ARAM, 15 (2003), 81-96 81

GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA

OF ST. FIRMIN

Rehav Rubin

This article is dedicated to the memory

of J. D. Chitty, whose work on early
desert monasticism inspired so many.

INTRODUCTION

St. Firmin was one of the disciples of St. Sabas. At a certain point in the
early 6th century, he left the Great Laura, and founded a Laura of his own in a
steep rocky ravine “near the village of Michmas”.1 Unfortunately, a paucity of
historical sources means that not much is known about St. Firmin’s Laura.
Cyril of Schythopolis mentions it twice in a short passage on the Origenistic
dispute, emphasizing the bitter argument, which erupted between the monks of
St. Firmin and Nea Laura.2 Joannes Moschos also mentioned the St. Firmin
Laura in one of his anecdotes.3
A group of caves in the cliffs of Nahal Michmas, (Wadi Suweinit), about 10
km north-east of Jerusalem, and known in Arabic as el–Alieliyat, has been iden-
tified as the heart of the Laura (map 1). It was the Dominican Father Lagrange
who, in 1895, first identified the caves as the Laura’s core.4 In 1929, Chitty and
Marcoff endorsed Lagrange’s identification, as did Father Corbo, who discov-
ered the ruined remains of a church and several other buildings on the top of the
cliff above the caves.5 It should be noted, that the rocks on both sides of the wadi
are commonly associated with Bozez and Seneh, where Jonathan vanquished the
Philistines (Sam. I, 14). Accordingly, much literature on the site focused on the
site’s biblical connections rather than its monastic past.6
1
Kyrillos von Skythopolis (E. Schwarz ed.) (Leipzig, 1939), Vita Sabas 16 (p. 99). Cyril of
Scythopolis, Lives of the Monks of Palestine, Translated by R. M. Price, (Kalamazoo Michigan,
1991), p. 108.
2
Vita Sabas 89 (Schwarz p. 197; R. M. Price, p. 206).
3
Moschos, Pratum Spiritualle 166, PG 87,3 c. 3031-3034.
4
M. J. Lagrange, Chronique de Jerusalem, Revue Biblique, 4 (1895), pp. 94-95.
5
D. J. Chitty and M. Marcoff, Notes on Monastic Research in the Judean Wilderness, 1928-
1929, PEFQSt 1929, pp. 167-168.
V. Corbo, Ritrovati Gli Edifici Della Laura Di Firmino, La terra Santa, 1960, pp. 137-141;
A. Desreumaux et. al., Chronique Archaeologique: La Laura de Saint Firmin, RB, 75 (1978),
pp. 417-419.
6
H. B. Rawnsly, The Rock of the Pomegrante, PEFQSt 1879, pp. 118-129; D. G. Dalman,
Der Paß von Michmas, ZDPV 1904, pp. 161-173; D. G. Dalman, Das Wadi es-Swenit, ZDPV
82 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

Several years ago the present author embarked upon a new survey of the
el–Alieliyat caves and the other remains in Wadi Suweinit, uncovering new
evidence concerning life in the Laura of St. Firmin and monastic life in gen-
eral. The following paper will describe the Laura of St. Firmin and discuss, in
light of this evidence, the relationship between Greek speaking monks and
those who spoke and wrote Aramaic.7 It will then consider the wider relation-
ship between these two groups of monks in Judaean Desert monasticism dur-
ing the Byzantine era.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE LAURA

The remains of the Laura of St. Firmin, including solitude cells, rock-cut
caves and various other buildings and facilities, are, as in most of Laura type
monasteries in Judaean Desert, dispersed over a fairly wide area.8 The ruins
are located in Nahal Michmas (Wadi Suweinit), in a section where the wadi
runs from north-east to south-west (map 2). The heart of the Laura – the el-
Alieliyat – meaning the upper caves – is located in the northern side of the
wadi. The caves themselves are divided into two wings – eastern and western.
The eastern wing lies on a rocky shelf, which is shaded from above by a
niche. This shelf is about 25 metres above the foot of the cliff, and at its broad-
est point is approximately 6 metres wide. All the rooms in this wing are on a
single level and all are open to the shelf. They include a natural cave, a man-
made chamber cut into the cliff, a couple of water cisterns and a draining sys-
tem connecting them. Several Greek and CPA inscriptions, dating from the
Byzantine era, as well as a number of earlier Hebrew/Aramaic inscriptions, to
be described in greater detail a little later on, were found in this wing. This
section of the Laura is extremely difficult to reach, and can only be accessed
by climbing up a rope or a rope ladder.
The western wing lies about 20 metres west of the eastern wing. The cliff in
this section hangs almost vertically. The western wing, unlike the eastern one,
consists of four levels of caves and solitude cells, some natural, others man-

1905, pp. 161-175; G. Lombard, Alcune Questioni di Topografia in Sam. 13-14, 1-15, Liber
Annuus, IX (1959), pp. 251-282.
7
The Aramaic dialect spoken in Byzantine Palestine is defined as Christian Palestinian Ara-
maic (CPA). However, the contemporary sources refer to the language and its speakers as “Syr-
iac”. Therefore we will use the term CPA for the inscriptions but we can not avoid the term
“Syriacs” for monks described in historical sources.
8
About the Laura type Monasteries, their history, architecture and organization see:
O. Meinardus, Notes on the Monasteries of the Wilderness of Judea, Liber Annuus, XV, 1965,
pp. 220-259; XVI, 1966, pp. 328-356; XIX, 1969, pp. 305-327. Y. Hirschfeld, The Judean
Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period, (New Haven & London, 1992), pp. 112-212. R.
Rubin, The Laura Monasteries in the Desert during the Byzantine Period, Cathedra, 23 (1982),
pp. 25-46 (Hebrew).
 R. RUBIN 83

made, which are connected to each other by a complex system of steps and
passageways. Several water cisterns were also discovered in this section. How-
ever, no inscriptions seem to have survived. Access to the western wing is far
from easy, but does not require one to scale a rope, merely to carefully walk
along an extraordinarily narrow path.
Above the cliff are the ruined remains of a church discovered by Corbo. Our
survey uncovered several other constructions, including a large building mea-
suring 6 x 10 metres and a round water cistern covered by a dome and plas-
tered in red plaster, rich with minute pieces of crushed pottery. Alongside the
church is another large vaulted water cistern. Finally, a beautiful, highly styl-
ized cross carved onto the bare face of the rock was discovered a short dis-
tance away. It would seem that as the Laura began to expand, its main build-
ings – the church, kitchen, dinning hall, storehouses, etc., – were built in this
area, on top of the cliff.
Slightly further to the west, our survey discovered a second group of caves.
Originally natural caves, they were considerably enlarged by the Laura’s
monks. This cave warren consists of three levels. The upper level, where noth-
ing much was found, contains two fairly well preserved rooms, which are
extremely difficult to reach. The lower level includes three cisterns and one
room, all badly preserved. Given that they were hewn in soft chalky limestone,
this is hardly unexpected. The middle level formed the main residential area of
this part of the Laura. It includes two cells, a large hall and another room, pos-
sibly a chapel. The first cell measures approximately 2.20 x 2 metres and is of
an irregular shape. The ceiling contains an opening to a hewn passageway
leading to one of the upper level rooms. The second one lies adjacent to the
first. It is 2.50 metres long, and varies in width from 1.5 to 2 metres. The large
hall measures 6 x 9 metres. It is well hewn with regular corners and a ceiling
sufficiently high to enable one to stand upright, quite comfortably. The hall’s
western wall contains three carved structures, two square and one round. The
southern wall contains the cave’s original opening. The hall evidently served
as a refectory and assembly hall. The last room is badly preserved. However,
it is worth noting that a niche about 80 cm tall with an arched top had been cut
into the centre of this room’s eastern wall, suggesting that it may have served
as a chapel. No inscriptions or crosses were discovered in this particular cave
complex, which were probably the living quarters of several of the Laura’s
monks.9
On the south-western bank of Wadi Suweinit, one kilometer east of the
el–Alieliyat caves, lies a small spring, known as Ein Suweinit (reference point
1785-1396). Some twenty metres east of Ein Suweinit are the remains of a

9
For a detailed description of the laura remains see: R. Rubin, The Laura type Monasteries
in Judaean Desert (M.A. Thesis, Unpublished), Hebrew University, Jerusalem, 1980 (Hebrew).
84 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

small square building, which was probably a solitude cell. The building’s floor
is covered with a fairly crude white mosaic (the mosaic’s stones are 15-18 mm
in size). The eastern section of the mosaic contained an inscription five lines
long, in CPA, which was unfortunately damaged sometime after our study.

THE INSCRIPTIONS

THE EIN SUWEINIT INSCRIPTION

The inscription is embedded in the cell’s white mosaic floor. The inscription
is set in a rectangular frame, measuring 89 x 66 cm. A single row of white
stones forms the base of the frame, while the remaining three sides consist of
two rows of white stones. The text of the inscription was written using black
stones and set against a white background.10 The inscription itself is five lines
long; it opens with a sign of the cross and closes with the word Amen. The
text and translation of the inscription is as follows:
+ Lord accept lbqa arm +
the oblation of the pri [i]wqd enbrvq
est Silas who bui yd aliw aw
lt this ce wvaz ad db
ll Amen fma ahi

There is little doubt that this dedication inscription, links the building, iden-
tified as Zavita i.e. a solitude cell,11 built by the priest Silas as a donation to
the Laura. The name Silas, which also appears in the New Testament and Jose-
phus Flavius, is probably of Semitic origin.12 The cell, located on the eastern
outskirts of the St. Firmin Laura’s complex, was evidently part of the Laura
and the priest Silas was either a member of, or closely associated with it.

THE EL-ALIELIYAT INSCRIPTION

The el-Alieliyat caves, which form the core of St. Firmin’s Laura, contain
several inscriptions both in Greek and CPA. In addition, a number of inscrip-
tions in Hebrew/Aramaic were discovered on the plaster of a well preserved
round cistern. This cistern, which is 4 metres in diameter, is situated in the
eastern extremity of the cliff’s rocky ledge (ill. no. 3). Chitty and Marcoff,
10
M. Hallun, R. Rubin, Palestinian Syriac Inscription from En Suweinit Liber Annuus, XXXI
(1981), pp. 291-298.
11
See Hallun and Rubin, pp. 296-297, note 21 about the Syriac Zavita and its relation to the
Greek gwnía and the Arabic Zawiya, all used to define a solitude cell.
12
Josephus Flavius, Antiquity, xviii, 6, 7 (204); xix, 8, 3 (353); Acts 15, 27-34. See also:
W. Pape and G. E. Benseller, Wörterbuch der Griechischen Eigennammen, vol. 3, 2, pp. 1389-
1390.
 R. RUBIN 85

who discovered these early inscriptions, were unable to decipher them. Patrich
and Rubin concluded that the inscriptions date from the Second Temple era or,
at the very latest, from the time of the Bar-Kokhba rebellion, when the site was
used as a hide out and place of refuge.13 Alongside these early inscriptions are
a number of red crosses dating from the Byzantine era.
Slightly to the west, a square shaped opening in the rocky shelf leads to a
square cistern, measuring 5.50 x 5 metres. Steps, similar to those found in
Jewish ritual baths, had been cut across the entire width of the cistern and it is
quite possible that it was originally a Jewish ritual bath (mikveh) cut and built
when the cave complex was used as a place of refuge by Jewish rebels. The
walls of the cistern bear a large number of crosses and three inscriptions each
quoting from same Psalm, 29, 3: “aim ly armd elq” “the voice of the Lord
is upon the water”. As this verse forms part of the Baptismal Liturgy, Chitty
related these inscriptions to the baptism ceremony and concluded that the cis-
tern served as a baptistery.14 This seems unlikely, as on one hand, access to the
cistern is sufficiently difficult to rule out the possibility that children or new
converts were brought there to be baptized; and on the other, the Laura’s
monks were baptized before they arrived at the monastery and were certainly
not baptized within the precincts of the Laura, so that they had no apparent
need of such a baptistery.
Perhaps, the monks thought to inscribe this particular quote from the
Psalms, thrice, in order to emphasis the vital role water plays in the desert, and
thus their feelings of dependence for water on the will of God.

THE GREEK INSCRIPTIONS

On the western extremity of the rocky shelf there is a natural cave. The
cave was artificially enlarged, though apparently not by much, and measures
5 x 4 metres. The cave’s eastern wall contains a small niche, which presum-
ably housed an icon, and the cave itself probably served as a chapel. On the
cave’s walls several crosses and traces of two Greek inscriptions were found.
Both inscriptions bore standard Christian formulas. The inscription on the

13
J. Patrich and R. Rubin, Les Grottes de El-Aleiliyat et la Laura de Saint Firmin, des
Refuges Juifs et Byzantins, Revue Biblique, 91 (1984), pp. 381-387. J. Patrich, Caves of Refuge
and Jewish Inscriptions in the Cliffs of Nahal Michmas, Eretz-Israel, vol. 18 (Nahman Avigad
Volume), Jerusalem 1985, pp. 153-166. H. Eshel, B, Zissu A. Frumkin, Two Refuge Caves in
Wadi Suweinit, H. Eshel and D. Amit (eds.), Refuge Caves of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, (Tel-Aviv,
1998), pp. 93-109.
14
Chitty and Marcoff, (Note 5 Above). The same phrase is known in a cistern in the Church
of Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, see: J. Germer Durand, Epigraphie Chrétienne de Jerusalem,
Revue Biblique, 1 (1982), No. 51 pp. 586. The first half of the verse – fwn® kurío(u) The voice
of the Lord – occred also in Greek inscription from Nessana: Kirk G.E., & Wells C.B., ‘The
Inscriptions', in: D.H. Colt (Ed.), Excavations at Nessana, Vol. I, (London, 1962), no. 106,
p. 177.
86 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

western wall – IS XR – i.e. IjsoÕv
Xristóv or Jesus the Messiah. The sec-

ond inscription, which lies adjacent to the niche, – IS XR NI KA – i.e.
IjsoÕv
Xristóv Nikátwr, or Jesus the Victorious Messiah. Both inscrip-
tions are defaced, and were probably deliberately damaged already during the
Byzantine era.
Between the cave and the cistern is an open space, from which a rock-cut
door way leads to a solitude cell. Next to this door there is a third Greek
inscription – IS XS (ba)sileuj – i.e. Jesus the Messiah Reigns.15 This
inscription was written originally beside a rather small cross, and has been
obliterated by a much larger cross, which stands on a particularly long leg.
There is no doubt that whoever drew this long legged cross, did it during the
Byzantine period, and sought to blot out the Greek inscription.
The crosses alongside the CPA inscriptions on the lintel of the aforemen-
tioned square-shaped, graded cistern also stand on a long lower leg, thus dis-
tinguishing them from other crosses in the Laura. It seems reasonable to
assume that the defacement of the short-limbed cross and the Greek inscrip-
tion, as well as the two other Greek inscriptions, testifies to the existence of a
dispute between whoever drew the earlier crosses and the Greek inscriptions
and the person or persons who drew the later crosses and wrote in CPA. If so,
then the Aramaic speakers, having been the last to leave their mark in the site,
clearly had the upper hand in this dispute.
It should be stressed, that the CPA epigraphic evidence found in the St.
Firmin Laura, being compared with the insignificant number of CPA inscrip-
tions discovered elsewhere in Israel,16 is of prime importance. Furthermore, it
also offers clear evidence that a number of Syrian monks did live in the Laura,
and perhaps they were the dominant group at the later part of the Byzantine
period.
Can we suggest any additional documentary evidence pointing to the pres-
ence of Syriac monks in the Laura of St. Firmin?
Unfortunately the historical evidence, relevant to this issue is limited to a
single anecdote by John Moschos. This anecdote, tells of a robber who came
to St. Firmin’s Laura, seeking to repent and return to the bosom of Christ.17 It
was a certain Abba Sabbatius, one of the Laura’s monks, who told Moschos
this tale. The name Sabbatius is of Semitic origin, closely related to the
Hebrew/Aramaic name Shabtai, and therefore we suggest that the monk in
question may well have been a Syriac speaking native of Palestine.

15
A simillar inscription is known in the Citadel, Jerusalem. See: C. N. Jones, The Citadel,
Jerusalem. A Summary of Work Since 1934, QDAP, 14 (1950), pp. 121-190, esp. pp. 159-160,
pl. LVIII, 2.
16
S. P. Brock, Syriac Inscriptions: A Preliminary Checklist of European Publications, Annali
dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli, Vol. 38, pp. 255-271.
17
Moschos, See note 3 above.
 R. RUBIN 87

The el-Alieliyat and Ein Suweinit inscriptions together with the reference to
Abba Sabbatius as one the monastery’s monks support our hypothesis that, at
one point, the majority of the monks at St. Firmin’s were Syriac speakers,
probably natives of Palestine. Hence, it is quite possible that the vehement,
unyielding position adopted by the monks of St. Firmin’s Laura during the
Origenistic dispute, as described by Cyril, was not merely the result of
strongly held theological views, but owed much to the bitter ethnic, linguistic
and cultural tensions, which divided the monastic movement’s Greek and Syr-
iac members. These tensions are clearly reflected and evidenced by the deface-
ment of the Greek inscriptions.

“SYRIAC” MONKS IN THE MONASTERIES OF THE JUDAEAN DESERT

If the conjecture that a significant number of CPA speaking monks lived in
the St. Firmin Laura is correct, is it possible to extrapolate from this and con-
clude that Syriac monks were present throughout the Judaean Desert monas-
teries as a whole?
The principal historical sources on Judaean Desert monasticism include the
writings of Cyril of Schythopolis, John Moschos’ anecdotes, the vitae of St.
Chariton, Gerasimus, Georgios Chozobitis etc. All these texts were written and
preserved in Greek. If one adds to this the fact that most of the monastic move-
ment’s leaders originally came from Asia Minor (St. Chariton from Iconium,
present day Konia,18 St. Sabas, St. Theodosius and St. Gerasimus from Cap-
padocia,19 and St. Euthymius and his companion Domitianos from little Arme-
nia20) and spoke Greek, it is hardly surprising that the monastic movement is
generally regarded as Greek speaking movement. However, a closer, more
careful examination of the monastic movement reveals a much more complex
picture. The Judaean Desert monastic movement was, in fact, a cosmopolitan
society, attracting monks from places as far apart as Arabia, Egypt, Sinai,
Armenia, Greece and Rome.21
This heterogeneous movement included a considerable number of Palestin-
ian born monks, including Cyril himself, who was a native of Beth Shan –
Scythopolis.22 The mother tongue of some of these Palestinian monks was the
18
Vita Charitonis, PG, 115, 899-918, esp. 3, p. 901.
19
Vita Sabas 1 (Schwarz pp. 86-87; R. M. Price, p. 94); Vita Theodosii 1 (Schwarz p. 236;
R. M. Price, p. 262); Vita Euthymii 16 (Schwarz pp. 25-26; R. M. Price, p. 21-22). See about
Gerasimus: K. Koikulidjv, Aí parà tòn Iordànjn Laùrai Kalam¬nov kaì Agíou Gera-
símou, (Jerusalem, 1902).
20
Vita Euthymii 2 (Schwarz p. 8; R. M. Price, pp. 4-5).
21
About three monks from Raito in Sinai, Vita Euthymii 16 (Schwarz pp. 25-26; R. M. Price,
pp. 21-22); About Elias from Arabia, Vita Euthymii 32 (Schwarz p. 51; R. M. Price, p. 47);
About a monk from Greece and another frome Rome see Moschos, Pratum (note 3) 101, 163,
(col. 2960, 3030).
22
About a monk from Tiberias see: Vita Euthymii 16 (Schwarz pp. 25-26; R. M. Price,
pp. 21-22); a Jerusalemite one, see Vita Sabas 39 (Schwarz p. 129; R. M. Price, p. 138).
88 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

local Aramaic, defined by modern scholarship as Christian Palestinian Ara-

maic (CPA). These monks are referred to in the historical sources by the title
Syriacs. The remainder of the article will list and discuss some of the few
known facts about the Syriac monks and “Syriac” monasteries. It will then try
to determine the extent of their prevalence throughout the Judaean Desert.
Cyril of Scythopolis wrote about a monk, who taught himself to speak, read
and write Greek, Latin and Syriac.23 He also mentions a monk by the name of
Flavius the Syriac, who accompanied St. Sabas on one of his many journeys.24
Moschos too, talks of Syriac monks. In one of his anecdotes, he tells of a
monk, a guest at a hostel, who came originally from Syria and spoke Syriac;25
in another, he tells of a monk who spoke Syriac to a woman he met in the
desert.26
At least two historical sources explicitly ascribe the establishment of a
desert monastery and its subsequent administration to Syriac monks. Accord-
ing to the “Life of Georgios of Choziba”, his monastery in Wadi Qilt was
founded by five Syriac monks.27 Moschos mentions a monastery called “the
Subeiba of the Syriacs”, and was probably referring to a monastery of Syriac
monks, proud of their independence and ethnic origin. The fact that there was
another, also, apparently, ethnically based monastery known as the Subeiba of
the Bassi,28 right next to the Subeiba of the Syriac, tends to support this propo-
sition.29
That monasteries and monastic communities were established on an ethnic-
linguistic basis is hardly surprising. In fact, far from being a rare phenomenon,
communities of monks, who came from the same place, spoke the same lan-
guage and shared a common ethnic and, cultural background, were found
throughout the Judaean Desert and Byzantine Empire. St. Sabas, for example,
allowed the Armenian monks, who formed a distinct, recognized and united
group within his Laura, to pray in a separate chapel and in their own lan-
guage.30 Procopius’ record of the various establishment Justinian built in

23
Vita Euthymii 37 (Schwarz p. 56; R. M. Price, pp. 52-53).
24
Vita Sabas 49 (Schwarz pp. 138-139; R. M. Price, p. 148.
25
Moschos, Pratum (note 3) 106, (col. 2965).
26
Moschos, Pratum (note 3) 136. It should be mentioned that while the Latin Version
reads Syriac (dixi ad illam Syriace), the Greek reads Hebrew (¨Ebraistí). However, it is doubt-
ful if Hebrew was indeed a spoken language at that time, and therefore, it should be read as the
Latin – Syriac.
27
Vita Sancti Georgii Chozobitae confessor et monachi, Vita auctore Antonio ejus discipulo,
AB, 7 (1888), pp. 95-144, 336-359. Miracula beatae virginis Mariae in Choziba, AB, 7 (1888), pp.
360-370, esp. p. 366.
28
Moschos, Pratum (note 3 Above) 157, (col. 3025). … t±v mon±v Soubíbwn t¬n Súrwn,
… Soúbiba t¬n Béswn.
29
The Bessai were an ethnic group which originated in Moesia (now a days Bulgaria). For
their monastery see: P. S. Vailhé, Répertoire Alphabétique des Monastèr de Palestine, Revue de
l’Orient Chretien, 4 (1899), pp. 512-542, 5 (1900), pp. 19- 48; 272-292, esp. p. 283.
30
Vita Sabas 20, 32 (Schwarz pp. 105, 117; R. M. Price, pp. 114, 126-127).
 R. RUBIN 89

Palestine, includes both the Iberian monastery in Jerusalem and the Lazi
monastery in the “Desert of Jerusalem”.31 According to the Life of Theodo-
sius, the Greek, Bassi and Armenian monks in his own coenobium, prayed
separately and in their own language.32 Mango notes that this was not unusual
and that similar arrangements existed in other monasteries, including those of
Constantinople.33 From the perspective of modern day sociology the organiza-
tion of communities on landsmanshaft basis is natural and obvious.
Toponymic evidence, based on the analysis of monasteries’ names as cited
in the various historical sources, reveals that while some monasteries had
Greek names, others bore names derived from local Semitic names, and
some were the owners of two names: Greek and Aramaic. Of the three
Lauras founded by St. Chariton: Pharan, Douka, and Souka, the name of the
first – Pharan – has its roots in the ancient Biblical Hebrew name of “Parah”
(Joshua 18, 23), which evolved the Second Temple era into the Greek Phere-
tae or Pharathoni.34 Douka, the name of the Laura St. Chariton built near
Jericho,35 is probably the Aramaic (CPA?) version of the name of the Sec-
ond Temple Fort of Dok or Dagon.36 The Laura St. Chariton established next
to Tekoa was known in Greek as “The Old Laura” but his biographer states
that it “was, however, named in the Syriac language Souka” (mén t±i Súrai
glÉttji Soukàn ônomáhousin).37 Finally, the Arabic names of Mar Saba,
Mar Elias, and Mar G’erias, still common in the modern Arabic toponimy,
all have clear Aramaic roots, as evidenced by the typical Aramaic prefix
“Mar”.
Both “The Life of Euthymius” and Joannes Moschos mention a monastery
by the name of “Marda” or “Mares”.38 In Syriac the word Marda means a fort
or a fortress. Scholars are divided as to the identification of the Marda/Mares
monastery. Some point to the remains of a monastery discovered in Massada,
which was probably founded by St. Euthymius.39 Others argue that the name
Marda refers to the coenobium established by St. Sabas on the ruins of the

31
Procopius, Buildings, V, ix, Loeb Classical Library (tr. H. B. Dewing), (Cambridge Mass.,
1954), pp. 358-359.
32
Vita S. Theodosii Coenobiarchae, IX, PG 114, c. 505-506.
33
C. Mango, Byzantium, The Empire of the New Rome, (London, 1980), p. 23.
34
I Macabees, 9, 50 (Pharathoni); Josephus Flavius, Wars, iv, 9, 4 (512);(Pheretae, Feretaì)
Y. Tsafrir et al., Tabula Imperii Romanii: Iudaea, Palaestina, Eretz Israel in Hellenisttic, Roman
and Byzantine periods, (Jerusalem, 1994), p. 202.
35
Vita Charitonis 11 (above note 18) pp. 912-913.
36
I Macabees, 16,15; Josephus Flavius, Wars, I, 2, 3 (56); Ant. 13, 8. 1 (230).
37
Vita Charitonis 23 (above note 18) pp. 913-914.
38
Vita Euthymii 11 (Schwarz p. 22; R. M. Price, p. 17); Moschos, Pratum (note 3 Above)
158, (col. 3025-6). In Moscos, The Greek reads Márev, and the Latin Mardes.
39
Y. Hirschfeld, Masada in the Byzantine Period – The Marda Monastery, EI 20 (Yadin
Memorial Volume), Jerusalem 1989, pp. 262-274. (Hebrew). Y. Hirschfeld, List of the Byzantine
Monasteries in the Judean Desert, G. C. Bottini, L. Di Segni, E. Alliata (eds.), Christian Archae-
ology in the Holy Land: New Discoveries, (Jerusalem, 1990), pp. 1-89, and especially 53-55.
90 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

fortress of Hyrcania, and which was known in Greek as Kastelion, which also
means Fort.40 The Arabic name for the Hyrcania ruin is Kh. el-Mird, perhaps
an echo of the name of Marda.
Milik, who excavated the remains of the Hyrcania Fort, attempted to resolve
the dispute. He suggested that the Marda/Mares in the “Life of Euthymius and
the Mardas/Mares mentioned by Moschos were in fact two different monaster-
ies. The first did indeed refer to the ruins discovered in Massada, while the
second referred to the Kastelion–Hyrcania monastery mentioned in the “Life
of Sabas”.41 In Milik’s opinion it is quite possible that two monastic commu-
nities – a Coenobitic one, established by Sabas and the Lauritic one, men-
tioned by Moschos – lived together side by side at Hyrcania. Hirschfeld, in his
critique of Milik, claims that the name Kastelion was already known in
Moschos time, and hence he begs the question: “how is it possible to explain
the fact that two very different monastic communities – coenobitic and
anchorite – lived alongside each other in the same site?”42
Nevertheless, Milik’s proposition has much to commend it. His suggestion
that the Hyrcania-Kastelion monastery included one group of Greek speaking
monks who called the monastery Kastelion, and another group of Syriac
(CPA) speaking monks, who preferred the name Marda, accords with the site’s
CPA epigraphic findings, which are, to the best of our knowledge, the richest
archaeological – epigraphic finds in this language in Palestine.43 A strong sup-
port to Milik’s viewpoint comes from a Greek letter from the eighth century,
which was published by Van Haelst. This letter was found in Khirbet al-Mird
and was sent to the “monastery of Mares (gen. Márou)”. We should perhaps
note, that this is the Greek spelling in Moschos for Marda, probably due to the
similarity between the “R” an “D” in Syriac. Moreover, the author of the let-
ter sent his greetings to all “the (anchorites) in the cells” (toùv ˆen t¬i kel-
léwi).44 Thus it seems that at least in the eight century in al-Mird there was a
laura known as Mares-Marda.

40
On the fundation of the Coenobiom, see Vita Sabas 27-28 (Schwarz pp. 110-113;
R. M. Price, p. 119-122); there are other references in Vita Sabas and one anecdote in Moschos
(above note 3) 167 (col. 3033).
41
J. T. Milik, The Monastery of Kastelion, Biblica, 42 (1961), pp. 21-27.
42
Y. Hirschfeld, The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period, Their Development
and Internal Organization in the Light of Archaeological Research, PhD. Thesis, Hebrew Uni-
versity, (Jerusalem, 1987), pp. 28-29.
43
J. T. Milik, Une inscription et une lettre en Araméen Christo-Palestinien, RB 60 (1953),
pp. 526-539. Ch. Perrot, Un fragment christo-palestinien découvert à Khirbet Mird (Actes des
Apotres X, 28-29, 32-41) RB, 70 (1963), pp. 506-555. Perrot quotes the immense work of de-
Langhe which unfortunately I could not check: R. de Langhe, Oude handschriften in de woestijn
van Juda, Onze Alma Mater, VII (1953), fasc. 4, pp. 14-19; idem, De Leuvense expeditie naar de
woestijn van Juda, Ibid. VIII (1954), fasc. 1, pp. 3-5.
44
J. van Haelst, Cinq text provenant de Khirbet Mird, Ancient Society, 22 (1991), pp. 297-
317, and esp. letter no. 1, pp. 302-305.
 R. RUBIN 91

Moreover, it was not unheard of for Lauritic and Coenobitic communities to

live together in the same monastery. In fact, the monastery of St. Gerasimus in
the plains of Jericho harboured two such communities and this too tends to
uphold Milik’s hypothesis.45 In view of the evidence, therefore, there is every
reason to suppose that two groups of monks, one Lauritic and CPA speaking,
and one Coenobitic and Greek speaking, may have coexisted at Marda-Hyrca-
nia-Kastelion. The two communities not only enjoyed a different life style, but
each referred to their communal monastery – “the fort” – by a name rooted in
their own languages. Thus, the different language spoken by each of the two
communities, explains why the historical sources refer to the site by two dif-
ferent names. Yet, even if Milik was mistaken, it is still reasonable to assume
that a monastery built on the remains of an ancient fort would be called the
Monastery of the Fort, or Kastelion in Greek and Marda in Syriac. Hence, also
the Arabic name of the site – Kh. El-Mird. None of this, of course, calls into
question the identification of the remains discovered in Massada with the
Marda mentioned in the “Life of Euthymius”.
Finally, three more points should be made in respect of Kastelion from the
period following the Arab conquest. These shed some light on the nature of the
Hyrcania-Kastelion monastery and, hence, on the aforementioned identifica-
tion dispute. First, Stephen the Sabaite, who was born in Palestine, in the vil-
lage of Julis in the district of Askelon, and whose mother tongue was probably
Christian Palestinian Aramaic, had a solitude cell in Kastelion, which he used
in the course of his wanderings in the desert.46 This accords with a Lauritic,
rather than a Coenobitic, way of life and reinforces the conjecture that the Hyr-
cania-Kastelion monastery supported two monastic communities. Second,
Stephen’s uncle Zechariah was, at one point, in charge of both the Kastelion
monastery and the Monastery of St. Georgios. Thirdly, the rich Arabic epi-
graphic findings from this period suggest that the Arabic language had gradu-
ally and successfully penetrated the monastery,47 and, as Levi Rubin has noted,
CPA speakers found it relatively easy, certainly as compared to Greek speak-
ers, to embrace the Arabic tongue, which is, after all more closely akin to Ara-
maic than Greek.48

45
The life of Gerasimus (above note 19) pp. 2-3.
46
B. Pirone, (tr. and ed.), Vita di Santo Stefano Sabaita (725-794), (Cairo, 1991), ch. 16
(pp. 96-97), ch. 71 (pp. 346-347).
47
M. J. Kister, On a Fragment of a Private Letter of the First Century A.H., JSAI, 3 (1981/2),
pp. 237-240; M. J. Kister, On an Early Fragment of the Qur’an, Studies in Judaica, Karaitica
and Islamica Presented to L. Nemoy, (Ramat Gan, 1982), pp. 163-166. Kister argued in these two
article the original readings of A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri from Hirbet el Mird, (Louvain,
1963), and suggested some important corrections.
48
M. Levy-Rubin, “Arabization versus Islamization in the Palestinian Melkite Community
during the Early Muslim Period”, in Sharing the Sacred – Religious Contacts and Conflicts in
the Holy Land, eds. A. Kofsky & G. Stroumsa, (Jerusalem, 1998), pp. 149-162.
92 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

CONCLUSION
Upon the evidence described above, we suggest that there were a significant
number of Christian Palestinian Aramaic speaking monks in the Judaean
Desert monasteries, who were often identified in the sources as “Syriacs”.
Though these monks did, on occasion, live in exclusive Syriac communities,
they nonetheless had a strong impact on monastic life in general. The fact that
documentary and epigraphic evidence of their presence is slight, is far from
surprising, as the Greek speakers, who were the dominant group in the monas-
tic movement, exercised a complete monopoly over the movement’s historical
sources. Consequently, the monastic movement has been generally perceived
as an almost exclusively Greek organization.
The epigraphic findings discovered in St. Firmin’s and especially the oblit-
eration of the Greek crosses and inscriptions by the CPA inscriptions and
crosses, attests not only to the presence of Syriac monks at the St. Firmin
monastery, but strongly suggests that the monks in this Laura were divided by
fierce ethnic and cultural tensions. These tensions degenerated into a bitter
quarrel from which the Syriacs, apparently, emerged the winners.
The regula of St. Sabas, found in a medieval manuscript in St. Catherin’s
Monastery in Sinai, reflect also the tension between the two communities. The
code’s final paragraph states that:
“Because of the destructive demons, who stir up quarrels and provoke disputes in
the affairs of the abbots (©egoúmenov) between the two tongues, the Greek speak-
ers and those who speak Syriac, and in order to remove this obstacle from our
midst, we rule that Syriacs will not be raised to the position of Abbot. We further
decree that as the Syriacs are inherently more efficient and practical they will
have preference to when it comes to the appointment of administrators of the
household, (Oikonómoi), hosts (doxeiaríoi) and other deaconships.”49

Though the excerpt quoted is part of a composition dating from a later era,
it probably preserved, and certainly reflected earlier monastic regulations,
which emphasis the different status of the Greek and “Syriac” monks within
the monastic movement, and exposes the extent to which the latter were dis-
criminated against.50

49
The first publication of this Regula was in Russian and is quoted in: Kurtz Ed. A. Dmitri-
jevskij Die Klosterregeln des hl. Sabas, BZ, 3 (1894), pp. 167-170. I wish to thank M. Levy-
Rubin for this reference.
English translation was prepared here based on this source and the Hebrew translation in:
M. Levy-Rubin, “The Patriarchate of Jerusalem after the Arab Conquests” – a PhD. Thesis, sub-
mitted to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, March 1994 (Hebrew, unpublished), p. 334. I wish
to thank Dr. M. Levy -Rubin for her help.
50
On a similar discrimination in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem see: M. Levy-Rubin, “Society,
Language and Culture in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem: Leadership versus Community”, in Stud-
ies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam, Vol III: ‘Patterns of Communal Identity in the Late
Antique and Early Islamic Near East, eds. A. Cameron and L. Conrad, (Forthcoming).
R. RUBIN 93

Fig. 1.
94 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

Fig. 2.
R. RUBIN 95

Fig. 3.
96 GREEK AND “SYRIAN” ANCHORITES IN THE LAURA OF ST. FIRMIN

Fig. 4.