,300
2. Adamawa 36,917 4,248,400
3. Akwa Ibom 7,081 5,482,200
4. Anambra 4,844 5,527,800
5. Bauchi 45,837 6,537,300
6. Bayelsa 10,773 2,278,000
7. Benue 34,059 5,741,800
8. Borno 70,898 5,860,200
9. Cross River 20,156 3,866,300
10. Delta 17,698 5,663,400
11. Ebonyi 5,670 2,880,400
12. Edo 17,802 4,235,600
13. Ekiti 6,353 3,270,800
14. Enugu 7,161 4,411,100
15. Federal Capital Territory 7,315 3,564,100
16. Gombe 18,768 3,257,000
17. Imo 5,530 5,408,800
18. Jigawa 23,154 5,828,200
19. Kaduna 46,053 8,252,400
20. Kano 20,131 13,076,900 1st
21. Katsina 24,192 7,831,300
22. Kebbi 36,800 4,440,000
23. Kogi 29,833 4,473,500
24. Kwara 36,825 3,192,900
25. Lagos 3,345 12,550,600 2nd
26. Nasarawa 27,117 2,523,400
219
27. Niger 76,363 5,556,200

28. Ogun 16,762 5,217,700
29. Ondo 14,606 4,671,700
30. Osun 9,251 4,705,600
31. Oyo 28,454 7,840,900
32. Plateau 30,913 4,200,400
33. Rivers 11,077 7,303,900
34. Sokoto 25,973 4,998,100
35. Taraba 54,473 3,066,800
36. Yobe 45,502 3,294,100
37. Zamfara 39,762 4,515,400
Source: City Population, Nigeria: States & Cities (Federal Republic of Nigeria). n.d.
http://www.citypopulation.de/Nigeria-Cities.html (accessed August 20, 2020).
5.23 Papua New Guinea (20 provinces) and New Provinces
The population of Papua New Guinea is only 7.2 million and its area is large, i.e.
462,840 Sq. km, while the number of states is 20. GDP (PPP) of Papua New Guinea is
$30.19 billion and its GDP per capita is $3700 according to the estimate of 2017. According
to the est. 2014, a big population of Papua New Guinea, i.e. 46.2% are living below the
poverty line. country.
Table 5-46 shows the statistics of Papua New Guinea.60 Morobe is a big population
province of Papua New Guinea, i.e. 0.7 million with a 9% share in total country's
Population. The average population of each province of Papua New Guinea is only 0.36
million. Manus is the smallest province of Papua New Guinea because its area is 2000 Sq.
km and its population are just about 60485. Table 5-47 shows provinces of Papua New
Guinea with name, area, population, and ranking by population. 61 Comparable to the other
countries, Papua New Guinea has also small provinces in terms of population that are
playing an energetic role in the development of the country.
60
61
City Population, Papua New Guinea: Independent State of Papua New Guinea (Provinces). n.d.
220
Table 5-46
Papua New Guinea’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of
Provinces
est.) rate est.) GDP (2002 est.) (5)
(2017 (Current)
est.)
7,259,456 462,840 $30.19 2.5% $3,700 132 37% 20
billion
Table 5-47
Provinces of Papua New Guinea with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking
by Population
Sr. No Provinces/ Regions/States Area Population (Census Ranking by Pop.
2011) in the country
Sq. Km
1. Bougainville (North 9,384 249,358
Solomons)
2. Central 29,998 269,756
3. Eastern Highlands 11,157 579,825 2nd
4. East New Britain 15,274 328,369
5. East Sepik 43,426 450,530
6. Enga 11,704 432,045
7. Gulf 34,472 158,197
8. Hela 10,498 249,449
9. Jiwaka 4,798 343,987
10. Madang 28,886 493,906
11. Manus 2,000 60,485 22nd
12. Milne Bay 14,345 276,512
13. Morobe 33,705 674,810 1st
14. National Capital District 240 364,125
15. New Ireland 9,557 194,067
16. Oro (Northern) 22,735 186,309
17. Sandaun (West Sepik) 35,820 248,411
221
18. Simbu (Chimbu) 6,122 376,473

19. Southern Highlands 15,089 510,245 3nd
20. Western 98,189 201,351
21. Western Highlands 4,299 362,850
22. West New Britain 20,387 264,264
Source: City Population, Papua New Guinea: Independent State of Papua New Guinea
(Provinces). n.d. https://www.citypopulation.de/en/papuanewguinea/cities/ (accessed
August 20, 2020).
5.24 Venezuela (23 states and 1 capital district) and New
Provinces
The population of Venezuela is only 28 million and its area is large, i.e. 912,050
Sq. km, while the number of states is 23. GDP (PPP) of Venezuela is $381.6 billion and its
GDP per capita is $12,500 according to the estimate of 2017. According to the est. In 2016,
19.7% of people in Venezuela are living below the poverty line. Table 5-48 shows the
statistics of Venezuela. 62 Zulia is a big population province of Venezuela and has only 4.3
million. The average population of each province of Venezuela is only 1.2 million.
Comparable to the other countries, Venezuela has also small provinces in terms of
population that are playing an energetic role in the development of the country. The
statistics display the advancement of the country and the average living standard of the
people of Venezuela. Table 5-49 shows the provinces of Venezuela with name, area,
population, and ranking by population.
62
222
Table 5-48
Venezuela’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (Current)
est.)
28,644,603 912,050 $381.6 -14% $12,500 47 19.7% 23
billion

Table 5-49
Provinces of Venezuela with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
Pop. in the
Sq. Km
country
1. Amazonas 177,617 197,900
2. Anzoátegui 43,300 1,753,900
3. Apure 76,500 618,400
4. Aragua 7,014 1,870,900
5. Barinas 35,200 945,400
6. Bolívar 240,528 1,865,400
7. Carabobo 4,650 2,543,600
8. Cojedes 14,800 370,000
9. Delta Amacuro 40,200 206,000
10. Dependencies Federals 120 2,300
11. Distrito Capital 433 2,089,000
12. Falcón 24,800 1,077,700
13. Guárico 64,986 941,500
14. Lara 19,800 2,047,800
15. Mérida 11,300 1,042,800
16. Miranda 7,950 3,292,700
17. Monagas 28,900 1,020,200
18. Nueva Esparta 1,150 617,100
223
19. Portuguesa 15,200 1,055,200

20. Sucre 11,800 1,091,300
21. Táchira 11,100 1,271,600
22. Trujillo 7,400 867,600
23. Vargas 1,497 379,000
24. Yaracuy 7,100 740,700
25. Zulia 63,100 4,311,600 1st
Source: City Population, Venezuela: Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, States. n.d.

http://www.citypopulation.de/en/venezuela/cities/ (accessed August 21, 2020).
5.25 Provinces in Phillipines
The population of the Philippines is 109 million and its area is very less, i.e.
300,000Sq. km, while the number of provinces is 81. GDP (PPP) of the Philippines is
$877.2 billion and its GDP per capita is $8,400 according to the estimate of 2017.
According to the est. 2017, 21.6% of the people of the Philippines are living below the
poverty line. Table 5-50 shows the Philippines’s population, area, GDP explanation, and
63
the number of provinces. Cebu is a big province in terms of the population of the
Philippines and has only 4.6 million population. The average population of each province
of the Philippines is only 1.35 million. Comparable to the other countries, the Philippines
has also small provinces in terms of population that are playing a bouncing role in the
progress of the country. The data display the advancement of the country and the average
living standard of the people of the Philippines. Table 5-51 shows the provinces of the
Philippines with name, area, 64 population, and ranking by population. 65
Table 5-50
Philippines’ Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number of Provinces
(2017 (Current)
(2017
est.)
est.)
63
64
Philippine Statistics Authority, List of Provinces. March 31, 2016.
65
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, Stats on the state of the regions: Land, population,
population density. n.d.
224
109,180,815 300,000 $877.2 6.7% $8,400 29 21.6% 81

billion
Table 5-51
Provinces of Philippines with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking by
Population
(Census 2015) in the country
Sq. Km
1. Cebu 5,342.00 4,632,359 1st
2. Cavite 1,574.17 3,678,301 2nd
3. Bulacan 2,796.10 3,292,071 3rd
4. Negros Occidental 7,965.21 3,059,136 4th
5. Laguna 1,917.85 3,035,081 5th
6. Pangasinan 5,451.01 2,956,726
7. Rizal 1,191.94 2,884,227
8. Batangas 3,119.72 2,694,335
9. Pampanga 2,062.47 2,609,744
10. Iloilo 5,079.17 2,384,415
11. Davao del Sur 4,607.59 2,265,579
12. Nueva Ecija 5,751.33 2,151,461
13. Quezon 9,069.60 2,122,830
14. Leyte 6,515.05 1,966,768
15. Camarines Sur 5,497.03 1,952,544
16. Zamboanga del Sur 5,914.16 1,872,473
17. Isabela 12,414.93 1,593,566
18. Misamis Oriental 3,544.32 1,564,459
19. South Cotabato 4,428.81 1,509,735
20. Maguindanao 6,146.53 1,473,933
21. Bukidnon 10,498.59 1,415,226
22. Cotabato 9,008.90 1,379,747
23. Tarlac 3,053.60 1,366,027
24. Negros Oriental 5,385.53 1,354,995
25. Albay 2,575.77 1,314,826
26. Bohol 4,820.95 1,313,560
225
27. Cagayan 9,295.75 1,199,320

28. Palawan 17,030.75 1,104,585
29. Lanao del Sur 3,872.89 1,045,429
30. Lanao del Norte 4,159.94 1,019,013
31. Davao del Norte 3,426.97 1,016,332
32. Zamboanga del Norte 7,301.00 1,011,393
33. Masbate 4,151.78 892,393
34. Oriental Mindoro 4,238.38 844,059
35. Sulu 1,600.40 824,731
36. Zambales 3,830.83 828,888
37. Sultan Kudarat 5,298.34 812,095
38. Sorsogon 2,119.01 792,949
39. Benguet 2,826.59 791,590
40. La Union 1,497.70 786,653
41. Samar 6,048.03 780,481
42. Capiz 2,594.64 761,384
43. Bataan 1,372.98 760,650
44. Davao de Oro 4,479.77 736,107
45. Agusan del Sur 9,989.52 700,653
46. Agusan del Norte 3,546.86 691,566
47. Ilocos Sur 2,596.00 689,668
48. Zamboanga Sibugay 3,607.75 633,129
49. Northern Samar 3,692.93 632,679
50. Misamis Occidental 2,055.22 602,126
51. Ilocos Norte 3,467.89 593,081
52. Surigao del Sur 4,932.70 592,250
53. Camarines Norte 2,320.07 583,313
54. Antique 2,729.17 582,012
55. Aklan 1,821.42 574,823
56. Davao Oriental 5,679.64 558,958
57. Sarangani 3,601.25 544,261
58. Occidental Mindoro 5,865.71 487,414
59. Surigao del Norte 1,972.93 485,088
60. Eastern Samar 4,660.47 467,160
61. Basilan 1,327.23 459,367
62. Nueva Vizcaya 3,975.67 452,287
226
63. Southern Leyte 1,798.61 421,750

64. Tawi-Tawi 1,087.40 390,715
65. Davao Occidental 2,163.45 316,342
66. Romblon 1,533.45 292,781
67. Catanduanes 1,492.16 260,964
68. Abra 4,165.25 241,160
69. Marinduque 952.58 234,521
70. Aurora 3,147.32 214,336
71. Kalinga 3,231.25 212,680
72. Ifugao 2,628.21 202,802
73. Quirino 2,323.47 188,991
74. Guimaras 604.57 174,613
75. Biliran 536.01 171,612
76. Mountain Province 2,157.38 154,590
77. Dinagat Islands 1,036.34 127,152
78. Apayao 4,413.35 119,184
79. Siquijor 337.49 95,984
80. Camiguin 237.95 88,478
81. Batanes 219.01 17,246
Source: Philippine Statistics Authority, List of Provinces. March 31, 2016.

https://web.archive.org/web/20160419000512/http://www.nscb.gov.ph/activestats/psgc/li
stprov.asp (accessed August 20, 2020), and Philippine Center for Investigative
Journalism, Stats on the state of the regions: Land, population, population density. n.d.
https://pcij.org/article/1946/stats-on-the-state-of-the-regions-land-population-population-
density (accessed August 20, 2020).
5.26 United Kingdom (UK) and New Provinces
United Kingdom (UK) consists of four independent entities in which England,

Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The population of the UK is only 65.7 million and
its area is less, i.e. 243,610 Sq. km. While the number of Two-tier counties in England is
26. GDP (PPP) of the UK is $2.925 trillion and its GDP per capita is $44,300 according to
the estimate of 2017. According to the est. 2013, 15% of the people of the UK are living
below the poverty line. Table 5-52 shows the United Kingdom's (UK)’s population, area,
GDP explanation, and the number of provinces. 66 Comparable to the other countries, the
66
227
UK has also small provinces in terms of population that are playing an energetic role in the
development of the country. Figure 5-19 shows the map of the UK. The statistics display
the advancement of the country and the average living standard of the people of the UK.67
Table 5-53 shows the countries of the United Kingdom and the regions of England with
name, area, population, and ranking by population. 68
Table 5-52
United Kingdom (UK)’s Population, Area, GDP Explanation, and Number
of Provinces
Total Area Sq. GDP (PPP) GDP GDP per World Population Two-tier
Population Km (2017 est.) real Capita ranked below counties in
(July 2020 growth (2017 by poverty line England
est.) rate est.) GDP (2013 est.)
(2017
est.)
65,761,117 243,610 $2.925 1.7% $44,300 9 15% 26
Table 5-53
Regions of the United Kingdom with Name, Area, Population, and Ranking
by Population
Sr. No Country Provinces/ Area Population Percent Ranking
Regions/States (2019) of UK by Pop.
Sq. Km
(2019) in the
country
1. England 130,395 56,286,961 84.3%
1. London 1,572 8,961,989 13.4% 2nd
2. South East 19,095 9,180,135 13.7% 1st
3. East of England 19,120 6,236,072 9.3%
4. South West 23,829 5,624,696 8.4%
5. North West 14,165 7,341,196 11.0% 3rd
6. East Midlands 15,627 4,835,928 7.2%
7. West Midlands 13,000 5,934,037 8.9%
67
https://www.britannica.com/place/England
68
Office for National Statistics, Population estimates for the UK, England and Wales, Scotland and Northern
Ireland: mid-2019. n.d.
228
8. Yorkshire and 15,420 5,502,967 8.2%

the Humber
9. North East 8,592 2,669,941 4.0%
2. Scotland 78772 5,463,300 8.2%
3. Wales 20,779 3,152,879 4.7%
4. Northern Ireland 13,843 1,893,667 2.8%
United Kingdom 243,789 66,796,807 100%
Source: Office for National Statistics, Population estimates for the UK, England and
Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland: mid-2019. n.d.
https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/populat
ionestimates/bulletins/annualmidyearpopulationestimates/latest (accessed August 21,
2020).
Figure 5-19: Administrative Units of the UK and England.

229
5.27 Summary
The results of a comparison between Pakistan and major countries of the world with
special reference of new provinces are very clear and tells that how the major countries of
the world have made development by the formation of new provinces. Almost all these
countries have made small units for the development and welfare of their people. Pakistan
is one of the developing countries. Despite being rich in abundant natural resources,
Pakistan lags behind many other countries in development and progress. There are many
reasons for Pakistan to lag in the field of development, one of the most important is that
federalism has not been given a chance to flourish in its spirit, and second there is a lack of
management and good governance. Because it is very clear from the progress that most of
the countries of the world have made that they used their resources very well and have
established good governance in the country which is largely due to the number of their
province or units. Since most of the countries of the world have developed by making small
provinces which makes it very clear that small provinces are the guarantee of development
and prosperity. The development and improvement of other countries show that they have
created new provinces in the country according to the time and need. After reviewing the
statistics of other countries, it has become very clear that despite the small area and small
population, the number of provinces in these countries is much higher than in Pakistan.
And the countries that have been compared to Pakistan in terms of new provinces are also
mostly federal and democratic like Pakistan. Since the formation of Pakistan, the number
of provinces has been only four, the biggest reason for this is that a certain type of elite in
the country is not in favor of new provinces. According to the 2013 financial year, about
30% of the people in Pakistan are forced to live below the poverty line. Moreover,
according to the 2017 estimate, Pakistan's GDP per capita is $5400, which is very low and
is ranked 172nd in the world. GDP per capita indicates how high or low the standard of
living of the people in the country. So, Pakistan’s GDP per capita income makes it very
clear that Pakistan is far behind most countries in the world. if Pakistan, like major
countries in the world, had created new provinces and set an example of good governance,
it would be on par with the rest of the world today. Pakistan should be followed the model
of these countries for the development in the country and the number of provinces should
be increased in the country with the growth of population so that Pakistan can be developed
230
rapidly. Moreover, the creation of new units is playing a big role in the development of the
major countries of the world.
231
CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSION
Because of population growth and expansion of the area, the establishment of new
provinces in the Indian subcontinent has always been necessary. In this regard, Akbar the
Great (emperor) carried out administrative reforms during his reign for good governance
in the country and new provinces were created. When the new territories were later
conquered, the number of provinces was further increased and in his last period, the number
of administrative provinces reached fifteen. Similarly, during the reign of Jahangir, two
new provinces were created, and the number of provinces stretched seventeen. After
Jahangir, during the reign of Shah Jahan, the number of the new province increased to
twenty-two. This shows that the Mughal rulers while demonstrating foresight, were aware
of the administrative reforms in the country and the importance of new administrative units
for good governance.
After the Mughal rulers, when the British occupied the Indian subcontinent, they
followed the Mughals administrative system, but for the first time in the subcontinent, the
British introduced the modern concept of administration system. In this regard, the British
carried out constitutional and administrative reforms in the subcontinent from 1773 to 1947.
New provinces were created in the country and further that these provinces were divided
into sub-units. The Governor-General was made the head of the country while the
provincial governors were made the heads of provinces. A strong system of bureaucracy
was devised to assist the governor General and the Provincial Governors. In this regard,
British India was divided into eight large provinces and five small administrative units. The
main reason behind this administrative division was to manage the vast territory of British
India in the subcontinent.
Similarly, over time, as the population grew, big provinces were distributed into
small units, and these new provinces were formed to run the administrative affairs better.
In 1901, NWFP now KPK Province was detached from Punjab in the shape of a new
province. Moreover, due to purely administrative convenience, the British government
divided the large province of Bengal in 1905, but the partition of Bengal had to be canceled
in 1911 due to Islamophobia of Hindus. Although they opposed the partition of Bengal but
232
later supported the creation of provinces based on linguistics. An example of this can be
given from the Congress session of 1908 and 1917 that proves the demand for the
establishment of provinces of Bihar, Sindh, and Assam
Likewise, with the efforts of Quaid-e-Azam at the Nagpur meeting of 1920, the
Indian National Congress adopted in principle the view that linguistic provinces should be
shaped. As for the formation of new provinces according to the ideas of the Quaid-e-Azam
and Muslim League is concerned, a joint meeting of Congress and the Muslim League was
convened in Lucknow in 1916, which was chaired by the Quaid-e-Azam. Quaid-e-Azam
and the Muslim League demanded that Sindh be made a separate province for clear
linguistic and cultural reasons. In 1927, on Delhi Proposals, the Quaid-e-Azam announced
the great demand of the Muslims for giving provincial status to Sindh, Balochistan, and
NWFP (now KPK) and issuing reforms in them on par with other provinces was to
withdraw from the right to separate elections, however, his party was divided on the issue.
A Muslim Conference on the consultation on the Constitution of British India was

held by on January 1, 1919, which was chaired by Sir Aga Khan in which demanded that
Sindh be made a separate province from Bombay based on ethnic, linguistic, geographical,
and administrative reasons. In 1930, Allama Muhammad Iqbal, in his Allahabad sermon,
clearly demanded to form new provinces on a purely regional basis. In December 1932,
Allama Muhammad Iqbal in his press statement reiterated the demand for modernization
of provinces based on religion, history, and culture.
The Mughal rulers and the British made the establishment of new provinces
possible in their respective eras, keeping in view the importance of new provinces. Both
made the creation of new provinces for administrative purposes and good governance. The
two major political parties in the subcontinent, the Congress and the Muslim League, also
favored the creating new provinces. Besides, other political leaders of the subcontinent,
including Quaid-e-Azam and Allama Iqbal, emphasized the importance of creating new
provinces to alleviate the backwardness (Bombay’s secession from Sindh, and
implementing the reforms in the province Balochistan and NWFP on par with other
provinces).
The division of big units and the formation of new provinces always felt in every
era to run government affairs in a better way. There are many examples of new provinces
233
in the world but in the historic assessment of provinces and their partition, the study of the
partition of Bengal is very significant to know the political, social, religious, economic, and
administratively changing aspects of that era. It is defined that the Bengal’s division in
1905 was managerial creativity to promote the supremacy in the province for the betterment
and welfare of the public and the state of Bengal. It is a great example that tells about the
formation of new provinces and leads the world that why do the people need new provinces
in the country.
The division of Bengal occurred on the administrative and geographical ground

purely rather than language, religious, ethnic, etc. The division of Bengal is a great example
of a new administrative unit by which the way of prosperity, development, progress opened
in the life of the people of the East Bengal. Through this division, Bengal was divided into
two provinces “Eastern Bengal and Assam” and West Bengal. There were many reasons
behind this division but the vastness of the province, limited sources of communication,
language difference, administration and poor governance, big size of the province,
deprivation of the east part, and need of time were the main causes.
After the formation of Pakistan, the problems of the reorganization of provinces

arose because Pakistan needed units with sustainable political and administrative parity for
which the reorganization of the provinces was essential. West Pakistan faced several
administrative problems, including the areas of provincial status, semi-autonomous states,
and independent Tribal Areas. All these units were not coordinated and did not have a
uniform system and were considered federally separate. Secondly, due to these
miscellaneous units, Pakistan was also facing difficulties in drafting the constitution.
To solve all these problems, the plan of one-unit was presented in 1955. Since no
practical steps were taken to create regional harmony for the unity of West Pakistan. Also,
the support of the people was not obtained for the completion of this plan. It was a plan of
the ruling powers. General Muhammad Ayub Khan in his book “Friends, Not Masters”
wrote that “I wanted to work for two clear objectives: to save the armed forces from the
interference of the politicians, and to unify the provinces of West Pakistan into one unit, I
pressed very hard for it and initiated the process of merger of the provinces,” This shows
that General Muhammad Ayub Khan himself pressed for the success of the plan.
234
But two years after its inception, the one-unit scheme received a blow in 1957 with
its resolution of the West Pakistan Assembly in which the plan was rejected by an
overwhelming majority. The decision of the West Pakistan Assembly called for the
reorganization of the provinces in West Pakistan and division of it into four or more
provinces. But in 1958, thanks to martial law, the status of the Assembly and its resolution
were abolished. The implementation of the one-unit scheme in the country was a very
wrong decision as it focused on the centralized system instead of a decentralized structure.
Because all other units were abolished to make West Pakistan a province, the
political, economic, social, and other problems in the western part of Pakistan added to the
suffering of the people. In this way, a hundred problems were created to solve one problem.
It should have been that new provinces were created in East Pakistan in the style of West
Pakistan so that the system would be decentralized and the number of provinces on both
sides would be equalized. Because the population of East Pakistan was more than half to
the total population of Pakistan. So, in this situation, the division of a single large province
of East Pakistan in two or more provinces was indispensable. But the centripetal forces
dominated the country, they could be expected to come up with a one-unit plan. As a result,
Pakistan suffered in 1971 when the country collapsed.
Moreover, today, the same case is present in the form of Punjab province in Pakistan
because the populace of this province is more than fifty percent of the total population of
Pakistan. So, this is the worst condition because small provinces feel the sense of
deprivation and they feel that the big province Punjab is snatching their assets. Pakistan
should be learned the lesson from her past and should be made new provinces so that the
problems of the people can be resolved on their doorstep and the country can be made
developed.
Where the British carried out constitutional and administrative reforms in the
country but consolidate their power in the country always kept the powers concentrated in
the person of the Governor-General. He had a wide power in the British Indian
Government. Unlikely, Pakistan inherited the same characteristics of the British
government in the subcontinent and the rulers of Pakistan put this power into practice. As
a result, the federalism in Pakistan could not get the opportunity to flourish in its true spirit.
235
That is why the distribution of resources and power-sharing in the country could not be
made fair.
The balance of power in Pakistan has always been deteriorating, which did not
allow federalism and democracy to flourish according to its original spirit. The powers have
been exercised not in the essence of democracy but the benefits of their interests. Due to
which, in Pakistan from 1947 to 2010, there has always been trying for a centralization
form to flourish rather than federalism. Federalism has never been allowed to stand on its
own feet in the country. If federalism had the chance to embellishment in the country in its
original form, then Pakistan would have set the pace of development fast. Backward areas
can be developed only through a fair distribution of power and resources. For this purpose,
federalism, democracy, and decentralization systems are very necessary instead of
centralization systems in the country. But in Pakistan, the central government has always
been interfering in the matters of provinces since 1947.
A research question of the study is that “Why are the separate provinces movements
and people of Pakistan demanding the new provinces in the country?” The research tells
that the main reason for this is the backwardness and deprivations of these areas. The
federalism in the country could not get the chance to embellishment in its true essence. That
is why the distribution of resources and power-sharing in the country could not be made
fair. Besides, it became impossible to transfer power to lower levels. People with a central
mindset always dominated the country due to which development in the country was
limited to a few areas and the scope of backwardness in the country spread to wide areas.
Consequently, in these circumstances, the people of the backward areas of the

country began to raise their voices for their rights, and in these backward and deprived
regions of the country, movements were started to create new provinces to address their
deprivations. To remove them, new provinces must be established in the country. Their
grievances are justified because the reports of international organizations have revealed the
backwardness and poverty of these areas in their statistics. The separate province's
movements in the country are fighting for their respective rights, they think that without
agitation and loudness they cannot get their due rights. For the purpose, these movements
have been working for new provinces for many years. Because, according to them, without
new provinces, their problems and complaints cannot resolve.
236
The demand for the establishment of new provinces has been raised from time to
time, sometimes on ethnic-based, created on the distribution of funds and every so often on
socio-economic backwardness of the areas. Current provinces are comprising of various
languages, different ethnicities, cultural divers, different community standards and mores,
different spiritual groups, and lifestyles. The level of development and prosperity is
different in each province where some regions are more developed, and some are backward.
Equal distribution of resources to develop the backward areas and regions in the country is
the key responsibility of the state. The state is also answerable for the welfare of the public
of its administrative units so that they can get their basic rights and grow them prosper
In this way, the Seraiki movement is the largest separate province movement in
Pakistan. This movement seeks to address the region's backwardness and deprivation, as
well as her identity. Therefore, it wants to create a separate province in South Punjab on an
ethnic and lingual basis instead of administrative grounds. Moreover, it wants to give the
name of the newly formed province "Saraikistan" so that its identity in the region can be
maintained. Indication exposes that there are dissimilar perceptions about the name and
boundaries of the future province.
The nationalists want to establish a new province based on Saraiki uniqueness, but
others want to form a separate province on administrative grounds, called South Punjab.
According to them, only the Lahore throne and Upper Punjab are responsible for their sense
of deprivation. Because, they think that their assets have been invested in Lahore and Upper
Punjab, that is why this whole area could not develop and become deprived. But, despite
all, the Saraiki subject is a significant issue in the politics of Southern Punjab.
Bahawalpur province movement wants only to restore the Bahawalpur Province.

Because, according to this movement, an agreement was signed between the Government
of Pakistan and Ameer of Bahawalpur on April 3, 1953, in which recognizing the
government of Pakistan’s control over them, Defence, Foreign Affairs and Communication
Sectors. However, under the Act 1935, the provincial rank of the Bahawalpur’s State was
recognized and thus the Ameer of Bahawalpur got the powers of the Governor of the
province of Bahawalpur. The Bahawalpur Provincial Assembly served for almost two
years. To end the constitutional stalemate in Pakistan like other provinces, the one-unit plan
came into force in October 1955, under which the state of Bahawalpur was annexed to West
237
Pakistan. But when the provinces were restored in West Pakistan in 1970, then Bahawalpur
was annexed to the Punjab Province. So, the public of Bahawalpur only wants the
restoration of their former provincial status and administrative autonomy.
The main objective of the Hazara movement is to make a separate province for the
Hazara region so that the region could get flourish socially, politically, economically. This
movement advocates for the disenfranchised class against the privileged class. The
movement is fighting against the mindset that supports and encourages such a class system.
According to this movement, the silence of the exploited and backward classes has allowed
these tyrants to continue to exploit the people unabated under various disguises like
feudalism and braderiism, linguistic and ethnic demagoguery, religious and sectarian splits.
According to the MQM, Muhajir province is a single solution to their problems so

that they can save their political, economic, and identity rights. Their rights have been
robbed since 1947, to prevent this, it is necessary to create a separate province for them in
Sindh so that they can give their descendants a better future and a prosperous life. Help
them to become a dignified citizen of Pakistan so that they can pay to the growth of the
country and the people of Sindh. MQM says that they are demanding the separate province
on only administrative grounds to make people’s lives easier instead of ethnic or lingual
basis. The MQM in its manifesto for the 2018 elections has also stressed the need to make
separate provinces in the country on the administrative grounds.
In fact, like the other movements for a separate province in Pakistan, the Pashtun
province movement is fighting for her rights such as power-sharing in administration, equal
share in the distribution of funds, and identity, etc. According to Pashtuns, all their rights
can be protected, and their grievances can be resolved only in the case of a separate
province. So, if Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party passes a resolution for a detached province
and puts an end to accusations and Baloch political parties stick to their word and support
it. then, this is the only way to maintain a happy and harmonious relationship between them
both. Moreover, in the new province, no one will have a problem if they want to share their
resources with Afghan refugees or anyone else.
All these movements have almost the same grievances such as a sense of
deprivation in these regions, imbalance in power-sharing, poverty issues, distance issue
(distance from the provincial capital to the far-flung areas), the backwardness of the region,
238
political, economic, and identity rights, to oppress the exploited and backward classes
through privileged classes, injustice, inequitable distribution of national resources,
inadequate education and health facilities, lack of development and socio-economic
backwardness, unemployment, improper behavior of government administration due to the
high workload, etc.
According to the people and movements of these regions, all these grievances can
be redressed only by making the separate provinces in the country. “It is a well-established
fact that the smaller the provinces, the stronger the federation will be”. The smaller
provinces will not be able to demand secession from Pakistan. But in comparison, the larger
provinces can be a threat to the federation of Pakistan. With the formation of new provinces
on the administrative ground, the country will develop significantly economically and
politically
The 1973 Constitution of Pakistan has made the procedure of creating new
provinces extremely difficult and even impossible. Also, there are many challenges in the
way of creating new provinces in the country, including politics of political parties on the
name of new provinces, economic implications, ethnic and linguistic identities, demand on
ethnic grounds by movements of new provinces in the country, centralization, major
regional political groups and parties (Sindhi, Pashtun, Baloch, Punjabi).
Where there are big challenges in creating new provinces, there is also the
possibility and prospects of making new constituent units. If the above-mentioned
challenges and obstacles that stand in the way of creating new provinces are removed or
resolved, the chances and hopes of making new provinces will increase. Besides, the
possibilities and prospects of creating new provinces, these are; establishment of the
constitutional commission, the number of the province, raising the voices for the grievances
in backward regions and areas, size of provinces, inequitable distribution of resources, etc.
Population, area, expansion of the area, demographic characteristics in the country,

all these factors justify the creation of a new province. Leadership, services, facilities, and
all the arguments for the lowering of the rule of law support the creation of new provinces.
But, Pakistan’s constitution is unnecessarily limiting. This constitution makes four
provinces possible by name. Perhaps it should only mention federal units without
mentioning their names. As stated in the constitutions of India and the United States of
239
America (USA). This will reduce the impression that the number of provinces is final.
While Pakistan’s Constitution is giving the impression that the number of provinces is final.
The subject matter must be amended in the Constitution.
The formation of separate provinces is also stopped by the nature of Pakistan's

constitution, which sets out a very strict procedure for the creation of new provinces in the
country. Under the current constitution of Pakistan, the formation of new provinces is not
an easy mission. Because it is very difficult to change the boundaries of the existing
provinces without amending the constitution. According to clause (4) of Article 239, the
procedure of creating separate provinces has been made very difficult. For this purpose, a
two-thirds majority is required in relative provincial Assembly and federal parliament that
is impossible without consensus between the political parties. It will be difficult to meet
these legal requirements in a coalition government.
Political Parties are a big hurdle to make the new provinces in the country. Major
national political parties are playing with the feelings of the people of backward and
deprived areas. When elections come near, they announce the favor the cause of new
provinces to get votes of that region who are demanding the creation of a new province.
But, after taking political advantage, they forget the issue of new provinces. In this regard,
different political parties favor the issue to get political advantages such as PML-N in the
Hazara region in KPK, Pakistan people Party (PPP) in the Seraiki belt in Punjab. PTI in the
Hazara region in KPK and South Punjab region. Interestingly, PPP wants to make province
in South Punjab, but she does not want the division of Sindh for more provinces.
Like the other challenges, ethnic and linguistic movements are a big hurdle in the
way of new administrative units in the country. Each province has a substantial
geographically concentrated minority: Seraikis in South Punjab, Mohajirs in urban Sindh,
Hazarewals in the Hazara region of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Pashtuns in north
Balochistan. This diversity has a great impact on the politics of Pakistan. Because
movements that are working for the creation of a new province in Pakistan they want to
make new units for their identity, culture, language, and ethnicity basis. Such as Seraiki
intellectuals and nationalists believe that the creation of a province without the word Seraiki
would be not only incomplete but meaningless, ineffective, incomplete, and weak.
240
Given the already weak economic situation facing Pakistan, the economic
implications of a decision on new provinces are crucial. Therefore, some compromises will
have to be made to achieve equal distribution of income and resources. This problem is
exacerbated when resources are not enough in Pakistan. Moreover, Regional Political
Parties and Groups are other steeplechases in the way of the creation of new provinces in
Pakistan. Each of its provinces is associated with a certain ethnolinguistic group – Punjab
with Punjabis, Sindh Sindhis, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with Pashtuns, and Balochistan with
Balochis. In this way, such as Sindhi nationalists in Sindh, Baloch regional political parties,
and groups in Balochistan and Awami National Party (ANP) in KPK are being opposed to
the division of Sindh Province, Balochistan Province, and KPK Province respectively.
The voices raised by the people of the backward areas and the movements of the
separate provinces have also strengthened the hope to the prospects of a new province in
the country to end the backwardness, exploitation, injustice, and other grievances. When
problems and issues reach on its peaks then they convert into the challenges. The people of
the backward areas of Pakistan have big problems and issues that are related to their
development and prosperity. The centralized forces still want to make Pakistan a
unitary/central state in its place of a federal state. These forces are not in favor of a
decentralized system in the country because doing so will have to shift economic and
political power to a low level.
There are many hurdles and obstacles in the way of creating new provinces in the
country. If the creation of new provinces accelerates Pakistan’s development journey, then
all these hindrances to the creation of new provinces must be removed with this mind. There
is no better solution to these areas as the creation of new provinces will also help alleviate
the grievances of the people of the backward areas. The purpose of creating new provinces
in the country should be to facilitate the people and bring prosperity to the underdeveloped
areas of Pakistan.
The results of the Comparison between Pakistan and the major countries of the
world with special reference to the creation of new provinces are very impressive. Because
almost all major countries of the world especially the federal states are developing with fast
track. More provinces are playing an outstanding role in the development. in this way, on
administrative grounds, the division of a country into smaller provinces, constituent units,
241
regions, and states are its basic requirement for smooth and uninterrupted development.
This distribution should be based on meeting the needs of the people and its output for the
state. Concerns about its geography, history, language, race, etc. can be helpful in this
regard. Most of the states of the world have formed new administrative units to meet the
mounting demands of their people and to advance their managerial structure.
Switzerland has 26 cantons (provinces) with only 8.4 million population while its
GDP per capita income is $62100 which shows prosperity in the country. Austria with 8.8
million people and an area nearly equal to the size of the KPK has 9 provinces while its
GDP per capita income is $50000 (2017 est.). India has at present 28 states and 8 union
territories whereas it had 14 provinces in 1947. Iran had 12 provinces till 1950; it has now
31 provinces and 9 dependencies. Argentina has 45 million population while its GDP per
capita is $20,900 (2017 est.) The Philippines has 81 provinces with 109 million people and
its area is 300000 Sq. Km. While its GDP per capita is $8400. Japan has 47 prefectures
(provinces) with 125 million population and $5.443 trillion GDP (PPP), while its GDP per
capita is $42900.
The USA with 50 states, Turkey with 81, and China with 23 provinces plus some
autonomous regions have been developing well economically and politically. Even states
which are much smaller in size than Pakistan have more units. Such as Liechtenstein is a
European country that has 11 communes (administrative units) with an area 160 sq. km and
a population 39137, while its GDP per capita is $139100. According to the estimate of
2009, the GDP per capita of Liechtenstein is the largest in the world. Afghanistan with a
weaker economy has 34 provinces.
Many countries and nations in the world are developing very fast. There are many
factors involved in the development of these countries but one of the important factors is
the creation of new provinces on an administrative basis. The formation of new
administrative units cannot only bring good governance but also facilities the people to
their doorsteps. There are many motives for the formation of new provinces, the main of
which is population. Because the population of a country or province exceeds a certain
threshold, economic, social, and other problems arise there. In this situation, the
establishment of new provinces becomes essential for good governance in the country, and
the elimination of these problems. When compared to the other countries of the world in
242
terms of development and new provinces, Pakistan lags far behind in both these respects.
No one disagrees that new provinces should be formed on the administrative ground. The
nations that developed in the world increased the number of provinces on an administrative
basis after their independence.
In the case of Pakistan, the current population has crossed the limit of 200 million
and it has become the fifth largest country in the world in terms of population. Pakistan
with 233 (July 2020 est.) million population and the area 796096 Sq. km has only 4
provinces, while its GDP per capita is $5,400. In this regard, Pakistan has 172nd number
in the list of GDPs per capita out of 229 countries in the world ranking (2017 est.). It shows
the average living standards and economic wellbeing of the people of Pakistan. If Pakistan
followed the model of major countries of the world and established the new provinces in
the country, the average life of the people of Pakistan could have been further improved.
But unfortunately, Pakistan could not do anything that could make the lives of the common
people of Pakistan easier.
The population of Punjab province has crossed the 110 million mark. Even worse
is the situation that Punjab’s population is 55% of current Pakistan’s population. There is
no such example in the world of a province with a population of 55% of the total population
of its country. Punjab population wise is the third largest province in the world. Moreover,
there are about 10 countries in the world whose population is more than the population of
Punjab province. There are about 44 countries in the world whose income or area is less
than the income and area of Punjab. While many developed countries are smaller than
Punjab.
Apart from Punjab, the other three provinces of Pakistan are also larger in
population than many countries and provinces of the world. Such as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s
population is 32.9 million that is almost equal to the population of Saudi Arabia (32.2 M),
Afghanistan (33.4 M), and Morocco (34.8 M). Sindh province of Pakistan has an almost
equal population to the countries of Tanzania (55.2 M) Myanmar (54.4 M) and South Africa
(55 M). Balochistan province is just about equal to the population of Cambodia (15.8 M)
and Senegal (15.6 M).
The following data that is taken from the other countries confirms that the system
was decentralized in these countries in the form of new provinces while the system was
243
centralized in Pakistan which created this gap and instead of developing in Pakistan,
poverty, backwardness, injustice and many other problems camped. The fact that Pakistan,
a country with such a large population, has only four provinces means that Pakistan has
been dominated by a centralized mindset instead of decentralized which is why the power
in Pakistan has not been transferred to the lower level in the shape of new provinces. In this
situation, the creation of more provinces is a basic need.
6.1 Suggestion
The constitution should require a constitutional commission every ten or twenty

years to investigate the need for new provinces. Pakistan should take up the issue in such a
way that past disputes over the issue of new provinces do not raise. The creation of new
provinces needs to be debated for various reasons. These reasons should not be bothered
by the reasons that have been presented from time to time and have given a negative color
to the suggestions. These reasons for the new provinces should be neither political nor
ethnic nor linguistic. Rather, providing good governance to the citizens of Pakistan should
be the only reason for the new provinces. The Civil Division is the largest administrative
unit within the province, it has been suggested that every civil Division in Pakistan be made
a province. In this way, linguistic and ethnic problems can be avoided. Politics should be
excluded from this whole process. It cuts it off from the history of conflicts. Its traditional
opposition must be nullified.
244
Appendix-1
The Big provinces in British India with area and population
245
246
Appendix-2
The minor provinces in the British India with area and population
247
Appendix-3
Number of Districts more than 250 and Provinces with area and
population in British India.
248
249
Appendix-4
Manifesto of PML-N 2013 in Urdu and Formation of New Provinces
250
Appendix-5
PTI’s Manifesto Election 2018 and Formation New Provinces
251
Appendix-6
PPP’s Manifesto Election 2018 and Stance on New Provinces
252
Appendix-7
Number of Seats of National Assembly of Pakistan
253
Appendix-8
Eighth Amendment in the Constitution of 1973
254
255
256
Appendix-9
Eighteenth Amendment in 1973 Constitution and the recognition of
Pashtun with the new name of KPK
257
258
Appendix-10
Imran Khan’s Statement for new provinces
259
260
Appendix-11
Article 239 of the Constitution of Pakistan is the biggest Challenge in the
way of the formation of new provinces
261
262
Appendix-12
Population Distribution According to Census 1998 by Mother Tongue
263
264
265
266
Appendix-13
Report of the Commission for Creation of New Province (s) in the
Province of the Punjab
267
268
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FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN:

CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS

Ph.D. (Pakistan Studies)

Department of Pakistan Studies

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

FORMATION OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN:

CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

Fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Department of Pakistan Studies

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

Gulzar Ahmad S/O Muhammad Shafee

Dr. Muhammad Khurshid,

Department of Pakistan Studies,

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

Dr. Muhammad Khurshid. __________________________

(Supervisor). Assistant Professor

Department of Pakistan Studies

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan.

Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani ___________________________

(Chairman of the department). Professor

Department of Pakistan Studies

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan.

DEDICATION .............................................................................................................................................. III

SUPERVISOR DECLARATION ................................................................................................................. V

ACKNOWLEDGMENT ............................................................................................................................. VII

TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................................... VIII

LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................................. XVII

ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ..................................................................................................XIX

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 1

1.1 PROBLEM STATEMENT ........................................................................................................................... 3

1.2 SCOPE OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................................................. 3

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................................... 4

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS .......................................................................................................................... 4

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................................ 5

1.6 THEORETICAL CONCEPTS OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................... 5

1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................... 7

1.8 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS .................................................................................................................... 7

1.8.1 Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................ 7

1.8.2 Chapter 2 ............................................................................................................................ 8

1.8.2.1 Federalism in Pakistan ..................................................................................................... 8

1.8.3 Chapter 3 ............................................................................................................................ 8

1.8.3.1 Demand for the Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan .................................................. 8

1.8.4 Chapter 4 ............................................................................................................................ 8

1.8.4.1 Challenges and Prospects of New Provinces in Pakistan ................................................. 8

1.8.5 Chapter 5 ............................................................................................................................ 8

1.8.6 Chapter 6 ............................................................................................................................ 9

1.8.6.1 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 9

1.9 LITERATURE REVIEW............................................................................................................................. 9

1.10 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ................................................................................................................. 12

1.10.1 Formation of New Provinces Under the Mughal’s Rule ................................................... 14

1.10.2 Formation of New Provinces Under the British ................................................................ 16

1.10.2.1 Modern Concept of Administrative System .................................................................. 16

1.10.2.2 Division of Bengal in 1905: A Great Example of New Provinces ................................ 21

1.10.3 Pakistan and Formation of New Provinces ....................................................................... 26

1.10.3.1 Initial problems ............................................................................................................. 26

1.10.3.2 Issue of Language ......................................................................................................... 27

1.10.3.3 Division of power.......................................................................................................... 27

1.10.3.4 Proportional Representation .......................................................................................... 27

1.10.3.5 One-Unit Scheme .......................................................................................................... 28

1.10.3.6 Declaration Against the One-Unit ................................................................................. 29

1.10.3.7 Separation of East Pakistan in 1971 .............................................................................. 29

1.10.3.8 Pakistan’s State Failed to Take Necessary Steps........................................................... 30