i An update to this article is included at the end

Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009

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Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives

jo urn al h ome p ag e: h tt p s : // w w w .j ou r na l s . el s e v ie r . com /tr an spo rta t io n-re se a rch -
i n te rd is ci pl in ar y- p er spe ct i v es

Progress or regress on gender equality: The case study of selected transport

STEM careers and their vocational education and training in Japan
Momoko Kitada a,*, Junko Harada b
a
World Maritime University, Fiskehamnsgatan 1, 21118 Malm€o, Sweden
b
Open University of Japan, 2-11 Wakaba, Mihama-ku, Chiba 261-8586, Japan

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Article history: This paper examines the role of vocational education and training (VET) in the STEM workforce to advance wom-
Received 7 March 2019 en's integration into traditionally male-dominated workplaces. In Japan, it has been reported that the size of the
Received in revised from 28 April 2019 workforce has been substantially decreasing since 2011. One of the effective strategies to mitigate the risk of the
Accepted 16 May 2019
shortage of human resources is considered to be making use of women in the STEM field. In this paper, the Japa-
Available online 03 June 2019
nese transport sector is studied to understand the role of VET to support women in the STEM workforce. We shed
Keywords:
light on the merchant marine as one of the most male-dominated industries. A comparative institutional analysis
Vocational education and training (VET) was elaborated with other transport industries, such as air and rail. In addition, a narrative analysis was con-
Gender ducted with the empirical data as well as archived literature. The paper reveals that the merchant marine has
Equal opportunities failed to establish an institutional arrangement of maritime VET from the women transport workers' career-cycle
Transport industries perspective. The paper concludes that the role of VET is important not only before the employment but also after,
STEM careers in order to make sustainable use of women as human resources. In order to remove barriers to including women
Life-cycle career in STEM careers, institutional arrangement of VET should be reviewed through gender-mainstreaming and life-
Life-long learning
long VET would help to stop the leaky pipe line of STEM women in Japan.

1. Introduction
Japan's postwar recovery to become an economic giant tends to be
narrated as a legendary success. The process of its national recovery was
supported by strengthening the fields of Science, Technology, Engineer-
ing, and Mathematics (STEM). Behind the scenes, it was Japanese
women who devoted themselves to support men's success in STEM by
fulfilling their gender roles as wives and mothers. The expectation
towards women as subordinates to men remains strong even today and
this also reflects the fact that much fewer women are found in STEM
fields in Japan. According to the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports,
Science and Technology (MEXT), female undergraduates in the Faculties
of Science and Engineering represent only 27.2% and 14.5% of the total,
respectively (MEXT, 2017).
While Japan has well-established its education systems throughout
the country, ensuring high literacy and diligence among its citizens,
opportunities are not always equally given between men and women.
Indeed, Japan is known as a low gender equality country in various
reports. For example, the World Economic Forum (2017) reports that
Japan is ranked 114th out of 144 countries in terms of the Gender Gap
Index, making it the third worst among the OECD countries after Turkey
and South Korea. The Master Card survey, which examines women's par-
ticipation in business, reveals that only one out of four entrepreneurial
* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: mk@wmu.se, (M. Kitada), jharada@ouj.ac.jp, (J. Harada).
activities in Japan are initiated by women and highlights that Japanese
social and corporate worlds continue to perceive women as inferior com-
pared to men (MasterCard, 2018, 31). Among the selected G-20 coun-
tries, Japan is almost as low as Saudi Arabia, which was ranked as the
lowest in terms of the representation of women on corporate boards and
executive committees, in a survey conducted in 2017 (Devillard et al.,
2018). The lack of female political and business leaders is considered to
be one of the major reasons that Japan's social structure has not been
fundamentally changed, endorsing a patriarchal system which discrimi-
nates against women.
While evidence of gender inequality is widely observed throughout
Japanese society, the Japanese government recently started to promote
women in STEM fields to boost economic growth and meet the labour
demands of the country. Though this campaign has created a degree of
gender gap awareness from a top-down approach, the role of STEM educa-
tion and training is not very clear in terms of driving for change in the sta-
tus-quo of gender disparities and leading technology and innovation in the
future. Hence, this paper explores how STEM education and training, par-
ticularly in the Japanese transport sectors where men are generally domi-
nant, can play an important role in empowering women in STEM fields.
This paper is structured as follows: First, the literature on Japanese
education and gender is reviewed. Then, the role of STEM education in
the merchant marine is discussed in comparison with other modes of
transport, air and rail as well as medicine as a non-transport stem field.
The methods of this study are presented, followed by a preliminary anal-
ysis and discussions.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100009
2590-1982/© 2019 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open
access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
M. Kitada and J. Harada
2. Japanese women as under-utilised human resources
Japan has been recognised as the leading country in technology,
which has been considered to be a male domain. This attitude is
already embedded in the Japanese education system before young
people enter labour markets. Several studies on junior high-school
pupils show that boys are expected to play central roles in science
classes while girls are expected to assist boys and play auxiliary roles
(Akai, 1997; Muramatsu, 2004). A low level of educational aspirations
leads to inferior human capital and low-status at work. Naturally, the
majority of women occupy assisting jobs and were, until the 1980's,
expected to marry and quit their jobs before reaching the age of 30.
Subsequently, their status at work has gradually improved in relation
to legal changes, but equal employment has not been achieved. Wom-
en's careers tend to be interrupted whenever family priorities, includ-
ing child-rearing and elderly care, arise. For those who prioritise
family over work, the common options available in the labour market
will be part-time contracts, where the tax system encourages women
to limit their working-hours in order to benefit the household. Due to
cultural expectations of gender roles, the Japanese women's workforce
is generally less valued compared to men; therefore, women tend to
receive lower capital investment in their lifetime (Ono and Zavodny,
2005). This is a vicious circle and the status-quo of gender gaps is rec-
reated over generations (Brinton, 1993).
While such concerns are generally shared as a sustainability issue
of the country in conjunction with women's reproductive role, the
institutions of Japanese education and career development are gener-
ally discouraging Japanese women from pursuing STEM careers,
which are traditionally regarded as unsuitable for women. The fol-
lowing sections discuss an overview of Japanese vocational educa-
tion and training (VET) systems; why Japan needs to make more
efforts to change the current work-life balance to support women's
participation in the labour market; how Japanese education has been
reinforcing STEM as a male domain; and how strategic promotion of
women into STEM careers has been nationally exercised in recent
years.
Fig. 1. VET in the Japanese education system at a glance. * Both special training schools (e.g., schools for car maintenance, cooking, elderly care) and other schools
(e.g., driving schools) are approved by the respective authorities and their admission requirements vary from no academic qualification to high school graduate
diploma. (Source: Authors.)
2
Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009
2.1. Japanese VET systems: An overview
The opportunities for VET in Japan are embedded in the institutional
framework of the Japanese education system. Compulsory education is
offered in the 9 years from elementary school (6 years) to junior-high school
(3 years). The majority of junior-high school graduates (98.8% in 2018)
continue to high school. Of those, in 2018, 73.1% went to general subject
high schools and 26.9% chose a path to VET through specialised training
colleges and technical colleges, with majors in agriculture, commerce, fish-
ery, engineering or others (MEXT, 2018). Those who graduate from high
schools can also choose VET schools, including vocational ability schools as
well as some VET-focused colleges and universities (e.g., law schools, mari-
time schools, military schools). In Paragraph 1, Article 99 of the School Edu-
cation Act, some post-graduate universities are defined as VET in Japan in
the areas of law, medicine, public policy, education, psychology, and others.
Fig. 1 summarises VET in the Japanese education system.
Abumiya (2012) explains the historical division of education by gen-
der as well as the need for VET focus in Japanese education. Before
World War II, the Japanese education system considered high school as
part of tertiary education and male-only preparatory institutions for uni-
versity. During the post-war reform with interventions by the General
Headquarters of the Allied Forces (GHQ), pre-war high schools were
absorbed into the liberal arts courses of post-war national universities.
Today's high schools are based on three pre-existing schools: male-only
pre-war middle schools, allowing a pathway to universities; female-only
general upper secondary education schools; and sex-separated voca-
tional schools. When Japan was recovering from the lost war and pro-
ceeding to industrialisation, it was necessary to focus more on VET with
diversification and subdivision of vocational courses, which Japan
accommodates today (Abumiya, 2012).
On the other hand, company-led VET has been also developed in
Japan. The Japanese education system focuses primarily on general sub-
jects (i.e., Japanese, Math, Science, and Social studies) in order to pass
entrance examinations for privileged, branded universities, which is a
pre-condition for a promising future career. Therefore, it is criticised
that many graduates lack sufficient vocational skills when starting their
M. Kitada and J. Harada
jobs in a company where many tend to stay for the rest of their careers.
This justifies company-led VET as a high-return investment in employ-
ees. The question here is, however, who are those “invested” employ-
ees? Women are less likely to be hired as managers and leaders,
compared to men. Hence, company-led VET opportunities “naturally”
select men as recipients for training benefits. Unless a company employs
women with the same expectations as their male counterparts, women
do not have the same level of access to company-led VET as men do.
This phenomenon resonates the concept of company-specific skills
and general skills described by Becker (1993) in the human capital the-
ory. Students of engineering schools, for example, learn general skills in
engineering, but there is still a need for company-led VET to foster spe-
cialists. In prestige enterprises, valuable opportunities to learn com-
pany-specific skills in the company-led VET are hardly accessible to
women who tend to have a lower employment rate than men with
exactly the same qualifications. Gender division of labour (Walby, 1988)
has been in common in Japanese employment, but this practice is appar-
ently not sustainable for the labour demands in future Japan.
2.2. Women as potential human capital in Japan
The dwindling birthrate and aging population foreseen in Japan will
lead to a decline in the productive-age population. In Japan, it has been
reported that the size of the workforce has been substantially decreasing
since 2011 (Chino, 2012). The problem is quite serious and it is forecasted
that by 2050 only half of the total Japanese population will be of produc-
tive-age, which indicates that the current dependence on a male workforce
would be unsustainable (Harada, 2018). According to the labour force
report (Statistics Japan, 2017), the number of female job seekers is
recorded as 2.62 million, which is regarded as a great potential for the
Japanese labor force to fill the gap created by the predicted decline in the
future productive-age population as well as supporting the nation's sustain-
able development. At the national level, it is therefore reasonable to con-
sider a strategic approach to building a labour market to utilise women in
all jobs (including STEM jobs) as potential human resources in Japan.1
Whilst such national-level promotion of the women's workforce is
necessary to establish a framework based on its vision for sustainable
development, how can such a framework be translated into the organisa-
tional level? Generally, organisations have different concerns and inter-
ests in investing in human resources from that of the country. When
discussing the promotion of women workers, it is important to under-
stand how they can meet the needs of organisations. Lepak and Snell
(1999) propose, in their theory of human capital allocation and develop-
ment, that different values and uniqueness of human capital determine
employment modes in organisations. For example, when human capital
is found to be both valuable and unique, it is considered that the person
should be internally employed and trained within the organisation to
play a key role for the long term. However, when human capital is val-
ued but not unique, it is more rational to recruit on demand or by term-
contract. When human capital is not valued but unique, it is reasonable
to establish a human-capital alliance where specialised knowledge is
capitalised on and transferable without relying on direct employment.
Finally, when human capital is neither valued nor unique, the organisa-
tion can rely on casual contracts or outsourcing for general skills. In
many organisations, women tend to be considered as less valued and
less unique human capital and they are assigned to jobs to assist special-
ists and positioned at the bottom of the organisational hierarchy. It is
arguable that this common employment practice of hiring women as less
1 man with equivalent or higher qualifications (Honda, 2004).
Women used to be forbidden to work overtime and on night shift in Japan.
Based on the understanding that both women and men should share family
responsibilities, such restrictions were abandoned during the revision of the
Labor Standards Act in 1999, except for the rules for expectant and nursing
mothers. Article 65 of the Act specifies maternity leave for women workers, usu-
ally six weeks before and eight weeks after childbirth. Both male and female
workers are entitled to parental leave until a child reaches one year old.
3
Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009
valued and less unique human capital should be changed in order to
widen opportunities for women. Educating more women in STEM fields
makes a great deal of sense to break through such employment practices
and this may be the point of departure where both national and organi-
sational efforts can find common targets and priorities to promote
women professionals.
2.3. Japanese education reinforcing STEM as a male domain
Behind the fact that fewer women work in STEM fields, it is assumed
that the Japanese education system has been contributing to discouraging
women from studying in STEM fields. Isa and Chinen (2016, 104) discuss
how the production of scientific knowledge has historically been the task
of men. There are two Japanese terms, rikei and bunkei. Rikei can be
directly translated to natural science fields (e.g., math, physics, engineer-
ing, computer science, medicine, biology, neuroscience) while bunkei refers
to social science fields (e.g., humanities, sociology, economics, laws, politi-
cal science). The division of rikei vs. bunkei mirrors the dichotomy between
masculinity and femininity. Rikei is popular among boys as rikei subjects
are characterised as masculine and dynamic; and bunkei is favoured by girls
as bunkei subjects are thought of as feminine and static.
According to a survey conducted by the National Institution for
Youth Education (2017), 29.1% of female high school students
answered that they like rikei subjects compared to 45.4% of male peers.
Another survey reveals that only 18.5% of Japanese female high school
students want to be involved in STEM fields in the future, while in other
countries female students show higher interest in STEM careers, for
example, 46.2% in the United States, 23.5% in China, and 43.3% in
South Korea (National Institution for Youth Education, 2014). The fixed
images of rikei and bunkei reflecting gender norms in Japan seem to pen-
etrate throughout the Japanese education system to discourage women
from considering STEM as a life choice.
Recently, the Japanese government has been strategically promoting
women as human resources in STEM careers. This meets the needs of
companies since the shortage of human resources in STEM fields will be
more serious. Prime Minister Abe established “kagayaku josei oen kaigi”
(directly translated to ‘shining women support convention’), which
aims at promoting the participation of women in male-dominated indus-
tries. The projects include, for example, supporting STEM careers for
female students; promoting women in construction; agriculture women
project; and women truck drivers project (Prime Minister of Japan and
His Cabinet, 2014). Such Japanese political campaigns to promote
women in STEM fields, however, focus on VET in STEM schools only
and lack a dialogue with companies which can provide company-led
VET for empowering women professionals.
2.4. Challenges faced by women in STEM with higher degrees
Despite such state efforts to promote Japanese women in STEM
fields, rikejo (directly translated to ‘science women’) carries a stereo-
type that women are unsuitable for STEM fields. Following the rikejo
path is largely regarded, by parents and teachers, as disadvantageous for
women who would face reduced job and marriage opportunities (Osumi,
2018). This kind of perception by parents and teachers is likely to be
found with Japanese women with high academic degrees because they
generally need to study for several more years at post-graduate level and
even at post-doctoral level. By the time they are formally employed in a
very competitive recruitment process and building their professional
careers, they might lose the opportunity to marry or be unable to find a
Theoretically, shown in Fig. 1, VET is offered in higher education,
including post-graduate level. However, in practice, STEM fields without
high academic degrees tend to be seen as more physically-oriented (e.g.,
carpenters, plumbers) than intellectually-oriented (e.g., medical doctors,
bio scientists). This downgrading of fostering specialists in the field is
sometimes understood as vocational training. Therefore, although it is not
M. Kitada and J. Harada
always the case, VET is generally regarded as different from higher educa-
tion. In this respect, transport sectors which this paper deals with are rather
fitting to the latter example, referring to VET without necessarily high aca-
demic degrees. Instead of receiving a potential disadvantage of reduced
job and marriage opportunities, women in transport sectors would have
different disadvantages than those who study and work in medicine and
other natural sciences. The next section discusses the features of transport
sectors which present cultural and social biases to women.
3. Transport sectors: Women in the male-dominated workplaces
Transport workers are generally regarded as blue-collar with an
emphasis on physical strength and lower degree of education, though
such stereo-types are not necessarily correct when looking at the diversi-
fied group of high-skilled specialists within the transport sectors. How-
ever, the stereo-types regarding physical strength in dangerous
workplaces (relative to office work) is generating discrimination against
women in the transport sectors. In fact, a survey by the World Bank
(2018) reveals that 104 out of 173 economies restrict non-pregnant and
non-nursing women from pursuing the same economic activities as men
and many of these restrictions were found in transport and logistics-
related sectors. It is evident that gender inequalities are officially prac-
tised by setting unequal regulations for women.
Women are often seen as unsuitable for work in the transport sectors.
The International Labour Organization (ILO) made a comparison of the
proportion of women in transport and other labour markets in Africa,
Asia and the Middle East. They found that in all the countries they exam-
ined, women are under-represented in transport work; and in Japan,
women were found to represent 41.9% of the total labour market but
only 20.9% in transport, storage and communications (Turnbull, 2013a,
3 4). The low representation of women in the transport sectors is con-
sidered to be a result of cultural stereotypes in the transport sector,
determining that women are physically and mentally unable to perform
as well as male counterparts. Such gendered construction of skill reflects
power relations that maintain the gendered character of the labor mar-
ket (Steinberg, 1990). As a result, some employers are reluctant to hire
women (Corral and Isusi, 2007), ensuring the presence of horizontal
gender segregation in the workplace (Hakim, 1979; Kitada, 2010).
Apart from cultural stereotypes, similar gender-related challenges
are observed across transport sectors. For example, working conditions
may be poor in terms of wages, access to training, odd working hours
which are difficult to balance with family responsibilities, male-centred
ergonomic working environments and equipment, and the risk of vio-
lence and harassment (Corral and Isusi, 2007). These “women's” minor-
ity problems are often overlooked at the organisational level due to the
organisational structure of horizontal gender segregation.
In order to address the common problems across the transport sec-
tors, ILO has developed a career cycle model for women transport work-
ers, covering the six career phases: Attraction Selection Retention
Interruption Re-entry Realisation (Turnbull, 2013b, 13). Attraction is
to attract women to STEM fields and make a successful transition from
school to work. It continues to Selection where women are employed
with sufficient STEM qualifications. Retention is achieved by human
resource development through training and work-life balance. However,
Interruption may occur when women's family responsibilities arise with
children or elder family members. Re-entry enables women to return to
work after the peak of family responsibilities with flexible work hours or
transfers, and eventually they reach promotion at work in the phase of Real-
isation. This model is indeed helpful to understand how, holistically, women
in transport sectors need different types of support at each career stage.
However, since the model is developed from the employment per-
spective, it is not clear what role education and training, in particular
VET in STEM fields, shall play in order to feed qualified women into this
model. The model assumes that women are given the same opportunities
to study STEM subjects; however, in the case of Japan where company-
led VET may be a key to fostering STEM professionals, women may be
4
Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009
disadvantaged because they are not “selected” from their work entry
point. Niemeyer and Colley (2015) provide deeper insights into the his-
torical, cultural and socioeconomic reasons that impact the organisation
of work and training. Social division of labour is, therefore, ‘a complex
mixture of individual choice, social orientations and institutional
arrangements’ (Niemeyer and Colley, 2015). In the case of Japanese
women in the transport sector, women are less encouraged to choose to
study in the respective VET schools, and socially unselected in employ-
ment, which institutionally excludes them from company-led VET. There is
little research on how different transport sectors (e.g., sea, air, rail) are
including women in their VET structures. This paper, therefore, examines
selected transport sectors in terms of their VET opportunities for women
by reflecting the six phases of the ILO model: Attraction Selection Reten-
tion Interruption Re-entry Realisation. The paper also explores the role
of VET for the progress of gender equality in the work of transport sectors.
4. Methods
From the literature review, it is evident that women are horizontally
segregated in the male-dominated occupations. This social division of
labour relates to VET opportunities for women. In Japan, VET schools
focuses on teaching general skills, while company-led VET provides
training for company-specific skills. This paper uses selected transport
sectors as examples to explore VET structures and gender. Transport sec-
tors generally reflect male-dominated work environments, but they may
present different VET structures. In order to explore the role of VET for
the progress of gender equality in transport sectors, a comparative analy-
sis of three different transport sectors (i.e., sea, air, rail) was conducted.
In this paper, we shed light on the merchant marine as one of the
most male-dominated industries. According to Kitada (2017), the per-
centage of Japanese female officers on merchant ships was reported as
0.6% of the total Japanese seafarers on 440 ships sampled in June 2015.
In addition, a comparative institutional analysis was elaborated with
other transport industries, such as air and rail. These STEM careers are
selected based on their common features: (1) male-dominated occupa-
tion; (2) irregular work patterns and odd work hours; (3) physical condi-
tions required; and (4) transport sector.
4.1. Selection of sample
In the merchant marine, VET to become a seafarer (i.e., deck officer
and engineers) is offered at maritime universities (4-year bachelor degree)
or colleges (diploma). These VET institutions focus mainly on theories
and some practical skills, but shipboard training is offered by a specialised
national institution which owns five training vessels with licensed instruc-
tors. It is mandatory for cadets to complete both maritime school studies
and onboard training to receive an international license called a Certifi-
cate of Competence (CoC). In the last decade, three giant Japanese ship-
ping companies, Nippon Yusen Kaisha (NYK), Mitsui-OSK Lines (MOL),
and K-Line have recruited Japanese seafarers not only from traditional
maritime VET graduates but also from graduates of non-maritime univer-
sities who have general skills to train them on their vessels. This shift
from VET from schools to companies appeared to be efficient and success-
ful in terms of training highly quality seafarers, though traditional mari-
time schools felt discouraged. Though there is no restriction for women
to apply from ordinary universities to become seafarers, the male image
of the industry is striking and more men apply and are selected.
For air transport, we initially checked commercial aviation but this
sector used to set strict physical requirements, including height. Before
the amendment of the rule in 2011, an applicants' height had to exceed
163 cm, while the average height of a Japanese woman was 157.7 cm in
the same year (Statistics Japan, 2014); therefore, average-sized Japa-
nese women were not eligible. Due to our research interest in analysing
the relationship between education and employment, we looked into
the air force which implements a moderate requirement of 158 cm and
has a reasonable welfare policy as a public sector employer. It may be
M. Kitada and J. Harada
arguable to regard the air force as a transport sector, but the nature of
Self-Defense Forces is defense rather than offense and part of their oper-
ations is to carry goods by airplane or helicopter to natural disaster sites,
which meets the conditions of our research interest.
For the rail industry, our sample comes from the East Japan Railway
Company, one of the largest rail networks in Japan. Some train driver can-
didates study at specialised VET schools for train operations but others are
directly hired after high school or university and trained by the company.
4.2. Data collection and analysis
The research data were collected by multiple methods, including lit-
erature review on research papers and archives from reports, news
articles, website information, and international and national statistics
for secondary data analysis. The analyses include the information of
VET systems and flows to support women's careers in the three selected
transport sectors. We also examined the accessibility of respective VET
in terms of the selection of candidates as well as budgeting. In addition,
the researchers generated empirical data through face-to-face interviews
with both male and female transport workers, VET teachers, and human
resource managers. Interview data were transcribed and coded to extract
key narratives. Any personal data were anonymised to ensure confi-
dentiality. A comparative analysis among three transport sectors (sea,
air, and rail) was conducted in terms of how different types of VET in
respective transport modes were accessible by women and helped their
career paths in STEM fields.
5. Results
Cultural and social barriers are generally embedded in Japanese society
to accept the social division of labour, such as rikei and bunkei, discussed in
Section 2.3. Social classification of gender roles rationalises horizontal seg-
regation in STEM jobs. It is evident that such social orientation discourages
Japanese women from studying in STEM fields, affecting individual
choices of work. The three transport sectors in our sample display different
patterns of institutional arrangements from VET schools to company-led
VET, highlighted in Becker's human capital theory.
The data uncovered several key issues relating to the lack of opportuni-
ties for women to participate in company-led VET in Japanese transport
sectors. Among three selected transport sectors, the merchant marine
appeared to be particularly ineffective in terms of the promotion of women.
The study identified that in the merchant marine, the linkage between VET
and employment is weaker than in other transport sectors (i.e., air force
and rail). The results are presented in three parts: (Section 5.1) A compara-
tive analysis of VET school settings; (Section 5.2) An analysis of transition
from school to work and further training; and (Section 5.3) Who pays VET
for whom?: there is less investment in women in Japan.
5.1. A comparative analysis in institutional arrangements of VET
Among the three transport sectors compared, the institutional arrange-
ment of VET schools is very different in terms of the bodies responsible for
various components of VET. For example, in the merchant marine, theoret-
ical knowledge and some practical exercises (e.g., rope work, simulator
training, rowing life boats) are provided at maritime universities for a
bachelor degree or maritime colleges for a diploma. In order to obtain a
license, called a Certificate of Competence (CoC) as a third officer, cadets
must complete 12-months' onboard training under the International Con-
vention on Standards of Training, Certification and Watchkeeping for Sea-
farers, 1978 as Amended (STCW). This required onboard training is
normally provided2 by a specialised national agency, called the Japan
2
Japan is one of the few countries that onboard training is offered on training
ships owned by the government through a specialised agency. Most other coun-
ties have different systems, which cadets apply for apprenticeship on commer-
cial vessels to complete their 12-month mandatory onboard training (for the
case of third officer class).
5
Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009
Agency of Maritime Education and Training for Seafarers (JMETS) which
operates five large training vessels with qualified instructors and trainers
in both deck and engine departments.
These responsible institutions are differently managed under two
Ministries. MEXT monitors maritime universities and colleges while the
Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism (MLIT) adminis-
ters JMETS and the CoC issuance. Indeed, the coordination of these dif-
ferent VET institutions is not always smooth or effective due to
bureaucracy and inter-organisational, co-management issues between
the two ministries. For example, the shortage of seafarers on domestic
vessels is a serious concern in Japan because 44.8% of the existing
domestic seafarers are over 50 years old and expected to retire in the
next decade or so (Tohoku District Transport Bureau, 2017). Campaigns
to increase the number of domestic seafarers, including women sea-
farers, are being undertaken by several District Transport Bureaus under
the MLIT. A focus group discussion including female cadets and marine
officers was held in 2015 under the coordination of the Kanto District
Transport Bureau. From its press release, some participants stated that
early exposure to maritime fields helped them to be interested in choos-
ing maritime VET. Some heard about seafaring jobs from their fathers,
brothers, or relatives who were working in the industry. Others took
part in sea scouts or marine lectures on a sailing ship when they were
children. The need to widely promote maritime VET among young chil-
dren was widely acknowledged in the focus group (Kanto District Trans-
port Bureau, 2015). In reality, only a few shipping companies are active
in employing women seafarers in Japan (Kitada, 2017). MLIT conducted
interviews with seven shipowners (3 domestic, 4 international) and a
labour union in 2017. They shared a view that women tend to quit sea-
faring after marriage; therefore, their retention is low; It is not realistic
for women with small children to work on board for three months on
domestic vessels (MLIT, 2017a). What we notice here is the lack of insti-
tutional support for women for VET in both selection and interruption
phases. MEXT, which is a ministry responsible for VET schools is no lon-
ger involved in supporting women once they graduate. This high-level
of disconnection between VET schools and maritime transport employ-
ment (with company-led VET) reflects an ineffective institution for train-
ing women seafarers in the long term. Unless both ministries share the
common goals of securing future maritime labour and utilising women
as an important human resource and communicate regularly, it seems
strategically ineffective in terms of maritime VET as a whole.
In the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JADF), the connectivity between
VET and employment is directly established. Some apply for a job after
graduating from ordinary universities/schools and more experienced
applicants with technical backgrounds come from the private sector.
The beneficiary of VET is in fact the employer itself. Unlike the maritime
VET model, women trainees will be employed if they pass all the
required study components. In addition, this air force VET model ena-
bles a high retention rate of women pilots and officers to be maintained,
as they can easily find female role models and mentors while in school.
In rail, there are some VET high schools and colleges in Japan where
students can learn the theory and practice of driving trains. Some train
divers come from ordinary high schools and universities. It is because
most railway companies provide VET after hiring the candidates and
this company-based VET is conducted over the long term to foster quali-
fied train drivers within the organisation. Similar to the air force, once
women are hired, they have equal training opportunities to men.
5.2. The analysis of transition from school to work and further training
From the analysis, it is evident that VET interventions can influence
employment and retention of female STEM workers in the selected Japa-
nese transport sectors of sea, air, and rail. Fig. 2 shows the estimated per-
centage of women in VET enrolment, employment and retention in
merchant marine, air force, and rail in Japan. In the merchant marine,
female cadets are the minority (6.7%, n = 6 out of 90 in deck and
engine) in maritime VET institutions. Many female graduates are not
M. Kitada and J. Harada Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009

Fig. 2. Estimated percentage of women in VET enrolment, employment, and retention in selected transport sectors in Japan.1 1[Merchant Marine] The VET enrolment
and their employment percentage for women cadets were estimated based on the statistics from Faculty of Maritime Sciences, Kobe University. [Air Force] The VET
enrollment percentage was derived from JASDF (n.d.); the employment percentage was from the average recruitment data for executive trainees in all defense forces,
including air, marine, and land; the retention percentage of 10% was estimated based on the fact that some women may quit a job to be full-time mothers while the
others would utilise a job rotation within the organisation. [Rail] Out of 351 in the (Rail) transport course at Iwakura high school, 12 female students were studying in
2017 (JS Corporation, 2018); In the busy traffic of Yamanote-Line as part of the East Japan Railway, approximately 40% of train conductors (candidates of train driv-
ers) are women and it was reflected in the employment percentage; An overall retention rate for women after 10 years of its employment is reported as 85% (East Japan
Railway Company, n.d.) and we estimate that 34% of the female train conductors would retain. (Source: Faculty of Maritime Sciences, Kobe University, 2005, JASDF,
n.d., JS Corporation, 2018, East Japan Railway Company, n.d., Interviews by authors.)

hired as seafarers by shipping companies as discussed earlier; hence,
women seafarers represent only 1.1% (n = 1 out of 90) or close to zero
when freshly employed. This estimated figure of Japanese women
seafarers is consistent with other reports, indicating 1 or 2% world-
wide (Belcher et al., 2003; BIMCO and ICS, 2016) and 0.6% nation-
wide3 (Kitada, 2017). After 10 years of service, almost all women
seafarers are likely to leave the sea because of the difficulty of work-
life balance. One woman seafarer (n = 1 out of 90) who was
employed in 2006 quitted after marriage so the retention rate after
10 years in Fig. 2 shows 0.0% (n = 0 out of 90). A Japanese female
engineer states that:
‘Men will watch you what kind of job she is doing. They don't know
how to work with women on board. We don't have a female role
model, because women will eventually quit when they marry or
become pregnant.’
(Female junior marine engineer)
Both air force and rail have low estimated representation of women
in VET institutions at 2.9% (n = 8 out of 280)4 and 3.4% (n = 12 out of
351),5 respectively. In the air force, however, employment in both sec-
tors is open to ordinary universities and high schools and these extra
entry channels encourage women to apply for STEM jobs. Air force female
employment statistics were adopted from the available data on number of
fresh recruits in all defense forces (air, sea, and land) in 2016. Women
3
This figure was estimated by the author from the sample of 440 vessels dur-
ing the month of June in 2015, derived from the data published by MLIT,
‘Seafarer Labour Statistics, 2016’.
4
The JASDF recruitment website (http://www.mod.go.jp/asdf/recruit/
saiyou/index.html Accessed May 17, 2018) includes the interview message from
a human resource manager of air force, stating that eight female applicants out
of the total of 280 successfully passed the entrance examination for the VET
institution in 2016.
5
The Iwakura high school has been traditionally offering VET for train drivers
since 1897. Formerly called, Iwakura railway school was the first railway school
established in Japan. According to the database (https://school.js88.com/scl_h/
22038650/ Accessed May 17, 2018), the number of female students in the trans-
port course were 12 out of 351 in 2017.
were calculated to account for 13.7% (n = 54 out of 395)6 of total recruits.
The current percentage of women train conductors (candidates of train
drivers) is reported as 40.0% in Yamanote-Line (East Japan Railway Com-
pany, n.d.), one of the most heavily trafficked lines in Tokyo.
Women's retention rates after 10 years of employment were estimated
at 10.0% in the air force and 34.0% in rail. In the air force, based on the
fact that some women may quit their jobs to be full-time mothers, while
the others would utilise a job rotation programme within the organisation,
a small degree of drop from 13.7% was estimated and this study considers
that 10.0% would be appropriate for the public sector where women tend
to stay longer. In rail, the interview data note that in the East Japan Rail-
way, life-long learning support during maternity leave helped to achieve a
high retention rate (85%) of women after 10 years of employment (e.g.
Harada and Kitada, 2017). We calculated that 40% of female train conduc-
tors would become 34% (=40% × 0.85) if 85% of them remain.
It should be noted that the estimation of women's share in the Japanese
transport sectors, shown in Fig. 2, includes a degree of unreliability. In air
force and rail, the data used at three different career points (VET enrolment,
employment, and retention) were not derived from the same sample group.
For estimation purpose, any available statistics were utilised to discover
female participation rates in air force and rail, which are otherwise unable
to make an estimation. The only consistent and trackable sample was the
one from the merchant marine. This particular sample group of female
cadets graduated in 2005, and they were employed in 2006. Their job sta-
tus in 2016 was traceable because one of the authors belongs to this sample
group. It made the merchant marine data accurate and reliable.
From the charted percentages in Fig. 2, both air force and rail, which
allow a better integration of VET into employment, seem to succeed in
higher retention rates of women professionals after 10 years. This sug-
gests that continuous VET can help women professionals in STEM jobs
to develop their careers and succeed in the male-dominated workplace.
The fact that both air force and rail provide their own VET to foster
human resources in the long-term matches the concept of valued and
unique human capital discussed by Lepak and Snell (1999).
6
https://job.rikunabi.com/2019/company/r212310034/employ/Accessed
May 17, 2018.

6
M. Kitada and J. Harada
5.3. Who pays VET for whom?: There is less investment in women in Japan
Permanent employment (or standard work) has been customary in
Japan, especially for men who are considered to be higher human capi-
tal than women. Men's return on investment is regarded as high because
men are supposed to devote themselves to the company for approxi-
mately 40 years, until they reach their retirement age of, for example,
65 years old. Women are, on the other hand, generally expected to quit
after five to ten years of employment due to marriage and family. Some
women who work as standard workers have been forced to shift to non-
standard workers after having families in order to benefit from the Japa-
nese tax system, which justifies a patriarchal society. Indeed, this classi-
cal picture of Japanese permanent employment changed during Japan's
bubble economy in the 1980s by diversifying work patterns and being
tolerant of different career choices. However, women's employment sit-
uations have not significantly changed in Japan, maintaining more than
a half of women's status as non-standard workers. This also makes it dif-
ficult for Japanese women to choose STEM fields where standard work
employment is expected from the organisational perspective.
Regardless of whether standard workers or non-standard workers,
job training is generally assumed to be given by the employer across the
Japanese society. This is partly because the large majority of individuals
attend ordinary high schools and universities without specifying their
unique skill sets before seeking a job in the labour market. Many Japa-
nese companies are in favour of employing those non-skilled fresh grad-
uates and training them for their company needs. As a consequence,
many companies play the role of providing necessary company-led VET
to their employees. Fig. 3 shows that the necessity and conduct of job
training are decided mainly by employers, rather than by employees,
regardless of whether they are standard workers or non-standard work-
ers. The problem is that companies tend to invest in men rather than
women. A great number of women are on a job track that lacks the
opportunity for promotion and cannot expect adequate and sufficient
job training by employers. Moreover, public job training cannot remedy
the situation as it is significantly constrained in terms of budget.
As illustrated in Fig. 4, public expenditure on training is 0.01% of
Japan's GDP and far below that of the top countries such as Denmark
0.60%, Austria 0.46% and France 0.37%, and considerably lower than
the OECD average 0.13%. Similar to Japan, the United States shows low
public expenditure on training, and through an incentive scheme, the
expansion of apprenticeship with diversity and inclusion policies is
reported in South Carolina (Kuehn, 2017).
The fact that the Japanese government does not invest in VET will
have more impact on women than men. Japanese men are able to access
job training provided by companies, whereas women especially in STEM
fields find it difficult to be hired and access training. For example, ship-
ping companies tend to choose male applicants over females if they
Fig. 3. Who decide job training in companies?: Job training is decided mainly
by employers rather than by employees. Note: The data is in 2014.
(Adopted from: Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan (2015).)
7
Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009
0.7
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
Fig. 4. Public expenditure on training as a percentage of GDP in 2015.
(Adopted from OECD (2017).)
have the same qualifications or sometimes even lower. This globally
common phenomenon was reported by a Swedish woman seafarer who
was told by one shipping company that ‘girls fall in love and make prob-
lems on board’ (Kitada, 2010). This attitude by the employer is also
observed in the Japanese maritime sector. Due to different versions of ster-
eotypes about women, it is challenging for women in STEM fields to get
employed and receive job training. The leaky pipe line in Japanese STEM
women makes it difficult to seek substantial job training in reality.
In the merchant marine, the situation is serious. Japanese seafarers
are standard workers hired permanently by Japanese shipowners,
whereas seafarers in foreign countries are employed by contract (or by
voyage). In Japan, unless women seafarers are hired by the company as
standard workers, it is no longer an individual level of effort to fulfil the
requirement of further onboard working records in order to apply for
promotion to higher ranks, including senior officers, Captains and Chief
Engineers. It is also worth noting that seafarers on ocean-going vessels
can be hired from outside of Japan. In fact, the number of Japanese mer-
chant seafarers significantly decreased from 56,833 in 1974 to 2237 in
2015 (MLIT, 2017b). Many ocean-going seafarers are in fact supplied by
foreign countries, such as the Philippines and India, with lower man-
power costs than Japanese seafarers. It is therefore very difficult for
shipowners to justify hiring women seafarers as they can find better
(and more economical) alternatives in foreign male seafarers. From a
life-long learning perspective, the Seamen's Employment Center of
Japan (SECOJ) offers various cost-free VET short courses on Electronic
Chart Display and Information System (ECDIS) simulators, tankers, radio
communications and others, but these training courses are only for
employed or early retired seafarers (SECOJ, 2017), meaning exclusively
for men. SECOJ's other business includes VET for foreign seafarers.
Again, it is possible to conclude that Japanese women seafarers are sys-
tematically excluded from equal access to life-long VET opportunities.
In the air force, VET and employment is directly linked. The promo-
tion of women in STEM in public sectors like the air force is much more
advanced by implementing the country's top-down gender equality poli-
cies. In the air force, along with a well-established welfare system,
including maternity and parental leave and family benefits, VET is
offered from a life-long learning perspective equally to men and women.
In the East Japan Railway Company, especially after the abandon-
ment of gender-specific laws forbidding women from night-shift work in
1999, various job opportunities became open to women, including train
conductors and drivers. To increase the retention of women professio-
nals in STEM jobs, distance learning has been introduced for women on
parental leave who can continue their VET from home and thus stay on
career track and even seek promotion (Harada and Kitada, 2017).
These examples show that the role of VET should be recognised not
only before employment but also after employment in terms of increas-
ing women managers in STEM careers, highlighted as the “Realisation”
M. Kitada and J. Harada
phase of the ILO model. The leaky pipeline in the case of the merchant
marine can be argued as a failure in integrating VET into each stage of
the ILO's transport women's career cycle model.
6. Discussions
Based on the comparative analysis of three Japanese transport sec-
tors (merchant marine, air force, and rail), it appears that the case of the
merchant marine shows a gap between school-based VET and company-
led VET, limiting the participation of women in seafaring and contribut-
ing to their poor retention rate. Male seafarers have access to life-long
VET provided by the company or governmental agencies in an organised
manner, while women do not have the same training opportunities
unless they are recruited by the shipping company as standard workers
who benefit from all the training provisions. In addition, other human
resources (foreign seafarers) as a low-cost alternative to Japanese
women seafarers decrease women's competitiveness in the labour mar-
ket. The institutional arrangement of life-long VET in the merchant
marine is, therefore, creating a leaky pipe line wherein properly trained
female cadets after graduation from maritime VET schools are not fully
utilised as human resources.7
On the other hand, the case of the air force shows a better linkage
between school-based VET and on-the-job VET, and the case of the East
Japan Railway Company presents a good practice of offering distance
learning while on parental leave from a life-long learning perspective, serv-
ing as a tool to promote women STEM workers and increase their reten-
tion. From these examples, it can be concluded that education and
training are the key to promoting women in STEM fields. It would be ideal
to make necessary VET interventions at every stage of the ILO's women
transport workers' career cycle model, stopping the leak in the pipe line.
The importance of VET for women especially in the interruption phase
(when women's family responsibilities are in high demand and women
tend to leave the job) is also recognised in other STEM sectors. For exam-
ple, in medicine, the number of female doctors has been significantly
increasing in the last 40 years in Japan. Female doctors' share was only
9.4% in 1976 but gradually increased to 19.7% in 2012 (Gender Equal-
ity Bureau Cabinet Office, 2017). Medicine is also a STEM field in which
VET and employment are closely linked. In addition, some university
hospitals take active measures to provide life-long learning opportuni-
ties for female doctors after maternity and parental leave. For example,
Shiga University of Medical Science started a gender programme in
2016, targeting early retired female doctors by providing flexible VET. It
is helping female doctors who had to leave the job due to child-rearing
but want to return to the hospital and support the local medical services
(Shiga University of Medical Science, 2017).
While this study explains how Japanese women workers in selected
transport sectors (i.e., sea, air, and rail) can be attracted, selected, and
retained through VET, there is very little literature on VET for women
transport workers in other countries and how life-long VET may affect
their corporate performance. Bloomberg Finance LP (2019) reports that
only 10% of eligible companies in their study of the 2019 Gender-Equal-
ity Index (GEI) are disclosing their workplace gender policies and practi-
ces. Transparency in gender policies and practices is, therefore an
important factor in facilitating firm-led VET opportunities for women
workers.
VET programmes need to be more open to women in transport sec-
tors from a long-term socio-economic perspective. A rapid change in
industries and labour markets, such as the Fourth Industrial Revolution,
7 possibly transforming its operations to adopt future technological
The majority of female cadets in merchant marine tend to work ashore in
maritime or non-maritime jobs. Their maritime knowledge can be useful but
their qualification as seafarers is not fully utilised. In the last several years, some
major shipping companies in Japan started to recruit graduates from non-mari-
time universities and train them by the companies. A few women are also
recruited in the process while those female cadets trained at the traditional mari-
time VET institutions still face the same challenges in employment.
8
Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 1 (2019) 100009
implies the need for dynamic intervention to educate future skilled
workers with the right qualifications, especially in STEM fields, through
industry-academia-government collaboration. Without a long-term
vision and investment in education and training, the country cannot
socially and economically survive and would face a lack of human
resources which cannot be produced when needed. This is what Japan is
paying a price for not investing in educating women as important human
resources in STEM fields.
7. Conclusion
The paper reveals that among three transport sectors (sea, air, and
rail), the merchant marine has failed to integrate VET into women sea-
farers' career cycle, therefore creating a leaky pipe line. For female
cadets, VET opportunities stop after the graduation from maritime VET
schools unless they are employed by shipping companies, which is very
difficult due to the reluctant attitude of shipowners to recruit women
among Japanese and foreign male candidates. Stereotypes about women
in STEM fields are strongly observed in the maritime sector.
The other transport sectors, such as air and rail, are clearly advancing
gender equality and present good practices to offer life-long learning sup-
port during maternity and parental leave. This suggests that continuous
VET can help women professionals in STEM fields to develop their skills
and lead to career success in the male-dominated industries. Considering
Japan's low public expenditure in training among OECD countries, it is
suggested to increase the budget and prioritise women in STEM fields
under the Japanese government's strategic promotional campaign.
Furthermore, the study also referred to a non-transport STEM sector,
medicine, where a rapid increase in the number of female medical doc-
tors has been observed in Japan. The case of medicine again supports
the findings of this research on women in transport sectors, largely
benefitted from life-long learning support.
The paper concludes that the role of VET should be emphasised to
support women transport workers from the life-cycle career perspectives
proposed by ILO: Attraction, Selection, Retention, Interruption, Re-entry,
and Realisation. Based on good practices in STEM VET in air force, rail,
and medicine, it can be proposed that institutional arrangement of mari-
time VET should be reviewed through gender-mainstreaming to elimi-
nate the systematic problems of excluding women seafarers from
training opportunities. Then, it can be considered to institutionalise VET
support at each stage of the ILO women transport workers' career-cycle
model through the partnership of industry-academia-government as
well as transparency in gender policies and practices.
The limitations of this research would be the small sample, which can-
not represent and reflect the whole transport sector in sea, air, and rail.
Most significantly, the commercial aviation industry was not examined in
this study due to the previous employment policy on minimum height for
air pilots, limiting data generation for this particular study. The accuracy
of the estimation of percentages of female transport workers can be
improved via large surveys and interviews with transport employers.
Future research can also look into legal and economic analyses on
how VET-related regulations and company policies can make an impact
on gender equality in STEM fields. It is predicted that transportation is
one of the most affected sectors by automation and robotics where many
jobs may be replaced by computer-controlled equipment (Dolphin,
2015, 75). This technology-driven context may create new opportunities
for those who have not traditionally been considered to be suitable for
working in transport sectors, for example, women and the elderly. It is,
therefore, interesting to investigate how STEM education and training is
change in transport sectors towards a diverse and inclusive workplace.
Acknowledgements
The authors express their appreciation to the anonymous participants
and contributors to this study.
M. Kitada and J. Harada
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 Update
Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives
Volume 9, Issue , March 2021, Page

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2020.100256
 Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 9 (2021) 100256

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/trip

Erratum regarding missing declaration of competing interest statements

in previously published articles

A Declaration of Competing Interest statements were not
included in the published version of the following articles that
appeared in previous issues of Transportation Research Interdisci-
plinary Perspectives.
The appropriate Declaration/Competing Interest statements, pro-
vided by the Authors, are included below.
1. “Evaluation on the coordinated development of air logistics in
Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei” [Transportation Research Interdisci-
plinary Perspectives, 2019; 1: 100034]
2. “Progress or regress on gender equality: The case study of
selected transport STEM careers and their vocational education
and training in Japan” [Transportation Research Interdisci-
plinary Perspectives, 2019; 1: 100009]
3. “What passengers really want: Assessing the value of rail inno-
vation to improve experiences” [Transportation Research Inter-
disciplinary Perspectives, 2019; 1: 100014]
4. “Audio on the go: The effect of audio cues on memory in driv-
ing” [Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives,
2019; 1: 100004]
5. “Michigan’s public transportation: An application of statewide
performance assessment and management” [Transportation
Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives, 2019; 1: 100013]
6. “Planning for walking and cycling in an autonomous-vehicle
future” [Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives,
2019; 1: 100012]
7. “Are you going to get a ticket or a warning for speeding?
An autologistic regression analysis in Burlington, VT”
[Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives, 2019;
1: 100001]
8. “Physical activity of electric bicycle users compared to conven-
tional bicycle users and non-cyclists: Insights based on health
and transport data from an online survey in seven European
cities” [Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives,
2019; 1: 100017]
9. “An informal transportation as a feeder of the rapid transit sys-
tem. Spatial analysis of the e-bike taxi service in Shenzhen,
China” [Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives,
2019; 1: 100002]
10. “Modeling bus passenger boarding/alighting times: A stochastic
approach” [Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspec-
tives, 2019; 2: 100027]
11. “Disaggregation of aggregate GPS-based cycling data – How to
enrich commercial cycling data sets for detailed cycling beha-
viour analysis” [Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Per-
spectives, 2019; 2: 100041]
12. “Reducing global warming by airline contrail avoidance: A case
study of annual benefits for the contiguous United States”
[Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives, 2019;
2: 100033]
13. “Effect of social capital on the life satisfaction of paratransit dri-
vers in Sri Lanka” [Transportation Research Interdisciplinary
Perspectives, 2019; 2: 100050]
14. “To drive or not to drive? A qualitative comparison of car own-
ership and transport experiences in London and Singapore”
[Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives, 2019;
2: 100030]
15. “Incorporating systems thinking approach in a multilevel frame-
work for human-centered crash analysis” [Transportation
Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives, 2019; 2: 100031]

DOI of original article: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100027; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100041; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100050; https://doi.org/

10.1016/j.trip.2019.100030; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100033; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100031; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100009; https://doi.
org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100014; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100012; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100017; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100013; https://
doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100034; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100001; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100002; https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2019.100004;

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2020.100256
Available online 2 January 2021
2590-1982/© 2020 Published by Elsevier Ltd.
This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).