Offprint from :
52nd SESSION, NEW DELHI, 1991-92
DELHI 1992NN, Bhawacharya : Communalism, Integration and Allied Problems
different spheres of life - in local cults, dress, food-habits, behaviour, literary
land scientific pursuits, commercial and technological practices and so forth,
This syncretism is Indianism. Communal and allied tensions were due to
natural hostlities among different groups, but such feelings were not
systematically exploited by interested parties. The measures suggested by
‘Asoka to mitigate communal and sectarian tensions are valid even today. A
king might have inelination towards a particular religious system, but the royal
office maintained equal treatment to all It is also a feature to be observed that
very often ina single dynasty different kings followed different faiths, but at the
same time they identified themselves with all religious systems. prevailing
Within the boundaries of their kingdoms, The law-givers of ancient India were
jn favour of creating an integrated and harmonious social order by giving
recognition to the cultural traits of various communities, Communal and
sectarian chauvinism was not encouraged by the mentally and intellectually
advanced people. And what is most striking is that the leaders and
theoreticians of all the important religious sects although made strenuous
academic and logical combats with others to establish their own standpoints,
they displayed the rare spirit of speaking in glorious and respectful terms about
their opponents and to learn and enrich their views from such controversies.
Thanking you all, Ladies and Gentlemen.1 (a) Political and Administrative History,
R: AN ANALYSIS
F POWE
OF THE PARYAYA SUKTA (8.10) OF THE
1
12
ATHARVA VEDA
KUMKUM ROY*
I
The need to define the nature of power are power-based relationships 1
Tre monly experienced in societies where oxstng ‘efintions are challenged
Comm ones emerge. auch sivalions, SHAE ‘are often made to
andlor existing definitions of power of to ave af Not efintions. In either
relates definitons whch are evolved of feUaTaee * ‘acceptable constitute
care sans of justifying claims to power and the He of power as a means of
2 Teng social relatonshies, itis within this comment that we propose to analyse
crore dion of power whichis found in the paryaya sukta (8.10) of the
atnarva Veda"
fon, which consists of six sections, and thirty
Tree smaller dvisions isthe exatation of the Wal conceived of as feminine
pemonification of power eis mainly in BOSS ‘ard does not seem to have been
pepd in the ritual context, Traditionally. ts ‘composition is ascribed to an
eee vacarya. As this is nether @ proper Name, Poy igotrarbased name, itis
sey tat he author(s) was (were) anonymous. ‘other words, ifone attempts
rey ate the sukta within the vast corpus of lar ‘vedic literature, one May
Suggest that is position is somewhat ‘marginal in the sense that it was
Saar College, Ashok Vitar Hf, Delhi24
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Kumlum Roy + Perceptions of Power
protably not related to the dominant ritualistic tradition Viewed from this
perspective, the concent of power enunciated in the sukta assumes a certain
Unique significance, as it permits us to explore a definition of power which was
different from that expounded within the dominant brahmanical tradition, and
the problems encountered in handling it.
‘The description of the vire/ commences with an emphasis on her all
pervasiveness (AV 8.10.1.1) which evokes fear in everything else. This fear
appears to be resolved through specifying and consequently delimiting the
nature of the pervasiveness of the viraj at a number of levels, and through
working out the relationship between the viraj and a range of categories.
The first aspect of vraj which is highighted relates to her identiication with
ritual dimensions of agni, fie, This is conceived of as a “descent” into various
forms of fre, such as the garhapatya, ahavaniya, and dakshinagn! (AV
8.101.246), central to the sacrifice Knowiedge’ of this s, moreover,
perceived as a means of enabling a man to participate in the sacrificial cut
For instance, a man who was aware of the significance of the descent into the
garhapatya, was thought to become a grhamedhin and a grhapati (AV
8.10.1.3)* Thus, the viraj was viewed as intrinsic to but net distinct from the
sacrifice. Besides, while the viraj was regarded. as implcily endowing the
sacrificial fires with an element of power, this was then transferred to the
human situation, where ritual poner was ascribed to the "knower' as opposed
to the ignorant, The notion of allpervasive power associated withthe viaj was
thus channelised into a defintion of power in terms of significant ritual
categories. Further, inthe human context, this power was attributed not tothe
Vira but to those who controled such categories, and the activities associated
with them, including the sacrifice. In other words, the difuse, amorphous
Powers attributed to the viraj were conceived of as flowing from her to athe,
These ‘others’ were not defined as the totality of the population, but as a
lite category
The notion of the descent of the viraj into specific institutions, and her
consequent absorption in them, followed by the transfer of power to the
knower, outlined above, is reiterated in the connection between the viraj, and
the sabha, samiti and the amantrana (AV 8.10.1.8,10,12). While the sabha and
sami are fally well-known Vedic assemblies, the amantrana probably
signified an invitation (to such assembles). Once again, the “knower” is
assured of becoming a sabhya, samitya, and an amantraniya, le. a man
worthy of participating in the activities associated with these institutions.
WW
{A second theme which is explored, and wich I, in sense, a variation of the
first, defines the vir as approaching certain estegores of beings, She is then
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Proceedings, IHC : S2nd Session, 1991-92
destroyed by them, but re-omerges. However, the benefits of her Te
Gppeerance accrue to those who destroy her rather than to vrajhersel. £7
aercrce, she is conceived of as approaching the trees, who kill her: she
vreivos in the coutve of year, hence, trees which are cut grow within a similar
Span of time (AV €,10.3.1,2)2 In an identical fashion, she was thought "9
Spproach the pts (bd. 8.10.2.0), devas (bi, 8.10.85), and manushyas (re
aria 7) who were conceived of as kiling her. The only diference is in the
Ae oi rer envisaged resurrection, which varies from a month in the case of
the pia, toa forright in the case of the devas, and a day in the case of
fuman beings, this being taken to coincide with the recommended periodicity
for the offerings to be made to each category ®
Iv
inspite of broad similares, certain diferences are evidert in the two aftemp's
to ink the power of the viaj to the human social order, defined so 95 10
Encompass prevalent notions of the entire universe, While the first theme
Sfoloree how the power ofthe vir may be mediated through institutions £4
ox he sacrifice and assemblies, the second theme focuses on @ more direct
se atorehip between the vi, conceived of as an empowering agent, and
etic categories of what were regarded as sentint beings. These cluded
erimate categories such as the vanaspatis and manushyas, or categories
erteptualied in antrropomorphic terms (e.g, the pis an the devas). Each
Crlhece categories was conce’ved of as active agents in the relationstip with
{he ural They were, moreover, viewed as destroying her and appropriating het
Fowere, The powers iehich were thought to be transferred included those of
Fesurgence and sustenance, basic to continued ex'stence,
‘The relationship between the vira/ and categories conceived of in
anthropomorphic of animate terms was explored further through the concept
Stine vir a6 a COW (AV, 8.10.46). In this context, the vrais regarded as
Oca who approaches various categories, and is invoked by them. This was
thought tp lead to the production of a vatsa or calf, often a legendany of
mythical figure, regarded as her afspxing, to the appearance of a patra of
seam irae of 2 dierent substance in each case, and to the miking of
Certain qualities from th vir), knowledge of which is considered as
empowering, enabling the knower to become a source of sustenance.”
‘The categories associated with this particular concept were varied) soe
Table! for details), including asuras, pitris, manushyas, saptaristis, devas,
(gandharvas and apsaras, itara jana (other people”), and sarpas. What &
Preresting about this list is ts looseness—there is no discemible Nerarchy
amongst the categories, with the asuras placed fist, and the devas ranked
fit, with the manushyas in between. Alternatively, i there is an order tis
Gloarly Very different from that commonly found in the brahmanical raciicn,
seer instanee in the pariplava cycle of the ashvamedha, where almost all the
atagories mentioned above are referred to. What is also noteworthy that
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Kumkum Roy + Perceptions of Power
the relationship envisaged between the viraj and each of the these categories
is uniform, In each instance, the viraj is conceived of as approaching the
‘category in question, being invoked by them, producing a son and obtaining
‘a vessel. She is then milked, this “milk” in turn producing the source of
sustenance for the category in question.
v
‘The conceptualisation of the virajas a cow who produces calves and is miked,
thus elaborated, was located mid-way between the two possibilies outlined
‘earlier, While the common element of transferring the power of the virdj to
‘others was reworked and elaborated, two media were envisaged in this case,
‘consisting of the calf, who was directly empowered, and the milk, conceived
of as an instrument for providing sustenance to the specific category. These
media were related to, but nat identified with the vial. What is more, both were
related. to the procreative or generative powers of the viraj cow. Thus, the
power of the cow was not concelved of as being hers to exercise in her own
Fight, but was thought to be transferred to her sons and those who milked her.
Nevertheless, this did not involve killing the cow (the golden goose),
The power attributed to the cow, which was thus appropriated, was regarded
fas constituting the essence of the categories in question, This is underscored
by the use of identical or related terms to “call” the viraj and describe her milk.
For insiance, the asuras were thought to have invoked her as maya and to
have obtained maya as her milk, whereas manushyas, who were supposed to
have invoked her as ira or food, were regarded as obtaining Arishi and sasya
{agriculture and grain) as her milk. In each case, the “milk” was regarded as
intrinsic to the existence or nature of that particular category, and was thought
to define it. This "milk’ moreover, wwas by definition available to all those who
‘were regarded as members of that particular category. In other words, the
notion of power embodied in the idea of appropriating the mik of the vira/ was
probably accessible to all those who belonged to a specific category.
At another level, however, certain named personages were conceived of as
more powerful or playing @ more ignieant role in sociely than other. These
included vatsas or calves", and mikers. The status ofthe two categories was
by no means tertical A commpanson of the proper names eccurng in each
category indicates thatthe former included wel-known mythsal or legendary
figures such as Yama, Manu Vaivaevata, Soma, Indra, Kuvera, and Taksaka,
most of whom were regarded as rajas of thei respective groups inthe context
Of the parplava cyce of the ashvamedna, The Ist of mikers, on the other
hand, contains the names of relatively unknown personages such as Artaka
Martavya, and Rajatanabni Kaberaka, Even where the names of relatively
wweitknown fgures are included, 2s, for example, in the caso of Savi, the
miker of the devas, they are less important than those regarded as calves,
Indra inthis context. Tha ciference may be explained interme of the general
thrust of the branmanical traction, vinch accoréed recognition to those who
59Proceedings, IHC + 52nd Session, 1991-92
Concentrated power in their own hands, typified by those described as vateas
inne Present context. As opposed to this, these who shared power with ther
| ‘community were relatively marginalised,
| 5.4 Turning to the patras or Vessel, this seems to have been envisaged as a
Sorte renpaessnurte eta, heen ead a
tom he walt te conmnty vnle he anion ka enc areed
cates for istance heron rat ine pr a apparent some
| and sasya, it fs less easy to analyse in other eases
|
VI
82 The common strand which runs through the three detiniions of the viray
cuttined above is @ notion of power which is benevolent, associated wit,
potions of sustenance, and transferable. While the attribute of benevolence
and sustenance was not challenged in ary of the defintions, the notion of *
transference was reworked at two levels,
SS In the first place, the mechanisms of the transfer were the subject of
seerulation: Was this transfer automatic, owing to the very fact that the vray
as Pervasive, through a violent appropriation of her quaities, or through the
appropriation of the manifestation of her power, typed by the calf acd the
ull? The acceptance or rejection of any one of these mechaniams woud
fave had diferent social implications. n the frst instance, power would have
jheoretically been accessible to virtually anyone, although this was, in effece
limited to those who had access to the sacritcial cult or assemblies, as noreg
S4 Secondly, and related to the above, it was clearly necessary to specily
the (person or persons who acquired the power thus transieved. fe a
have seen, these included the male kno!
60Kumkum Roy : Perceptions of Power
vu
7-1 The existence of a plurality of definitions of the viraj and her relationship to
‘what may broadly be termed as society, points to tensions and conflicts in
Gefining power-based relations in the later Vedic context, The vira/ was
associated with the benevolent sharing of power. This was perhaps not
Problematic ina situation where social stratiicaton was relatively
Undeveloped. However, in a situation where economic, politcal and tual
differences were becoming sharper, and were being accorded recognition, the
Lunwersalistic definition of power, associated with the via), possibly the product
of different, less inegaltarian social circumstances, posed a threat. As we
know, t was not, and probably could not be negated outright, possibly owing
to the traditional prestige accorded to it Hence, it was reworked, and the
attibutes associated with it were appropriated and assimilated to a changing
‘Social situation, This led to attempts to conceive of the power of the vira/ as
transferable, resulting in a conceptual shit from the perception ofthe vir as
a subject to that of the vra/as an objec. In this context, the fact thatthe vira/
Was perceived of as feminine, both linguistically and symbolically, in the form
of a cow, indicates that the redefinition of power which was attempted was
stratified along gender lines. This is reflected in the notion of controling the
Powers of nurturing and sustenance associated with women, typified In the
Powers altributed to the calf and milk
7.2 The position accorded to the viraj and the related notion of vairajya was by
no means. central within ‘the later vedie tradition in particular ard the
brahmanical tradition in general. Nevertheless, the fact that references to the
Notion oceur occasionally would suggest that at least some of those who
subscribed to the brahmarical tradition thought it important enough t attempt
{0 grapple with it and to bring it into harmony with other definitions of power
Zhe Persistence of such attempts indicates that resistance to the structuring
Of social relations within any single framework was probably continuous,
NOTES AND REFERENCES:
1. Paryaya subias, eight in number, consttute a datint set of predominantly prose works, and
ae distinguished fom the other hymns of the Athava Veda, which are regarded ee
arthasuntas,
rat va idam agra ast Tasyah jatayah savvam abibhet, yam eva idam bhavishyati i
Fer example, 28 udekramat, sa garhapaty nye-akramat (AV, 8.10.12).
Gihamectigringoatin bhavati yah evar vada. Knowledge of the signticance of the