Social Movement Endurance: Collective Identig and the

Rastafari

AlemSeghed Kebede, Oklahoma State University

Thomas E. Shriver, Oklahoma State University
J. David Knottnerus, Oklahoma State University

In this paper we argue that a movement’s longevity depends on its ability to develop
and sustain a strong sense of collective identity. We investigate social movement en-
durance by examining the Rastafari, whose membership is comprised primarily of dis-
advantaged Jamaicans of African descent. While many social movements fade after a
short-lived peak, the Rastafari not only has persisted, but it also has become globally im-
portant. Despite its radical posture and its perceived threat to the Jamaican established
order, the movement has prevailed for more than six decades. On the basis of a number
of concepts derived from different theoretical traditions in social movement theory, we
examine the dynamic processes involved in the construction of collective identity among
the Rastafari. We are particularly interested in the concepts of “cognitive liberation,”
“movement culturehoundary structure,” and “the politics of signification.” These con-
cepts allow us to describe and analyze the key dimensions of the Rastafarian collective
identity. This framework, we argue, enhances our understanding of collective identity as
well as the processes contributing to social movement longevity.

Why do some social movements persist and others fade? This is one of the
central questions addressed by social movement analysts over the past several
decades. Analysts have offered a wide array of answers, such as the control of re-
sources, political climate, and the actions of social control agents. In this paper
we attempt to answer this question by putting a new twist on an old theme in so-
cial movement literame-solidarity. Numerous scholars have discussed solidar-
ity as the primary factor accounting for the persistence of social movements;
recently, this concept within social movement literature has been reframed under
the heading “collective identity” (e.g., Jordan 1995; Taylor and Whittier 1992;
Melucci 1995; Stein 1995). We argue that a movement’s endurance depends on
its ability to develop and sustain a strong sense of collective identity.
We investigate social movement endurance by examining the Rastafari,
whose membership is comprised primarily of disadvantaged Jamaicans of
African descent. The Rastafari represent a good case study for exploring social
movement endurance for a number of reasons. First, the Rastafari is a very old
social movement, dating back to the 1930s. While many social movements fade

Sociological Inquiiy, Vol. 70, No. 3, Summer 2000, 313-37

02000 by the University of Texas Press, P.O. Box 7819, Austin, TX 78713-7819
3 14 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

after a short-lived peak, the Rastafari has not only persisted but has also become
globally important (Barrett 1997; Edmonds 1998b; Murrell 1998; Savishinsky
1994, 1998).' Second, the posture of the Rastafari is radical, inviting criticism
from mainstream society (Campbell 1994). The Rastafari is based on transcen-
dental principles, mostly drawn from the Bible, that offer a radical reinterpreta-
tion of the sociopolitical conditions of Jamaica as well as the rest of the world.
Third, the Rastafari is a politicalheligious movement that consistently has been
perceived as a threat to the cultural and political well-being of Jamaica. Accord-
ingly, since its emergence the Rastafari has received stiff resistance from the
Jamaican establishment. Despite its radical posture and its perceived threat to the
Jamaican established order, however, the movement has prevailed for more than
six decades.
This investigation builds upon previous research (Kebede and Knottnerus
1998) focused on the social psychological foundations of the Rastafari. Both
studies form parts of a research agenda concerned with theorizing the dynamics
of social movements in general and the Rastafari in particular. In both cases
symbolic, cognitive, and constructionist dimensions of movement creation,
transformation, and maintenance are the focus of our attention. However, our in-
tention is not to demonstrate the importance of cognitive factors at the expense
of social structural processes. The guiding assumption of our work is that social
structural factors need to be translated into frames of reality in order for social
movement actions to be possible. Hence, our interest has been, and still remains,
to contribute to the recent resurgence of social psychology in explaining the ori-
gin and development of social movements.
There is, however, a marked difference between the two investigations. In
the first study our sole concern was to demonstrate the importance of framing
processes among non-Western social movements. In this investigation we argued
that collective action frames and cultural processes are important in the develop-
ment of both Western and non-Western social movements, although researchers
have given little attention to the latter (for exceptions see Long and Harris 1993;
Knottnerus 1983). The Rastafari is a case in point. In this study, on the other
hand, we are specifically interested in the theoretical problem of social move-
ment endurance. Although the first investigation touches upon this issue, we did
not address in detail how the collective identity of the Rastafari has played a cru-
cial role in the development and maintenance of the movement. Our concern
with this issue emerged as we inquired into the reasons why the Rastafari has
sustained itself for more than six decades despite the lack of political opportuni-
ties and formal organizational networks (Campbell 1994; Edmonds 1998b;
Miller 1993; Waters 1989). The Rastafari were not provided political opportuni-
ties until their movement, mostly through the help of Reggae music (Clarke
1981; Davis 1990) attained the status of what Yawney (1994a, p. 75) called
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 3 15

“global religion” (see also Savishinsky 1994). Organizationally, the Rastafari

have relied more on informal networks and less on formal organization, as in re-
source mobilization theory and political process model (McAdam 1982;
McCarthy and Zald 1973, 1977).2These were the issues that sharpened our con-
centration on the role of collective identity in the growth of the Rastafarian
movement.
Once we recognized the importance of collective identity for the survival of
the Rastafari, it became necessary to examine its dynamics. Based upon our in-
terpretation of various social movement researchers’ examinations of this con-
cept, we argue that the Rastafari has endured because of a carefully developed
collective identity. Since the movement’s inception the Rastafarian collective
identity has revolved around a number of core themes associated with language,
music, ideology, rituals, and appearance. On the basis of a number of concepts
derived from different theoretical traditions in social movement theory, we ex-
amine the dynamic processes involved in the construction of collective identity
among the Rastafari. We are particularly interested in the concepts of cognitive
liberation, movement culturehoundary structure, and the politics of significa-
tion. These concepts allow us to describe and analyze the key dimensions of the
Rastafarian collective identity. This framework, we argue, enhances our under-
standing of collective identity as well as the processes contributing to social
movement enduran~e.~
Data Sources
Our analysis of the Rastafari is based on a three-year examination of
primary and secondary data sources. We used both firsthand and secondary ac-
counts and investigations of the origin, nature, and development of the move-
ment. The review of a variety of sources was necessary for understanding the
historical development of the movement and for delineating its basic features.
For firsthand accounts of the Rastafari we drew heavily from “movement intel-
lectuals” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991) such as Leonard Howell, Ras Samuel
Brown, Dennis Forsythe, Bob Marley, Maceda Lee, Maureen Towe, and Imani
M. Tafari-Ama. These firsthand accounts provided us with an “insider’s perspec-
tive” and allowed us to capture the essence of the movement in the Rastafarians’
own words.
In addition to examining accounts of the movement, we conducted an ex-
tensive survey of secondary data sources. These secondary sources were cri-
tiqued and compared in order to yield a broader and more complete picture of
the Rastafari. These extensive reviews of secondary data sources were critical for
capturing the multiple facets of the movement and for understanding its histori-
cal development. It allowed us to describe the movement at various historical
points and to compare the Rastafari at different levels of analysis. The Rastafari
3 16 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

is not a monolithic group, and, as such, interpretations of the central themes of

the movement varied among Rastafarian scholars and intellectuals, as well as
among the Rastafari themselves. In cases where views about certain topics var-
ied or conflicted, we made judgments based on our own interpretation of the
movement. Given our extensive review and synthesis of both primary and sec-
ondary accounts of the movement, we are confident in our analysis of the col-
lective identity of the Rastafari.
Collective Identity: A Theoretical Framework
The concept of collective identity is most often associated with New Social
Movement Theory (NSM). Various NSM scholars address the importance of col-
lective identity in social movement emergence and success (Castell 1983; Offe
1985; Cohen 1985; Touraine 1981; Melucci 1989; Plotke 1990; Phillips 1991;
Taylor and Whittier 1992; Hunt, Benford, and Snow 1994; Nepstad 1997; Taylor
and Raeburn 1997). According to Taylor and Whittier (1992, p. 105), collective
identity involves the “shared definition of a group that derives from members’
common interests, experiences, and solidarity.” NSM analysts argue that collec-
tive identity is both the product and the cause of collective action, stating that
collective identities are created in the midst of collective actions, and the process
of maintaining them stimulates further collective action. By emphasizing the im-
portance of meaning and identity in the social construction of collective actions,
new social movement theory addresses some of the major limitations of resource
mobilization theory.
The political process perspective also contributes to the study of collective
identity. McAdam’s (1982) political process model emerged as a response to re-
source mobilization, which primarily emphasized organizational dynamics in the
analysis of social movements. Critics argue that the political process model is
deterministic, stating that from this perspective social movement activity is de-
termined solely by structural conditions (for example, see Benford 1997; and
Taylor and Whittier 1992). The strength of McAdam’s political process model is
that it recognizes both structural and social psychological processes in address-
ing social movement emergence and development!
Political process contends that political opportunities create the necessary
conditions for social movements, but that these opportunities do not automati-
cally translate into collective actions. “Mediating between opportunity and action
are people and the subjective meanings that attach to their situations” (McAdam
1982, p. 48). McAdam (1 982) refers to this subjective mediating factor as “cog-
nitive liberation.” McAdam distinguishes between the two dimensions of cogni-
tive liberation: system attribution and sense of political efficacy. System
attribution refers to the process by which movement participants assign blame to
social systems rather than explaining their predicament using psychological
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 3 17

factors or predispositions. Political efficacy involves a practical orientation that

motivates participants to change an existing reality. McAdam points out that both
dimensions of cognitive liberation are more pronounced under conditions where
social integration is strong, such conditions provide for the free movement of
ideas among members, maintaining participant solidarity, and foster commitment.
Another important social movement perspective that provides insights into
collective identity is the framing approach. Framing was first developed by
Snow, Rochford, Worden, and Benford (1986) and has gained wide popularity
among social movement analysts (Benford 1993; Gamson 1992; Hunt and
Benford 1994; Silver 1997; Snow et al, 1986; Snow and Benford 1988). These
analysts view movement participants as important “signifying agents,” that is,
participants who are actively engaged in the social construction of meanings.
Analysts point out that social movement frames do not exist in an uncontested
state. In most cases, they contain a new set of meanings, and they must be de-
fended continually against opposing versions of reality, or counter-frames.
Therefore, movement participants are involved in the “politics of signification,”
an arena in which different versions of reality compete for symbolic dominance.
Theoretical frameworks often compete for ownership of the critical con-
cepts that enhance our understanding of social phenomena. In the case of col-
lective identity, NSM theory has obtained ownership. Collective identity is
multidimensional, however, and to limit our understanding of this concept to one
framework would be a mistake. We argue that each of the three perspectives dis-
cussed above provides valuable insights for understanding collective identity. As
a result, our framework for examining the collective identity of the Rastafari is
based on amalgamating important contributions from political process, NSM,
and framing approaches. Thus, we suggest a somewhat broader conceptualiza-
tion of collective identity.
From our perspective, collective identity involves a dynamic politicallcul-
tural consensus of a group. The inherent dynamic nature of collective identity is
reflected in the origin as well as the development of collective actions. Although
collective identities are created in the process of collective actions, they need to
be maintained and defended. Hence, once collective identities are constructed,
the act of reconstructinglmaintainingthem becomes an important dimension of
collective actions. The strength of collective actions may be assessed on the basis
of their success at reconstructing their shared group identities. Collective identi-
ties, then, are not properties that social movements simply take on at one point
and abandon at another. In this sense, the reasons identities are formed and then
defended become primary determinants of collective action. Hence, we argue
that social movements are largely collective identities in motion.
In this dynamic process, three interrelated dimensions of collective identity
are delineated. First, a social movement creates its own version of reality. This
3 18 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

new version allows social movements to interpret reality from a broader per-
spective. It provides movement participants the social psychological mechanism
that motivates them to change existing reality. Second, as a social movement is
strengthened it creates its own movement-culture. This movement culture is an
alternative culture which, among other things, serves as a boundary marker that
social movements utilize to distinguish themselves from the rest of society.
Movement participants are, consequently, attracted to a social movement insofar
as it has successfully created its own movement culture. Third, this movement
culture has to be reconstructeddefended. The causes for this process of recon-
structioddefense range from the changes that occur in the social milieu within
which collective actions take place to the challenges that collective actions en-
counter from the dominant culture as well as other countermovement cultures.
Thus, we are piecing together conceptual ideas from different social move-
ment perspectives to develop a broader framework to examine the collective
identity of the Rastafari. In particular, we examine three processes: cognitive lib-
eration, movement culture, and the politics of signification. Through this ap-
proach we examine the processes involved in the construction of the Rastafarian
version of reality, alternative culture, and the ways by which the movement de-
fends its collective identity.
Cognitive Liberation
The first dimension of collective identity is cognitive liberation, in which
movement participants form their collective identity at the cognitive level.
Following McAdam (1 982) we divide cognitive liberation into two interrelated
dimensions, system attribution and political efficacy. System attribution refers to
the process by which movement participants assign blame to social systems.
Political efficacy involves a practical orientation that motivates participants to
work toward positive social change. In this section we examine the cognitive lib-
eration of the Rastafari focusing on these two dimensions.
System Attribution
One of the distinctive features of the Rastafarian movement is that its mem-
bers consistently blame their economic and political predicament on a system
which they believe is corrupt and evil. According to the Rastafari, the source of
this abominable existence is Babylon. The term “Babylon” is borrowed from the
Bible, but the Rastafari have given it new meaning. According to the Rastafari,
Babylon “constitutes a symbolic delegitimation of those Western values and in-
stitutions that historically have exercised control over the masses of the African
Diaspora” (Edmonds 1998a, p. 24). The Rastafarian theory of Babylon is thus an
emergent ideology that provides an alternative explanation for social problems.
From this new perspective, Babylon is a negative space that must be transcended
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 3 19

intellectually and physically. The Rastafari believe that to pave the way for the
emergence of a better social existence, Babylon must be “chanted down”
(destroyed).
The theory of Babylon emerged and has been reinforced through what the
Rastafari call “reasoning,” or what social movement analysts refer to as a “free
space” (Evans and Boyte 1986) in which members openly discuss their life ex-
periences and other pertinent issues both in Jamaican society and the world at
large. The theory of Babylon, thus, is not attributed to a single individual; rather,
it is the result of the life experiences of the Rastafarians characterized by frus-
tration and alienation. Jamaicans of African descent, to which the Rastafari
strongly attaches itself, have had to deal with the legacy of slavery followed by
the processes of colonization and neo-colonization. This suffering led
Rastafarians to the theory of Babylon. As one Rastafarian expressed it, the im-
agery of Babylon “is the psychic image sustained by real life experiences, busted
hopes, broken dreams, the blues of broken homes and disjointed tribes of people
trapped by history” (Forsythe 1996, p. 100).
The Rastafarians’ hatred for Babylon is reflected in expressions such as
“shitstem,” a Rasta word for the Jamaican social system. Shitstem involves two
processes. First, it serves as an interpretive schemata that allows members to un-
derstand the inner workings of the Babylonian system. In this sense Babylon rep-
resents a corrupt political system that defends the social and economic status of
the rich and further impoverishes the poor. Secondly, it involves a process of de-
constructing Babylon linguistically. The deconstruction of Babylonian language
and the construction of a new linguistic system are important aspects of the
Rastafarian collective action. Rastafarians believe that language should be given
considerable attention because it is an important instrument for mentally enslav-
ing or liberating people. They argue that under the Babylonian system language
has been used to deceive the people as well as deflect the attention of the op-
pressed from fighting for social justice. The Rastafari use their own language (or
“dread talk”) to shield themselves against the Babylonian system of shitstem
until it is destroyed (Witvliet 1985, p. 115).
The theory of Babylon, which assigns blame to the system, represents a
break from traditional Jamaican explanations of social problems, which placed
blame on individuals. From the Rastafarian perspective the individual Jamaican
can not be held accountable for the social problems of Jamaica. The Rastafari
oppose those viewpoints that suggest the subaltern classes of Jamaica are re-
sponsible for their own economic and political problems. Rastafarians see them-
selves as victims, emphasizing that Jamaicans of Ahcan descent have been
barred from participating in the process of history making. This lack of partici-
pation is due to the organized practices of Babylon, which from a Rastafarian
perspective make Blacks the object of, rather than the subject of, history.
320 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

Rastafarians apply the theory of Babylon to Jamaican society as well as to

the rest of the world. In Jamaica Babylon encompasses the concerted efforts of
various agencies representing the power structure, those who have a stronghold
on available resources. One of the most important characteristics of this group is
that it excessively emulates Western culture. The culture of the oppressed, con-
sequently, is relegated to a second-class status. Western culture is seen as the
measuring rod to demarcate that which is superior. Babylon in this sense entails
“part of a world view and cultural perceptions” (Aylmer 1998, p. 284) which de-
grades anything African. Transcending such perceptions, the Rastafari idealize
Africa (Chevannes 1994, p. 34).
The Rastafarian critique of Babylon transcends Jamaican society and in-
cludes denouncing capitalistic systems as well as certain communistic regimes.
Rastafarians refer to these systems as ‘‘anancy regimes” (Forsythe 1996), oppres-
sive systems based on shrewdness. International Babylon is represented by the in-
dustrialized nations of the world, spearheaded by the United States, as well as key
religious institutions such as the Vatican. According to the Rastafari, international
Babylon has a long history with a succession of oppressive eras. They note that
oppressive regimes such as those of the Persians, Greeks, Romans, British, and
Americans have dominated world history. From the Rastafarian perspective, all
of these regimes were inspired by the activities of “Nebuchadnezzar, the infa-
mous king of the Biblical Babylon” (Johnson-Hill 1995, p. 30). It is within this
overall historical context that the Rastafarians explain their experience and ulti-
mate mission, the overcoming of the oppression of Blacks and humanity at large.
By and large, the Rastafarian theory of Babylon represents what Snow et al.
(1986) term “articulation” (Kebede and Knottnerus 1998). The Rasta theory acts
as a “signaling and collating device” by which different categories of thought of
the movement are aligned. These categories of thought find expression in a rela-
tively organized discourse for the Rastafari. The theory, accordingly, serves as a
cognitive tool to interpret past, present, and future social events. Consequently,
the Rastafarian frame of Babylon serves both to deconstruct the conventional de-
finition of reality and replace it with a new version. Thus, the existing reality is
reinterpreted, and a blueprint for the future society is at the very least schemati-
cally outlined.
Political Eficacy
Given the religious nature of the movement, some analysts have concluded
that the Rastafari is merely a religious cult based on a theological interpretation
of the world. They have referred to it is as an “escapist” movement (Lanternari
1963), arguing that the Rastafari disengages itself from existing social and polit-
ical reality rather than trying to change it. While it is true that the Rastafari avoid
participation in Jamaican politics, closer examination of the movement indicates
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 321

that Rastafarians are committed to political efficacy. In fact, even the religious
dimension of the movement is politics by other means. The dichotomy set up be-
tween Babylon and Ethiopia (Ethiopia being the antithesis of Babylon) and the
strong interest that the Rastafarians show in repatriation indicate a sincere inter-
est in political efficacy. The focus on repatriation and the BabylordEthiopia dis-
tinction reflect the movement’s critique of Jamaican politics and the political
prognosis that accompanies it. Defining the Rastafari as a political-religious
movement is, therefore, more appropriate than reducing it to an escapist move-
ment (Kebede and Knottnerus 1998).
Attesting to the political efficacy of the Rastafari is the marked difference
between their view of heaven and that of traditional Christians, who believe un-
equivocally that heaven is a transcendental reality existing beyond the limits of
the physical world. Rastafarians are opposed to the view that heaven is a reality
to be experienced after life. According to the Rastafari, heaven is on earth-
more specifically, in Africa and Ethiopia. The difference between Rastafari and
Christianity can be characterized by the distinction between a vertical and hori-
zontal conception of heaven. The former looks up to heaven, beyond this world,
whereas the latter focuses on the existing physical reality. From the Rastafarian
perspective, it is a mistake to view heaven as a metaphysical entity, because there
is no way to access this reality. The horizontal view of heaven motivates the
Rastafarians to seek social change within the physical world. In this sense, the
Rastafari is more political than other religions, because it discourages its adher-
ents from seeking solutions in a transcendental realm. They believe that prob-
lems are in this world and can only be resolved within the framework of this
physical reality. The Rastafarian frame, thus, gives its followers ample justifica-
tion that their efforts are worthwhile. A vertical view of heaven, on the other
hand, forces adherents to adopt an acquiescent perspective toward the source of
their grievances. In this perspective adherents are encouraged to accept their ex-
isting reality rather than seek ways to change it.
Furthermore, the Rastafarians’ horizontal view of heaven and their commit-
ment to social change are manifested in their view of death. They argue that
Rastafari is the religion of life. From this viewpoint only the evil dies. The
Rastafarian view of death differs greatly from that of Chnstianity, which, ac-
cording to the Rastafari, is a “death worshipping” religion. The Rastafarians’
“philosophical” conquest of death implies that they have liberated themselves in
thought, the first step in the realization of the heaven-on-earth contention. Again,
there is a marked difference between the Christian and the Rastafarian frames of
the “good life.” Whereas the religion of Christianity suggests suffering and mis-
ery as parts of human life on earth, the Rastafari express a resolute determina-
tion to get rid of the evil forces of the physical world. According to the Rastafari,
life is to be lived perfectly and eternally.
322 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

Their keen interest in and commitment to solving problems in this physical

world illustrate the Rastafarians’ argument that they are “eternal.” The Rastafari
are determined to withstand the difficulties they face while in Babylon. They be-
lieve that the resolution of their problems is eminent. Babylon, accordingly, is a
space where the Rastafarians exist, whereas Ethiopia is the place where they
truly belong. They do not see this as the result of blind faith, but something that
they have discovered. As Owens notes (1976, p. 90),
The truth which the Rastafarians know-not just “believe”-has been discovered by each of
them after personal searching of their own experience, examination of scriptural prophesies,
prolonged reasoning sessions with other brethren, and endless hours of meditation under the
stimulus of the sacred herbs.

Through its political efficacy the Rastafari provides ample motivation for
adherents to remain committed to the movement. Their collective identity is per-
petually reinforced by the motivational factors inherent within the politicalheli-
gious philosophy of the movement. Movement participants are not merely given
intellectual explanations for why Babylon is flawed. They are offered compelling
reasons illustrating the advantages of adhering to the principles of the move-
ment. The reasons are convincing to many Jamaicans of African descent, espe-
cially those whose life experiences have been characterized by poverty, suffering,
and alienation. The cognitive liberation of the Rastafari, which insists on solving
social problems within the realm of the physical world, is thus a pivotal force for
the strengthening of the movement’s collective identity.
Rastafarian cognitive liberation is more than a reaction to the Jamaican es-
tablishment. It also acts as a causal force that strengthens member commitment.
The attribution of Babylon as a negative force has been a major determinate in
the construction of the Rastafarian collective identity. Cognitive liberation was
first triggered by the actual experiences and perceived injustices of the
Rastafarians. Gradually the Rastafari have interpreted their situation as unjust
and beyond repair within the framework of the existing system. Once cognitive
liberation asserted itself, it became a frame through which events are interpreted
and the political efficacy of movement participants is augmented. Cognitive lib-
eration has played a central role in bolstering the collective identity of the
Rastafari.
Movement Culture/Boundaries
The second dimension of the Rastafari collective identity is their movement
culture. The most important feature of this movement culture for the Rastafari is
that they use “symbolic boundaries” (Gamson 1997) to separate themselves from
the rest of society. In the movement culture of the Rastafari there are what we
have termed conspicuous and intellectual symbolic boundary marks. These are
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 323

marks or indicators by which movement participants of the Rastafari maintain a

distinct boundary between themselves and the rest of society. Conspicuous
marks are visible and easily accessible to outsiders. By exhibiting these marks
movement participants can be easily identified and can even be imitated by non-
Rastafarians. Intellectual marks, by contrast, are less obvious and more difficult
for non-Rastafarians to imitate. In this section we examine each of these bound-
ary markers.
Conspicuous Marks
One of the most important conspicuous markers of the Rastafarian collec-
tive identity is their long, thatched hair, known as dreadlocks. Biblical sources,
such as “All the days of his separation no razor shall come upon his head”
(Numbers 6:5), are cited as justifications for their treatment of hair. For the
Rastafari dreadlocks symbolize “African heritage” and a “Samsonian power” to
overcome difficulties. The symbolic significance of dreadlocks here is twofold.
First, they demarcate in-group and out-group distinctions. They are part of the
Rastafarians’ external appearance that typifies the boundaries of group member-
ship. Rastafarians acknowledge the existence of “fraudulent Rastas” (Roberts
1993, p. 36) or “fashion dread” (Lee 1981, p. 28) that can pass for Rastafarian
because of their appearance. However, they fail as genuine Rastafarian due to the
lack of commitment that they show to the ethos of the movement. Hence the
Rastafarian expression, “Him have locks on head but not in heart” (Davis and
Simon 1982, p. 75).
Second, dreadlocks symbolize resistance, reflecting the defiance of the
Rastafari against the establishment. By adopting a hairstyle that is unconven-
tional, Rastafarians express a critique of the prevailing social arrangement. In a
country where hair is an “index of social differences” (Barrett 1982, p. 138), the
symbolic importance of dreadlocks is without question. It defies the contention
that natural, kinky, African hair is the mark of inferiority. To act otherwise is
considered “symptomatic of alienation from a sense of . . . African beauty”
(Edmonds 1998a, p. 32). Dreadlocks communicate the message of self-respect to
other Jamaicans, especially those of African descent who imitate the hairstyle of
other groups.
The importance of dreadlocks is not, however, confined within the parame-
ters of an aesthetic realm. The Rastafarian logic regarding dreadlocks is consis-
tent with the overall philosophy of the movement. One of the basic tenets of the
Rastafari is that interference with the course of nature is partly to blame for the
social problems in the world. Following this dictum, the Rastafari contend that
hair should be allowed to grow naturally. In addition, they use only water and
natural herbs to take care of their hair. By letting the hair follow its natural
course and by refusing to use chemicals on hair, Rastafarians are doing two
324 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

things at the same time, rejecting the values of the dominant order and reassert-
ing Black identity.
Another important conspicuous mark of the Rastafarian collective identity
is their style of dress. Their colorhl dresses and the knitted tam they wear can
easily identify the Rastafarians. These conspicuous marks have the Ethiopian
colors of green, gold, and red. To these the color black is added. Each color has
a meaning. Red represents the blood of the ancestors of Black people who suf-
fered under the yoke of slavery, the martyrs who fought against any form of op-
pression, and the Rastafarian brethren who are in defiance of the “shitstem.” The
holy herb, ganja, and heaven on earth (EthiopidAfrica) are epitomized by the
color green. The color gold stands for Rastafarian “theology” and Jah-make-ya
(Jamaica). Finally, black represents the skin of African descendants; it also de-
notes purity.
Intellectual Marks
As previously mentioned, another important part of the Rastafarian collec-
tive identity are intellectual marks. The most distinguishing intellectual mark of
the Rastafari is their “soul language,” also known as “dread talk,” “I-ance,” or “I-
yaric.” Rastafarians created soul language by changing the phonetical and mor-
phological linguistic forms of Jamaican Creole (Pollard 1994). The language is
based on “word-sound-power,” a philosophy “in which a tension between Creole
and standard English words and meanings are used to contest traditional con-
structions of identity” (Pulis 1993, p. 286). According to the Rastafari, the inter-
nalization of the language is a reflection of one’s strict adherence to the creed of
the movement. Hence, active participation in the movement culture of the
Rastafari, at least in part, presupposes the understanding of its language. In fact,
the degree of commitment of a Rastafarian is often measured by his or her mas-
tery of the soul language.
The Rastafarian soul language serves two purposes. It distinguishes
Rastafarians from the rest of Jamaican society, and it expresses “religious, polit-
ical and philosophical positions of the believers in the Rastafari” (Pollard 1994,
p. 15). Importantly, the creativity of the Rastafarian soul language has allowed
the movement to further solidify the boundaries setting it off from the rest of
Jamaican society. While outsiders can easily emulate the hair and dress styles of
the Rastafari, the soul language of the Rastafari represents a powerful boundary
that keeps outsiders at bay. In addition, through language members are encour-
aged to stay within the framework of the Rastafarian collective identity. The lan-
guage does not merely serve as a unique mode of communication, it is also
loaded with an alternative understanding of the world.
Hence, the vernacular of the Rastafari does more than distinguish in-group
members from outsiders. It is particularly important because it is full of
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 325

Rastafarian conceptions of life, politics, and nature. Soul language is an expres-

sion of the philosophy of their movement, illustrating how a social movement
creates a language congruent with its frame of reality. Through soul language
Rastafarians are participating in what Pulis (1993, p. 294) has called the “decol-
onization of thoughts and ideas, actions, and behavior.” The language is thus in-
tended to deconstruct the philosophical basis of the Babylonian regime. The
Rastafarians are, accordingly, continuously replacing old linguistic categories
with new ones to reflect the spirit of the movement. These processes show the
Rastafarians’ interest in destroying “powers and principalities not with gun and‘
bayonet, but wordically [by means of words].”
The soul language of the Rastafari is clearly intended as an instrument of
defiance (Nettleford 1978; Roberts 1993). This is especially apparent with
Rastafarian spoken language. Unlike conventional language, strong pronuncia-
tion, conversational, and sentence expressions characterize “Rasta speech.” The
expressions in Rastafarian spoken language are so powerful that those unfamil-
iar with them may think that they are intended to shock rather than serve as a
medium of communication. Moreover, Rasta speech is characterized by the
speaker’s “deep voice,” which is used to show the hypocrisy of polite English.
The deep voice used in Rasta speech defies the soft voice, which the Rastafarians
see as a reflection of subservience.
Rastafarian defiance is most evident in their endeavor to deconstruct stan-
dard English. Rastafarians believe that Jamaican English, the country’s official
language, is limited and inherently inconsistent. For the Rastafari, there are prob-
lems with the phonetic and morphological aspects of the language due to con-
tradictions between form and substance. For example, the word “oppression”
contains the sound “up,” implying a positive, uplifting process. Thus, Rasta-
farians replace the “opp” with “down” to create a new word, “downpression,”
which more accurately reflects its meaning. Rastafarians believe those English
words like oppression, wisdom, and banana distort meaning and limit the
speaker’s understanding of the world. Thus, according to the Rastafari, the limits
and inherent inconsistency of Jamaican language reflect the inconsistency un-
derlying Babylonian world view. Rastafarians believe that a new world view re-
quires a new language, and they believe that their soul language is consistent
with their views of Jamaican society and the world at large.
In addition to being consistent with its world view, the emergent vernacular
of the Rastafari is an exercise in what sociolinguists refer to as “performative ut-
terances” (Wardhaugh 1992). With performative utterances a person is not just
saying something-but is also actually doing something. Such is the case when
a person says “I do” in a marriage vow. Performative utterances find their fullest
expression in the I-words of the Rastafari. I-words, such as I-thopia (Ethiopia),
Ztes (Heights), Zses (Praises) are intentionally created to stress the positive
326 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

dimension inherent in such words. In addition, through performative utterances,

Rastafarians affirm adherence to one of the themes of the movement, the re-
assertion of the lost self. By using the word “I” a Rasta is confirming that she or
he is an active subject of history as opposed to an individual who has lost her or
his personhood.
The utilization of I-words among the Rastafarians is a means of constantly
renewing membership in the movement. The use of I-words, thus, allows the
Rastafari to participate in what Malinowski ([1923] 1956) calls a “phatic com-
munion.” That is, through the use of I-words the social ties among the
Rastafarians are reinforced. Hence, when a Rasta uses I-words she or he is not
merely communicating but is participating in the social movement. “I ’n I,” the
expression Rastafarians use to refer to themselves, clearly shows the role of soul
language in the phatic communion of the Rastafari. I ‘n I means you and I be-
long to the same group. I-words, thus, play an important role in maintaining a
“we-relation” among the movement participants of the Rastafari.
Rastafarian rituals represent another example of intellectual marks that de-
fine the movement’s collective identity. There are two particularly important rit-
uals of the Rastafari: “nyabinghi” and “reasoning” (Chevannes 1994, p. 17).
Nyabinghi is a musical festival held on special occasions such as the birthday of
HaileSelassie, his visit to Jamaica, and emancipation from slavery. The impor-
tance of nyabinghi in reinforcing collective identity is enormous. It creates a
unity of mind among the Rastafarian community. Dancing, chanting, and the rit-
uals that accompany them strengthen the faith of the individual member and the
solidarity of the Rastafari.
Reasoning refers to sessions held to discuss issues ranging from the life ex-
periences of individual members to international issues. Reasoning is an impor-
tant dimension of the Rastafarian collective identity because every member is
allowed to speak his or her mind. The ritual provides a fertile ground for a diag-
nostic analysis of social reality. Thus, reasoning is not only designed as an exer-
cise in democratic expression; it is also a session in which members think in
unison. The participation in the examination of diagnostic and prognostic frames
of the movement gives every member self-confidence. These processes, in turn,
reinforce collective identity. In this connection the role of Reggae music must be
noted. The music has been instrumental in articulating as well as disseminating
the basic themes of Rastafarian philosophy. In addition to strengthening cohe-
sion among movement participants, Reggae also played an important role in cre-
ating public awareness among the public. The international success of the music
through its singers, such as Bob Marley, has been accompanied by the global-
ization of the Rastatafari.
The movement culture of the Rastafarians reinforces their sense of collec-
tive identity by providing an alternative culture. Therefore, the Rastafarians stay
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 327

within the confines of the movement. Their dress, hairstyle, language, and ritu-
als all serve to differentiate them from the rest of society. But more importantly,
they are instruments of defiance that help participants strengthen their commit-
ment to the politicalheligious principles of the movement. Indeed, the decon-
struction of the old order and the construction of the new order are at the very
heart of Rastafarian collective identity.
The Politics of Signification
The third dimension of collective identity for the Rastafari is their active in-
volvement in the “politics of signification.” As previously stated, analysts in the
framing perspective emphasize the role of movement participants as “signifying
agents,” that is, members who are actively engaged in the social construction of
meanings. In most cases this new set of meanings represents a threat to some es-
tablished order and, therefore, must be continually defended against opposing
versions of reality. Thus, the “politics of signification” refers to the arena in
which these different versions of reality compete for dominance.
Historically, the Rastafari have come under attack in Jamaican society.
Their guiding philosophy and rituals have been criticized and ridiculed. As
Clarke notes (1994, p. 50), “Extremely critical of the established churches, as
well as of the government, the bureaucracy, the professional classes, and the po-
lice, the Rastafarians came to be seen as a serious threat to existing forms of
authority.” As a result, since the movement first asserted itself as a political/
religious movement, participation in the politics of signification has been an im-
portant dimension of the Rastafarian collective identity.
The Rastafari believe that they must continually defend themselves against
“negative vibrations,” which are propagated by the media and others in Jamaican
society. Included in this negative vibration are those “who have used the symbols
and the music to distort and dilute the true essence of [Rastafarian] philosophy”
(Lee 1981, p. 5). Negative vibration is centered on discrediting the Rastafarians
and attacking the basic themes of the movement. To counter negative vibration,
Rastafarians have developed “positive vibration,” which is intended to defend the
movement against the existing and emergent counter-frames. Positive vibration
involves a confirmation of the principles of the Rastafarians on the basis of his-
torical and contemporary evidence, as well as their personal experiences. Thus,
the politics of signification for the Rastafari take place at the level of interaction
between negative and positive vibrations.
Living God
A great deal of negative vibration has been centered on HaileSelassie, who
according to the Rastafari is the living God, “the head over all man” (Leonard
Howell in Spencer 1998).5Non-Rastafarians argue that HaileSelassie was not a
328 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

living God, but an authoritarian ruler who is to blame for the multiple problems
that Ethiopia has encountered. In particular, they point to a 1972 famine in
Ethiopia in which more than one hundred thousand people died. Rastafarians
offer a different interpretation or frame on the Ethiopian famine. They shift
blame away from Emperor HaileSelassie, arguing instead that the disaster would
not have occurred if the Ethiopian people had strictly adhered to the dictates of
their living God. Furthermore, Rastafarians argue that HaileSelassie warned the
Ethiopian people, but they failed to listen. Thus, the Rastafarians offer an op-
posing version of reality that exonerates their living God.
In defending HaileSelassie, Rastafarians have even challenged the views of
their intellectual predecessor, Marcus Garvey. Although revered by the Rastafari
as a great prophet, Garvey was highly critical of the emperor (Chevannes 1991).
Garvey, among other things, openly criticized HaileSelassie for fleeing Ethiopia
for England in 1935 when Italy invaded the country. Garvey referred to
HaileSelassie as “a cowardly lion” for deserting his own people. He argued that
the emperor should have stayed in Ethiopia and fought against the Italian
Fascists. However, the Rastafari defend their living God and therefore their
frame by arguing that his decision was logical and appropriate. The Rastafari
compare HaileSelassie’s decision to flee the country to “the flight of the Christ-
child from the slaughter of innocents in Jerusalem” (Lee 1981, p. 37).
Rastafarians argue that HaileSelassie’s behavior was peaceful, and his decision
to leave the country was consistent with this philosophy. This is m h e r sup-
ported, according to the Rastafari, by the mercy HaileSelassie showed toward
Italians after they were defeated during World War 11. Despite the atrocities that
were committed against the Ethiopian people during their five-year occupation,
the Italians were treated with respect after the war ended.
The death of HaileSelassie in 1975 posed one of the greatest challenges to
the Rastafari. Social movement analysts contend that the death of a charismatic
leader is often followed by “a period that leads to major disruption and fatal con-
sequences for the group” (Meltom 1991, p. 1). For example, Rochford (1989)
documents how the death of A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prahupada, the founder
of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness, contributed to factional-
ism, group defection, and schism within the Los Angeles Hare Krishna commu-
nity. For the Rastafari the impact might be expected to be more severe since
HaileSelassie was more than a leader-he was their living God.
Opponents ridiculed Rastafarians after the death of HaileSelassie. Non-
Rastafarians used such catch phrases as “Rasta your God is dead“ to mock
adherents of the movement. From a non-Rastafarian perspective, the death of
HaileSelassie proved his mortality and thus represented a fundamental flaw in
the Rastafarian philosophy. Interestingly, the death of HaileSelassie had no &a-
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 329

matic effect on the belief system of the Rastafari. According to the Rastafari, the
reported death of their living God simply represented more negative vibrations
directed against the movement. They interpreted the news of his death as part of
Babylonian conspiracy theory (Cashmore 1979). The news of HaileSelassie’s
death was considered a deliberate fabrication by the Babylonian media to dis-
avow both the emperor as well as the movement.
Rastafarians argued that HaileSelassie was not given a state funeral and that
the corpse was never produced (McPherson 1991, p. 82). In other words, they
believed they had sufficient reason to challenge the reported death of
HaileSelassie. Following this logic, the Rastafari now speak of HaileSelassie’s
“disappearance” rather than his death. From the Rasta perspective, the death of
HaileSelassie would have been incongruent with the movement’s philosophy that
every Rastafarian lives forever. They believe that death is conquered through
Rastafari. In reaction to the news of HaileSelassie’s death, Bob Marley conveyed
the thoughts of Rastafarians by singing, “You can’t kill God.”
Thus, the Rastafarians developed their own positive vibrations to counter
their opponents by reasserting that their living God cannot die. According to the
Rastafari, God cannot die because he lives in every Rastafari. The following
quote by a Rastafarian illustrates this philosophy as well as positive vibration at
work

He [the living God] lives in I and I. Selassie-I is living because I’m living, both physically and
spiritually. The rest of the world accepted news of his death, but they were deceived by the
media. They had no choice in the matter. Rasta knows the truth because he lives in I and I con-
stantly. (Plummer 1978, p. 61)

The philosophy of “I and I” is part of a Rastafarian ideology which is connected

to the belief that HaileSelassie is the living God. Thus, the Rastafarian philoso-
phy works as a glue that holds the Rastafari together. At the center of this cohe-
sion is the living God which resides within every member.
HaileSelassie, the living God, is at the center of the movement, and
Rastafarians recognize his importance. An admission of his death would go
against the principles of the Rastafari and could prove detrimental, even fatal, to
the movement. Lewis (1993, p. 14) discusses the importance of HaileSelassie,
arguing that “he [HaileSelassie] also symbolized their cooperative work effort,
their respect for life, their opposition to abortion and birth control, and their al-
legiance to a large extended family of ‘Israelites.”’Thus, the Rastafari work hard
to defend the position that HaileSelassie is the living God, and this remains an
important symbol for the movement. In short, the Rastafari will not allow a sin-
gle stroke of “evidence” (the reported death of HaileSelassie) to destroy the
frame they have created and sustained over the past six decades.
330 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

The proliferation of the Rastafari despite the reported death of their leader,
HaileSelassie, must be interpreted in light of the social conditions of Jamaica,
which are marked by severe social problems such as unemployment and racial
stratification. These problems directly affect the Rastafari and other social
groups who are at the bottom of the social hierarchy. As long as Jamaicans of
African decent remain impoverished, the movement will likely remain intact,
providing an alternative culture and version of reality to those who need it. As
Chevannes noted (1991, p. 1471, “Rastafari will continue to attract and hold a
following to the extent that race and color remain fundamentally unresolved
questions.”
Race and Gender
The Rastafari has been criticized for its position on issues related to the role
of Rasta women and the participation of non-Blacks in the movement. Criticisms
have come from within the movement as well as from non-Rastafarians and have
contributed to the negative portrayal of the movement. The issues became so im-
portant that they were internalized within the discourse of the Rastafari, thereby
becoming an important reason for the reformulation of the movement’s stance on
gender and race. As a result, the Rastafari has shown a remarkable development
on gender and race issues.
In regard to gender, the movement has been depicted as unabashedly sexist.
Imani M. Tafari-Ama and Mureen Rowe, Rastafarians themselves, in their recent
articles acknowledge that Rastafari is a “patriarchal movement” (Rowe 1998;
Tafari-Ama 1998). Men have dominated the Rastafari, unlike other West Indian
religions such as Vodun, Shango, Santeria, and Candomble. The beliefs and prac-
tices of the Rasta men imply that Rasta women are at the bottom of the move-
ment’s hierarchical order. Rasta women were not allowed to partake in the
movement’s rituals (such as reasoning) and were considered incapable of acquir-
ing divine consciousness without the assistance of men. The Rastafari have de-
fended their views toward women on Biblical grounds, but increasingly criticism
came from within the movement, especially Rasta women. Criticism centered on
the fact that Rastafari stood against oppression and exploitation but had not freed
itself from male dominance (Turner 1994; Yawney 1994b). According to one
Rasta woman, the movement had to get rid of patriarchal ideology “as an ex-
pression of its understanding of family relations” (Rowe 1998, p. 73).
More recently, researchers have observed “the increasing vocality of
women” in the Rastafari (Chevannes 1995, p. 15). As a result of this shift, some
researchers have distinguished between the “old” and the “new” Rastafari
(Turner 1994). Within the new Rastafari women have broken conventional prac-
tices by covering their dreadlocks and by refusing to wear only ankle-length
dresses in public. Rasta women such as Barbara Makeda Lee (1 98 I), Maureen
Rowe (1998), and Imani M. Tafari-Ama (1998), who brilliantly articulate the
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 33 1

philosophy of the movement, have risen to prominence. Thus, the Rastafari has
“experienced dynamic shifts in gender power relations as a result of the females
revisiting their own self-definitions, juxtaposed against designations ascribed by
males who created the movement” (Tafari-Ama 1998, p. 89)
Similar changes have also taken place regarding the issue of race. In the
early days one of the central themes of the movement was that Blacks are supe-
rior to Whites (Kitzinger 1969; Simpson 1955). Based upon this view other non-
Black racial groups were denied membership into the Rastafari. This has
changed, however, and the movement is now accepting non-Blacks. According to
one Rastafari, “I and I [we] don’t check for the skin anymore, I and I check for
the spirit”’ (Clarke 1994, p. 97). The idea of brotherly and sisterly love has re-
placed the old stance that Blacks are superior to other racial groups. Thus, the
movement has been able to shed its exclusionary orientation. Consequently, there
has been a substantial increase in the number of White and other non-Black
Rastafarians.
The history of the Rastafari indicates that for a social movement to endure
it must defend its frame against resistance. Thus, the politics of signification is
of central importance for understanding social movement endurance. The frames
created by social movements cannot be static; rather, they must be fluid in order
to withstand challenges and accommodate new changes. Collective action
frames have to be constantly negotiated and defended for a social movement to
endure. It was with good reason that the Rastafari have defended their view that
HaileSelassie is the living God. In particular, the frame had to be defended and
renegotiated after his reported death. The Rastafarians have also been versatile
with respect to race and gender issues. These developments have helped increase
its membership and solidified its position within Jamaican society. Thus, the pol-
itics of signification have been important for the Rastafari in defending as well
as reconstructing its frame of reality.
Conclusions
Endurance has been one of the central themes addressed by social movement
analysts for the past several decades. As McAdam and Snow (1997, p. xxii) aptly
point out, social movements are not “fly-by-night phenomena that are here today
and gone tomorrow.” The temporal continuity of movements is reflected by the
fact that they pass through different stages: origin, coalescence, bureaucratiza-
tion, and demise. Organizational factors, symbolic processes, and political op-
portunities are considered important variables that affect the duration of social
movements in these different phases of development. In this paper we have argued
that social movement endurance is largely determined by the ability of social
movement participants to develop and sustain a meaningful collective identity.
Our study indicates that in order for a social movement to endure it must
have a fluid collective identity, one that is continually nurtured to meet the needs
332 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

of its adherents in light of the current political climate. We argue that social
movements can be characterized as collective identities in motion. The
Rastafarian collective identity initially grew out of their struggle against the es-
tablished patterns of Jamaican society. But over time the maintenance of their
collective identity became the driving force for the very existence of the
Rastafarian movement.
We believe that collective identity is multidimensional, and thus we have
suggested a broad conceptualization of this sociological concept. We based our
analytical framework on important contributions from political process, NSM,
and framing approaches. Based on these different theoretical perspectives, we di-
vided the Rastafarian collective identity into three dimensions: cognitive libera-
tion, movement culture, and politics of signification. By employing such a
synthetic framework we have been able to examine the processes involved in the
construction of the Rastafarian version of reality, their alternative culture, and
the ways by which the movement defended its collective identity.
The first dimension involves cognitive liberation in which collective identity
is formed at the cognitive level. We discussed how Rastafarians assigned blame
for their social problems on Babylon, a corrupt system which they felt was dis-
rupting Jamaica as well as the rest of the world. We noted the synthesis of reli-
gion and politics, both of which encouraged participants to remain active
lifelong members in the Rastafarian movement. The religious dimension pro-
vided transcendental explanations for their social problems, whereas the political
dimension indicated that solutions were possible within their earthly reality.
Hence, our analysis indicates that the Rastafari is far from an escapist movement
as other analysts have indicated.
The second dimension of the Rastafarian collective identity was their cre-
ation and maintenance of a distinct movement culture centered on boundary
markers. The movement culture of the Rastafari was important in distinguishing
participants through dress, hairstyle, language, and rituals. These conspicuous
and intellectual markers distinguished Rastafarians from outgroup members in
Jamaican society by separating them physically as well as intellectually. While
non-Rastas could mimic certain characteristics (e.g., dress, hairstyle) they could
not pass as true Rastafarians without extensive knowledge of the Rasta language
and rituals.
The third dimension of Rastafarian collective identity was their active in-
volvement in the “politics of signification.” Social movement analysts argue that
movement participants engage in the social construction of meanings, which
often represents a threat to the established order and thus comes under attack.
Therefore, the “politics of signification” refers to the arena in which these dif-
ferent versions of reality compete for dominance. In this section we discussed
how the Rastafarians defended their collective identity by reacting to various
 SOCIAL MOVEMENT ENDURANCE 333

challenges from the established order. Since its inception the Rastafari was con-
sidered a threat to the cultural and political well-being of Jamaican society. For
the Rastafari the politics of signification was largely centered on defending one
of the central themes of the movement, that HaileSelassie of Ethiopia was the
living God. The Rastafarians had to defend their position when it was reported
by outsiders that HaileSelassie was dead. The Rastafari used language as well as
music to defend their position that he was still alive. Thus, the case of the
Rastafari illustrates that a strong collective identity can withstand even historical
“evidence” such as the death of a charismatic figure. Whereas the movement
could have faded, it endured by defending one of its central themes.
In this paper we addressed the issue of social movement endurance by ex-
amining the social dynamics of the Rastafarian movement. The Rastafari pro-
vided an excellent candidate for case study because it has survived, even
prospered, for the past sixty years despite its critique of the Jamaican established
order. We argue that the Rastafari endured because it created and maintained a
dynamic collective identity. We believe that in the future analysts can better un-
derstand social movement endurance by paying closer attention to collective
identity. We acknowledge the importance of other variables (e.g., organizational
factors, political opportunities, and social control agents) in predicting social
movement success. However, we believe that collective identity is one of the
most salient features in determining social movement endurance.

ENDNOTES

The authors would like to thank Sherry Cable and Donald Hastings for their helpful comments
on an earlier draft of this paper.
‘The globalization of the Rastafari movement is due to a number of factors including the role
that the Bible plays in the Rastafarian religion; the emphasis the Rastafarians place on a natural way
of living and their rejection of Western civilization; their condemnations of the institutions of neo-
colonial societies; their encouragementof indigenous in contrast to Western culture; the freedom that
the movement offers to its adherents in interpreting their life conditions in the context of their social
environments; and the intimate connection that exists between the movement and transnational pop-
ular culture, music being the most important one (Savanshinky 1994, p. 274).
’Many researchers have noted that the Rastafari is a decentralized movement (Barrett 1997;
Chevannes 1994; Edmonds 1998b). However, there are pockets of formal organizations in the move-
ment. One example is the Twelve Tribes of Israel, of which Bob Marley was a member. Another ex-
ample is the International Theocracy Assembly, which is interested in creating a coherent unity
among the Rastafari. Although this assembly could develop into a formal organization until recently,
it has simply been a forum for intellectual Rastas only (Edmonds 1998b).
31n this study we have borrowed concepts from different social movement perspectives.
Although we do not claim theoretical synthesis, we believe that our study contributes to the growing
literature on collective identity and social movements. The major theme of this study-that collective
334 ALEMSEGHED KEBEDE, THOMAS E. SHRIVER, J. DAVID KNOTTNERUS

identity should be viewed as a dynamic social phenomenon--could be corroborated by undertaking

further studies.
4According to the political process model political opportmities, organizational strength, and
cognitive liberation are the three variables that play an important role in the ebb and development of
social movements (McAdam 1982). However, the model can not solely account for social movements
such as the Rastafari, which has developed in spite of political opportunities and formal organiza-
tions. Thus we have borrowed the concept of “cognitive liberation” from the political process model,
but added concepts from other social movement perspectives.
5We believe it is a mistake to separate HaileSelassie into two words. In Geez, an Ethiopian lan-
guage used in the churches, HaileSelassie means “Power of Trinity.” Researchers often confuse
Selassie as the last name of the emperor. But in Ethiopia, HaileSelassie is one name. Other examples
include: HaileMariam, AlemSeghed, and GebreMedhin. These names are often intended to reflect the
religious or as well as the personal feelings of the name-giver.

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