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Methods of research
Learning objectives
By the end of this chapter you will understand:

Types of data, methods and research design

Approaches to sociological research
i::: Research issues

Before you start

Research involves gathering evidence. What ways do you know of al ready for oath .
. . . . ::. enng
evidence? For example, 1f you wanted to find out about the family life of people k
.
in what different ways could you do this? Yu
O now
,

Reflection: What strengths and limitations can you see with the ways you have .d .fl
1 ent, ,ed?

2.1 Types of data, methods and
research design
The differences betwe en primar y and
secondary sources of data and betwee n
quantitative and qualitative data
Primary data
Primary data involves information collected personally by
a researcher. The researcher may use a range of method s,
such as questionnaires, interviews and observa tional
studies.
Primary data: information collected personally by a
researche r.
Strengths
The researcher has complete control over how data is
collected, by whom and for what purpose . In addition,
where a researcher designs and carries out their own
research they have greater control over the reliability and
validity of the data, as well as how representati ve it is.
Limitations
Primary research can be time-consuming to design,
construct and carry out, especially if it involves personally
interview ing large numbers of people. Primary research
can also be expensi ve. In addition, the researcher may
have difficulty gaining access to the target group. Some
people may refuse to participate or, in the case of historical
research, potential respondents may no longer be alive.
Secondary data
Secondary data is data that already exists in some form,
such as documents (government report s and statistic s,
personal letters and diaries) or previous research
completed by other sociologists.
Secondary data: data that already exists; data not personally
generated by the researcher.
Strengths
The researcher is able to save time, money and effort by
using existing data such as official government sta ti stics
Chapter 2: Methods of research
about cri me, marriage or divorce. There may al so be
situation s where second ary data is the only a11ai lable
resource, such as when researching suicide. Seconda ry
data is al so use ful for historica l and comparative
purposes.
Some forms of secondary data , such as official statistics,
may be highly reliable beca use th e data is collecte d
con sistently, in th e same way from the sa me sou rces. Thi s
type of data is al so more likely to represen t what it claims
to represe nt.
Official statistics : a government-generated secondary source
of data on areas such as crime, ma rriage and employment.
Limitations
Secondary data is not al ways produce d with the needs
of sociologists in mind . Fo r examp le, officia l definitions
of poverty, cla ss or ethni city may be differen t from
sociological definition s. Sources, such as personal
documents, can be unreli able. Some forms of secondary
data, such as histori cal documents, may on ly reflect the
views of a single individ ual rather th an re presenting wider •
opinions.
~~
fir\
: } ,.
·;V._ ....
. - ., ,{t~rtt·-
·'.f;({'
. ,,
/,i-hl -
,,·J.~ . , .
Figure 2.1 : Why might personal we bsitE s ;,'' •.). ,~ . -•
secondary data?
Quantitative data
Quantitative data expresses informa~ici n ,- • -- ,,
one of three ways:
1 A raw number, such as the total number of pe·:::,pie .-. •; ~,
live in a society.
 2 A perce~tage, or the number of people per 100, in a
popu~at1on; for example, around 80% of Indians follow
H
the Hindu religion.
u
3 A rate, o_r the number of people per 1,000 in a v.
population; a birth rate of 1, for example, means that 3

for every 1,000 people in a population, one baby is

born each year.

Strengths
The ability to express relationships statistically can be
useful if the researcher does not need to explore the
reasons for people's behaviour- if they simply need to
compare numbers.

Quantitative data allows sociologists to summarise

sources of information and make comparisons. Statistical
comparisons and correlations can test whether a
hypothesis is true or false. They can also track changes in
the behaviour of the same group over time (a longitudinal
study).
Figure 2.2: Quantitative data, such as that collected from
questionnaires, is intended to limit subjective judgements
by asking uniform questions and even providing the choice
of responses. Does quantitative data reduce subjective

{TMXllWl3 judgements?

Quantitative data: information expressed numerical ly th at
captures the 'who, what, when and w here' of behaviour.
Correlation: a statistical relationsh ip between two or more
variables that expresses a level of probability. A high (positive)
correlation suggests the strong probabi lity of a relationshi p.
encounter situations where they are asked to respond to
a list of questions from a stranger, or have th eir beh aviour
observed in a laboratory.
Some argue that it is im possib le to capture p~r.J;) e's
1

A low (negative) correlation suggests the probability of little or
no relationship.
Hypothesis: a statement put forward by the researcher which
is then tested to see whether it is correct.
Quantitative research is more reliable because it is easier
to repeat (replicate) the study. Standardised questions
that do not change, for example, can be asked of different
groups or the same group at different times. The results
can then be quantified and compared. If the answers are
the same, or very similar, then the research is more likely
'normal' behavi our or collect 'rea l' respon ses vih:n th e
subjects are placed in such an artificia l enviror,· ~nt.
Quantitative data only captures a relatively narr-:, : 1 range
of information - the 'who, what, when and w r.e r<>' cf
people's behaviour.
Quantitative data does not usually reveal t he r~ ::: ;15 for
behaviour because it lacks depth; the more d e~;, d th e
behavioural data, the more difficu lt it is to auar • ~ , t, s a
result, quantitative data is often seen as su:fa c~ _· <:I only
data and superficial.

to be reliable.
Qualitative data
Quantitative data also makes it easier for researchers
Qualit~tive da!a aims to capture the quality -:..
to remain objective. They do not need to have a close
peoples behaviour by exploring the, h , rd_•r , ,,-n
personal involvement with the subjects of the study, so the'what whe d , . w Y L c:
h ' n an where• It involves quest ir, · , ;;bo:J:
their personal views or biases are less likely to get in the
ow people feel about their experiences and c"', :, e
way of (intrude into) the data-collection process.
used
F .
to understand th e meanings applied to bv ., 1iovr.
.. I
or examp e, in the USA Venkatesh (2009) t .-:,- ;;
I Limitations young gang from the vi . . s uc , - - ~
Quantification is often achieved by placing the respondent Goffman (1961) . ewpo,nt of rts members, ,. - ::e
examined the expe · f - •
in an 'artificial social setting' in order to control the in a mental institution. n~nces o pot.r:,,Ls
responses and the data collected. People rarely, if ever, Both were tryrng to captu re
the 4 i,;.::i":;, cf ~eop te·s beha, iour: what the Su:ljects
urdersta;-,d. r. ow trey fee l and, most import a:-:t'.y,
w"1y t~ey te~a, e in i:art: cular ways in diffe,e nt
s:tuat:ons .
Stren gths
The a;rr1 cf quati tat:ve resea ~ch is to und erstar1 d peo;J'. e·s
ber.avicur, so they mu st be atlo,\e d to talk a:1d act freely.
This allC\\S t~e researcher to captl!re t:1e co:-:--;plex reasoi7 s
for behaviour. Qualita tive methods, such as partic ipant
observation involve t~e researcr er establis'-.ing a sc'ang
perscr al re'. 2ticr:ship or rappor t with responde:1ts in ore er
to expe~ier.ce their lives. By collect ing c;uati t2t(, e cata
in this way, researc hers have greate r freedom to s:udy
people in the:r 'norm2 l' sett:r gs. The results are more
likely ta s'iow how peo;)le re2lly beh2ve 2nd wh 2t they
really believe.
limita tions
Qualitative research focuses on the intensive study of
relatively small groups , \\ hich may limit the opportunity
for applyin g the ca:a rr.ore w;dely - such groups may
not be reiJresentativ e of anythin g but themse lves. It is
also d1fficutt to co:r.~a re qualit2 tive cata 2cross time 2nd
location because no two g~o ups will ever be qu2litatively
t~e sarr.e. The depth 2nd c:et2il of the ciata also m2kes
such research di7ficu lt to rep lica~e, which me2ns their
reliability is genera lly lower than that of quantitative
research.
ACTIVITY 2. 1
s of data do you think are
in sociological research? Give
and qualitative.
engths and limitations of each type
0 Reffedliore Compa<e you,aoswee; w;th those of othe<
students and listen to their reasons. Do you ag:ee? Would
you reconsider your reasons?
The strengths and limitations of different
secondary sources of data, including official
statistics, personal documents, digital content
and media sources
Official statistics
Official statistics created and published by governments
are a major source of second ary quantitative data used
by socio\C'gists to examine trends and patterns within and
be:\\ een societies:
• Pattern s of behaviour may be picked up by statistical
anal}sis beca use th ey provide a broad overview of
beha\ iour across potent ially wi de areas: local, national
and international. Durkheim (1897), for example,
identifi ed distinct pattern s to suicida l behaviour based
on a comparative analysis of official su icide statistics
across a range of different societi es.
• In terms of trends, statistical data drawn from different
years can be used to understand how something has
changed.
Statist ics can be used for co mpariso ns wi thin groups , such
2s differences in middle- and workin g-class family size,
and bet\\'e en societies.
Qualitative data: ,o~-nun' eric oata that expresses the
002 ,·~::l 2 'e,a ..:orsni;:i.
Participant observation: a resea rch method t'lat involves
•
:re 'ese2rc~er n2'1;c :)a:i"g, ooen1~ \O\ 2 rtly) or secret I\
cc,e--:.~' · ·, i ..... e ~e-ic\ ·cur :rey 2re StUC)"ng.
Comparative ana lysis: Co11ecti-•g oa:2 O" one g·01, 0 er
soc:e:, 3no t"e:1 c0rDaring : he..,.. \\ ith c:, e-s tc .:"'-· "'
cc~d-:\)r-s : tiaL r,a: ~e caus·--g s.J(a e\ e "L5
Strengths
In practica l term s, offic:2\ st2~:s: ,: s..,.:. '<:: ~ ·:: ::-·- .\
availab le source coveri ng a p ·; .:'... ~ - ",• : · : ·\.•:.:.,
such as suicide . in add i:i0r . :J~:-~ t~:.°.: :" ~: ··2
costly, time-co nsumin g 2-j :. :~·;: •. :-- ,:, ? :· :'-', .~'
asstat isticso nma rr;ag-2. _-: :\0·::= .:-. ~. - - ·~2::";
ava ilable - especial:1 si,ce tr:: : -: • ~- , ,, · · ·
internet. Ancther s: rEr' ;:r : · c ·cc.: .... o ~ •
# .. • • • - ...
representativeness t2 :2 .s2: ·,:,, .· .: ·•~-- ::: ·< --
care~u l!y chosen larges:=: -r; .2s. ·.-...
areas including e: 1me. L~ -2 ,·; ,:: - · 2
_,· : ; · .: ~.. :~
_-:. :· '.:' :·15
and divorces, are recc .. c:ec t, :: .\ ~ . - :' -··- ~ ~ :s,~:tt:
term 'hard statistics' to re',,···.;,::.:-::: ,:·.· .. · · ~ ' ' f"
 including religion ~nd su Cid>:,
KEY SOCIOLOGIST =ber of fields, t , ,ch as anomre ana
k ·n a nu11•
1 nceP s 5u .
wor s . important co . book Le S01ode ,s -;i::en a~
Emile Durkheim (1858-1917)
developint\e conscience. Hts roAch taking 5tatist1cal
Th e Fren ch sociologist Emile Durkh eim is he collec i <•tivi<t app a ,
seen wit h Weber an d Marx, as one of t he
t t·fying the po- 1 . ~ c regions ard courtr e) ,;n,~ 1

exempn1 suicide from d1fferenrela~icn between d:lfi?rer,,:~~

'fou~d ing fathe rs' of modern soci?log~. data o bli<h a cor
He is usually described as a functiona li st •ing to esta, ~ es ,n social factors. such
P
attern c d d'fferenc
I '
and as influ encing th e developm ent of . suicide rates an l ex~ent to wt· ch people wer1:
,n . fs and t11e ... _.
Am eri can structu ral functionalism, w h'ic h as religious be 1,e . . nd cornrnu rn t,e'.i.
dominated Western sociology for much into families a
integrate d
of th e 20th centu ry. He wrote influ ential

, ,·ders in countrie:- arc ~,:--,:; ··~=: .-.~·

'ear-on -ye a1 rnu . ' ..
level of accurac y and cann ot be doubted. For exampl e, y . • II r little about 11 h peor:-- k " ·· ·: ? --
statistics about the number of divorces in a society can this daLa te s u::i
be viewed as 'hard ' evidenc e. This is beca use a divorce other.
has to be legally registered , so clear and acc urate i(a ' ive data is normally co 11::icicr?J 1T ~·-=
Alth oug h qu a n' · 11.- 1. , • . . •
records are available. Stat istics t hat are co nsidered . . r·h an nL•a 1·-L0...,• :,.-e data its s1gn1frc :111 cc> 1T1L;::.'.
ob~ec uve , ~ • • ... •
1 1
• ·- .
to be less accu ra te are re ferre d to as 'so ft statistics'.
aIvv ay, ::,r ·oo~ 1·n. ,,·er·'.ra · c, b\1 researc her·s; w ho cJrc1d0 wh,1'. ..
~ · ~ -~~
Official statistics about the unemp loym ent rate may
data means. A st2~ ;5~ ic 2. . r,se in crime , fo r cx:11Pplc, 1'11 cl_,:
be 'soft ', because th ere are different ways of defin ing
'unemployment '; depending on whi ch defi nition is used, the resu It of:
.... the figures may vary greatl y. • a real rise
'
• a differ-en~ \'Jay of definin g and co untin g c r " ·1r
~ f]'tm@m
I
I • police target ing certain typ es of cr im (' ar 1,.: 11rest ir\
I Representativeness: extent to wh ich the characteristics of more peop lt:.
a sample popul ation accurately reflect those of the target
popul ation .
Governments occasio nally change th e d0f 11 ,:, of
key concepts . Differe nt governme n t s m Jy ,: . '. rfine a
Limitations ~oncept differently. Such cha nges a n cJ cJifk . C·S br;r-g
Apart from not providing any great dept h or deta il, mto ~uestion the re lia bility of t h e d ata, b(!:· wheri
makrng com par' h
official statistics involve problems of validity du e to what . . ,so ns t e resea rch e r mus t c
wrth like. ·
governments include in or exclude from published data .
Such data may only give a partial pictu re of real ity fo r two
reasons:

1 Not all information may be available to those collecting

the statistics. For example, while official crime
statistics provide valuable data about crimes reported
to the police, they tell us little or nothing about the ,,-
,--'- X
'dark figure of crime' - crimes that are not reported or
-~...:-~~ ~"", .,. •·

recorded.
2 Statistical data do not reveal much about the reasons
for people's behaviour. For example, although we
have a reasonably precise figure for the number of Figure 2.3: D
inf oes having t I
orrnation rnake it o egally record s L :.i cat
more reliable?
 d
behaviour. Comparisons of past
present accounts
THINK LIKE A SOCIOLOGIST of family and working lives can ha~ nd
P ~s u erstand the
similarities and changes in ind· -~
s, think about iv1 ua and institutional
Whenever you come across stat istic behaviour. Pearson (1983) ' for exa
y will be socially mple, used med·
how they came to be produced. The .
r 100 yea rs t d ,a
made by people accounts going back ove
constructed - the resu lt of decisions avio ~monstrate that
how. violent 'hooligan' or 'yobbish' beh
about what to cou nt or measure and our is not a recent
phenomenon in the UK.
analysed by com paring. h
Documents can also be . . w at
t and ning) and their hidden
Personal documents, digital conten they ~ctually say (their literal mea
the hopes , fears an d
media sources me.anings - what they tell us about
Some of the personal document
s which can be beI1efs of whoever produced them . Newspaper articles
ies, oral histories, ut their writers and h;w
used by sociologists are letters, diar for example, may tell us more abo
The media, such as do about the topic of
autobiographies and photographs. they see social problems than they
ges, are also valuable the article.
newspapers, books and moving ima
use is also now being
sources of information. Increasing
s and websites. The Limitations
made of on line sources such as biog
three categories of on the availability
strengths and limitations of these Practical limitations tend to focus
not always easy to
sources are similar and will be trea
ted together. of documentary sources - they are
Paper documents can
find - and where they come from.
to know whether they
be faked and a researcher needs
OaHia;ni are originals or copies that may hav
e been changed by
of data covering
Personal documents: secondary source ries, other authors. Similar considerati
ons apply to digital text,
ies, oral (verbal) histo
areas such as personal letters, diar We do not always know
sites and photographs. photographic and video sources .
websites, soci al networking

■
created, which means
why or by whom a document was
believable source. Did
we cannot always be sure if it is a
nce of the things they
Strengths the author have first-hand experie
ing something they
Documents give the researcher acc
ess to data that would describe, or are they simply repeat
to collect personally. heard?
cost a lot of money, time and effort
in situations where it ms in that they may be:
They can provide secondary data Documents offer reliability proble
(about things that
is not possible to collect primary data
Historical documents • incomplete
happened in the past, for example).
purposes; contrasting inaccurate
can also be used for comparative •
live now is useful mple, m2y simply bl:'
how people once lived with how we • unrepresentative - diaries, for exa
ial change. Historical
for tracking and understanding soc one individual's view.
in people's behaviour
analysis also reveals the differences nge; old webs1t e~
-things we now take for granted may
have been seen Digital sources can be subject to cha
may be updated so that
differently in the past, and the oth
er way around. become inaccessible while others
sources rmy become
data of great the original content is lost. Some
Documents can provide qualitative harder to access as technologies bec
om e no lor:g er us,: J
ies such as those
depth and detail. For example, diar (for example floppy disks).
in England
of Samuel Pepys, who recorded life
who recorded her
during the 1660s, or Anne Frank,
sterdam during the
life in hiding from the Nazis in Am
e and valuable research meth ·)d•.;
Second World War, provide extensiv How have sociologists had to adapt
y lives. In addition, tal revolution ;0
because of changes such as the digi
details about people and their dail technology?
e accounts across
it is sometimes possible to compar
time to test the validity of curren
t accounts of social
 Postal questionnaires . .
THINK LIKE A SOCIOLOGIST
. . · ,valve two basic typ es of qu estion.
Q est,onna,res ir . .
Diaries are a c u· d d pre -coded question s invol ve th<:
. ommon Yused perso nal docum ent. As a
1
Closed -en e or .
S ocI01oglst yo Id . ·d·ng a set of answers from which the
, u wou want to ask qu es tions that help researcher pr ov1 1 - . .
yo u assess th e u f I - d t n ch oose. The research er l1m1ts the
eo se u ness of diaries. For exa mple, what respon en ca . .
p pi e keep diaries? Why do they keep them? Did they t Ca n be given as In the follow111 g exa mpl
~sponses th a ' E
~~te
nd
fo:
0th er peop le to rea d them? What thin gs do
ey put In (a nd what do they leave out?) Which diaries Don't
from the past have survived and why? oo you own a
sociology textbook? I Know

There are variations on this type of question, such

Identify some personal documents that you have. How
useful could they be In sociologica l research?
as those that measure respondent attitud es, but their
defining characteristic is that they do not all ow the
respondent to develop an answer beyond the listed
categories.

Reflection: How would you feel about your own In open -ended questions, the researcher does not providE
documents (such as a diary you kept) being used by possibl e an swers . Rather, the respondent an swers in their
researchers? What does thi s tell you about ethical own words. For example:
considerations in using personal documents? Would It
make you reconsider how you conduct your own research? 'What do you like about studying sociology?'
This type of question finds out more about th e

•
respondent 's opinions and produces a limited form
The strengths and limitations of different of qualitative data - although the main aim of a
quantitative research methods, including quest'.onna'.re is usually to quantify respon ses. MJny
questionnaires, structured interviews, quest1onna1res contain a mix of open and closc'd
questions.
experiments and content analysis
Questionnaires Strengths
Questionnaires consist of written qu estions that take one Pre-coded quest' k .
ions ma e It easier to quant·if . · I ·ta
of two forms: because the opt' . c, ,
• ions are already known th e11 ·. ,- limited
111 number and easy tO ' 1
1 Postal questionnaires are normally completed in . k count. Such qu estion s ,. :· also
qu1c and easy to code· th· . .
private without the researcher being present. Today of the numb f ' is can be Ju st a sin:i ,, count
this includes web-based or ema il ed questionnaires. er o responses p d d
are useful wh th · re-co e qu est:. :s
2 Researcher-administered questionnaires are large number:~f :~esearc~er needs to co m c1
comp leted in the presence of the researcher, with respondents d thp _pie quickly and effici en t! · •:1e
0 et1me co •
respondents answering questions verbally: these are the questionnai - nsum111g work of , 1pleting
re.
structured interviews.
Questionnaires can resu . .
because everyon It 111 highly reliable dJ
e answers th .
easy to replicate th e same quest I0,·; is
Questionnaire: research method consisting of a list of written often remain unk e research. The fact tha t n: idents
. . nown (ano
question s. va IId1ty of the re nymou s) mean s u, ,e
structured interview: set of standard questi ons asl~ed by th e . . search is im
it involves qu es tions that _proved, especi al! : ,n
researcher of the ,·espond ent. It ls simil ar to a questionnaire,
but is delivered by the resea rcher rather than comp leted by a ~here is also les s risk that :ght be seen as pc,. HI.
responden t.
iased answers or t e re spond ent wi ll
wants to hear. ry to anticipate what th e r\' ,.::her
 Limitations • Leading question .
.. s suggrst a ri:,
Orn' si~:11rlil-,rn 1 pr,Ktic,1I p1olilt'rll with q11C' sti onnc1i res is example, Why d . quired answer F
. o you thrnk rt . . . or
d IL,w rc~pl'll'-t' I,1t(', whe r"t' on ly ,1 srn ,1II numbPr of tho se Sociology?" doesn't II is important to ·,tud
h . . . a ow respondcn y
11'Cl'ivin~: ,1 q1rl'Sticinn.1ir L' fl'turn it. Thi s Ci:111 rosult in a w ether rt rs important. - ts to question
c.11dully dL'sigried s,1 111pl c bccominc unrr•prrwntc 1tive, • If an opt' ·
ion rs not precisely d 0 r· ·11
l't'C,llN' it dfl'C t ivt>ly Sl'll'c ts it sr lf. There is also nothing .ff
d r erent things to d ·f• · • 1t w, mean
· inect
, ,erent peo I F
th e 1cSl',1rch('1 r.'111 do if l l'Spo nd c nt s ignore questions or peop le may define the wo d, p e._ or example.
respL..,11l1 incor,pc tly, such JS choosing two answers when different ways . r occasionally ' or 'often· in
011Iv one w,1s ,rq ues lL'ci.

The qlll:'Stionn.i ire for 111c1t mc1kos it difficult to examine Structured interviews
cc1m~1lc,)( issues ,ind opinions. Ano t her weakness is the fact A structured interview is where th
. e researcher asks
tli,1t th ~ 1esec1 1clil'r lws to d ec id e at th e start of the stu dy qu es tion s to respondents in person To achi c •

wh,1t Is a nd is n ot sig n ifi cant. There is no opportuni ty to and comparable res ults the same q.ue t· eve consistent
' 5 rans are asked in
ch,1 n gP thi s l,1ter o n. t h e same order each time·' there ·,s no fl ex,·b·i·
r rty to change
th e ordf'r or the questions.

Strengths

II I;
Potential reliability problems, such as respondents
mi su nd erstanding or not answering questions, can be
fi xed by the re searcher. In addition, a str uctured interview
avoids the probl em of unrepresenta tive samples - the

■'
response rates will be 100°0.
I

■ !
Limitations
Structured interviews involve assumptions (pre-
judgements ) about people's behavio ur and, like
questionnai res, cJn Jlso contain (not on purpose) biased
■
que st ions. The l,1ek of anonymity in an interview also
. -t.,-.~. • •• _._ -· - - - cont, ibut0s to t\\O reldted limita tions :

Figure 2.4: Are questionnaires reliable, unreliable, don't
know?
The researc h er has no way o f knowin g whether a
respondent ha s understood a question prop erl y. The
researcher also has to tru st th at th e questions mean
the same thing to all respondents . While remaining
1 The intt>r, i1'\\! f'rfc•ct occurs when a respondent tries to
'h elp' t h,, l'"-t'Jr d,C'r by providing answers designed
to pk-'.i~t>. T' P:; t',-:uces va lidity beca use respondents
simply p,,,v:cl,, 1I1w,ers they think the researcher wants
orwhk h \\:I ·:·,,! · ,:i go od impression.
2 The res earch ,. pffoct is w hen the relationship
b etween ft"••' 1, ·, Jnd resp ondent may biJs

unknown (ano ny m ity) m ay enco urage ho nes ty, re spons es:

if someone other th an th e intend ed respo nd ent
• Aggres~H ,, ._.,,rs . for e,Jmple, m:1y
completes the questionnai re, it will affec t the validity
introduLT h: . :, q-i ng (1ntirnid.1ting\
and representat iven ess o f the resea rch. Some of these , :·ig c1ns wei 5 th,1t thcv du n_-,t
respon d ,,, 1:
problems can be avoided by pilot studi es (see b elow), but
really b t~li,'\ ·
they cannot be totally removed.
• Status con., · 1
•
, li.,':, l'd 011 f.1ct0rs such .is
A further problem involves (unintention al) bi ased i ..rl11 1ic. tv, 111,1~ .i l::-L' Lii,b th,·
gender, .:i~-' . ( .
questions. These ca n take a number of forms: ·ui.' ,c~p,,n,it'n t 111.1, kt'I
datJ. For L''-· · ·
'I !Ill' 11l'I s,,n,11 ,],>L'':,( ll'l1S
• If a question has more th,-:in one m ea nin g, people will embarr ,l S~L
·' I
.. l .._, ,-.

be answering different qu estion s. posed b, ,1 111 -,

,,,,'I, ,111d , i,t'\,"':>.l .
 ACTIVITY 2.3
2
. involves
causation
occurs, ano
the id ea th at when one

ther awI
ction
oys follows. Ca u sa l re lation n·
s ip,
se they allow a research er to -
a:,I
rful bec au f
are povve behaviour o something.
. t the future
Design a short questionnaire, with a mixture of closed pre d ic -

ettJ1ilLCS
and open questions, for your fellow sociology students
about how they study. .
search shows a relationship or
. ns· when re . bl
correlat10 · two or more varia es.
ction between .
conne .d that when one action occurs, anoth

0 --- Reflection : Compare you r questionnaire with others and

• . the I ea
causation,
a/ways follows becau
se the latter is caused by the former
er
.

ask them to eva luate yours. What changes would you now sy to distinguish between correlation
make and why? . not always ea . 1 .
It 1s . . the real world of socio og1cal research
d causation in . ,
an . ften happen at the same time by chan
because things o ce
. . However, there are two ways to separat
or coincidence. . e
ACTIVITY 2.4 correlation from causality:
st a relationship. The more times a test
What are th e similariti es and differences between a 1 Test an d rete
. • ted with the same result , the greater the
stru ctured intervi ew and a postal questionnaire? 1s rep 11ca . .
Wh at research topics would be better studied using chances that the relationship is cau sal.
postal q uestio nnaires rather than structured interviews? Use different groups with exactly the same
For which topics would structured interviews be better? 2
characteristics:

• an experimental group whose behaviour is

Exp erim ents manipulated

■
Experim ents involve testing the relationship • a control group whose behaviour is not
betw ee n d ifferent variables - things that can change
manipulated .
un der co nt ro lled conditions . The researcher
c ha nges (manipu lates) independent variables to see
Laboratory experiments
wh eth e r th ey produce a change in dependent
v 2 riab les th at are not changed by the researcher; any Laboratory experiments take place in a clo sed
ch a nges mu st be caused by a change in the independent environment where conditions can be pre ci sely
monitored and controlled. This ensures th at :-.c 'outside'
v ariab le.
or uncontrolled variables affect the relatio n ~,: o between
the dependent and independent variabl es . 1: -.':-se kind

Researcher effect: also called the inteNiewer effect, this

refers to how the relationshi p between researcher and
respondent may bias responses and lead to invalid data.
Experimental gro up.. th e subjects. of an exp er;. · .nt. The
variables: factors that can be cha nged (manipu lated) by the
researcher changes different variables to test rl . d fecton
researcher to understand their effect on behaviour. behav1our The · Oft
. bl . · re is en also a co ntrol group r.· .horn the
'
betna e 1s hnot chang ed · Th'1s allows compariso, ' '.) bema
va de
ween t e contro l and experimental grou ps.
Experiments, therefore, are based on changing an
Control group· In e .
inde pendent variable and mea suring any later change in a resea rcherd · xpenments,agroupfo rw h1. cr1e
oesnotchan th . · can be
dependent variable. This relationship can be one of compared with rou ge e variables, so th,1
. ,,n changeC
Exper" g ps for whom variables haw ,
two types: •ment: a resear h ?t procedU''
to test a hypoth . c method which foll ows ,
1 correlations occur when two or more things happen es1s. Labo t 1.Jce in
a closed environ ra ory experim ents ta . 1
at roughly the same time. These only suggest a
monitored and ment where co nditions can be, ' isely· th1 · . .
relationship, however, because it is possible for them 'rea l world'. co ntrolled. Field experim ents ta, otace in
to occur by chance.
 of experiements are unusual in socioogy, because they Limitations
involve an artificially created situation and so it is unlikely It can be difficu lt to co ntr I ,
that the findings will apply to the 'real' world. Participants on behaviour, even in a I ob, al1 ~ossible influ ences
will be aware that research is taking place and this will awa a oraLory s~t ·
reness of being st d. <=,ting. A sirrp1,,
affect how they behave. Laboratory experiments also raise an u ied, fo r A>:am I i_
uncon trolled indep,:,na' - .- Pe, may irtrodu rc
ethical issues about permission (consent). Th - ent vana' l · "-
e Hawthorne (or observe~) eff o e into an experin,enL
study by Mayo (1933) a· ·h ect, namea after -
Field experiments f LL e Hawthorn '1 a
re ers to changes in peop le' b h . e actory in Ch ic;:; i:ro
. s e av1ou ·; - •
r a,rt::cdy result" r,,,
a '
Field experiments are more appropriate for sociological from t he1r knowl edge of b .
e1ngst d' . c
research, because they are not conducted in a closed, conditions at the fac o u iea. The working
L rywere manip 1- d. . ,
controlled environment. ways, such as cha nging t' b . u ate ' 1n d1ffere,1c
ne nghtn es, of th 11 ·
the temperature in the f- • ' - ·ie ghtin.2: ana
It is very difficult to control all possible independent aCLory However th l -
always the sa me: the work ra·~ , • , e resu ts were
variables in a natural setting, which means that natural
because they knew they wer: bor Lhe workers increased,
experiments tend to establish correlations rather eing stu died.
than causation. However, the basic principles of the
experiments are the same. Researchers use dependent (rm
and independent variables to test a hypothesis or answer
a research question:
Hawthorne (or observer) effect· ch
.
.
· anges ,n oecple's
behav1our tha[ result from their knowledg , b . b
l
· e 0 1 eing o served.
• To test the hypothesis that teachers' expectations
influence how well their students do in school,

I·. -· .-~7~"':1.
Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) conducted
a study of low educational achievement in
children. The dependent variable was their level

■
of achievement and the independent variable
was the expectations that teachers had about the .. ,...e .
.-
ability of their students. Rosenthal and Jacobson
manipulated the independent variable by pretending
to be psychologists who could, on the basis of a
sophisticated IQ test, identify children who would
display 'dramatic intellectual growth'. In fact, they
tested the students and then randomly classed
some students as 'later developers'. The researchers
informed the teachers of their 'findings'. They Figure 2.5: How migh t th e knowledge of being watched
retested the students at a later date and discovered change people 's beh avio ur?
that the IQ scores of those students whose teachers
believed were 'late-developing high flyers' had Content ana lysis
significantly improved. Content analysis has bo::- ,: ,., .:;-: ·::·· . = :::~ J qu a1;:aci,12
forms. What both typ es ha,. = ,- _-_ -- - r_ 0 :-2 s~J!.y o~
Strengths
texts (datasources such as :2,:: , - -..-: -- -:cc'J ~e,~:::
Laboratory experiments are easier to replicate than field
andsoon).Quantita tive2 1-;2,;-:: :: : · -· : ·
experiments because the researcher has more control
example, uses statistica : ~ec'-.·- : . ,
over both the research conditions and the variables
count the freque ncy of peJ c:=: = : · -:
being tested. Standardised research conditions give
analysis table or grid (Tacie 2._
experiments a high level of reliability. Experiments can
also create powerful, highly valid statements about
behaviour based on cause-and-effect relationships. Field
experiments can be used to manipulate situations in Content analysis: resea rcr -- ': :-
the real world to understand the underlying reasons for analysis of media texts and c::r -- _- :
everyday behaviour.
 Cambridge lnternatlonal AS a. A Level Sociology

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I, ll 111 ·, c>I IJc ·Ii , 1v11 ll II II I w l II< I, , .i I c'/'.<JI"", . 11 II', 1, 11 ,,, ",
Tabl e 2 .1 Sim p le co ntent ana lysis grid to rec ord tlH' , ,,, , .. ,1,,111 ·, ,i/ 11J11 I w l ll' il 11 •1 , ,I/ olJ· ,r·r vr•cl lw/1.i VI/J IH c.ir, hr,
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11 11/C /1 , i/ 1cJ1 1i /,o w (if w l 11 ,11 1rl /C• 111 , .. , IC'< c•1v1•, 1111r/r• r•, i,H1d
St ren gths , 1c ( < •111 11f 11;111 H" I I l"r 11r", , If ,d p , 11 I 1•1 fl' , cfr,r ovr• r<•d /Jy tl li~
Co nte n t a n d lys is c,rn ide11 tify u11d l'1lyi11 g tli L' 111L's ,111d r (' ', (' ,II ( / 1

p a t te rn s o f b e hJvio m t ll Jt 111 c1y 11 o t b e i11111 1L•di,1 l l' ly

app a re nt; fo r ex J n1p le, th e ex l e11l l o w li ic l 1wo 11 H.' 11 i11
The strengths zind limitations of different
te lev isio n o r m aga zi11 e adve1ti se m c 11l s (11e ,1ssoc i, 1l l'd
qualit;-it ivc rcsc,1rch methods, including
w ith h o u sework and c lea 11i11 g.
unstructured interviews, se mi -structu red
interviews, group interviews , overt and
covert participant and non - participant
observation
Unstructured ,nterviews
Un st ruct ure d intervie w s (' r1,ilJl0 rr:<,C'c:J rclwr ', t<J
~1cqui 1c ,1 11 ullll, •1<,tt1 1Hli11g o f how p eop le thi nk cJr,d feel.
l~cs p o 11 d (' r1l :, ,7 1L' (' 11 co uragcd to talk fr ee ly abou· il1r
thi r1gs tlJ C'y fl'C' i r1r0 ir11port ant.

Unstructured interviews: free- form interview rn1•tl

wh ere the aim is to get the respondent to talk . w ith
(prompting) or interruption, about whatever they t, ,,
important about a topic.

Stren gth s
The resea rcher 's limited input m ea ns that data'
th e interes ts o f t he respo nd ent. It is th e refore n ,,1
to b e an accurate and d e ta il ed exp ression of th,•
JS
Allowin g th e responde nts to ta lk free ly in their o·
Figure 2.6: Content analysis can be used to _reveal avoid s th e prob lem of t he researcher pre-judg1 r1:·
hidden social processes, such as how websites m akes impor tant o r irrelevant d ata.
collect private info rmation
 Chapter 2: Methods of research

The resea rch er must estab lish a strong understan

ding with
trust
respondents . If thi s is achieved, people who don't Reflection: rogr:th cr, draw up v li•,I 0f th'1 ',kill', you
hr:1ve
er, allow ing turvic w, , Do you
being studied can open up to the resea rch found out arc important for un~tr uctur cd in
research Iv<: they <,viii•, you r,ould
sensitive issue s to be explored in depth . If th e and your partn er have th 8:,e c.kill•)
some wher e the improve with practiw 1
is relatively inform al, it can take place
home.
respondent will feel at ease, such as in th eir own

..
t

' we
Many of th e skills needed for inlerviewing are what
l in
ca ll transferable skill s - that is, Lhey are very usefu
non -socio logica l, contexts too. Think
I other, comp letely
nd
of ways in which these skill s might be useful beyo
... .. sociology.

"" Semi-structured interviews

e strength s
This type of interview attempts to comb in e th
archers
of unstructur ed and stru ctu red in terviews. Rese
., ' phra se
are free to ask qu estions in any order and to
Sem i-stru cture d
Figure 2.7: How are unstructured interviews
like a the questions as th ey think best.
talk at length
conversation?
interviews, therefore, allow a respo ndent to
interview
and in depth about a particular subject. The

■
the areas the
has a structure or 'interview schedul e' -
list of
Limitations interviewer wants to focus on - but there is no
Carrying out unstructured interviews requires specific questions. Different responden ts may be asked
considerable skill. The researcher must resist the different questions on th e sam e topic, depending
on how
The
temptation to influence, encourage or interrupt. the interview deve lops. The aim is to understan
d thing s
direction
resea rcher, by design, has little control over the from the respondent's view poin t, rather than
to make
may lead into areas
of the interview and the conversation generalisations about beha vio ur.
interv iews
th at later prove irrelevant to the research . The
are analy sing and interp reting
are time-consuming and so IJi:/illiID
involv e listen ing
all the data they generate (analysing may
in ,_,,i--,i,J, a
to a recording of the interview and transcribing
it). Semi-structured interview: a research rneth0 d
; ;, ';iJ"'., :)a·
non-s tanda rdise d format respondent is encouraged to ta il-- at leng:i-, abc.1.
Reliability is low because the focu sed inte0, iev1c; !y,,,:a1 ,,,_ :i'f.. _,:". ·-,
subject. Also called
make s the interview impossible to replicate. decided by the researcher and is the ;,:,,::u" •:/
,~,- ,,,.:.:;_ ::ir·~
g are
Another limitation is that all forms of interviewin
nts may
naturally biased by interview effects. Responde Open-ended qu estio ns are freq 1..:•2r:Uy GS'::cJ .•~
:~ :~,1 -
they
try to please the researcher by telling them what structured inter views . So me oF t:-,~se c,r s ,_:c 2
.r,<i l<G'r:>
ps influe nced
believe the researcher wants to hear, perha the inter view, while other s a:is2 n 3
1 :_ r,: •i:i f,u.- w~ i:. '..ov 2 r
1

by what they know of the interviewer from their the respondent wan ts to Lal~ 2bo1~ L.
interaction.
Strengths
'here ,s \ ~ss
ACTIVITY 2.5 As there are no spec ific qu2stions rrep::i ~·ec,
risk of the research er deciding (preC: eter'.r::i ,j~1
~; ! i ~j·
about ~ -,r-.J ., .
With a partner, carry out an unstructured interview will. be discussed. Wher e the resoc nd,o•v-
,.. ::1r,,
.. L_,
~·v· d..,
t_ :::ll
time. Take it in turns ~

how they like to spend their leisure

~hings that interest them, i: is pos.s ic:.e tr:> pick
'--1;::id "'", ~- .
to be the interviewer and interviewee.
information that may not h-31/€: cccv r::-,::; tJ t" 2 ,;--,t::'' , , :r_•·
 t' 1 t
1
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>fl,, tht•'1 • · , r, ff
l(•',IH Jlldl •f1I •, Iii'/ IJ'.',ifl/~ ,I
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,lS as." ing th(' right qut'~ti on:- . C'\l.1 1
lili:,hi1 'l', ,1 l•,uo d 1.ip pw L
and thinking quit. I-sly ;1ho ut 1ck' v,111
t q11 1.'!·,Iin n opporl 1111il j,,,, .
Semi -stru ctu r1'J intL' IVit' Ws ,11 c 111.ll
011l y mo1c lirrw -
consuming th,H1 qu,,~ tic11111 c1 i1 v~ lJut
I lie, lrJ1 gP ainou11t s
of info nnJ tkm t hey pr 0du c l~ 11111~,l Jbo
he anuly"icd
and inte rpre ted . This d<1t a is r.,1rc,1y ·1ighlly
locusccJ on a
par ticu lJr topi c, so a rcsC'c1 1chc r may
spend a lot ol limc
analysing dJta th.-it has lit li e or no ust~
to Lh c study.
Respondents must rememb er and des
crib e past events,
and this creates problems for bolh resc
--arc hcr and
respondent Wh ile a rese arch er has
no way ol kn owin g
whether someone is telling the truth,
a furth er probl em is
that it may not only be difficult to rememb
er thin gs that Figure 2.8: What practical advantages
have happened months or years ago, but mem do gro up int:: rvie11~
ories ca n have over individual interviews?
also be selective - respondents only rem
emb er th ose
things that seem important to them : imp Strengths
erfect reca ll.
Finally, semi-structured interviews lack In group intervi ews, th e resea rcher can
standardisation; the hr:/ ~ t. ' ,.
same questions are not necessarily put to all resp disc ussion. They can:
ondent s
and similar questions may be phrased diffe
rently. This • control the pa ce and extent (scope) of
makes analysing data and generalising tr-~ '_,
difficult. • plan a sch edule that allows th em
to focu ':.;
the discu ssion
Group interviews
Group interviews involve respondents gath • ask question s, stop or change the focu
ering to ~ c:
discuss a topic decided in advance by the rese • create a situation th at reflects how p
eot=,!t'·
arch er.
These groups may be selected as represe share and disc uss id ea s.
ntative
samples- a cross-section of society, for exampl
e - or th ey l3ecause sociJI !ifc docs not invo lve ind
may simply represent a group that the r~se ividu,1 .
archer wan ts own, th o'> e who prPfcr gro up inte rvie
to explore in detail. Focus groups are uften ws arg w: t -~ ey
same-sex and are mor e rcia llsti c. We dec ide how we
from similar backgrounds to prevE:-nt gender think ar.c : : bou~
and class things not on our own but by talking
variables affecting the reliability and vali to and k~
dity of the data. oth ers; thi s is what hc1ppens in a grou
· The success of group interviews depend p intervi,,·,.
s on:
• an interview ~tructure with c.lear guidelinr!S Limitations
forthe
participants, to avoid arguments within The researcher rnust control the beh
the group aviou r oft ·· .:.,p
• advance (predetermined) questions through whi to ~llow people to speak freely and ope
nly abn,_, _ ·,;sue
ch
the experiences of participants can be exp wh1I~ maintaining the focus of the research
lored , wh i n
require considerable skill.
}here may also be problems with re presentativeness: if
in a carefully selected group of ten, on e person does not
show up, the sample becomes unrepresentative.
Group
,. .interviews
ff are also at risk from anoth er t ype of
1n~erv1ew e ect', which has been called 'Groupthink'.
;h1s_refers to the pressure people feel to arrive at
desired outcomes', such as saying what th ey beli eve
the res:arch~r or the rest of the group wants to hear.
G~oup interviews al:o run the risk of simply refl ecting
a group ~ons~ns~s. rather than revealing wh at individuals
really believe; 1nd1v1duals may not want to say what th -
really think if they feel that they are on th eir own . ey
0
THI NK LIKE A SOCIC)~ 0tlSt·
_,,'.¾' _ ;, -
In ~h_at ways is conducting a focus group intervi ew like
chairing a business meeting?
'_;t.;...
KEY SOCIOLOGIST ,-:il\t
Max Weber {1864-1920)
The German sociologist Max Weber
j is, with Marx and Durkheim, se en
.: as one of the 'founding fathers' of
'j modern sociology. Much of his work
, develops an anti-positivist approach,
rejecting the idea that there are
social facts to be discovered and
instead focusing on understanding
the meanings that people attach to
their actions. This led to the social
KEY SOCIOLOGIST
Harriet Martineau (1802-76)
The idea of 'founding fathers' of
sociology plays down th e role of
women such as Harri et Martin ea u,
who helped shape sociology to day.
Martineau introduced sociology to
Britain by tran slating Comte, an d
also conducted her own resea rch
while travelling around th e United
Observation
Obscrvr.1 lion,1I 11wthod'J ,H P !J,1',1 •rl rm 11 ,P j,J ..,, 11 1,1 1,1.,1,1
are more valid ir I Iicy t.1 rr, go1tl 11 •rPd by·,,,,,ii 1v, I11r ll t1' ,, 1111• ·
behave, rather lhun lr1ki11 P, or , lriJ•,l lh ,111wu11I•· cl, , vil, o1 I
th ey soy th ey do. Th ere arc l WrJ 1ndlri ulJ',l•rv, 11,, 1 11.11
techniques: non-p;J rli cipc1 11l a 11(J p,11ti1,ip,11 1I,
Partkipant ob•,(•rvation
Pa rticipanl observa ti on I', when I he rr·•,r,,m_l ,, •r 1, ,v,•', 11,11 I
in the behaviou r bring stucl i(•d. II i:. b;J•,r·d, ir, J1,H I, , ;ri
wh at Weber (]922) termed verstehen -- 'lrJ 11r1d11r·,1,11,rJ
by expe ri encing' or, as Mead (19-:i!JJdr:',rJlb'i'J ii , 1r,,,
researcher's abi lil y lo lake t/ 1r: pw l ul l/1r• iJ //-,, ,r ,md
see Lhi ngs from their vicwpoit1l ((•m11othy). I J;Jrl ir. ip,1111
observation can take two form s: rJvr• rl ;m rJ uNr• rl .
Overt participant observation invc;ilw:. p ;Jr Ii, ip; 1I ir11~
in Lhc behaviou r orpf~oplc who know tlwy ;:w 1 br•i ri g
studied. The rr.sr.c1rcrHH joiw, the gr,JIJ P 017r•r,/y, ;Jnd u·,ually
ac tion and in terpretivist app roachw, wi thi n s0ciolorw.
■
Weber's co nce pt of 'verstehen' (mea ni ng 'err1palhy') 1·, ';Iii!
wid ely use d. He argued that social life was co mplrJt, 'h lhi'Jt
it is poin tless to look fo r single causes. He is also vri o11n lur
his essay 'Th e Protesta nt Ethic and the Spirit of Capil alhrri',
in which he argued that ca pi ta lism cJ cvelopeJ in p8rl·, of
Europe because religious beliefs encouragr:ci peorA e lcJ
save money, rather than spend it on worlcJ ly gcJod-,, and
thi s saved money wa s then inves ted as capitol in bu-,inc!<:,.
Thi s chall enges th e Marxist vi ew th at ick ology uinr1rJt bring
about soci al change.
States. She argu ed tha t the :,t.1J c: ,1 :1 1 · r, .. , •., . •, • . ,, •
un dersta nding th e lives of worr~r•1 -!W . . , ,,. , • , , '
tended to be ignored at thC' Urr,, ·..;r ', ;_ - , • ' · , • i•
and do mestic life. She er1111p ,1 igrir,c' < , ·,.-,_, ,, , -/"
and th e emancip ati on of ,,l:1J1-,,, '>r"': ·, ;), .,_, ·i~. •· t:•·
start of a long trad ition , in volvi•,i· •~: -•r·y' "::--,·, : s -,,, _
th eo ri sts and others, of sor.io l0;-;1',!, '-'-''··'-'•~ · :. . ·· -, ,r ·;
of society with acJ vocalin gd1.:," <~•- •'.i' ,J ::•' •;:'· :. 1·,. ,.
1
a better soc iety.
 Verstehen: research stra
obseNation wh· h tegy central to participant
, 1c takes adv t f
to see things from th b. ~n age O the researcher's ability
e su Ject s viewpoin t.
Overt participant observati . .
are aware they are b . on. when those being stud ied
participant obser te1ng researched. Contrasted with covert
va ion, which is h h b .
unaware that th w en t ose e1ng stu died are
ey are part of a research project.
conducts the research w·th1 th . .
of th ( . . e permisswn and cooperation
e group or s1gn1ficant members of the group).
Strengths
On a practical level, recording data is relatively easy
because the group knows and understands the role of
the researcher. The researcher can ask questions, take
notes ~nd observe behaviour openly. With groups that
have hierarch ical structures, such as large businesses the
researcher can gain access to all levels_ the boardro;m
as well as the shop floor.
It can be difficult to get access to some groups, so
■ researchers may use sponsorship to find a way in. This
• involves gaining the trust and cooperation of an important
group member. Venkatesh's (2009) study of a black
American gang, for example, was only possible because a
gang leader called 'J T' 'sponsored' and protected Venkatesh
while he observed the gang and eventually gained access
to some of its more powerful members. Sponsorship makes
it easier to separate the roles of participant and observer.
It reduces the chance of researchers becoming so involved
in a group that they stop observing and simply become
participants (known as 'going native'). Even so, Venkatesh
found there were times when his involvement was so
complete that he acted 'like one of them' and effectively
ceased to be an objective and fair observer.
The ability to ask questions, observe individual behaviours
and experience the day-to-day life of respondents helps
researchers to build up a highly detailed picture of the lives
they are describing. This means that the researcher not
only gets to understand what people say they do, but also
witnesses and experiences what people actually do (which
may be different). This increases the validity of the data.
Where the observer's role is clearly defined, there is also
less risk of involvement in unethical, criminal, dangerous or
destructive behaviours. The researcher can, for example,
p ull back from risky situations without necessarily losing the
tru st or causing the suspicions of those being studied.
.
Figure 2.9: What advantages are there to experiencing
behaviour rather than simply observing it?
Limitations
if a group refuses the researcher permission to observe it
then the research cannot be carried out. In addition, ove:t
observation requires substantial amounts of time, effort
and money. Venkatesh, for example, spent around eight
years on his study of a single gang in a small area of one
US city.
Theoretical criticisms focus on the observer/ Hawthorne
effect and the extent to w hich know ledge of being
watched changes how people behave. Whil e people may
be studied in their natural environment, an aware ness of
the presence of the researcher may make th em behave
unnaturally. For example, Venkatesh w itnessed a fake
punishment beating designed to demonstrate the limits
of his observational role; higher-level gang m embers were
'putting on a show' for his benefit.
A further limitation is the researcher 's level of involvement:
• Without full participation, researcher invo lvet· ' ent may
In ,
be too superficial to allow a true understa nc •:·• ~ of
(cc
behaviour. -
th:
• Ethical concerns, such as not participati ng i.• , ;2gal
behaviour, may affect the extent to w hic h t /-...-: ch
researcher is truly experiencing how peop le - :·:mally
behave. r .
r· .
• There is a risk that the researcher will becorr ·J O
involved and effectively 'become the sto ry ' (· . are
reporting. Their presence becomes the fa ce, ,... ,i t
around which people adapt their beha vio ur .' :katesh
was given 'special treatment '; he was invi tee
meetings and was introduced to people he •.· . d not
have met if he had not been known as a re se _- -::r
sponsored by a gang leader.
 Overt participant ob~ervation is irnpos~ible to
replicat e; oth<:> rs mu st trust that the researcher saw
and experienced the behaviour they docurnent. In
addition, it can be difficult for researchers to accurately
record behaviour whil e th ey are in the middle of it. i'Jo
research er can record and docum ent eve rything that
happens, which mean s that this method will always
involve the selection, interpretation and retelling of ideas
and events.
WHAT'S THE EVIDENCE?
Gong Leader for A Doy by Sudhir Venkatesh
Penguin, 2009
This book is one that A Level Sociology students can
read and enjoy, written in an accessible style and with
Incidents that will make you want to keep reading.
Throughout this chapter, you will find Venkate sh's
work used to illu strate many interesting aspects of
ethnographic resea rch. He spent eight years with an
African -American gang in a housing development in
Chicago, where he was a sociology student. He explains
how he became interested in the gang, how he was
accepted by them (thanks largely to the gang leader,
JT) and how, for one day, JT let him experience what
the role of the leader was. Venkate sh was an overt
observer, participating only to a limited extent because
his Indian background prevented his full acceptance
and because he wanted to avoid involvement in the
gang's illegal activities. He shows how the gang played
an important social support rol e fo r many residents in
the tower block, where the police and social workers
rarely ventured.
Question: How might the research have been different
if Venkatesh had been (a) white American or (b) Africa n-
American?
In covert participant observation, the researcher secretly
(covertly) joins the group, so the subject s are unaware
that they are being studied. The main aim is to experience
behaviour in its 'natural setting'; to watch people behave
as they normally behave. Unlike overt participation, th e
researcher must balance the roles of research er and
participant without revealing their true role to other group
members.
Strengths
Covert observation may be the only way to study
people who would not normally allow themselves to be
researched. Such people may include:
• Criminal or deviant grouos: '✓Jard 12'jG2J'r.·;;s c r. ':: T::-'2r
of the rave dance drugs cu lt1-re' w/-ff, st-12 ::;,r:-g;;·) r·-?r
five-year study 'in London nightclub.::, d2,c.e ;:,2rties,
1
bars, pubs and peop le's hou.s'::s'. !-!er km ,1, '::'c'§:'2 c,f
the 'dance scene', add'?d to her fri'= r.d"h;D t 1it~. !r:vE,'=
involved, meant that she was abte to g2·n r::asy 2cc-=-ss
to this world.
• Closed groups: Lofland and Stark (1S65) sEcrEt!y
studied the behavi our cf a rE:ligious sr::ct bECoLS'= tr's
was the only way to ga in access.
• Defensive groups: Ray (1927) covHtly stu c!:-2d
Australian environm€ntal groups wh o wou 'd rave been
suspicious of his motives if he had t ri':'d to study tr.em
openly.
Covert participation avoids the observer effect -
the subjects ' behaviour is largely unaffect':'?d by th e
researcher 's presence. Through persona l e1,periEnce, the
researcher gains valuable understanding (in sights) of th:?
meanings, motivations and re lationships within a grc,up.
These can explain why people behave in cert ain ways.
The ability to experience t hings from the point of view of
those involved , coupled with the sociolog ical insights a
resea rcher brings to the role of observer, means that they •
can make sense of behavi our even in situations where
group members may not fully understand the reasons fer
that behavio ur.
Limitations
Goff man's study of a US mental institution identified th re':'
major problem s for the covert participa nt observer:
1 Getting in: while gai ning covert entry to any g:cuc: c ::ir,
be a proble m, some groups are more diff:c.; lt ~:, '= -:'=~
than others:
• En try to some groups is by ir,·.,-::;:_; : -,. C ·,. - r '=~ ~
researchers are invit':'d, he; c;:,;rir,r.,: : .
• Somegrou psha vEent,yr':o,,•1:-··=-·,~ ~:,·-:, ,:·: _
studyaccou ntants orr:: •y_r.::,:::: :· '"= -~:-, ·_ - -:- : . :
need to hold the q1J,a 1'1.:.-1:.v :' - •. ~ _ - __ • ..,
require.
• Th e charac. teri·,tic.s of (t'°'':' r_: · ': .... ,~ • ::C
those of th E ot',erv1;:rj P 1··,:; ·, . / •., ~ ·, :.. ·c,, :.
notcovertl1(.)i:J f l i'.:.'fX'.T'.: ,. 0 :., •.• :,.'a.". .'::. , -
(There are, h O'/'.'(c\, t;',, '/, C) . ::' : r " . -·:.. .•
Goffman, 11✓ hi 1 e ri e;t r.(;. 2: -~•;, ·,.
wa s ablf:l to co·,;er U/ oc '.-:: ·. s:. ~
within the in c,L,t.:ti01 .·

Figure
. 2.10: Chinese police officers • A pot·,c e off"rcer .
rn
uniform is intended to stand out from the crowd . Wh
are the characteristics of the researcher and th y
. ·t· . e group
srgnr ,cant rn covert participant observation?
2 Stayin g in: once inside, the researcher may not
have access to al l areas. For example, an observ er
preten d ing to be a schoo l studen t could not freely
enter p laces, suc h as st aff rooms, reserved for teachers.
Someo ne being where they are not supposed to be
would raise suspic io ns, and the researcher runs the risk
■
of being discov ered by 'gateke epers' - those w hose job
it is to limit access.
The resear cher has to quickly learn the cu lture and
dynam ics of a group if they are to partici pate fully. Thi s
can require a ran ge of skills, includi ng the ability to mix
easily with strang ers, crea te and mainta in a beli evable and
convin cing 'back story' (past) and to thin k qui ckly on their
feet when questi oned or cha llenged .
If a resear cher lacks the 'inside r knowle dge', they
risk being found out. The ability to succes sfully
mi x into a group carries its own proble ms . It can be
difficu lt to separa te the roles o f partici pant and observer,
especi ally if the resear cher is well mi xed (in tegrated)
into a group:
• Non-p articip ant observation involve s ob se, 1. "
At one extrem e, the resear cher may have to choose
betwee n partici pation and observ ation, for examp le if
a group partici pates in crimina l activit ies.
• At the othe r ex treme, the resea rcher may becom e so
much a part of the gro up they go native and stop being
an observ er, which can raise doubts about th e validity
o f the research .
3 Getting out: it can be difficul t to stop participating.
,
A membe r of a cr imin al gang, for examp le, cannot
simply leave. In other gro ups leaving may raise eth·
1ca1
questions, such as the effect of leaving people who h
ave
grown to trust and depen d on t he research er. This t
of research ra ises further ethica l questions, such a/Pe
whether a researcher has the right to pretend to be on
of the group or use its membe rs for th eir own purpose:.
In addition to proble ms of entran ce, accep tance and
depart ure, further limitat ion s include:
• research canno t be rep licated
• we have to trust that the researcher saw what they
claim to have seen
• recording data is freque ntly difficul t; the researcher
cannot take notes, ask too many questio ns or openly
record conver sations .
ACTIVITY 2.6
Identify two differences between overt and covert
participant observation. ·
Which type would be best for studying how students
behave in a school or college? Why?
THINK LIKE A SOCIOLOGIST
?ur movements and actions can be observe d b)' others
1n many ways, for example by closed circu it r2!t>v ision. If
~eople are to ld they are being obse rved, th e ol;:;crvation
1s ove~t, ~hough there is no opport un ity to give '-.., r!sent
(perm1ss1on). If not, it is covert.
How impo r t ant 1
·s ·rt t hat peopl e are tol d th ey ,". ::i~ing
observed (for example, by a sign saying thal t l1, • " 1s
CCTV)? . , .
Non-p articip ant observation
behavi our from a distance so that the res earch , .,jects
do not know they are being observ ed. Th e eth;. issue
of consen t m ay not be a proble m here. A res ec, , ·,:1
obse~ving behavi our in a shopp ing ma ll or tht' __. •-.· d at a
sportin g event could not be expec ted to get 1:' , .. ssion
from everyone. Non-p articip ant observ atio n u : . . :v
 ►
',/ . r .,,,
1,- ,.I ,
rr,,. ( ,,, < l ~ I" , I' , , ,·r '
mr•;Hl', 1h ;il n,,. r1",( ·,HrJ1r•r <Jr1':', r1nf bf•r.r,rnr: rJ' :r',r1nr1lly l,..
agrr1ur) rn;:i ; r.11?,r11~"( if"( ,1 I
., ._ , _, . If r

inv<J!-,, ·d in thr, bd1,1vir1ur Hw j ;,r f: ',tud Jinr,. fhi ·, vind f.A a rJj r-_.,t;,sn(f/ rnoy ~l,../1 r, r r; d l;(.{! 11,i~rt ~(, ;;t !.,_j_· .. , ··rJ r .,-;:f/ ,.,( 1 •
rw,r,;,rr_h, unlih: p;,irt jc irJrlr1t r_iJ',r.: rvci ti rJ (I, r.an br~ 1x ,erJ to t Ii-1€: (:J f':r1t h. ' c'.';S ?,(, ( J r, P''/1
I, nr.r,n • , ,,: J '''~_,,
, , ,r,1 'rt•rr·•r•' , .- n • •,,f
• ,.

pmd uu1q1 J,-rnt1tat ivf' rfata , '.,ur,h ri ', t hr: numb 1 •r r,f ti rnf:-:. thr:i r b r~hi:J,f i(; lJ(. Thi-; t j [:,?: r,f ,_r ,,ri; -1 ' / , r,:;'P'. ,_.,.. ,,. ,rt
1

fJl •CJp lr.: ,irr: (J~J';' •r vr:d carrying (JUf a rJart iculr1 r act. qu~sti() r1'"..,, bf!(i:,l)'"i'~ ~F-: ', p: ~~rj(I! r;nirg r.,':/.,l>( / !~r; ,.,:· r.,-,. . t
thf:i r p€:rmir,•,ir1n .

ACTIVITY Z,7
Non-participant observation: 11h, •11 t hr, rr•','•¥r hr·r rAy,r:r tr•c,
bPhi1 W11Jr with()IJI r1ilrlir,1r1r1fl(lf~ 1n th;,it br•hn w,1Jr
With a partnN, obc-.er·-;e fr>r ;J fP.'N rr,rri•'> te, n ::>u'>·ir, ~raa.
thr.tt''; dor,e to yr.,u. fo r ,,y,,rnpl" it'/((~ ~ 0r r,oM ,;r(~,:
where thP.re are P" r,pfe. Th P.n dfir;;r1r! b e1 N P.C.•·n ;ar; rr-,
Strengths whnt W;j'j'> thi<; kinr~ r.,f rP'h1rrJ; rrirtt.,. !'Vi ") ~rM r!":;;;J1
Accer,s is on e practical advantage o f non -par ticipant a',k ing quer,tion,;,
observati o n. It allows re:.ea rch on peop le w ho rnay not Thi nk of tr,,pic, thi3t ,,,y;ir,i r_,g;',I:, rr,ight ',I ,,(;'j fr,( ·Nh;r:r·,
want to be st udi ed b(:cau se t hei r behaviou r is illegal, Wi3tching i,; r1ettf'r th i'J n ar.v,r,g r;u r: ,,;;r_,(J~. n-·,c,r,
' h;r:v. r;f
secret or perso nall y ernbarr as:ing, for exam p le. When topic,; for ·...vh1r.h ;d<ing q1;F--.',t ir.,ns rrHglit ~µ •;~r: er.
the researcher d o es not participate in the behaviour
being obse rved, respond ents can be objectively stu died
in a nat ural setting. Th e resea rche r gets to see 'eve ryday
behaviour' ju st as it would normally occu r.
Type Icovert I
overt or Participation II Orar'ac.tffi"1cs
I
Non- Overt/ l ~l r;,r t::/rr inrr,;;I I Ccrr,r,(<'-:t"E
participant (.01/'::rt 0Gr:t::r 1r-:{

•
Covert Cover t F1JII r::cmp lf::l"E::
I
participant r,;;rri r:j r.,;;rt I

Overt OvE:r t Full I P~rtici p;;r.T-?.s-

1
participant • r:,1,•:enf:r I

Table 2.2 Typ es of observat irm Sou rce: Ere1Ner (200G) '
Stages of research design, irc'.u c! irg ce,:ir_:! ;n g
On research ctr-t.c,,-,/
- c::'""-b, fr ,"..J ,,,...,. G\..u , ~ .;_ -a .,.,'-••
r,..,._, •l-•: - - r,.,..E:_ ... i-.
questions an d hypoth~-=•~s, :a:r;=,')r~
fra mes, samplir.gtecr,..::-:,.~s, ,::·-:.t :':·,••fr.-:::~
Operat ·1ona.- l'.,-- ... ;,..,n C'".,,_,._;..,..•,.
1..:lGl.!'-'·', _.,.; - ♦,,.. c: -;_•.-;.:::::_,
-
__
.,..!- _:;,-
., .,.,.. - ~

interpreting re:u:~:
Pe,; . ~

This section lu,·,: ,,.,,. "- ,,._

; j

:;oc10lcg1 cril rr.. ,t-:;;,r;-1 , ,t,

fr;1;r linv.r-:r.l ',tc:q:•: ,) ,,_ ., ··

1 F-lanr, irig i-: ·ni r-:•: , . -

Figure 2.11: How does this picture illustrate the idea that ', tratr:g'/ - ', IV ' ,'., : :·
we can't always trust the evidence of our own eyes? tr1 rr--:sr-: arch 1t - , : .~ ,,. ;r
h'j rJ()t r,r~-,,..,.--; ')' -~I J1•·, I 1
Limitations 2 ln fcrm;_, t_1<:,n g..:: ! ": , ·'. i

Observational studies cannot be easily o r exact ly StUrJ'j, cr:,n c 1JC 1.! ' ;; a'. ; .r • I

replicated becauc,e the chara cteri stics and structure of n=:r;ea rr:h rr, e t hr:,,y ;, . ,. - , ,
 3 l1ill'llll,1'i1111 jiff)((''
· ,,, I11 P. f!•"I I I j
'"• lo I H' Ir''" lhal cmcr
do1l. 1 11.Jl; IH'l'li r,'
u ·11I j II
11'I('( , ', llle,1111111', 11111·,t IJC' ,mr1lyc;ed
,IIHI lttll'IPll•l1•d,
4 I v,1't1,_11l1111 l11vt1IVt•i, linlli ,ll1 l11lt•tr1;1I i11lillyt,I:-, tfivl. a~ks
q111••,t1u111, .th1111t l1ow ll1 e lt"'. ,C\llth WiH, c:011ducled
(WIH 1l'11•1tl1l'lt"('Jl
· ' 'r- l 111 11• ti Im I w,1 s 11pproprrt1lP,
101 <'X,111,1pll') dlld tlll t'Xi('ll1,il ;111,ily1,I:-,, I.Jywlilcl1
l lll~l h,:,,ull!, .iic• ivpo, ll'd lo t1 widC'1 p11IJlic .Judic-rtu-:? for
tl1c•11 i111,ily•,ls ,rnd nitlcis,i1.
The., , OM',uc.h ptobl<>,11
lhi~ is i IHl ir,it i, 11 }, (, 1g<', wl 1c'11 11,c '.:iotio lugist decides things
SlKl~.'~s ~lw gl' 1h' 1dl
topi c tn sludy i-1nd lhC'n develops more
~Pt'clf,c .ihout
idt\l ~ wh,1t iJ SIJ('( l to study. This dc~cision
n1,1y lie• b.i ~,cd 011 f,Klc11 s such ;:is
• tlw P<'l~oml i11tPrcs ts of the resei:lrcher
• wrrc•nt inll'rcst in tile topi c, amo ng sociologists or
sodc1 ty in ~:l 1 n12ral
• whethC'r money (funding) can be obtained
• pra cti ca l f,J ctors such as whether it will be possible to
contact respondents easily.
At this stage, the researcher will review previous research
in the area und er consideration. A revi ew like this may
generate ideas nbout what to study, whether to replicate
previous research and how to avoid errors made in
previous research.
Research hypothesis or question
This sets the basic theme for a study:
• If a hypothesis is used - for example, Ginn and Arber's
(2002) analysis of how motherhood affects the lives
of graduate women was based on the hypothesis
'The effect of motherhood on full-time employment
is minimal for graduate women' - it must be tested
and this means using research methods suitable for
this purpose. Hypotheses are associated more with
methods that produce quantitative data.
• If a research question is used - Conway's (1997)
examination of parental choice in secondary
education was based on the question 'Does parental
choice help to strengthen the advantage of the
middle classes over the working class?'- the research
method used must be capable of generating high
levels of descriptive data. Research questions
are associated more with methods that produce
qualitative data.
Collecting data
Before data can be collected, the researcher needs to
identify the people- or respondents - who will be the
subject of the research. Although it would be ideal to
select and study everyone in a part_lcular group (the targE:
,
population), this is not always possible. For example, if
the target population was 'doctors in India', the size and
geographic distribution of such a population would make
it impossib le to observe or question everyone persona!!y.
This is where sampling enters the research process.
A sample is a relatively small number of people who
belong to the target population. In the example
R
T
above, the researcher might choose 1000 doctors in
n
India and, by studying their behaviour draw certain S,
conclusions about all doctors in India. However, tr
this only works if the sample is representative of the cl
target population . Representativeness may be more lo
significant than sample size because it relates to whether
the characteristics of the sample accurately reflect
those of the target population . For example, if 60% of
doctors are male, then 60% of the sample should be
also. If the sample is representative, anything discovered
can be generalised to the target population. A researcher
can make statements about the larger group they have not
studied (the target population) based on the behaviour of
the smaller group they have studied (the sample).
Sampling frame
Constructing a representative sample often requires
a sampling frame. This is a list of everyone in a target
population, such as a voting (an electoral) o r sch,)ol
register, and it is used for two main reasons:
1 Unless everyone in the target population co:' be
identified, the sample drawn may not acell! ,~:2ly reflect
the characteristics of the population .
2 For a researcher to contact people in th eil :-,-:l mple, Fk,,
to interview them for example, they mu st t._,·ow who d,,
they are.
However, simply because a sampling frame e>-. ;_ · ., does
not mean that a researcher will automatically h •\ .~Jccess
to it. This may be denied for reasons of: -
• Legality: names cannot be revealed by law
,'\ J
• Confidentiality: a business may deny access ' ) its
,, ;I
payment records, for example.
• Privacy: some groups do not want to be stv "!": 11.1
 There are a number of sampling techniques for choosir g
the sa mple.

A!: h:.Lgh s·r-:-;::::e 2r~ ~: . . c:·!·e~ : _ ·\ ·:e~ ""2-c::- 52.......,~ es

Sampling and sampling techniques: a sample i- ; Ol'.es a
ca :1 be used i'l rn 2~y ~Esea·: '1 s·:_2:·ors. ;:-:: .e~s :2-
small number of subiects drawr from a mucf, larger ta·get
' -. - · .... ,.... ·s - - ,-o - ,-.: -----
population. Sociologists use a var;ety of ra'ldor, a1d ~o~- occur v,)i...,1e:1 2 •Lc-. r-1"'\'T'"
5 ::: l r:;c;)t... ,c , v ,,, , c ~~ -- ~ v :, c .
random sampling techn·ques. grou;:i5, SJCh 25 a r:c;:...; '. 2:·~;n \', ::.. ,_ ra- y 2ge g·: _;:s. ti
biased sa rr: p'. e c2:1 e2s·:y ccc ~r "J:,y c.. 2r ce, \", ·: ~ s:~ e
groups over-rep~es:=:, :ed 2- d o::- e·s Lrc:=:---e:·2s2~:e:.
Random sampling Str2tified rancom saT~;:r g 2-10;::'.s ,r ese v~:: e-s: 1
This is based on th e probability that the random selection of l a ·fy·
S·r~r1 -g •he
I It, u ; -~,c-• . c.. •·o,.,
t-" ,-, Ll-::i
Lc , b:::: .. ro--i ir. •o
... . . . . . __. ,_
... t5 r'_ I'., h--,-
........., ,r, _ __ -;::

names from a sampling frame will produce a representative char2cterist:c5 a·e kn ov.n to t .. e rese2·c~er, SJ CI: 2s
sample. For the sample to be tru ly rando m, everyone in different age groiJr:;s. E2 c1 grou ;::i :s t~ e'l t rea:ed 25 a
the target popu lation must have an equa l chance of being separate rancom sa rr;::i :e in its C'.'tn r:t· t.
chosen. A simple rando m sample, therefore, is similar to a
lottery.
8
TargeVgeneral .........
'e:na;es
population 10%
= 100 people
• + sample
[10 people)
80"1 ... "e-a e
20% m~e 2
males

Figure 2.13: A sim ple worked example of stratified random

sa mpling ■
Strati';ed quota sarnpli..,g
Although a samp lirg frarre is a,\·, ays userul, it is no~ s,ric~ ty
necessa ry. It is enough jLSl [O lcow Ihe cha,ac:er; stics
of the respondents in ord er :::i c::,ns: 'L,CL a s2 rr:;}1e. The
selection is done c1 a" o;::i: o':J·':y b2s·s. Tr e resea'C"e'
may, for examp le, reed 2J TT'2 .eS fc - ::- e s2r-::: .e; :-:=: _✓ :"'2 1
ask men to be p2rt c= ::--2 s2c--: e co:-~~- ::2 2:. r-2 .2s 1 2 . 2
agreed, the qua:2 ado'-w',e:: cr-c . . . . I ·3 .:c --- : .c::: 2- --1 - ~
further males ca ri b:=: se e-:::2.:::.

Figure 2.12: Random samples are based on chance Non-"e.,, .. - r --

distributions Researcrers g2-e ·2 .yfrd r:::·c :--:·

Systematic sampling
This is a variation on simple random sampling that is often
used when the target population is very large. It involves
taking a sample directly from a sampling frame. For a
there a'e t'r.ies ..1.:-- 2 "1 2 r.c --=..: ...:;=r:-:. =·:::·-::: ·- ~'=-...:.::
the purpc5e. For so--;- 2 L; : ~:: :, • '(:;.:: -- .: ·- . - - :: : - ~ -. .:; ; : ·
might not W2"'.I :c -:--2.1::- ;::-·::2 ~.:: : _' ., ~: _.. ::' E: r :::- . ~
grouptased :,r:\c-2s: ~ ·, s: ·:::-:- -,::_ -·::.. : ···::~ : 0
interEs~ed in i:1--- 2 ':": ~:: :_- :,- _ -o:; c -- ··-, 0 ••

25% sample of a target population containing 100 names,
every fourth name would be chosen. This techn ique is not
on the list could
truly random - for example, the fifth name _
never be included in the sample so not everyone has an
vvhcr it re2:-esE-~s :-. \. =-- r" :::~~ --- ~ ;~ ~ '""
as he: ::r-8t '.'.2-~: :.:;~~ --=·: _:= ..... :·- :· -
V.tar.t~C :o ~r- (: ~--~~2·-:: :- 2: . . : -- ,. - : ... -