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    13 views11 pages

    Huang (1994) 11p

    Uploaded by

    Gisela García

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    {Barr Last et ae Theory fist Language Perectver-Volane fs Phrase ‘Shere tree Eason Ne Sey 9. 1838, 994 More on Chinese Word Order and Parametric Theory Cot. James Huang LUnwersty of Caorni a Iine “TM POSTVERIAL STRUCTURE CONSTRAINT ord order variation fone area of parame stax that has been rented wh mos scant sul. One holoial view of gamma, the chserved foes of 2 gen linguage ae in pan atbuted to ratte (Le, Universal Grammar or UG) and input o nur (experience) In the peal eases be ropes of word onle ad pase srctre are as iuted to pescples of 5 theory and he parameters asscatd wath them. theory proves that ll Phases Have 4 category eodoceniie structure, containing 3 heed and Peesly cenain peripheral clemens stall levels of expansion. The Wineat Psion of the head with respect othe peripheral elements le open 5. Parmeter whose vale haste fixed onthe sis oFexperience the primary Tings dat, foreach language. “Ais wel Kowa, Chinese presents cme problems for the simple theory fest oulined. The mest interesting problem centers around 3 class of poster fal Saucttes whose station cempleates an otherwise stapiforward esciption of Chinese word order an piasesuctre whine sada X theory The eset facts Of Chinese phrase sructre ay be suneaz bythe flowing schema: co xP 4 yP x GX a 2 vP HPO) 1. YP otherwise 5 6 wane ‘That i, with the excepson indicated in Ga), Chinese selects the eal ‘ale forall phrase scares. The exception occurs with the complement fale, when the head is verbal in saute, in which cae the headin ave Fy sclected, Ths slate by 2 Full aay of postveral complements: (a. Zhangsan meiyou haan us. ‘Zhangsan not have see Us “Zhangsan id pt ste Lis . Zhangsan a a Mei. Zangian lve Americ. “Zhang lives i the US: Dhangpan aio Us bu chengsh Zhangsan know’ is not anes ‘zhangsan knows that Uist 9% honest” 6 angsan soag te Lis ben sh Zrangsan give Perf Lisi one CL book “Zhangsan gave Lisa book Diangsan Tangle yen shu ai shuosishang Zrangsan puter one-c. book a tblewop. “Zhargsan ut 2 book on the be: Dhangsan gaesu wo Uist bu cheng Zhangsan tell Ls ot honest "Thangs tld ie tat Uist 6 not haves "he same exceptional expansion also account for he exsence of prepost ‘onal phrases and the structure of clases (IPS). That IP camplemeatation is heacindaliaeady hated by ia, wh the perfective sua flowed by is VP complement. Two examples of PPs ae given in (4b) and (se). ropes in Chinese ae historical derived frm verb and silretin he ‘verbal eatres in varying degies. ence, prepostonsae tv in Chinese “he head: nal specter ae (1s arapy seated i (0, mth clase: ‘nial subject in each example ad the heal dunt le (2) ete ia (6) Ahangsan miotian 2a jai toons date yige danhus, ‘hangsan yesterday at home secretly do-erf one CL telephone “Zhangsan made telephone ell secretly at home yesterday Nonvetalcompemeriationfllowsthe genera head final ale (3H), Thusthe acral strctres of sl noun phases ae sil bea fin The sae rule sccounts forthe aractre of CP, which may beheaded hy a fal parce (ae inc) orby de ehichmarksarelxiveclause ander prenoninal ers 1 Mos 08 cHNESE WORD ORDER AND PARAMETRIC THEORY v (© yuyantue de yan Hague DE research whe dy of ng © rebsie shu, ni dou kanguo le mat Those book You al realExp Perf Q "Those books, have you read them al” (@ oi zai satan de netben shu _mai-wan le You mos lke DE tach book slhow Perf the ok that you ke most as een sd ott” In bre, then, the sracture of verbal complementation consis an excep tomo ihe eterwise general fequement at Chinese he ala every levelofpirasl expansion Another complication this picture that besides 2 full aray of pontvertal complements, ves ca seo be flowed by an ‘xpresin of requency, drat, rau ar mance (heneefony an FORM, ‘semen (9) & Zhangsan paole ang Zhangoan ran fer tte “hangs ra te bhangra pao ang dan Zhang run Tet two. dy “Zhangan ra 0 hos Zhangean pode hen lel? ‘hang an and potted 1d Ahangsan pao He Ke “angsan Fuk sry fat ‘angsan 08 fa ‘These poswvetal elements, not being subcategoised fr by the ve, a6 _genrly considered adjuncts bu uni starr ajunc these expressions fas occur posveraly thus comping the aun ae More lees ingly although verb canbe flowed complement ofthe sot rated In ory an ane f the sr in (9) 8 cannot be fll y both. (10) 4 Zhangsan kale Cabs) Hang ‘Zhangsan readied book Wo. tine ‘hangs el (a oow) wee poset none ps Win ope» presi ss pec “topcase oe i lh », Zhangsan kane Chu) ling ge shongou ‘hangsan read Pee book tworcL. hou “Zhangsan read (3 ook) fr two Hous ‘¢ Dhangran ken-de (abs) hen leh alo: han Cs) de ‘2hangsan read RM hook very ted read book DE “Zhang fead (4 book) 2 gt red: 1. Zhangsan arede Cau) ben a aor fam Cshu) de “Zhangsan read RM book very fast “Zhang read (3 book) very BS" ‘An FORM clement bviously at semana incompatible with an cect. tn acy, an objet can eccur withthe FORM element a long 3 Joes not ‘ceupy a Separate postveral postion. Ths the sentences in (10) bacame ‘ell foamed once the object i moved to preva pasion: 1D a. shu, hangs kame ng 6 bok Zhangaan reaper two me “The hook, Zhang read bce by. Zhangsan sh arte Hang “Dranigsan book read Pert two tine “the hook, Zhangsan read twice c¢ Dhangsan ba sh Katee tang ct Zrangran BA book reader two ne “angen read the book ce, oak by Zanguan tad Pef two. ene The hook a ead ice by hangs” “The same sentences ae alto well formed if the verbs repeated hetween the abyect and the DIM expression, so that hee i exsly one corte ater ech verb (22) a, Zhangsan kan shu and en Ie ‘hanpgan read book ead RM very teed “ang read some books a gt ted” ‘b dhanpsan kan. shu Kanle linge rong Zrangean read. book re-Per woe. how ‘ang read for two hour ‘hey ate wel rmedas well the F/D expression combines with the object, NP to form single conten: (3). Zhangsam karte lang ede) shu Zangsan reader two. tine DE book ‘Zhangsan fead tice (a. read twice of books) 1 MORE Om HSE WOHO ORBEA AND PAAMETIC THEORY 1» by Zhangsan karte ange hong () sh. Zhang readPeftwo-cL hour DE book “Zhang Fad for Fwo HOUT CL read two Hours of Books)” “These facts led CT J. Hung (0982) to propose the Posverbal Sucre Consist (SC), descriptive peneraiztion sated in the frm ofa suiace Fier, which in effect allows 2 verb to be followed by te subexeperzed complements or by an FDRM expression, but ne by oth? In surnmary. two spec properties of Chinese phrase srctore are: (a) the exitence os hentia sree fr tow cntegoies athe complement level and forthe FDRM adjuncts and (the PSC. he espe, Chives Iehaves like apical hea al nguage RECENT PARAMETRIC ACCOUNTS CT. Huang’ 1982) account f these ets Was sated in X-heoret terms ‘This account mises 2 number of imporant questions. Inthe fs place hat ‘eta categories have a head ial complement suucte igivendaecly 36 hexcepsionothe otherwise moe genealhid-fralparteraof he angie ‘hough this Joes not pose 2 ser earatypreblem Civen tha the ‘Simplesoflangsge hat woul ger te rlevatstingappearobe realy Svalable inthe pemary lng t,t erin» question wha rakes 9 ‘Shtegores spect inthis respect. Secon thatthe “nner aunts" (FDRMD Spree posveraly reves snaer ad bee sting, Because the diference Tetween heianeadjnets ad the ote (preveraladunesipatin gencal ‘edcerom te pimary ngs a, hiscannoxe cnshere the rest ‘of parameter seting by cidren. Met importnty, the PSC. requires = ‘xplaatien. Apparel this constraint does otha a eer anges. 50 iCeannot be atraute 19 UG. Leama considerations ao excle post Tang this peculiar generalization as a paramere of UG. Therefore, tothe ‘etenttathis val deseripve gencalation, De PSCimsthe dente om ‘tmething more dry leamabe ‘Anannwerto these questions was proposedy LiC1985, 1990), who aimed that hen pecolarfacro Chines ate deabefrom 3 paramatrie account of both X theory and Ce theory Along with Koopman (980, suggested {hat athe decimal ofthe ed in theory subject o parame zation, 50% he reconalty of Caz eignment. To accoun forthe elvan Chinese a1 propored ha 2) Chinese sed ral excep require by ‘Cae theory and (b) Cae elgnment irom et right in Chinese “Te nna tl neh a) ore ‘Siigroronpenms hist scores exer osetern wich hon Spree sounioes a che coapemey na Ws account provides 2 partial answer to the Fist question cocering the ‘exceptional nature of [iv eategodes. Ilsa sandatd asumpson in GB theory that verbs and peepostions are possible Case assign's, but Nouns ye not Thus objects of transitive verbs and prepositions ms lle the head in Chinese in order to recelve Case. This explains the heist ptm of the wansitve sentences in ®, an the extence of prepositions Cather than postpestions) In Chinese. ‘The exceptional ature of Ie] ‘egores cated to thee bly to asign Case ees that prepostions sie [lin Chinese) Ui albo attempted to answer the questions posed by the postion of inner aujuncts and by the PSC. She assumed that F/D ‘preston ate noun plas tha also need Case as therefore they appear im postverhl positon. Furthermore, suming tha each vet can amin {Cae 0 only one NP. a verb cannot be flowed Py oth an obec NP an T/D expression, ax we naw fy (10a-). Hence in these eases the PSC ‘Mfects deve fom the iably Of 2 we to sgn Case wo to NPs However, Us account incomplete and raises further concept and mpi questions. Inthe ft place, L's account pedis hat nly thane ‘ses dat ed to receive Cave frm their nical Case asger can npr after thet heads. The means tht those hat donot need Caso Jo not receive Cae from a given verb have no busines in powers postion sn] us occur preverlly. Ths prediction is incorrect because 5 eS, Si verbal complement egadles of her ateporal satis, spear poser. ‘nly nln DP and causal complements tovrbaana VP complements vosilanies According 10 standard assumptions these er cteporic ier ‘lo not or cannot have Case ut they mst ll their heads To account for posveral casa complement Li therefore ered to claim taal causes Pood Cane, buts new quemion arses at how the root liegt Case at Si To allow for postveral PP, ts propose tat inthe V P construction, 3 recess reanalsishastaken lace, uningthe VP sequenceimoa warstive ‘ers that the NP mus appear poner to receive Cae Bt the more Tunwmeatal questions What ates the FP to appear ia posveral postion ithe fist pce, 4 uiger the process of reamalya" To provide forthe [aN 2 tlc ert me of whi {Aleph ater a ow at gsr Fs mn omg eno rena feo tT pan nat tot nga ‘nomial arate fave roan cl esd nl dong he Rat eR ‘ie lien tone owe -crtyna he e roi y Jano poster placement of inner adjuncts, & necessry tO spate that ‘ranitv verbs aswell a ransve vers ate Case assignee This nce sary hecas FD expressions occur quite commonly afr inane vers ‘bangin esa ta Zhang ced For tce day’ Tis accounts or the ‘nomial F/D expressions but raises the queston why outer adjunct ke Jintao (ahich also appear in bare NP for, ike the ¥7D expressions) ‘anmot be Case-markenpostvebal postion: tam ae came cay vers “ra ale ita The oir nox that some also asurptions anmot he made that wil anewer some oral of thee questions. The mere Fandamersa question wy is precisely ia isang tno English) that clauses require Case, posvetal prepositions are sujet to ‘eanayss and invansivescanasig Case pst as do trannves Funhermor, {exons co fncona pragmatic explanation forthe pera placement ‘of relative and manner (RIM) expressions and offers no accu of the elec ofthe PCa hey ake observed with R/M express (ae (Ide-W. Fly attoug the Case theoretic propel ruler ot (1-H) becaute one ofthe ponverat NPs docs nor have Case the felling. amma Sete fences eich wit a posveral object and an FD expeession, ate seo nce (09) ata date Zhangsan ang 6 he hte Zhang tw te He It Zhangan ce by wo chengrmte Lang nian, 1 praie-es he ewo. year prised hi Fortwo yeas” co whppngie san e/san ge shongtou 1 Entice Pert he 3" tne/3-CL hoor 1 catcpe tm tc tes nour Note that these setences also preset prblems fr the PSC ks These sentences fer from C10a-b) inthe eleentalnatre of ther poser ‘bjs In 105-5) the pasvecbal object i 2 are NP with no referential function. The hive NP appear to complete the meaning ofthe ver 0 he V.0 combieaon ka hy, Merally read books, i mote appropriately Ioerpected as denen an aay ofteading, btn the reading ope hook tate eases in C1, the pester objet mst be dint or tas ‘elena nother wards, the PSC doesnot apy when he veri lle bya releental abject aed an FD expresson Us acount alo fas 10 admit Sentences lke the folowing, with 2 poses abject and a purposive cea continuatve awe predicted on the eect, (15) Zhangsan male yben shu ge wo kan, hangsan Duet eve-C. book forme fad “Zhangsan bough 3 ook for me to tea (16) Zhangsan maile yen sho hen yous Zrangran buy Tet ene CL book very interesting “Zhangsan hovgha book, andthe book is very interesting” bs. thangsen jog | yrge auesheng hen congning ‘hangsan teach EXP one-CL sent very clever ‘Zhangsan aught a student Gnd the suder s clever)” muanzhetfashengle yen chehuo hen eps Yesterday here happen Per one-c accent realy howe "hue accent happened Gnd i was aD. _Anete pramcvic account of Chinese word omer was ofleed by Travis (aah in theetheoeti terms Travis limed tha the comect generalization ‘hatastngoishes the postveralsroctres and preverblsrocures has o.d0 ‘wih dhe presence and absence of litec) thet roe assignment Subtes ‘rel complement are detly theta marked by the ver, whereas subyecs nt adjnets aren Tavs therefore prepoved that the default word ode of Chinese sheaf, excepe a requied y tet theory, ad tha thea role ssgament 16 (Om Teo right (Case assignment I redundantly, aso wnt) "ravi theory accounts for the pouvertal complements i (4) «ute ney, Decne these complements ae ined howe tht are thes mated Seah or net, acoring to sandr sseamptions, they need Case. The hme theory also predict corecty thst clavsefnalparcles and relative ‘liose markers follow thle complements, assming Wat the TPs do. ot fective theta roles from sich fincionl categories. In the case of IP ‘Srvtre the aunlay-VP onde is prec Fone sesimesthat VP seeies ao rom the auxin, Put otf i seumed in general 0 1 De *ihetz-assigne.Travies theory does not account forthe sacar of NPs however, where even complement has precede the head, 25 dated in (6,9 which dhe complement receives is theta role from the head noun. “The theory abo incomecy pees the placement nner FDRMD aunts, -nceause these expressions do net have theta roles and by her decry should ‘cca in reveal potion, Caneequent, the theory aso fers no account hte PSC Ths, im spite of thei inal aevaciveness, nether Keopman and Lis Ccasethooreie account nor Tavis heteoreti accounts an ade ‘wate explanation ofthe word order facts presente so far The questions “Sal romuin (a) shat makes (vv) categories specal a the level of the omplement le (b) why cerain adjnets an appear postverally, whereas 1. MORE ON NSE WORD ORDER AND PARAMETIC THEORY 2 tiers cannot (€ why the PSC effects occ and (A) why the exceptions {othe PSC ocr, as incated in O-C19. EXPLAINING THE PSC. ‘Because the exception matte ofthe verbal complement re in Ss) connat he derived fom a parameter of ether Case or theta theory I assume that ‘Cdretyeeiees 2 parameter of theory Hell. That atthe Fevel of the complement ni, [i] categories pick iflerent value fom non seal eategores Ths lick of ern eater generalization does not seem "o pose 2 problem forthe child acquiring the lrguage, cause the input sete tthe sting apart puree Consider now the posveral phcement of the FDRM expressions ecatse these expressions ate no uly suategorzed fr by any ver, ithas heen genealy assumed (eg, CT. Huang. 1982 Mel 1978) that ‘hey should be epresontedas inne actor oe complemen occa {nt postion ier than that of saestegorzed complements. However ‘here alo ou reat 1 west them athe innermost paripants the ‘compoiional rut of sentence MeContel-Ginet (982) argued that cerain adverbs, spetiealy manner adverbs of the kind we have Deen Considering. should be dsingushed. fom others. These adverbs ae “wes in tat they have only the verb i the scope, whereas other verbs are "a VPs" because they have scope over Vis avon 98S) aso Sued that cena aerial expressions, adiough they do po exh the properties of tue arguments eerentaliy, possesion of tet oes, et), Imay neveness enter inwo semantic cempestion efor Prominent linens ke subjects or objets. This sot of wewpoit has also long een opted in Momague grammar (ee, Bach, 1979) In C-T J Huang (Ggpaa), i wat shown tat remlaive ad manner expressions ate est tate as pars of complex peestes, Each is 3 secondary predicate that, combines wih the man verb or primary predate to form 2 complex ean pte fom mit oc ne hn eon eo a a ten tsp hes ee shea ome to ey eo cen sey mae VO oe ‘haan be stil spl ne tha ee even he VO. no PN Tien abe! it pene * ease predicate ‘The same analysis may apply to frequency and dation ex Because the FRM secondary predicates must combine fist withthe main ‘vets form complex pedis the postveral placement of FDRMespres ‘sins simply follows fem the headstal re Ga) Now, suppose we ako ‘make the desimble assumption at al branching sruetres are binary Ct ‘Kayne, 1984, for arguments. Then it follows that aver canex be fellowed Inybothastcateporzed complemen and an FDRM expression 2 dsated, In 0), An objet co-occurring with an FDRM expression mex surface 4 reer postion, as ustated a (1). Or the ver must be reduplcte, 25 {n(12)cothat one stance of te ver i falowed by the objet ad the oer ‘Sllowedby an FDRM clement. ThePSC doesnot exist ass parca exctic ‘ondtton on Chinese phase suctre buts smply a statement of eects of the headin rule (38) andthe binary branching hypothesis "Thisexplaation ofthe PSCis sl neompleeas stands however, because a alo peedcte thatthe verb cannct be Tolowed by two subcateporized Complement. Yet as we aw in (4d-D, the complement sructresV NP NP, VNB PP, and VN CP areal acceptable, Here I follow Larson (988) sn sume that each such surface frm is derive fom a complex VP stctre tnd a process of V movement? The Destucture of Go) fr example ‘chemlized follows Se tagind by swe He pt ron: Woomera He th conc e Zn poof Zp kde we compat nace ss hates ted fm oe ea tee ue ecb hen sed ot ‘Soitee es en rue tre pee pny acc ffecish et tea Co) tang ease price te pce howe ‘Eggened Sa congo wn deaf eon vers aerate ‘Solu dra unl ener fs compound tgp HR) eppre ‘enterica win Ve Se nh they gst ey ee ro eee ons vn pee eg he 1. Mone ox cMesE woRD OxDE AND PARAMETRIC THEORY 2s an we ye <™ vi hare (yen soa fag aon Pang ope beckett bleep “The amangement of ems inthe suc fllows from a version of the ‘Thematic Hierarchy (ef CameeDuncan, 1985 Jckendolf, 1972; Lason, 1988 among cers) and a rape of argument proton that preserves the hierar. Flowing Latsn, the arguments ofa ver form heavy of rele prominence ofthe form Agent > Expesencer >_> Theme > > Ohlues). Location panes, for example belong tothe Oblgues category an ak lower than Theme, whic lagen fan lower Ba a8 ‘Agent inthe Thematic erry. Ths faking in afgoment srctre ‘Steal preserved in Dtoctre. Tins inthe Detrctre representation the loative PP occurs as the complement of the embedded VP, de theme the SPEC of tat VP, and Uke Agen the SPEC of Ue higher VP shel headed by the empy Vi. The surface ver fap eiginates in V2 in the ower VP ad res no the ponton of Vie The suace werd order of) ‘derived ace verb movement, with the vet followed by both the theme [NP and the loctive This proces of verb movement may be Miewe 38 2 inanee of ver incerpoation ofthe kin ised i Dake 1988, oF the predate ing of McCay 1568). The empty head othe VP shel ‘nay be onsiere a Tight verb or an eventuality prediete (DO, CAUSE, 0), 50 the surface verb fang ‘put sweated 28 the Fest of semantic emposiion flowing adjunction of V2 10 Vi “Given the Larson VP sell and vet movement then «complement svc af the form V NP XP i adie 35 long 38 ca be anayaed 38 VINP XP, where b& the ace of V ard XP lower on the thematic 2% ane Itchy dan NP. A question aries 2 this poi, however, concerning the "SC tac: Why cant an FDRM expression co-ccur with a posverhal oct Inthe form V NP FDRM, na sma Larson sicse? have assured {atthe FDRM expressions Brong to the Obbques category by virtue of he fact hat they are net ascites with prominent hata rles al reuse 25 “condary prodistes" They therefore originate asthe complement ofthe Incr VP, ft thats leaves the SPEC ofthe lower VP aaa forthe ‘hye Why ate the sentences in (10) ungrammatia wih the object shu present, at grammatical once the object alte? ‘My answer that in these sentences the abject cannot occupy the SPEC, Vil poston because ti cempletely noneereatal apd i used 35 pat of 1 comples predicate ut not a 4 te argument To see this, conser Sentence ike (18. (0) Zhaegon kande she ‘hangs fead-Pe book Asp 2. “hangson read aMthe/some book(s 1h “hangin ead Ge, he was engaged in some acy of book sealing)” ‘As indict, the semence is ambiguous between a referential reading and Sh atv reading Tas sive content like te one in (19), ony the sty reading 8 vale: (29) zal kan shu heat read book et reading though the vere foloea hy the object shuin these sentences, under the ‘Ravi reading the ¥-0 combination iemore appropriately wart bythe inransive road in Engh “The objer in thi case sewves to complete the mesning ofa predicate and coresponds to par ofa complex presiste "coring the stv of book realing rather than oncoming 2 an argument ofthe transtve peta read The sats of sinter words 8 mere ike thatef adage in the kom take advantage of which Joes not have the fullstatscf an amen Like the FORM expresions, tm asabe the ist {crc ino semantic compostion seth the veh The PC effects dhmrated ‘in (10) herefore allot, because ln thewe sentences obec ard an FORM texqresson are competing oe the fist to combine wih he ver under the "rea shee es ae cena pl ore ae scrapes an og 1 ome 3 cine wou ORbtR AND PaMETIC THEORY a heatindal complement rl, but thee is nly cae sich Ts” position pe sentence. One other ha the sentences became grammatical ifthe objet ‘used referenally as a tue argumen ard appears prevetaly ina postion Iigher tan Ths has heen shown in (1), peated here (2D) 2. hu, Zhang ane bing bole zhangsan read per time “he ook, Zhangsan ead twee: by. Zhangson sha Kale lang ch Zhang book rea et ewo tine “The hook, Zhangsanceadewice: Zhangsanna sh kale ag “mnangan BA book readpe 90) tine “angen rea te beak twee she el Zlangsaa hale hang oh bok by Zhangsan reau-Pef two me “The hack was real twice by Zhang In these sentences the objet sbu ‘book’ has a deinte refrence AS 3 te referent argument, it does ae nce to ocr in the anecat cmnpemnen Pasion, allowing a FORM expression to ike the pasveral postion” mA pen oceans ‘ctor ee pep nonce sme as oun One ayes ‘SSctnng mer mt enya et hing» gine pase mw opener ‘ee sm san mate te i Source 7) hung bank CF) tng ih sone tthe we the ‘Shee ree sy Be act a et ‘lnm ton ences ae i ued tae he wen soe ‘rca presen ny othe tone pd ‘ey aan abo chk se sey erp fea a en Sie rpcnn acnteny eo eses¥t ‘Our theory allows an objeto ocur in the SPEC af the lower VP 8 ong asthe abjet is 2 tue argument capable of referential. An example With Sich a stractre is (20 (20) ver el Zhangsan dae ange he ‘rangsan biv-Perf twice ‘fcr vet meement, the ve followed by both the SPEC of VP2 and the frequency please, a8 (21) 2D to dele Zhangsan tang ct he hiePet Zhangsan two time He hit Zhangssn twice Note that his icone ofthe examples cited in (1) a problematic for bath the PSC and Lr Catedeoreicaecoun The ether renences i (14) aft 22) wo chengrane ta lang oan, 7 pie Pee he to year 1 ate he fortwo yeaa ao Pre wa ct tn arnt erases aia

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