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    Morris, Aldon and Amin Ghaziani, "Du Bosian Sociology - A Watershed of Professional and Public Sociology"

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    Earl Alston Document Delivery Services lrequests@duke.edu] Thursday, August 12, 2010 9:16 AM LSC-Requests Lending Copy, TN #: 573499 TRAN: 573499 copy be3156805S Journal: Souls ; a critical journal of Black politics, culture, and society. Year: 2005, () Vol: 7, (3-4) Pgs: 47-54 ARTICLE Title: Morris, Aldon and Amin Ghaziani; Du Bosian Sociology; A Watershed of Professional and Public Sociology Author: Patron: Rahier, Jean ILL Number: 67986012 MaxCost: $40IFM Copied for: FXG = Green Library- Interlibrary Loan Florida International University Interlibrary Loan, Green Library, Am 290 11200 SW 8th Street Miami, FL 33199 Fax: (305)348-6055 Ariel: 131.94.29.36 Lending String: BEN, *NDD,ERE,NOC, NOC NOD Contact Information 919-660-5891 919-660-5964 illrequests@duke.edu ariel.1ib.duke.edu a I Souls Critical Perspectives on W.E.B. Du Bois DuBoisian Sociology A Watershed of Professional and Public Sociology Aldon Morris and Amin Ghaziani Wiese: Bois was a sociologist a century ahead of his discipline. From the tum of ‘the 20th century he advanced sociological principles that broke radically from those embraced by mainstream sociology. He argued that Black people were not inferior bio- logically or culturally; that race was socially constructed; that race, class. and gender inequalities were interdependent and reinforcing, and thet worldwide capitalism was the fundamental source of global racism. His work thoroughly integrated multiple methods. Politically be advocated social equality and championed race, clas, and feminist con- sciousness as necessery for liberation, Du Bois was a pioneer of professional and public Sociology. Oue hundred yeas later, sociology is finally catching up with Du Boiss path brealcing intellectul landscape and incorporating his insights into the core ofthe dsei- pline. Yet Du Bois's seminal achievements remain understated t best given his aca. ‘demic marginality and the discrimination he encountered. ‘Du Bois was & sociologist and public intellectual of the highest order. He eared bachelor degrees from Fisk and Harvard. From Harvard he also earned a Master and & PRD in history following graduate work at the University of Berlin where he studied with Tending social scientists including Mox Weber. When he graduated with a doctorate thstory in 1896, Du Bois was the frst Afican American to recive a Harvard PAD and cone of the most educated men in America, ‘What kind of career awaited Du Bois? If you were 2 white scholar with the same exquisite training and intellectual gifts as Du Bois, ou could land a prestigious positon Sralleading research university. Indeed, you could aspire tobe founding father of AES ae ceviology like Albion Smal, W.. Thomas, and Robert Par. You might essbish he discipline’ first departments and found its first journals. ‘acing an American Negro a the tun ofthe twentieth century was a daunting ask AS a burddg Black genius the sting of racism was especially peeing for Du Bok who was supremely confident of his intellect. Yet, white Americe viewed such at individual as ser oreover, Du Bois emerged from graduate school precisely when Jim Crow ‘outs 7 (9-4) 47-$4, 2005 / Copyright © 2005 The Testes of Clvnbia University + Cay of New York! 1093-9949/02 | DOL:TO.1080OP59M05255425 48 + Souls Summer/Fall 2005 ‘was ushering in Black disftanchisement, severe economic exploitation, and segregated public accommedations. It was not unusual for southern Blacks to be doused with gaso- line, hung to tree limbs, and lynched as white mobs cheered, Even white university schol- ars, whatever their private views, failed to openly support racial equality and open the academy to Black scholars, ‘This was the social environment in which Du Bois sought an academic position. Be- cause white research universities were closed to him, Du Bois was restricted to work in a Black college, most of which were located inthe Jim Crow South. As the sun of profes- sional sociology rose in America, Du Bois occupied a completely different stage than ‘Sumner, Ward, Mead, Small, Thomas, and Park. They were white, respected, and posi- tioned to ignite the official engines of sociology. Unlike the white founders, Du Bois had litle choice but 10 develop sociology as a weapon of liberation wherein he would use scientific knowledge to change white minds, awaken Blacks to the power of education, and reshape how they saw themselves, Du Bois: The Making of a Public Sociologist ‘There is « movement afoot today to push sociology out ofits academic closet into the public arena, Sociologists ofthis ilk worry that academic sociology has become too insu- larand thatthe task of developing the core principles, bodies of knowledge, techniques, and findings of professional sociology need to be paired with expressing to the world those important things sociology has to say that could help humanity face its problems ‘and move toward solutions (Burawoy, 2004; Burawoy et al,, 2004). Publie sociology ‘engages publics beyond the academy in dialogue about matters of political end moral concern, Moreover, it creates publics and forges identities for sacial change movements, Enter Du Bois. Being a member of an oppressed group, Du Bois did not have the luxury to debate whether sociological knowledge should be used to initiate change, The lynch rope, economic exploitation, daily insults, and political disfranchisement that haunted Du Bois had to be addressed because this predicament closed off room for him to work, live, study, and produce science, Nothing less than his dignity and humanity were at stake. Moreover, much ofthe scientific sociology of his day advanced the claim that he and his people were culturally or biologically inferior. He therefore needed to fashion a sociology that would slay the lies of dispassionate scientists, As such, he embraced a public sociology early on believing that it would produee better science and a better society, Long before Du Bois became a sociologist he decided to use spoken and written words ‘of scholarship to liberate his people. From adolescence Du Bois believed he had some- ‘thing important to say to the world about race. He further embraced this view at Fisk because of the virulent southem racism he encountered. On the eve of his 25th birthday, Du Bois declared, “Theses are my plans: to make a name in science, to make a name in fiterature and thus to raise my race” (Lewis, 1993: 135), He believed that the value of sociology was ints ability to guide rational social policies. While in Europe before the ‘um of the twentieth century he declared, “And above all I began to understand the real ‘meaning of stientific research and the dim outline of methods of employing its technique and its results inthe new social sciences for the settlement of Negro Problems in America” (Du Bois, 1968: 160). Du Bois was clear about the sociology he thought relevant to understanding and change ing the world. He flatly ejected grand theorizing found in the works of Comte, Spencer, Giddings, and Sumner, Critiquing these approaches, Du Bois wrote, “They sought the help of biological analogy as a suggestive aid to further study; they sought anew analysis, Critical Perspectives on W.E.B. DuBois * 49 in search of the Sociological element. The elaborate attempt to compare the social and animal organism failed because analogy implies knowledge but does net supply it—it, suggests but does not furnish lines of investigation” (Du Bois, 2000: 40). For Du Bois, abstract concepts such as "Consciousness of Kind” and “Survival ofthe Fittest” were not conducive 1o understanding societies in eal ime and space To produce a scientific sociology relevant o understanding and changing society, Du Bois advocated an empirically grounded approach based on data collected through mul- tiple methods. From this empirical base, one developed interpretive frameworks. Thus, ‘writing in the days when Ameriean sociology was loosening its bonds from physic metaphors and social philosophy, Du Bois's mission was clear: “I determined to put science into sociology through a study of the condition and problems of my own group. I ‘was going to study the facts, any and all fets, concerning the American Negro and his plight, and by measurement and comparison and research, work upto any valid gencrali- zation which I could” (Du Bois, 1968: 206) Du Bois’s aim was to build a systematic base of scientific knowledge that could be used as a publie sociology to overthrow racial oppression. Du Bais never wavered from the idea that truth was the crucial club tobe wielded in the pursuit of equality, For lim, the essence of the scientific joumey was the pursuit of truth because it alone was the shining sword that toppled tyranny. For Du Bois professional sociology and public so ‘ology were of the same cloth, representing an unbroken continuum. Professional Marginality Du Bois never held an academic position in a major research university. When Du Bois left Harvard in 1895 he landed at Wilberforce, a small Black undergraduate institution. There he taught Latin, Greek, German and English. He begged the administration to teach sociology. In his words, “Try as I might, however, the institution would have no sociology, even though I offered to teach iton my own time” (Du Bois, 1968: 188-189). Deseribing Wilberforce’s students Du Bois wrote, “most of the student body was in high school grades and poorly equipped for study” (Du Bois, 1968: 188). The library con- sisted of a few piles of old books in the attic. Du Bois explained that, “I was determined to have a library. But there was no money, There was never money for anything” (Du Bois, 1968: 189). Du Bois remained at Wilberforce for only two years because ofits lack of basic resources. Reflecting on Wilberforce’s initial promise Du Bois wrote, “I re- tumed ready and eager to hegin alife-work, leading to the emancipation ofthe American Negro. History and the other social sciences were to be my weapons, to be sharpened and applied by research and writing. Where and how, was the question in 1895, T beeame tuneasy about my life program, I had published my first book, but L was doing nothing directly in the sacial sciences and saw no immediate prospect” (Du Bois, 1968: 192). Du Bois began his sociological career in a highly marginalized manner hardly conducive to nurturing a scholar who would become one ofthe great founders of American sociology. In 1896 Du Bois became affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania where he was given the title of “assistant instructor in sociology.” This was not a real professorship since it was temporary and offered only because the University recruited him to conduct a study of Black Philadelphians. After completing the study, he had to move on because ‘no white university would hire Negroes. With a broken academic heart he explained, “It ‘would have been a fine thing if after this difficult, successful piece of work, the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania had at least offered me a (emporary instructorship inthe college orin the Wharton School” (Du Bois, 1968: 199). With righteous indignation he concluded, “White classmates of lower academic rank than T became fall professors at Pennsylvania at 50 + Souls Summer/Fall2005 and Chicago. Here in my case an academie accolade from a great American university would have given impetus to my work. ..." (Du Bois, 1968: 199), As he looked back on his rude departure he wrote, “But then, as now, I know an insult when I see it” (Du Bois, 1968; 199), Du Bois accepted a position as professor of Economics and History at Atlanta Uni- versity in 1897 remaining at this Black institution for thirteen years, where he launched a series ofthe first groundbreaking sociological studies on the Black community. What is of interest here is the working eonditions at Atlanta University since they too resembled many of the problems he encountered at Wilberforce. He complained about cramped office space and lack of students properly prepared for esearch. But the overriding prob- Jem was his inability to secure researeh funds. ‘Du Bois was forced to beg white philanthropists to support his pioneering research, He reported that each year he was on a budget of $5,000 which included his salary, costs of publication, investigations, and annual meetings. He pleaded repeatedly for support from potential funders. White philanthropists were not sympathetic causing Du Bois to conclude that they had no interests in funding a research program at a Negro college under Negro scholars. The wrath of Booker T. Washington also figured heavily in these denials for powerful whites tended to support Washington's racial conservatism on which Du Bois unleashed a broadside attack. In that era, Washington was the gatekeeper of Dhilanthropic funds for Blacks and his recommendations usually stood, Hemmed in by Uunsympathetie whites and a fierce Black opponent, Du Bois never had an abundance of research funds (Stanfield, 1985), ‘This marginaity created limitations on Du Bois’s scholarship and contrasted sharply with the institutional riches enjoyed by the white founders of American sociology. For example, Robert Park and W. I. Thomas atthe University of Chicago had access to one of the finest libraries inthe world. They attracted gifted graduate students who went on to édit sociology’s major journals, serve as presidents of the American Sociological Soci. ety, and to lead the discipline, They also had access to funds for research. While Du Bois ‘begged for support, W. I. Thomas received $50,000 in 1908 to study problems of immic aration that Jed to the publication of the Polish Peasant (Coser, 1977: $33), Thomes received continuous foundation support for years even after being forced to resign from Chicago because of a sex scandal. ‘White sociologists ofthe era ignored Du Bois's work. Nevertheless, the sage at At- lanta and beyond continued to produce groundbreaking work on race and social inequal- ity that came to rest on a bedrock of theoretical and empirical principles that differed profoundly from those espoused at major centers of sociology, DuBoisian Thought vs. the Accepted Sociological Wisdom As James MeKee(1993) has pointed out, until the 1970s American sociology ofrace was Aceply flawed because its theories rested on the meta-assumption that Blacks were infe. tior ether biologically or culturally. This assumption of inferiority ed white sociologists to locate agency only in the white community, As a result, Blacks were viewed as an Undifferentiated mass whose culture and social organization merited no independent analy. Ses, Because Black people were thought inferior, sociologists were ambivalent over whether they would ever assimilate into American society, Without cultural or instti- tional agency, Blacks’ only hope for equality rested with the actions and attitudes of ‘whites. This approach caused American sociology to be completely caught off guard by the emergence of the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements, ‘These mainstream assumptions found no place in Du Bois" sociology. A coherent ap- a Critical Perspectives onW.E.B. DuBois + 51 proach to race can be distilled from Du Bois’ writings in such elassie works as the Phila 1 delphia Negro (1899), the Atlanta Studies, Souls of Blaek Folks (1903) and Black Recon- struction (1939). What follows sa list of Du Bois’s major pris ology ofrace and the sociology ef the Black community. General Principles: The Sociology of Race ‘+ Race isa socially constructed and dynamic category rooted in history and culture, Human agency resides in both oppressed and dominant groups. Thus, race and class conflicts are inevitable and required for social change. Capitalism is an economie system that produces worldwide class and racial inequali- ties, Thus, racism is structurally produced by the drive fr profit for ruling classes. Race, class, and gender inequalities are interdependent and mutually reinforcing ‘The subjective inner lives of racial groups are important determinants of so comes. Careful empirical studies from the ground up utilizing multiple methods are required to produce valuable sociological analyses that can also serveas a base for progressive change. Hout. Specific Principles: Sociology of the Black Community + An absolute and unequivocal rejection of the claim of Black inferiority. On the con trary, Blacks possess unique gifts and cultural messages forthe world, Hence, the end goal is not assimilation but social development. «+ ‘Agency resides in the social organization and culture of the Black community, Thus {he sociologist must study « host of Black institutions including the church. family, ‘Voluntary associations, Black leadership, social movements, nd business institutions + “The Black community is rooted ina diverse class structure and thus cannot be wnder- stood as an undifferentiated mass. «+ Black people have developed a unique subjective world characterized by @ double consciousness because of the impact of systemic racism. Race consciousness is@cru= cial dimension of the Black experience. + Racial oppression in America ean only be understood in the intemational content of ‘se, gender, and reial dynamics. They derive from a common source-—worldwide capitalism. 1+ Because race and class conflicts are endemic outcomes of capitalism, major move ‘ments for change are to be expected in the Black community Du Bois’ scholarship received almost no attention in the American Journal af Sociol: ag he American Sociological Review, Social Forces, andthe weer ee. Wi ee or academie post, acces to able students, andthe sponsorship of wie sae ion Bois wa isolated He sated, “So fac asthe American world of scienés on eee ee gncemned, we never ‘belonged’, we remained unrecognized in leaene! soo tea a cchamie groupe, We rated merely as Negroes studying Negroes, and afer all:

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